A/32/PV.76 General Assembly

This afternoon the General Assembly will continue its consideration of agenda item 27. In addition to the 14 draft resolutions circulated last week [A/32/L.2G-A/32/L.33], a further draft resolution, entitled "Investments in South Africa", has been circulated in document A/32/L.34. 2. I call on the representative of Finland to introduce draft resolution A/32/L.20, entitled "United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa".

The United Nations, in order to meet its obligations under the Charter, must not fail in its effort to eliminate apartheid. Our main objective is, and must remain, the total eradication of the policy of apartheid. But until that is achieved the international community has the obligation to alleviate to the fiillest extent possible the sufferings caused by this cruel and inhuman policy and to assist the victims ofapartheid. With this objective in view, the General Assembly already in 1965, by resolution 2054 B (XX) established the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa. Today, 12 years later, the need for this Fund proves more urgent than ever. As defmed in the Secretary-General's report {A/32/302/, the resources of the Fund are used for grants to voluntary organizations, to Governments of countries receiving refu- gees from South Africa and to other appropriate bodies, for the following purposes: legal assistance to persons perse- NEW YORK cuted under the repressive and discriminatory legislation of South Africa; relief to such persons and their dependants; the education of such persons and their dependants; relief for refugees from South Africa; and relief and assistance to persons persecuted under repressive and discriminatory legislation in Namibia and Southern Rhodesia and to their families. 4. The recent tragic events in South Africa demonstrate that the repression is continuously escalating. During the past year hundreds of peaceful demonstrators have been killed and thousands have been wounded by the South African pC'lice. Thousands of persons, a substantial part of them young people, have been detained and imprisoned. The need for the Trust Fund and the assistance it is rendering is therefore increasingly demonstrated. 5. Fortunately, there is evidence of growing international solidarity with the victiIl~S of apartheid in that contri- butions to the Trust Fund have substantially increased in recent years. The COI11.mittee of Trustees of the Fund stresses, however, in its report, which is annexed to the Secretary-General's report, that owing to the ever deterio- rating situation in South Africa the"needs continue to grow and that larger contributions are indispensable iri the coming period for assistance to the victims ofapartheid. 6. It is against this background that I have the honour of introducing draft resolution A/32/L.20 on behalf of the sponsors. The draft resolution is self-explanatory. It con- ·tams an appeal for continued and increasing contributions to the Trust Fund and to the voluntary agencies concerned. The sponsors trust that this appeal will receive a positive response. Furthermore, we believe that the General As- sembly will again demonstrate its solidarity with the victims ofapartheid and adopt the dr.aft resolution unanimously.

I call on the representative ofCuba, who will introduce draft resolution A/32/L.28, entitled "Progr:un..-ne of work of the Special Committee against Apart!z.eid", and· draft resolution A/32/L.3!, entitled "World Conference for Action against Apartheid".

On behalf of the sponsors, I have the honour to introduce to the Assembly draft resolution A/32/L.28, relating to the programme of work of the Special Committee against Apartheid, and draft resolution A/32/L.31, which deals with t~e World Conference for Action against Apartheid. 9. There is no doubt that in order to implement the decisions of the United Nations and, in particular, the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in repu- diation of apartheid and in support of the struggle of the 10. In operative paragraph 2. the Assembly would also approve the recomm,~ndalionsof the Special Committee on its programme of !'\o"ork ana on co-operation with other United Na~IOli.:; bodies. In particular, in operative para· graph 3. it would authorize the Special Committee to send IrJssiOt15 to Member States ~nd to the headquarters of the specialized agencies ar:;i other intergovernmental organi- zations: to intensif} I.:Q-operation with the movement of the non-aligned countrie:,. the Organization of African Unity /OAU] and other appropriate organizations; to participate in conferences concerned with apartheid: and to invite representatives of the South African liberation movements recognized by tlie OAU at" J those of other organizations active in tJppositiou to apartheid, as well as experts. for consultations on various aspects of apartheid and on international acfiml against apartheid. In particular. the Committee is reqi.tested, in co-operation with international and fl.l!!:unal organiJ.:ations concernrd, to organize or nromote the organization of conferences against apartheid and to develop such activities. 11. We wish to draw the attention of representatives to operative paragraph 8 of draft resolution A/32/L.28, in which thp General Assembly urges the Special Committee to promot~ir.temational campaigns for: "(Gt ) Cessation ot"military, nuclear, ~conomic and other c(dIa'J(lIatbn with the racist regime ofSouth Africa; "(h} Unconditional release of all persons imprisoned or restricted for their opposition to apartheid: "(c) Publlc collections to assist the oppressed people of South Mrica and the South African liberation move· ments :ecognized by the Organization of African Unity". 12. The draft resolution further requests the Secretariat and other instittttions within the United Nations system to give aY the necessary co-operation to the Special Com- mittee against "Apartheid so as ~o enabl(~ it to continue to discharge its impoitam and noble ~sponsibilities. 13. With reference to draft resolution A/32/L.31, relating to the World Conference for Action against Apartheid. I 1 See Repor; of the World Conference for Action against ApartheiC. (t'nited Natiom publication. Sales No. E.77.XIV.2). chap. X. 14. Draft resolution A/32/L.31 would. in operative para· graph I, have the General Assembly endorse the Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid and commend it to all Governments and to all intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations for appropriate and ulgent action; in operative paragraph 2. request the Secretary- General to ensure maximum publicity to the Lagos Decla· ratio!l and to all the documents and records of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid; in operative paragraph 3. express its great appreciation to the Govern· ment of Nigeria. the OAU. the South African liberation movements recognized by the OAU and all others con· cerned for their co-operation in ensuring the success of the Conference; and, fmally. in operative paragraph 4. en· courage the Special Committee to take all appropriate steps. within its mand~He. towards the effective implemer~· tation ofthe Lagos Declaration. . 15. It is the firm conviction of the sponsor.:: of draft resclutions A/32/L.28 and A/32/L.31 that their adoption would be an important contribution by this General Assembly to the cause of the eradication of apartheid and would serve as a sound basis and an invaluable stimulus for the work carried out by the Special Committee against Apartheid, the South African liberation movements and all organizations and individuals involved in this noble cause. 16. For these reasons. the sponsors trust that both draft resolutions will be overwhelmingly supported by this Assembly.

I now call on the representative of Togo. who wishes to introduce draft resolution A/32/L.30, entitled "Situation in South Africa".

The apartheid practised by the white racist South African Government is a crime against humanity. Our Organization has proclaimed and reaffirmed this repeatedly. That shame· fuI system imposes unspeakable humiliations and suffering on those subjected to it; it degrades those who practise it. It represents for the whole of mankind a blot of shame and poses a grave danger to international peace and security. That is why it must be vigorously condemned and combated in all its manifestations. whether they be violent like the recent repres3ive measures which disturbed South Africa and shook the whole world. or insidious like the establishment of bantu:Jtans. 19. The establishment of those bantustans is, for the Vorster regime, the means of perpetuating apartheis and of depriving South Africa's blacks of their status as full 20. It will be recalled that the Members of our Organi- zation, at the thirty-fust session of the General Assembly, unanimously refused to recognize the fictitious inde- pendence of the Transkei. There is reason to be alarmed at the attitude of those that have established links of co-operation with that pseudo-entity, in violation of reso- lution 31/6 A of 26 October 1976. We must ask all Govern- ments to apply comprehensively the provisions of that res9lutioli. 21. As part of its apartheid policy, the Vorster regime has passed wicked and discriminatory laws and adopted drastic banning measures which strike against the black masses, who are treated as pariahs ~md as beasts of burden in the land of their ancestors. The policy of making second-class citize~~s of South Africa's blacks must also be fought, no matter what the price, and it must be reaffirmed that all sections of the South African population, without dis- tinction, have the same rights which mu-5t be respected. 22. The legitimacy of the struggle waged by the national liberation movement to win respect for the rights of the peoples oppressed by the minority racist regime and digpity for the blacks of South Africa is universally recognized. United Nations support of that struggle must be reaffmned and strengthened. Similarly, we have the duty always to condemn unreservedly any collaboration whatsoever with the racist South African regime. 23. The draft resolution on the situation in South Africa IA/32jL.30J, which the delegation of Togo has the honour to introduce on behalf of its sPOllsors, is very clear and merely restates ideas and principles dear to our Organi- zation and to the whole international community. We hope that it will be adopted without a vote and without discussion. .

I now call on the representative of Jamaica, who wishes to introduce draft resolution A/32/ L.32, entitled "International Declaration against Apartheid in Sports".

The General Assembly is considering the issue of apartheid at a time when recent developments have inte~sified international attention and concern regarding the problems of white racism in southern Africa, and in particular in the main bastion of racism, South Africa. The problem is not new, but its symptoms assume new forms and reach new proportions as the racial tyranny in South Africa continues to reveal the ruthless severity of its desperation. Daily reports inform us of the repression and violence mounted against the black majority of the country, especially since the measures of 19 October, involving the banning of black organizations and publi- cations, as well as mass arrests. 26. Faced with the growing strength and magnitude of the opposition to apartheid, the South African regime has inteniiified its campaign of harassment, intimidation and 27. The international community cmmot be content with issuing appeals or verbal condemnation. This can have little impact. The South African regime has shown itself utterly intransigent and deaf to every appeal. Yet some States continue to place great emphasis on dialogue and on the sending of signals when it is clear that the South African regime will bend only when forced to do so. 28\ The international community must act, for it can in.a faal way determine by its actions the pact'! and character of change in South Africa. The South African regime, despite its arrogant attitude to outside opinion, cannot survive by itself. It needs contact with the outside world, and all the existing military, economic, diplomatic and cultural ties with the outside wOJ:ld help in maintaining intact the unjust ·order, and thus contribute to the oppression and massive violation of human rights in South Africa. This is the end-result of collabor.ation. 29. The United Nations has for a long time been calling for an end to all collaboration with South Africa. The main guidelines for international action have been identified in resolutions of the Gent:ra1 Assembly and comprehensively set out it- the Progranl1ue of Action against Apartheid adopted at the thirty-fust session. It calls for a total boycott of South·Africa in all fields. The call was renewed at the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lag ',3, Nigeria, in August this year. 30. The majority of States have taken action to implement the boycott, but a small but significant minority continues to avoid making the economic sacrifices involved and instead holds out the hope that the signals it sends to South Africa will lead to change. Much more than this is required. Only fum and concrete action can bring about changes for the better in the land of apartheid. There are some encouraging signs; the adoption by the Security Council, in its resolut~on 418 (1977), of a mandatory arms embargo under Chapter VII of the Charter is an important step forward, but this step was long overdue, and the delay has Charter~ It is in this direction that the world community must now move, and swiftly. 32. An important area for immediate action is thbt of nuclear collaboration. In the course of the year there have been disturbing reports that South Africa had acquired the capability to manufacture nuclear weapons. In August, it was discovered-that South Africa was secretly making preparations for testing a bomb. However, as a result of worId~wide publicity, the test was not carried out. Coun- tries collaborating with the racist regime by tllnsferring nuclear materials er technology have a responsibility to cease such collaboration forthWith. South Africa is not a party to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; it has consistently violated the principles of the Charter, to which it is a signatory; it has shown contempt for international law, particularly in relation to Namibia; and has a recGld of persistent aggression against its neighbours. This regime cannot be trusted to abide by any agreement or to keep its word with respect to using nuclear technology for peaceful purposes. All States which are now assisting the racist regime in. its nuclear programme should therefore terminate their involvement rather than become parties to bringing the nuclear menace to Africa and to exposing the African people to a dangerous nuclear threat. 33. Perhaps the most effective area for international action against apartheid is the field of economic sanctions. South Africa depends heavily on Western countries for its economic survival, and without that support the apartheid system would collapse in time. Trade, investments, loans and other aspects of Western involvement in South Africa represent a huge stake, and presumably a heavy sacrifice would be involved if these were abandoned. In calling for an end to economic collaboration, my delegation is aware that there might be a significant element of sacrifice involved, but we believe that the long-term interest::: of the Western Powers; as well. as the caqse of free~:I)m, human rights and human dignity, would be served. 34. A good beginning towards comprehensive sanctions would be an effective oil embargo, which has been urged by a number of speakers in this debate. My delegation fully supports this initiative, which would strengthen the world- wide forces against apartheid and strike at the economic foundations ofapartheid in South Africa. 36. I therefore take this opportunity to restate Jamaica's full commitment to the campaign to eradicate the odious system of apartheid and to support the liberation struggle in South Africa. We will not shirk any measure that wlll contribute towards its destruction. As we move towards the International Anti-Apartheid Year in 1978, my Govern- ment pledges its full co-operation in carrying out the programme of the year, which should mark a turning-point in the campaign to isolate South Africa in all fields. 37. In the field of sport, I have the honour to introduce the draft resolution in document A/32/L.32, entitled "International Declaration against Apartheid in Sports". 1 do this on behalfof 28 delegations. 38. The General Assembly will recall that by reso- lution 31/6 F of 9 November 1976 it establisheu an AdHoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports. This Committee was requested to undertake preparatory steps towards the draftitig of a convention and, as an interim measure, to prepare a draft declaration against apartheid in sports for the consideration of the General Assembly at its thirty-second session. The declaration recommended by the Ad Hoc Committee, which is annexed to the draft resolution, contains useful and constructive guidelines to be iollowed by States, international and regional sports organizations and indi- viduals in the campaign against apartheid in sports. Adher- ence by all these entities to the principles contained in the Declaration would contribute significantly to a more effective campaign to boycott racially selected teams and would promote respect for the Olympic principle of non-discrimination. Further action by way of the adoption of a convention, which is the objective of paragraph 3 of the draft resolution, wOlud increase the effectiveness of the campaign to eradicate apartheid in sports and would represent a significant contribution to the total effort againstapartheid. 39. In view of the important nature of the work being undertaken by the AdHoc Committee, the draft resolution seeks to ensure that summary records of the Committee's meetings are provided and that consultants and experts in the field of sports are made available to the Committee to assist it in carrying out its task. 40. On behalf of~ sponsors ( commend the draft resolution to the General Assembly, with the hope that it will be adopted by consensus.

I call now on the representative of Algeria, who wishes to introduce draft resolutior A/32/ L.23, entitled "Relations between Israel and South Africa". 43. At its thirty-first session, in resolution 31/6 E of 9 November 1976, the General Assembly strongly con- demned the continuing and increasing collaboration by Israel with the racist regime of South Africa. That colJaborai.ion was regarded by the General Assembly as a flagrant violation of the resolutions of the United Nations and as an encouragement to the racist regime of South Africa to persist in its criminal policies of apartheid. The special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid submitted to this session [A/32/22/Add.3/ makes it absolutely clear that the Government of Israel has increased its collaboration of all kinds with the Scuth African racists, thus clefying the relevant General Assembly resolutions and the unanimous condemnation of the apartheid regime by the international community. 44. Faced with that defiance our Assembly must vig- orously cond~m..l1 the policy of th~ Government of Israel and d~mand that Israel immediately cease its collaboration with South Africa. 45. I have the honour to introduce draft resolution A/32/L.23, concerning relations between Israel and South Africa. This draft resolution recalls the Assembly's repeated condemnations of the intensific&tion of reletions and collaboration by Israel with the racist regime of South Africa in the political, military, economic and other fields. It considers that this collaboration encourages the racist regime of South Africa to persist in its policy ofapartheid. It again strongly condemns the Government of Israel for its continuing and increasing collaboration with the racist regime of South Africa and, fmally, demands that it desist forthwith from all collaboration with South Africa. 46. The sponsors of this draft resolution are convinced that the General Assembly will adopt it by a very large majority.

I call on the representative of Sw~den, who wishes to introduce draft resolution A/32/ L.34, entitled "Investments in South Africa".

On behalf of the sponsors, my delegation has the honour to introduce draft resolution A/32/L.34. 49. During its thirty-first session the General Assembly adopt(d by an overwhelming majority resolution 31/6 K, in which it urged the Security Council to consider steps to achieve the cessation of further foreign investments in South Africa. Since then the Security Council, while seized of the question of South Africa in the spring and autumn of this year, has considered the question'of investments in South Africa. We regretfully note, however, that the Council has so far been unable to reach agreement on steps to achieve the cessation of further foreign investments in South Africa. 51. Those indications are el couraging, and against that background the sponsors of t'Je draft resolution fmd it all the more urgent now to strengthen efforts to dry up the flow of resources to South Africa for the purpose of investments. 52. Moreover, recent developments in South Africa have further strengthened our conviction that it is necessary to keep up the international pressure against the South African Government. It is also in the interest of achieving such broadly based international pressure that the sponsoro of the draft resolution have formulated its operative elements in such a way as to open up possibilities for the widest range of countries to take a positive attitude towards it. 52. The draft resolution we are now introducing should be' seen as one element in a broad and jointinternational effort to bring an end to the apartheid polic:ies, and it is in that spirit that we commend it to the General Assembly for adoption. 5~. The PRESIDENT: All the draft resolutions submitted under the present item have now ~en introduced to the General Assembly on behalf of their sponsors. lnas.."Jluch as several of the draft resolutions have fmancial implications, the voting will not take place today; it will take place at a later date, to be announced in due course.2 55. We shall now continue the debate on this item. 56. Mr. KOND~ (Guinea) (interpretation from French): The delegation of ~uinea is happy to participate in these debates on apartheid, which have become the focal points of intern~tiona1 policy since the resounding victory of the peoples of Mozambique and Angola concentrated our attention on that cancer that is the Pretoria regime. 57. We are happy here to pay a well-deserved tribute to the United Nations Special Committee against Apartheid, to the OAU and to all the governmental and non-govern- mental organizations which by their untiring efforts seek unceasingly to. goad the hesitant into action in favour of the liberation struggle in southern Mrica. It is thus that the international community, twice in tijs same year, took up 2 Resumed at the l02ndand I04th meetings. 58. Since,then a wave of resistance, uniting the entire black populatipn and all men of conscience in implacable opposition to so much brutality and so many crimes, has been progressively spreading over the whole country. The continuing demonstrations reflect the unshakable deter- mination of the black South African populations to rid themselves for ever of their unjust status as pariahs in their own country._ 59. Incapable as it is now of breaking the internal resistance and of containing the liberation movements that threaten it along its frontiers, the tottering South African regime is resorting to increasingly inhuman methods to maintain itself and consolidate apartheid. It is strengthening its military occupation ofNamibia and launching air attac~ against independent neighbouring States Members of the United Nations. 60. Those attacks against Angola and Mozambique, the massacre of the population of Sialola, in Zambia, and the military assistance given to the sinister regime of lan Smith in Rhodesia bear witness to the excesses of the Fascists in Pretoria, who are getting ready to lay waste the whole subcontinent. We could not remain indifferent before such an attitude, and this is why, throughout the world, committees against apartheid are being established and more and more people are taking a stand. Yet the much condemned Vorster regime continues to enjoy the noted support of the imperialist Powers, which are as repre- hensible as the racist bridge-head they support against the whole ofAfrica. 61. Thus, while the clear-cut acts of terrorism continue, international public opinion each year is seized of draft rules and regulaticns elaborated, we are told, to allow for due negotiation of the transfer of power to the African majority. We shall refrain from judging such· intentions. It would appear, however, that those initiatives are in fact taken to ensure forapartheid the respite it needs to recover from the consequences of the increasingly strong deter- mination of the southern African populations to shake off without delay the detestable racist yoke imposed on them. 62. Thus developments -in the situation in Namibia and Zimbabwe continue to be additional factors of concern intimately linked with the question of the survival of apartheid. In those two countries the major obstacle to liberation lies in the behaviour of South Africa, which, in the face of the advance of the African liberation movement, is doing everything in its power to weaken the fundamental aspirations of the peoples of those two countries, en· dea'Jouring first, to make buffer States of those territories 63. It has become more than ever necessary to be attentive and vigilant about these dilatory tactics orchestrated to distract international public opinion, which has beem mobilized in support of the peoples of Africa in order to destroy the straitjacket of the ever more arrogant Pretoria regime. The United Nations, if it is to fulfil its true duty of safeguarding its role as champion of the ideals of peoples, must unremittin8IY continue its effo~s systematically to oppose the Machiavellian plans ofVorstt:' and his allies. ; 64. In order to preserve their economic interests and obtain increasingly fabulous profits from the sweat of millions of black workers, the imperialist Powers and the multinational corPorations they maintain in Africa more or less openly support the Vorster regime and even provide it with' nuclear weapons, while those same moneyed Powers demand of us, the victims, that we trust them and that we not resort.to force to liberate.ourselves. Such Machiavellian tactics call for no comment. That is why the South African liberation movement will never disarm, and the progressive Powers throughout the world will give them growing support in otder to destroy the much decried regime of apartheid. We are convinced that the victory will be.to the people who struggle regardless of the sophisticated arsenals placed at the disposal of the invader. The brilliant epic, written in blood by Viet Nam and Angola, to cite but two, is a sure guarantee of the victory we are soon to win over the politico-industrial complex of Pretoria and lohan- nesburg. 65. The United Nations, which decided in Maputo and Lagos that there was a threat to international peace and security, must find adequate means to restore order and enable the peoples of southern Africa to enjoy their sovereign rights. 66. It is in this spirit that my delegation welcomes the arms embargo recently decided on by the Security Council in its resolution 418(1977).· We are, however, far from getting excited about the pathetic restUis to be expected from such sanctions, which the policy of so-called dialogue combined with pressure seeks to impose on the action of the international community in its action against apartheid, because here it is less a question of putting an end to the supply of weapons which South Africa is already manu- facturing and has in sufficient numbers, than oftaking as of now bold action to bring about the downfall of apartheid. Thus, economic sanctions are the only effective means, while the mandatory arms embargo is a palliative at most. 67. My delegation hopes that very soon the nations most deeply committed to the support of the shameful South African regime will refrain from using the right qf veto. Their attitude in the debates in the Security Coun~ll on this 69. During the thirty-first session of the General As- sembly, the international community unequivocally re- jected the independence of the Transkei. On that occasion an appeal was made that no Member State should recognize the regin'le fabricated by Pretoria for the purposes of its sinister cause. To our great surprise, so-called Transkei dignitaries have been received in Chile with all honours. My delegation therefore associates itself with those speakers who have denounced such collusion. 70. The international community must do everything in its power to ensure that the resolutions we adopt are not trampled underfoot. Moreover, South Africa, which flouts those resolutions, deserves no consideration, and its allies should understand that. One cannot conclude an alliance with the Devil and remain faithful to God. Those who maintain relations of any kind with South Africa should realize the harm they are doing to the United Nations.

The word Uapartheid" is, for all of us here and for all those who learn through the information media, a subject of revulsion and disgust, because the word imme- diately evokes the tragedy, the desolation and the genocide to which a people is being subjected. That word imme- diately evokes the horror of the massacres of Sharpeville and Soweto. It recalls Steven Biko, murdered by South African gaolers, and the thousands of other martyrs of a system despised by mankind. That word, invented by a sick mind, can mean nothing but the madness of a racist minority pushed to the point of desperation by the demented fear that it has created for itself. That word conceals the bantustans, those asylums of poverty and hwrJliation, to which worthy, healthy men are relegated, in their own country, which awaits the toil of their hands in place of their service to the interests of the minority and, once that service has been given, the only thanks received are arbitrary condemnations instead of gifts. 72. Finally, apanheid can be imposed brutally on a whole people as the philosophy of a Government whose survival rests only on ferocious repression exercised by the police battalions and the intelligence services which hunt down and assassinate people, even in foreign countries. 73. Much has been said from this rostrum-and I have no need to dwell on it-by distinguished representatives of the international community about the dangers that that system of apartheid represents for international peace and security. But the South African Government persists in its haughty refusal to listen to the warnings addressed to it that it must change that repulsive system. It is very alarming, because it means that South Africa does not intend to yield to international injunctions. Placed outside the pale by the international community, it has become an enemy of the great majority of countries throughout the 74. The delegation of Rwanda would like to state here briefly its very great concern at one of the aspects of the behaviour of South Africa and its leaders with regard to international peace and security. 75. Since the institutionalization of that system which its founders have called-as a sort of cynical euphemism-"the separate development", South Africa has respon4ed to the appeals, warnings and urgings of the whole world only by contemptuous silence, treating the international com- munity as mere detractors and agitators, strengthening its stranglehold on and its exploitation of the black popu- lation. 76. Today we see its fmal response, apart from the increasingly ferocious repression of the black people and other opponents, ~n its super-militarization, in the increased military training of civilianst in the enormous proportion of its budget devoted to arms and to internal military production of the most modern arms with a view to achieving military autonomy; and, finally, in the advanced nuclear research which will soon ensure that South Mrica has nuclear weapons. 77. As its leaders no longer dare to 'conceal, today South Africa is a super-Power on the African continent from the military point of view and is thus in a position to .concentrate on solving its problems-that is to say, crushing and exterminating the black population-without worrying about any intervention from outside~ 78. That is the cynical and criminal strategic doctrine of South Africa today. It would.be excessively naive to believe that these bursting arsenals are directed orty against South Africa's immediate neighbours. It is a chal Jge to all South Africa's neighbours, whether near or far, which protest against its repulsive system. 79. Faced with the major threat posed by South Africa to international peace and security, we must all feel ourselves neighbours of the black South African people and share its suffering, no matter whatit costs us. 80. In the frenzied efforts to ensure the SUMVal of the racist minority, those who ordered the carnage at Sharpe- ville a.11.d the massacres of the innocents at Soweto and in other towns, those who murdered Steven Biko in cold blood, will not hesitate, when they are fmally driven into a corner, to use the atomic bomb against all their ne~\­ hours-which in this case we shall all be. This is no apocalyptic drear.l; South Africa is edging us towards catastrophe. 82. The whole world is forced to draw the inevitable conclusion. The tyrannical Vorster Government and his retrograde minority will never change their system them- selves, unless they are forced to do so by the international community.. 83. That cynical Government was merely telling gross and shameless lies when said that it would itself choose the moment and the methods for political movement towards an ideal situation in which all populations would participate fully in the government of the country. Yes, we have well understood the tragic comedy of the pseudo-independence» of bantustans such as the Transkei-and no doubt a second soon to be established with the assistance of the treachery ofirresponsible tribal chiefs who have been bought. 84. What I mean is that the measures taken must be commensurate with the issues at stake. Resolution. 418 (1977) of the Security Council, calling for a total and mandatory arms embargo with regard to South Africa, is a fIrst step towards more fIrm and effective sanctions, but in my delegation's view it is still a timid step and is insufficient for the needs of the time. It is the sign of a new awakening throughout the world to the dangers of un- bridled racism on the part of the white South African minority, which must be done away with. It is a signal for unity and .solidarity with the liberation movements of South Africa, which, unless they can fmd a speedy world solution, will decide to fight. 85. The second step which we hope will soon be taken must aim at economic activities for, despite the arrogance and boasting of Vorster and his clique, that would create a serious breach in the colonialist bastion ofSouth Africa. 86. The embargo on investments and trade is a diffIcult decision, certainly, but it would demonstrate the will of the Governments ofthe countries Members of our Organization to make a few economic sacrifices and to suffer the possible restrictions that would follow, in order to save a people ,. oppressed and reduced to slavery. 87. Those sacrifices, if they had to be made, would be a credit to the Members of our Organization. 88. My delegation cannot ask for or expect less from those who have taken up arms in the name of democracy and human dignity in order to abolish caste privileges and to fIght slavery and fascism in all its forms. 90. The fate of that people is closely tied to our own, and only if outside forces join with the liberation movements struggling within the country and with all the peoples will it be possible to dismantle that fortress of the oppression an.d humiliation of black men. 91. Rwanda will always give its full support, in so far as it is able, to any action designed to bring down the society based on slavery arid exploitation of a lawful majority by a racist and arrogant minority. 92. Mr.; CHARPENTIER (Canada) (interpretation' from French): Once again we are debating the question of apartheid in this Assembly. It seems that each year the debate takes place against the background of some new outrage in South Africa-Sharpeville, Soweto, and this time the death in police custody ofSteven Biko, the serious new wave of repression against legitimate dissent which began on 19 October and the arrests of 626 Africans, including 198 children, on 10 November. In view of this lengthening list of tragic events, it is important to reflect soberly on the re~sons why the General Assembly has had on its agenda constantly since 1948 the question of the policy of apartheid of South Africa. 93. The Charter of the United Nations, of which South Africa is a signatory, and to whose terms it is bound under international law, defines the promotion and encourage- ment of respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion as one of the purposes of this Organization. Moreover, it is an accepted fact of inter- national law that the treatment of individuals within a country, when patterns of gross violation of human rights develop, ceases to be a matter of purely domestic concern. 94. Starting from this premise, I would note that Canada has actively supported all efforts within the United Nations Commission on Human Rights and elsewhere to press for investigations into situations where a pattern of abuse is evident and where international attention might lead to improvement. As for the specific item before us, there is no doubt in our minds that it is gppropriate and important for the United Nations to focus on the apartheid policy of South Africa. 95. There is no parallel to the situation in South Africa anywhere else in the world. In no other country is the great majority of the population denied by law any participation in the national policies of the society, solely on the basis of race. In South Africa, laws made b\ ~4e white minority alone establish the social and econOlltlc structure of the counttr. An individual's rights and opportupjties are defmed in relation to his racial origin and the colour of his skin. . 97. The central objective of the apartheid system is evident. It is the preservation by means of law of a privileged economic and social status for the white minority in an economy which depends for its prosperity on the guarantee of cheap labour. In support of this objective, South Africa has evolved a theory of society and govern- ment which is based on the negation of fundamental human values and rues in the face of developments in the rest of the world. How can the leaders of that country expect 'other Governments to see it as more than what it is, a theory of despair feeding a system ofoppression? 98. Despite the repression and personal danger, leaders such as Mandela, Sobukwe and Biko have struggled for peaceful change. They have been eloquent advocates of dialogue among the racial communities of southern Africa. They have simply demanded equal rights and opportunities for all without regard to racial origins. But they, and others like them, have had their rights taken away, their press silenced and their peaceful organizations suppressed, while sympathizers, including schoolchildren, have been arrested, banned, detained and subjected to cruelty and violence. 99. The perpetuation of a racially discriminatory system of law in South Africa is a historical anomaly. Apartheid does not differ greatly in practice from the systems of exploitation which prevailed elsewhere on the African continent during a colonial period that is now virtually extinguished. South Africa is not of course a colonial country but an African country of great racial diversity, whose people have come over the course of 300 years from Europe, Africa and Asia. 100. The maintenance of the policies of apartheid by the Government of South Africa has serious implications for the peace and security of southern Africa as a whole. That region will not achieve long-lasting stability until the issues of Southern Rhodesia and Namibia have been resolved in an internationally acceptable manner. and indeed until South Africa itself has evolved a system of full political partici- pation and economic equity. It is the determination of the South African Government to maintain its racially discrimi- natory policies which lie at the core of the problems of the region. South Africa's policies in respect of Rhodesia and Namibia, and its attitude and acUons toward neighbouring African States are based on a determination to maintain the apartheid regime at whatever cost. 101. By its large-scale militarization, by its build up of forces and weaponry far exceeding th.e requirements of its geographical position and by its unclear intentions with regard to nuclear weapon development, South Africa is seriously undermining prospects for stability in the region. 102. The extent of the concern of the international community on this subject was reflected at the World ".•. South Africa belongs to all its people irrespective of race, colour or creed and that all have the right to live and work there in conditions offull equality." It commented further that: "The system of racist domination must be replaced by majority rule and the participation of all the people on the basis ofequality in all phases of national life, in freely determining the political, economic and social character of their society and in freely disposing their natural resources." The Conference called upon all States to support the people of South Africa in their struggle to attain their legitimate rights and to bring to an end the system ofapartheid. 103. For Canada, the concept of majority rule in a democratic society implies domination by none and full and equal participation by all with full respect for the rights of individuals and minorities. It is for South Africans to deternilne 1;ly what means economic, social and political adjustments to'thatend can be accomplished. But it is clear that all elements of the society must be fully and meaningfully involved in determining the process ofchange. The process wnI be complete, not when the majority obtains a slightly greater slice of the economic pie and a slightly less oppressive life style, but when discrimination on the basis. of race has been eliminated and a just economic and political system is established. 104. On 4 November the Security Council, of which Canada is at present a member, took a grave decision in imposing a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. It was the fIrSt time that an action of that nature was taken against a Member State. The Council's resolution 418 (1977) determined that: . "..• having regard to the policies and acts of the South African Government, ... the acquisition by South Africa of arms and related mareriel constitutes a threat to the maintenance of international peace and security". The resolution obliged all Governments to cease the provision to South Africa of any arms, weapons, ammu- nition, military vehicles and equipment, paramilitary police equipment, any spare parts for these, and any grants of licensing arrangements. It also reqUired that States refrain from any co-operation with South Africa in the manu- facture and development ofnuclear weapons. 105. I should note here that a voluntary arms embargo against South Africa has been fully and effectively imple- mented by Canada for many years. It was instituted in 1963 and extended to include spare parts in 1970. Furthermore, Canada has not engaged in nuclear co-opera- tion with South Africa.

The Spanish delegation is following with very keen interest the debate on the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa. The reports of the Special Committee against Apartheid, of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, which was held in Lagos last August and in which Spain participated, the reports of the" Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an International Convention against Apartheid in Sports [A/32/36} and the report of the Secretary-General on the United" Nations Trust Fund for South Africa[ A/32/302j, are all because of their comprehensive and precise nature, ex.tremely useful. 108. All those reports, as well as the present debate, reflect the aggravation of the situation in South Africa as a result of that Government's stubborn adherence to its policy of apartheid and of repression against those who struggle for racial equality. 109. My delegation wishes to emphasize yet again that the policy of apartheid practised by the South African Govern- ment is repugnant to the Spaniard's concept of life and respect for human rights. As stated by the Foreign Minister of Spain in the recent general debate of the thirty-second session ofthe General Assembly: "The situation in southern Africa also seriously en- dangers peace and security and constitutes an open defiance of the entire international community. The apartheid system, the persistence of the illegal minority regime in Southern Rhodesia and the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa are three aspects of the same reality of oppression and injustice which has prevailed for such a long time in that part of the world, and where the situation is progressively"deteriorating. "The Government of Spain joins the international community in condemning every aspect of the policy of apartheid, including the establishment of the so-called 'bantustans'." [6th meeting, paras. 161-162.} 110. We therefore reject any theory which accepts or favours the superiority of one race over another or the separate development of ethnic groups of different origin, 112. My delegation considers the recently adopted Secu- rity Council resolution 418 (1977) on the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa to be an important step in the United Nations action to dismantle the policy of apartheid, which is contrary to the Charter. We trust that that resolution will help to bring about the necessary changes~ in South Africa, without which the situation in that country could acquire serious and unforeseeable dimensions. 113. My delegation, because of the popular and general impact of sporUn the world today, hopes that in the near future the preparation of a draft convention against apartheid' in sports may be concluded and that it will in due course be b~ought up for signature and ratification by the States Members of the United Nations. 114. Once again we wish to reiterate at this rostrum our conviction that the only possible policy in the Republic of South Africa is one based on racial equality and respect for human rights, in order to achieve a life of justice, freedom and concord with the participation of all its component communities. 115. My delegation wishes to associate itself with those delegations which have expressed the hope that the South Mrican Government will understand the absolute necessity of bringing about radical changes in its policy and that the elimination of apartheid as a system may make it possible to achieve the objectives to which I have referred.

I now call on the observer from the Palestine Uberation Organization.

Not a day passes by without further tragic and brutal action by the racist regime in Pretoria against the militant and heroic South African people. Biko is only a symbol. Thousands like Biko have met a similar fate. But, one wonders, is this racist regime taking brutal measures against individuals only? Information dis.~eminated asserts that the racist onslaught takes a more brutal form in attacks on ghettos or reservations, or, as in Zionist terminology, the green belt. The green belt is created in my country to separate the categories on racist grounds. In occupied Palestine the Zionists have imposed a policy under which Palestinians should not be in the green-belt area between the hours of 1 a.m. and 3 a.m.; thus all Palestinians labouring in Israel should return to their villages under Israeli occup.ation, otherwise they will be punished. "A few major arms-exporting countries of the West ... allowed the apartheid regime to obtain military aircraft, submarines, corvettes, missiles and other equipment.... "These few Western countries and several transnational corporations have, moreover, assisted the apartheid regime to develop local manufacture of arms and ammu- nition, armoured vehicles, military aircraft and ot.her equipment.. ."./A/32/22. paras. 226-227J 119. Why does Pretoria build up a massive military arsenal? Clearly, for further aggression against the peace- loving States in southern Africa and for the continued suppression and oppression of the South African people. 120. The Palestinian people have been suffering oppres- sion and suppression by the racist Zionist regime in Palestine and the Arab States have been subjected to aggression, even occupation, by the racist Zionists. The military budget of Israel, like the military bu·dget of the racist regime of Pretoria, is multiplying. Eut in the case of Israel the budget is fully fmanced by a few Western Powers and particularly by the Government of the United States of America. The United States pays almost $3 billion a year to help usurpation, oppression and aggression. 121. In the special report of the Special Committee it is emphaSized, as regards the relations between Israel and South Africa, that: "Israel has intensified its supplies of arms to South Africa in flagrant violation of ~he United Nations arms embargo. Increasing reports of nuclear collaboration between Israel and South Africa have aroused consid- _ erable concern in the international commQnity." [A/32/ 22/Add.3, annex. para. 5J it is no secret th:lt what the Israelis experiment on in the nuclear reactor at Daimoona in Palestine is further experi- mented on in the Kalahari Desert in southern Africa. 122. We are told, further, that South Africa "may be" supplying uranium to Israel in return for arms, and to clarify matters the report reads: "In January 1977, officials of the United States Government stated that Israel had sold six gunboats armed with Gabriel missiles to South Africa. They reportedly said that since theJe missiles might have been built along the lines of the American Sidewinder missile the sale might be in violation of United States official policy prohibiting re-export ofarms. A spokesman for the Israeli Embassy in Washington, however, denied that Israel had sold any arms with American components 'without prior consent from those involved'." [Ibid., para. 7J. This statement shows that "those involved" had already given that prior consent, and "those involved" are the Government ofthe United States. 124. The valiant efforts of the South African people in their struggle to eliminate racial discrimination in South Africa can only help the efforts of the Palestinian people in our struggle against another form of racism. 125. It is with great satisfaction and pleasure that from this rostrum we hav{; heard the representatives of the liberation movements-the leaders of the heroic struggle of the valiant people of South Africa. We assure them of our unswerving support and solidarity in their struggle to attain human rights. 126. The supporters of the apartheid regime are notorious imperialists, racists and Zionists. One can only view with concern the reported involvement of the Pinochet Govern- ment of Chile, which, reportedly, has sent mercenaries to repress the valiant and peace-loving people ofNamibia. 127. It is no accident that members of the racist-Zionist junta in Tel Aviv avoided the Lagos Conference. They simply could not attend: after all, they are the culprits, or, to be more exact, they are the criminals, committing the crime ofracial discrimination. 128. The Lagos Declaration for Action against Apartheid and the recommendations in the report of the Commission of the Lagos Conference are positive principles and meas- ures to be adopted in the joint struggle to elimiriate apartheid. It is the duty of the Security Council to impose mandatory sanctions against the South African racist regime under Chapter VII of the -Charter and to impose adequate sanctions against the Western countries that have continued to flout the United Nations resolutions on apartheid. 129. In conclusion, the Special Committee against Apartheid should be highly commended for the magnificent work it has done, particularly in informing public opinion of the atrocities committed by the racists, and also of the just cause of the South African people. A special word of thanks goes to the Centre against Apartheid. To the representatives ofthe South African people we reiterate our support and solidarity: "Keep up your struggle, and, in particular the armed struggle, and victory is ours".

Once again the General Assembly is seized of the question ofapartheid. As it holds, in its highest forum, a debate on the policies of racial discrimination and racial separation followed by South Africa, the international community will, once more, express its unanimous, finn and unyielding rejection of these abhorrent practices. 131. That this universal condemnation should take place only a few weeks after the historic decision to apply mandatory measures against a Member State was taken for the frrst time by the Security Council is ample testimony to the overriding importance this Organization attributes to the bringing of pressure upon South Africa. 133. Today, ,as a repressive racist system, apartheid is being met with open resistance from its victims. 134_ Today, as a scourge inflicted UpOll the conscience of mankind, apartheid is unive~sally condemned and meets .with the overriding rejection ofall peoples. . 135. Today, South Africa's intransigence seems to put into serious jeopardy peace znd security in an important area ofthe world. 136. Today, South Africa has deliberately brought upon itselfisolation from the community of nations. . 137. Those facts point in one clear direction: apartheid must be terminated. As we stated at the Lagos Conference, nothing could ever justify apartheid, whose Persistence becomes more and more anachronistic. Apartheid builds up segregation where there should be integra90n; it engenders resentment and fear where confidence and respect should prevail; it divides instead of uniting and it violates all the human rights ofthe peoples it seeks to enslave. 138. The roots of Brazil's- abhorrence to the policies of apartheid are not to be found in a political impulse to join the universal condemnation of this racist regime. In fact, the apartheid regime is the very antithesis of Brazilian culture and history. Nothing could be more uncongenial to the Brazilian people than racism and its institutionalization. We do not intend to present the interracial experience of our country as a model, but we certainly take pride in the fact that ethnic integration has attained in Brazil a level hard to equai. This is the result, over a period of time, ofa harmonious and autonomous process deeply rooted in the peoples which joined efforts in the building ofour country. Nothing can be more alien to Brazilians than the phe- nomenon of racial discrimination. Different ethnic groups have come to Brazil to learn not only to live together, but to merge as one nation, with no distinction as to origin, religion, race or colour. 139. The philosophy Qf apartheid subverts principles we hold most sacred, and is in direct opposition to our system of values and most cherished beliefs. 140. Those who are guided by this unjustifiable phi- losophy have had far too much time to review their stand through the means of their choice and to reorient the future of South Africa in accordance with the deepest feelings of its peoples and the international community, in consonance with the very foundations ofthis Organization. 142. The solution of all problems by peaceful means has been a constant guideline for Brazil and, because of that-even though the chances of bringing the leaders of the apartheid regime to a revision of their policies remain slim-Brazil wishes once again to reiterate its call for change without bloodshed in South Africa. We do so encouraged by the fact that the question ofapartheid has rarely been so significantly and thoroughly dealt with by the United Nations as in the current year, the Lagos Conference being the starting-poiI\t of a new impulse in the international community's struggle against that system. 143. ;The Brazilian Government's commitment to the struggle against apartheid is not merely of a declaratory nature;it has involved concrete measures. 144. The Brazilian Government is against any scheme aimed at promoting or toler~ting the immigration to Brazil of anybody moulded by the doctrines of apartheid. The Brazilian Government has severed all official sports links with South Africa, including thp, proposed arrangements for a sailboat race between Cape Town and Rio de Janeiro. The Brazilian Government has been implementing for years a .voluntary embargo on the sales of weapons and military equipment to South Africa and is at this very moment - taking concrete and urgent steps to incorporate into Brazilian legislation the provisions of resolution 418 (1977) recently adopted by the Security Council. 145. The Brazilian Government has maintained its rela- tions with South Africa at the lowest possible level and has just closed its Consulate General in Cape Town. It has strongly rejected the bantustan policy and has opposed recognition of the so·called independent States such as the Transkei. 146. The Brazilian Government has also expressed mon formally and emphatically its firm stand against :my strategic or military links with the Government of South Africa, links which could never have any raison d'etre for our country under the present circumstances. 147. Another aspect of the positlou of the Brazilian Government on this issue is its commitment of financial support to different funds aimed at helping the people subject to the apartheid regime. 148. In this respect, I am pleased to announce the decision of my Government to double its contribution this year to the United Nations Trust Fund for Publicity against Apartheid. 149. Brazil has repeatedly made clear its repudiation of racism in South Africa and its growing apprehension at the explosive situation that that entails. The problem of apartheid must be solved without further del.ay, the international community having the inescapable moral and 150. Brazil will continue to lend its support to the United Nations in this direction.

The South African regime, characterized by national oppression and the brutal over-exploitation of repressed blacks, is one of the last bastions of colonialic:t domination in our modern world, and in particular in the African continent, where imperialism and racism are clearly on the retreat thanks to the intensification ofthe liberation struggle waged by black children, men and women against their oppressors. 152. In no country of the world have racial discrimination and economic exploitation been elevated to the rank of State policy or been embodied in conventions and laws backed up by force of arms and camouflaged by a distorted and deceitful form of Calvinism. It is only in South Africa that in the eyes of the white settlers the blacks are merely beasts of burden who should have no other goal in life but to serve completely and blindly the interests of their racist and colonialist masters. . 153. However, what seems to escape these white settlers is that the Azanian people and its liberation movements have long ago launched a process of liberation that no force will be able to slow. 154. History has taught us that oppressed peoples have always won in the end because their struggle is legitimate. 155. Humanitarian traditions and the struggle for freedom and equality have left their mark in our world. The struggle for freedom and equality, which was waged in the past on a' sectional basis, has now become a common·concern. It will be recalled that the contemporary social development of many countries had its roots in historic British, American, French and Russian declarations of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and that this humanitarian movement took concrete form at the world level, fust at the beginning ofthe last century, when the problem of the slave trade was first taken up, and later, at the end of that same century, when there was an awakening of international interest in legislation for social progress and in labour legislation. 156. FollOWing the First World War, the States signatories of the Covenant of the League of Nations undertook the obligation of trying to ensure and to maintain fair and hU:~lanitarian working conditions for men, women and children and to ensure fair treatment for the peoples under their colonial domination. Later, the many treaties that followed that Covenant stressed that universal peace could not be established unless !t was based on social justice. 157. The collective interest of the international com- munity in the field ofhuman rights was again manifested in 1945 with the adoption of the United Nations Charter. In this important documen"', the development and fostering of 159. Thirty years have passed since the adoption of this Charter, and in spite of the collective efforts of the international community we still have a colonialist system of apartheid which is designed to deny civil and political rights to the vast majority of the African people. We have still witnessed, over this past quarter ofa century, a regime where 20 million people are subjected to repression, coer- cion and massacre by a handful of whites only for having committed the crime Cif opposing the anachronistic laws that reduce them to the status of third-clasf citizens and slaves in their own land. 160. How much longer are we going to remain powerless in the face of the theory and practice ofapartheid which prevails in South Africa, and which its promoters are extending to illegally occupied Namibia, and in the face of the reckless provocations and repeated aggressions com- mitted by Vorster and· his clique against the African countries, which, because of their geographical position, have become our shields? 161. The reply to this question will show whether the international community has in fact worked to eliminate the theory and practice of apartheid; which cons~tute a denial of the fundamei1tal rights of the human parson and a flagrant violation of the purposes and principles of the Charter. 162. For a long time now the question of apartheid in South Africa has been a source of very great concern both to the peoples of Africa and to the peoples of the entire world. In all countries, including those which cynically give moral and material support to this scandal which is the shameful Vorster regime, the suffering of the people of Azania and the racial challe:lge thrown down to the world community by the Government of South Africa have given pause to all tllose who had always believed that nothing could affect the supremacy ofand respect for the principles of justice and freedom. This question was first included in the agenda of our Assembly in 1946, on the initiative of the delegation of India,3 whose Chairman said inthis connexion that one day the world would have to take measures against the South African regime, because the General Assembly could not go on disregarding this continued flagrant violation of the fundamental principles 9f the Charter without very serious consequences for the future. 163. That very prophetic appeal was heeded~ and from then on the General Assembly studied this question as a separate item, until 1962, when lhe consideration of the 164. As for the Security Council, it was seized of the question of aPanheid for the fIrSt time in 1960. In its resolution 134 (1960), of 1 April 1960, it recognized thz,t the situation in South Africa had "led ,,0 international friction and if continued might endanger international peace and security·'. Much more recently the Security Council, in view of the seriousness of the situation in that part of Africa, unanirnousiy voted for resolution 418 (1977) ("~n:lCeming the imposition of a mandatory arms embugo unaer Chapter VII of the Charter, for the first ~ime in the hi11tOry ofthe United Nations. !6S. Despite those resolutions cfthe Security Council and the General Assembly-net to mention the numerous re.-.asures taken by other United Nations bodies-Vorster persists in his bateful policy ofapartheid and is rooting it deeper miliestmctures of Azanian society and extending it to Namibia)' which he has been illegally occupying for many years now. All tlIe appeals, all the threats,_ all the requests made to him Il&ve :eceived no response. 166. It is high time that we took concrete measures to enmre that racism and apartheid are completely eliminated from t!le African continent and everywhere else. Unless such mea1Ures are taken, we shall be persjsting in a l11Maken and Utopian course, since all our previous resolutions or recommendations require, if they are to have any impa~t. the sincere co-operation of all Member States, mcluding South Africa. 170. Our attitude towards the policy of bantustanization has been repeatedly stated from this rostrum. We denounce this policy which, in the opinion of one of its begetters, Mr. Verwoerd, was designed to consolidate the exclusive rule of the white racists over 90 per cent of the land, while the black majority would be driven out by force, enclosed in rural reserves with poor land, and admitted to the towns only when the economy of the white racist settlers require it. 1167. T(]J r~iiiy to the question we posed earlier, the mtemati'OIlal community is indeed very aware of the seriousness of the situation in South Africa. That can be seen from the many decisions it has adopted against the South African Government. The question of apartheid would lw'le been solved long ago if certain States, because oftheir selflS.~interests-which, unfortunately, are the same as "orster's interests-had not been guided in iheir position on this burning problem by blind sU!>jectivity, hypocrisy and bad faith. The attitude taken by these States has frequently nullifiecl the efforts of the majority of Member ~tat~s, and particularly the efforts of the Azania~l people and itsliheration movements, which are b~"2v~ly fighting for their fr:.~edom. The time for words of condemnation has pa~u. W1:at is needed-and this cannot be said often enc~)l-,is effectiye measures againsf Vorster's evil policy. TItis duplicity practised by those who join in the condem- natic;ils of ftJis policy while sUPf )rting this regime eco- nomie~y ~md strengthening its possibilities for repression, terrorism and aggression through the supply of sophis- ticated '1l\eapons is merely a manifestation oftheir hostility r I!I1I!!! !II! 168. We agree with the statement in the report of the Special Committee against Apartheid that collaboration with South Africa in the military, nuclear, economic and other fields "strengthens the apartheid regime, encourages it to step up its repression and terror against the oppressed people of South Mrica, as well as its acts of aggression against neighbouring States, and aggravates the threat to peace in the whole of southern Africa" [A/32/22. " 169. Sure of its strength, b~cause of the help of its natural allies, the minority racist regime of South Africa is engaging in military planning that is beyond its means. For example, almost $2 billion has been allocated in the budget for 1977 to 1978. it is true that Vorster1 in adopting this diabolical plan, is relying' on loans by and investments of those who share his philosophy, with a view to putting into effect his mad idea of acquiring nuclear weapons and perfecting his means of repression•. In a word, the Pretoria regime remains in power only because of the economic and military assistance of several Western countries, which, like Vorster, are defying the appeal made by the peoples of the world for the elimination ofapartheid. 171. We remember how the late, unlamented roan defmed this policy of bantustanization: "The policy of independence is not envisaged as providing for the complete separation of the races. The blacks must continue to serve the whites, and better than in the past. The blacks will have to supply the entire labour force It~eded for the development of our econ- omy." 172. That idea was given concrete form in the procla- mation last November of the so-called independence of the Transkei. What·change has taken place since the Transkei acceded to what the Pretoria regime alone calls "inde- p~ndence"? South Mrica is completely responsible for fmancing the Transkei budget, and-how ironical this is-the legislation which generally, and deliberately, con- tains rJscure provisions drafted in ambiguous terms IS in force in that part of South Africa which is supp.osedly independent; I am referring to such legislation as the Bantu 174. Chad's position on the question ofapartheid is well known. It was well defined in the statement of general policy of the Superior Military Council of the provisional Government, and was developed in the message t~t Brigadier-General Felix Malloum Ngakoutou Bey-Ndi ad- dressed to the Special Committee against Apartheid at tha beginning of this year, on the occasion of the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. The ijpd of State ofChad said, interalia: "We reaffirm our conviction that apartheid is a total negation of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and constitutes a crime against mankind. Thus we are con't'inced that the practices of racial discrimination and apartheid remain the main obstacles to the strengthening of world peace and security, and we reaffmn the anti-imperialist solidarity of the Government and people of Chad with the struggle of the peoples of southern Africa to achieve the fmal elimination of all forms of colonialism, racism and the policy of apartheid. We believe that it is the duty of all Member States to step up their efforts to eliminate racism and to promote total respect for human rights and fundamental freedom,; for all, without distinction as to race, colour or national or ethnic origin. That is why we once again most categorically denounce the Governments which continue to collaborate with the racist regime of South Africa and, by so doing, encourage i! to persist in its criminal policy". 175. This position is irrevocable until the black majority recovers the inalienable rights of which it has been deprived.

Wc are meeting at a crucial state in the international campaign for the eradi- cation ofapartheid, which from the time it came into being has deprived the black man of all fundamental human rights and dignity and has made him a victim of oppression by the racist minority regime in South Africa. 177. Resolution 418 (1977), which the Security Council adopted unanimously on 4 November last in the aftermath of another new wave of repression committed by the apartheid regime against the black people of South Africa, may be considered a reaffumation of the black people's rights to equality and human dignity. Although resolution 418 (1977) does not meet the problem of apartheid as forthrightly as the oppressed people of South Africa would expect, nevertheless its unanimous adoption by consensus is a landmark in the international campaign ag&inst apartheid because, for the fust time in its rnstory, the Security 179. It now behoves the United Nations to set up effective monitoring machinery to prevent any devious circum- vention by Sol!th Africa of the mandatory arms embargo under resolution 418 (1977). This has become imperative in the light of South Africa's proclam~tion on 11 November that the apartheid regime may compel foreign-owned companies in South Africa to produce ~d de~ver arms and strategic materials. 180. Press reports confum that the apartheid r~gime~ with its SO,OOQ-man defence force, spends about $.i billion a year on defence, which represents 18 per cent ofthe annual budget, and that about half the total, or approximately $1 billion, goes for the purchase of armaments, 43 per cent of it abroad. 181. In response to resolution 418 (1977), the racist minority regime has maintained an attitude of defiance. Defence Minister Pieter W. Botha on 26 October-even before the resolution had been adopted-issued the fol- lOWing statement: "We are self-sufficient enough, without great effort, to fight any non-conventional war .against us. And, with a special effort, we can sustain &nything of a conventional nature they can throw against us, on a limited scale." 182. It is the v!~w of my delegation that resolution 418 (1977) meets the question of apaHheid four-square with a firm hand and a warning to South Africa that, after . decades of intransigence and flouting of United N~,tions resolutions~ it should not expect any concession until and unless it abandons its extreme position and attitude and commits itself to the policy of eliminating apartheid, particularly bantustanization and all oppressive legislation, including pass laws, and abandoning the inhuman doctrine ofthe superiority of one race over another. 183. My delegation earnestly hopes that the Council may aiso look with favour on the imposition of economic sanctions against. South Africa~ as recommended by the Special Committee .against Apartheid and by the General Assembly itself. It is our conviction that only total ostracism of the apartheid regime could persuade South Africa to abandon itsapartheid policies. 184. The grave situation in South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace and security~ and the United Nations can no longer afford to equivocate. The time has come fully to implement the relevant United Nations resolutions. 185. The substance of those resolutions is embodied in the Lagos Declaration adopted by consensus at the World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Nigeria in August 1977. In turn the Lagos Declaration is comple- 186. For its part, the Philippines has by word and deed fulfilled and continues to fulm its commitment to the international struggle against apartheid. It has abided by the relevant resolutions. of the Generai Assembly and the Security Council. It has contipued to participate actively in the Special Cpmmittee against Apartheid. It has no diplo- matic, political, military, economic, cultural or sports contacts with the apartheid regime. It has always co- operated with the United Nations, the OAU, the non- aligned St4tc:S and the League of Arab States in this regard. 187. The. ~Philippines has also continued to assist the oppressed people of South Africa in their legitimate struggle through the ~rious United Nations humanitarian funds and the solidarity fund established by the non-aligned States. 188. The Special Committee ag~inst Apartheid, in its report [A/32/22], recommends, interalia, a comprehensiye and mandatory embargo against all military supplies for South Africa and all military co-operation with the regime; action against nuclear collaboration with South Africa; an oil embargo; an investigation of South Africa's nuclear potential and military strength; an end to economic ties with the regime; a commitment by the Uiuted Nations, on behalf of the international community, to provide all necessary aid to the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements, and the proclamationll of 1978 as International Anti-Apartheid Year. 189. My delegation supports all those reconimendations. It also supports the draft declaration against apartheid in sports contained in document A/32/36, and endorses the recommendations of the Second International Trade Union Conference against Apartheid contained in document A/32/22/Add.l. 190. I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Joseph Garba, the Commissioner for Foreign Affairs of Nigeria, for.rus straightforward statement at the beginning of this debate [67th meeting). I wish to reiterate our appreciation ofthe efforts of the Special Committee agai! .it Apartheid under the dynamic leadership of Mr. Leslie Harriman. 191. It was a pleasure for the Philippines to have collaborated with him and the Centre against Apartheid, under Mr. Enuga S. Reddy, in the publication and inter- national dissemination of Secretary Romulo's statement entitled "The Mythical 'Independence' of the Transkei: A Sinister Plan of the Aparthp;d Reglme", which he delivered before this very rostrum on 270ctcber 1976,S after the 4 See Officia.! Records of the Security Council, Thirty-second Year, Supplement for July, Augustand September 1977. document S/12344/Rev.l, al1llex V. :; See Officu! Records of the General Assemb{v, Thirty-first Session, Plenary J,feetings, 43rd meeting, paras. 27·55~ 193. Now is the time to seqd a clear and unmistakable message to South Africa that the full moral force of the United Nations is unequivocally on the side of justice, human equality and human dignity. On the eve of the thirtieth anniversary nf the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, what could be more fitting than that all Member States, observers, specialized agencies and organizations, within the United Nations system and outside, should align as one in support and aid of the oppressed people of South Africa in their struggle against apartheid and for the attainment of their quest for equality, justice and dignity? May the martyrdom of Steven Biko and other freedom fighters inspire us all to greater action.

Itiswith dismay and regret that I have to reiterate once again this year that, even though more ,than three decades have elapsed since the crucial problem of racial discrimination was first presented and brought to the attention of the world community and was among tlte main issues to be discussed dUring the inaugural session of the 1946 General Assembly, 30 years later the General Assembly's attention is still focused on the same subject. 195. We are of the view that the United Nations has not failed in exploring all possible avenues in order to find peaceful solutions to the grave situation prevailing in the southern part of Africa and to try and convince the racist regime in Pretoria to desist from resorting to brutal repression against the great majori~y of the South African people and their national leaders and to respect their undeniable birthright. 196. Despite all these endeavours, not only ha'"e all the efforts exerted by the United Nations failed to convince this racist fegime to discontinue its abhorrent policies, but the practice of apartheid has been i.urther enhanced to the extent that it has even reached beyond the borders of South Africa, thus engulfmg Namibia and Southern Rho- desia.. 197. Although the sad events of.the 1960 Sharpeville massacre, as well as the Soweto massacre of 1976, wh,~h took place in the tontext of the general contempt for black lives so characteristic of South African police, Wf~re umversalIy condemned, nevertheless the South African regime- continues to defy and flout world opinion and heedlessly persists in implementing its ruthless policy of repression against the South African people by the creation of bantustans, the killing of political prisoners, the passing of repressive leg2slation and the launching of armed attacks against front-line African States. 198. In this same c1lntext, it is our view that the recent endeuvour by the Security Council to change the existing 199. The World ~onference for Action against Apartheid, held last August In Lagos, after thorougWy discussing the subject, reiterated the universal abhorrence of apartheid and racism in all forms and manifestations and the determination of the international community to secure their speedy elimination. It also, inter alia, reaffirmed support and solidarity for the oppressed people of southern Africa and their national liberation movements and the commitments of the Governments and peoples of the world to take effective action aimed at contributing to the eradication of apartheid. It also recognized that the policies and actions of the South African regime have already created an explosive situation in the whole of southern Africa, and that the continuation of the prevailing situation in that area as a whole, especially as regards aggression against the African front-line States, would inevitably lead to a generalized armed conflict in Africa, greatly endan- gering international peace and security. 200. The Declaration and Programme of Action of the Lagos Conference, which, in our view, will have a· great impact on the action of the Governments, is supported by my Government. 201. We consider the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination pursued by the Government of South Africa to be in total contradiction to the spirit of the United Nations Charter. [n our view, one of the last'remnants of colonialism and racism, which opposes all efforts of the world community to promote self-determination and inde- pendence, can be witnessed in South Africa today. 202. It is for those reasons that we have not only condemned from the very beginning that inhuman policy, especially with regard to its aggression' and military activ- ities along the borders of independent African States such as Angola, Mozambique, Zambia and Botswana, but, in view of our uneqUivocal support for the oppressed people of South Africa in their struggle for liberation, have never established any kind of relations with either the Salisbury or Pretoria regimes. 203. My delegation has supported the relevant resolution of the General Assembly requesting the observance of 1978 as International Anti-Apartheid Year. We also approve the proposed programme contained in the annex to the special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid in document A/32/22/Add.2. The Committee's report I A/32/22/, which was introduced by its Rapporteur, has been carefully considered by my delegation. The Special Committee has for many years been a major and effective instrument in the international struggle against apar.theid. The present report has indeed provided us with a clear picture of the commendable job done by that Committee since September 1976. The delegation of the Republic of 205. It is all very well to sit here and condemn the racist regime of Pretoria. Many of those who speak with strident voices in the forums of the United Nations sign trade contracts with the Vorster regime a few hours later. 206. The series of recent crack·downs and other repressive measures by the racist junta is a sure testimony to the fact that the racist minority regime is secure in the knowledge that the Western Powers are not ready and willing to apply that much diplomatic or economic pressure. 207. Meanwhile, as the situation in South Africa grows progressively worse, all eyes focus on the area and witness the stranglehold of apartheid becoming progressively stronger. The majority of the onlookers are sympathizers- their offers ranging from mild support to revolutionary solidarity. However, a few of them are imperialists, watch- ful of their own interests in South Africa, and poised to strike should those same interests be threatened. 208. The cure for apartheid and certainty of the victory of justice over racism lie as much in the capitals of the West as they do in Pretoria itself. It increasingly appears that we have no other choice but to grip our guns tighter and to load them quicker: either that, or be a party to our own humiliation and our own destruction. 209. Apartheid and its evils are not limited to South Africa. The racist minority regime has spread apartheid laws and practices like a cancer over much of southern Africa. Even my country has been subjected to a full·scale military invasion by the racist apartheid regime, which fears progressive and independent States on its borders. Our territorial integrity has often been violated by armed aggression. As long as the minority regime of Vorster is allowed to continue in power, freely to practice the abominable system of apartheid there will be no peace in southern Africa, and Angola will consider itself at war. 210. In keeping with the revolutionary principles that have guided us thIough the long years of our liberation struggle against imperialism and colonialism, we have pledged our unconditional support to those facing and fighting apartheid and its criminal aCCGutrements. 211. For years now we ha¥e been witnessing the mockery of justice that often takes place within these portals. The last s\.lch farce was the Security Council arms embargo against South Africa. How can we accept the assurances of good faith uttered by the ·Western Powers when they continue their collaboration with the racist Pretoria regime to feed their domestic nuclear and military war machines7 you see the ghettos of Soweto in South Africa, this can buy a lot ofapartheid! 213. We must -not only condemn the Vorster regime, we must not only denounce it, we must not only seek to isolate it, we must utterly destroy the Fascist apartheid structure that rule~South Africa. And in this quest we m,ust also denounce those who collabC'rate with South Africa. The United Kingdom stands first in the line~ of foreign investors. It has also participated in the funding operations of the South African Government. The United States constituted almost 15 per cent of tbe total direct foreign investmellt in South Africa. In fact, any estimate of American investment in South Africa does not reflect the true total, becaust' for years these estimates exempted investment of Canadian corporations whCilly or principally owned by "enterprises in the United States. In 1975, the· United S~ates direct investment in South Africa totalled $1,,5'78 million, whe;ceas capital expenditures by majority- owned foreign affili&~es of United States comp'3nies in 1975 total 5333 million for South Africa. On American investment, South Africa has pm·tided a return of 17 to 21 per cen.t. 214. As for the European Economic Community, over the past years it has acquired a considerable stake in the South African economy, amounting to 64.5 per cent ofjts foreign liabilities. In the past several years, France, the Federal Repllblic of Germany and Switzerland have also mad~ capital resources available to South Africa. You may well ask what these investment figures have to do with the agenda item under discussion; these figures are also one of the faces of apartheid and it is this economic collaboration that feeds the apartheid regime, while the majority of black Africans in South Africa live well below subsistence level, based on the poverty datum line, and farm labourers are strictly tied to their work by laws which make desertion a criminal offence, with no minimum wage at all. This is not merely apartheid; it is slavery, perpetrated by the minority regime and supported by the West. It is this system that the West nourishes with its aid. And it is this system that we are asked to "negotiate" with. This vast -rmancial pictur~ sustains and nourishes a police state. The military and strategic dimensions of apartheid are only now gaining attention. South·Africa has pursued its armament pro- gramme with the help of the United Kingdom and France, with the former selling arms and vessels, and the latter aircraft and rocket design. While children starve in Soweto and freedom fighters are tortured to death, South Africa has been progressing towards self.sufficiency in the produc- tion of weapons and munitions. It hus been able to do this by deliberately building up a falso image of itself as a strategic ally within the North Atlantic Treaty Organi- 216. The UnitGtL Nations has condemned the creation of bantustans and declared null and void the so-called inde- pendence of the so-called Transkei. It has further recom- mended that Member States refrain from recognizing it. This has been ignored by the Chilean junta, which justifies its ties by stating that Santiago has not "recognized" Transkei, but delegations of the Transkei are accorded a warm welcome in Chile. Thus do men and regimes make a mockery of United Nations resolutions. The international community is also aware of the fact that Pinochet sent Chilean soldiers to aid the South African troops in Namibia and in the southern area of my country Chilean soldiers trained at bases of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Therefore in this forum, we must fight apartheid, and we must fight those who collaborate with that system and 'th ·t streng en 1•• 217. There is no single aspect of the South African regime that we are protesting against today. It is the total system of apartheid, which spreads like a cancer in the souls of men. This system has a relentless need to spread and perpetuate itself. And all of us are its victims. The empty chairs of the South African delegation are a sller indict- ment of that system their Government has created. The struggle continues: victory is certain.

The position of Argentina that it totally rejects the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa has been consistently stated over the many years that the United Nations has been debating this issue. 219. This attitude, which we reaffirm categorically today, has not been" due to passing circumstances. It is instead a consistent expression of the philosophy traditionally followed by Argentina, which has always repudiated racial discrimination eve!" since the birth of our independent nation 167 years ago. 220. We have always said that racism, regardless of whatever justification is advanced, is contrary to the very fiature of man and consequently constitutes a real affront to the conscience of the world. This idea is today unanimously shared by the civilized world and, I repeat, it has always been very much alive in the Argentine Republic, where the people, although they come from the most varied origins, belong to different races and have different beliefs, have never experienced racial discrimination. 222. ~n the interests of brevity, I shall not dwell on the background to the position that Argentina has constantly held on the subject of apartheid. Our record is well-known and is expressed in the affirmative votes that Argentina has cast on United Nations resolutions on the subject. Further- more, Argentina participated in the World Conference on Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos last August, and, together with 111 other Governments, we contributed to the adoption by consensus of a Declaration whose great importance need not now be stressed. 223. I would, however, like to refer to the recent events in South Africa and to the opinion of the Argentine Govern- ment on those events. 224. My country cannot fail to express its great regret and concern over the very serious repressive action taken against the African population, its leaders and representative organizations and communications media. 225. In our opinion those actions, in addition to reaffirm- ing Pretoria's adherence to a system which is ethically unacceptable, have had the practical effect of eliminating from the political arena people like Steven Biko, who are identified with the search for peaceful, agreed upon solutions to the serious problems besetting South Africa. In strictly political terms-and this is p~nicularly serious- doors are being closed to a reasonable solution to the problem, one which is along reasonable lines and is in accordance with the dictates of common sense.. 226. This new display of inflexibility and the intransigent application of historically outmoded ideas by a Govern- ment with one of the most advanced economic and technological societies has provoked a logical reaction cn the part of the international community. It has been an immediate and a unanimous reaction, one in keeping with the seriousness of the action taken by Pretoria. 227. One of the forms in which this action has been made tangible has been Security Council resolution 418 (1977), which contains certain elements of great historic signifi- cance. Indeed, the adoption of resolution 418 (1977) is not' only the rust time that enforcement action has been taken against a Member State, but it is the rust tmly punitive action against South Africa in a field, the military field, where the concerted action ofthe international community is decisive ifapartheid is soon to be eradicated. 228. Resolution 418 (1977) has an additional merit. It shows the fIrm determination of those countries from which South Africa has traditionally sought support for its policies and it has transferred to the practical arena the growing pressure that has lately been exerted on Pretoria. 229. In connexion with what I have just said, I think it is also appropriate to remind members that on many occa- sions we have heard the white leaders of South Africa complain that, while they are attacked because of their policy'ofapattheid, equally reprehensible policies in other societies are overlooked. Without denying the fact that racism and discrimination do not ~xist solely in South African society, I should like tll mention two matters which we feel are decisive in the consideration of this particular question. First, at the present time there are no precedents in the civilized world such as those found in South Mrica where racial discrimination is an official policy of the State and where it has been legally institutionalized. 230. Secondly, just as we agree that in areas such as the economic field the degree of development and of wealth create certain international responsibilities which are not the same in all States, it should be agreed at the same time that it is therefore only logical to demand more of South Africa because the high economic and technological level wh~:::h it has achieved should lead one to expect similar achievements in the social field. Any other attitude on the part of the international community wculd be incom- p~hensible. 231. I have said that South Mrica should match its social accomplishments with the privileged levels of well-being enjoyed by a part of its population. Two points should be made in this connexion. First, no ~riticism would be made here of South Africa's internal structure if that structure were not based on apartheid. Secondly, we believe that the elimination of apartheid would not necessarily significantly . harm the material progress achieved by South Africa. I believe that on this point we agree with many countries represented here. Furthermore, we also agree that the most desirable solution would be one which, without sacrificing life and property, would make it possible to achieve a rapid transition from the present retrograde situation to one without racial discrimination. 232. The Argentine Government would like to repeat its belief that peaceful and agreed means should be the fust option in bringiqg about a solution to the problem which exists in South Africa. Perhaps it is a little late in the day for that to take place and the obstinate insistence of Pretoria on maintaining its apartheid regime would not help to create conditions propitious for that kind of develop- ment. But it is also obvious, however, that the situation in southern Africa, which we view with obvious concern because of the geographical area in which it is taking place, is already sufficiently serious and so endangers international peace and security that, if possible, any course of action which would only serve to increase tension should be avoided. 233. Consequently, an appeal should be made to the parties concerned. An appeal should be' made to the Government of South Africa to act, if not by conviction, 234. What I hav~just said is quite obvious ifone considers that in view of the importance" of the interests involved, violence would surely qpen the doors to the participation of forces alien to the conflict. That would involve not only the risk of diversion from the social aims ofcertain people, but also, as has happened on other occasions, in the. end the only people to be really banned would be t.lte South African people themselves, without any distinction as to race orsocial groups. ; 242. The regime3 ofPretoria and Salisbury do not content themselves with imposing the inhuman policy of apartheid in the territories which they are occupying and administer- ing in such a repressive manner; they have also thought it necessary to adopt the imperialist system and to extend the condemned system of apartheid tJrroughout the region. . Hence fheillegal occupation by the racist and Fascist South 236. We can only say in this respect that we are quite African regime of Namibia, a Territory which is exclusively pleased with what has been done by the Special Committee under the administration and jurisdiction of the United against Apartheid, under the leadership of Mr. Hahiman~ Nations. They have made it into a spring-board from which with the determined support of each of its members. That to.launch attacks and military raids against the neighbour- Committee has made 11 significant contri~ution to the ing -countries of the region, that is, the sister Republics of achievement of its objective. The World Conferem:e for Angola, Mozambique, the United Republic of Tanzania, Action again!t Apartheid, in the successful organization and Zambia and others in their desperate efforts to slow the development of which the Committee and the Government advance of the liberation movements, unfortunately forget- of Nigeria were quite active, is a clear example of what I ting that machine-guns and bombers have never been able have just said. That, together With the positive spirit with to silence the call for freedom. which the Committee devoted its efforts to the ~onsidera- tion of the various questions that were brought to its attention, prompt us to repeat our confidence in its work and to repeat our fmn intelJtion to be unflinching in our support whenever our co-operation proves to be necessary. 235. I do not want to let this opportunity pass without Jaying that we are particularly grateful to .those bodies of the United Nations that have been involved in the fight against apartheid. 237. The same appreciation is extended by my Govern- ment and my delegation to the Centre against Apartheid, which has collected and disseminated a great deal of infonnation and opinions on the subject. What they are doing is very iIP.portant. 238. Finally, we should like to take advantage of this opportunity to send to Africa and its leaders-some of whom are present in this hall-a message of solidarity with their just struggle for a better world, a world more in keeping with the pri..nciples of brotherliness and justice as reflected in the United Nations Charter. 239. Argentina has great faith in the African people and in their leaders. We have contributed and' will continue to contribute to the best of our ability to the funds created by this Organization to help train the young generation of Mricans in Southern Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa, but in addition we shall continue to give special attention to the legitimate claims which their leaders bring to this Organization for its consideration. 241. A gang of racists inspired by the segregationist ideu of Vorster and Smith have seized power in the African territories of Azania and Zimbabwe, endangering the lives of millions of indigenous Africans, in order to exploit ruthlessly their tremendous natural resources, in collabora- tion with their Western imperialist allies. 243. The South African minority regime must understand that it is no longer any use pretending to be deaf. The uprising of 16 June 1976, which the racist authorities of South Africa answered with the massacre of Soweto and massacres in other places in South Africa, can be nothing but a revolutionary message foretelling the independence and freedom of the peoples of Azania, Namibia and Zimbabwe, and can only guarantee the end of the minority racist regptles of Pretoria and Salisbury. History is irrever- sible. The bombers that took, the lives of millions of freedom fighters in Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam only ensured the independence and freedom that those heroic countries are now enjoying. 244. We have now had more than 30 years of extensive debates, which resulted in forceful condemnations and total rejection of the policy of apartheid practised by the barbarous racist and Facist regime of the whi,e minority in South Africa. Despite the manoeuvres of certain W6$1ern imperiaIist Powers, we have unfortunately reached the conclusion that it is only by means of the armed struggle which is now being carried on courageously by the liberation movements in southern Africa that an end can be put to the regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury. This. was stressed by the President-for-Ufe of the Republic of 245. However, the international community, for its part, has its responsibilities, including the task of supporting the oppressed people of South Africa. In this context it is worth recalling the commitment entered into by the General Assembly in its resolution 3411 C (XXX), when it proclaimed that the United Nations and the international community have a special responsibility towards the op- pressed people of South Africa and their liberation move- ments, and towards those·imprisoned, restricted or exiled for their struggle against apartheid. The Special Committee against Apartheid has drawn up recommendations for the General Assembly at this thirty-second session which the Government of my country accepts as just and relevant; it hopes that they will be regarded similarly by all the peace-loving States Members of this Organization. In the opinion of my delegation, those recommendations con- stitute the message of sympathy and encouragement which the oppressed people of South Africa expect from this Assembly.

The United Nations has thus far adopted some 100 resolutions on the policies of institutionalized racial discrimination by the Government of South Africa. Despite the fact that our Organization began to combat this affront to civilization nearly 25 years ago, it has taken all that time for the Security Council-the vetoes of certain of its permanent members having been withheld-to take a decisive step against apartheid by adopting on 4 November resolution 418 (l977), which under Chapter VII of the Charter imposes a mandatory embargo on the sale of arms to South Africa. It should be pointed out, however, that that belated decision of the Council was adopted only after South Africa, according to its Defence Minister, Pieter Botha, had bacome self-sufficient in arms. Hence it is urgent-indeed, indispensable-that th~ other measures under Chapter VII of the Charter which have frequently been demanded by this General Assembly be adopted, in . particular, those contained in the other draft resolutions submitted to the Security Council as a supplement to the one on an arms embargo. 246. The support of the international community has been seen in various other events which have occurred during this past year: for example, the international trade union Protest Week against Apartheid in January 1977; the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Mozambique in May; the Second International Trade Union Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Geneva in June; the World Conference against Apartheid, Racism and Colonialism in Southern Africa, held in Lisbon in June; the recent historic Conference in Lagos, and so on. At those conferences many Governments and organizations took specific measures to contribute to the isolation of the apartheid regime and to support the national liberation movements. 247. Once again the United Nations Security Council was the scene of an alarming and distressing triple veto on the part of the United States of America, the United Kingdom and France. Once again the veto was used for a purpose completely different from and contrary to that prOVided for in the Charter of the United Nations. This time it was used to prevent condemnation and to perpetuate the slaughter which the minority racist regime of Vorster has been carrying out against the black majority of South Africa, from Sharpeville to Soweto and in other parts of South Africa., including such incidents as the recent assassination of Steven Biko and the announcement by Pretoria of the arrest of more than 600 innocent children. 248. However, whatever the chosen path, Azania, Namibia and Zimbabwe will be independent, despite the triple veto. The Western imperialist countries should realize that arming the minority regimes of southern Africa is 250. Once again we appeal to the international com- munity here to show solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa by offering them all the material, political and moral assistance which they require at this very moment in order to put a fmal stop to the continuing slaughter by the apartheid regime in South Africa. 252. The World Conference for Action against Apartheid, held in Lagos last August, at which Peru was represented at a hi~'t level, provided an opportunity for representatives of Governments and of non-governmental organizations to join in a massive rejection of apartheid and to pledge their efforts to adopt measures to eradicate that reprehensible system. Nevertheless, the racist regime of Pretoria has defiantly intenslfie~ its mistaken policy, resorting to the most violent means of repression. Still fresh is the wound inflicted on the South African people and on the world conscience by the martyrdom ofSteven Biko, who, despite being only 30 years of age, had already pointed the way for the South African people ~nd represented a firm hope for the future. 253. Equally reprehensible is South Africa's persistent policy ofdividing'its territory into bantustans in an attempt to perpetuate its domination and exploitation. Shortly after the bogus independence of the so-called Transkei was decreed, and in spite of the fact that the international community has refused to recognize it, the South African regime has announced similar'_s for the creation of a Bophuthatswana bantustan on 6·December. discrimirtation; 255. In the conviction that any rhetorical exercise in support of fundamental human rights i$ no longer relevant in view of the alarmmg situation in South Africa, I am pleased to announce today that, as a concrete measure reafftrming PeruYs constant support for the struggle against apartheid, my country shall now be acceding to the International Convention on the Suppression and Punish- ment of the Crime of Apartheid, adopted by the General Assembly in its resolution 3068 (XXVIII). 256. The· delegation of Peru will continue actively to participate in the work of the Special Committee against Apartheid,. so ably presided ov'}r by Mr. Leslie Harriman of Nigeria. We plan to redouble our efforts in 1978, which has been declared International Anti-Apartheid Year; we do so in the hope that, by the end of that year, the world will have abolished that odious system. 257. For these reasons, the delegation of Peru, while not fully agreeing with the present language of some of the drafts, will, as it has always done, vote in favour of the draft resolutions on this subject, in the conviction that the historic moment in which we live leaves no room for hesitation or doubty and that today more titan ever befate we must give our flfm support to the United Nations and to the people of South Africa, who are so courageously winning their fight for freedom, dignity and justice.

For 30 years now, in the name of apanheid 4 million whites in South Africa have oppressed, tortured and carried out a growing campaign of assas- sination against 21 million blacks simply because this white minority, relying on its powerful military resources and vast repressive machinery, felt like decreeing that non-whites were biologically inferior to them and therefor~ could not be assimilated into the pure and untarnished Afrikaan, Aryan and Christian society, which is the guardian of civilization in that part of our continent. 259. The white minority established an unbelievable and complex battery of criminal laws intended to restrict these millions of non-whites to a subhuman status by depriving them of the most elementary rights and freedoms and denying them all human dignity. So these 21 million people have been reduced to a flock ofworkers, aliens in their own country, condeIl)Jled to be nomads, unless they are dumped into enclaves ofwretchedness known as bantustans. 260. Any attempt on the part ofthe black majority to get out ofthis gllC~tto and to regain their full humanity has thus far been met with murderous repression that has spared neither women, old people nor children. That was th~ case at Sharpeville in 1960, and very recently at Soweto. The white racist minority at Pretoria, blinded by its lust for domination and disregarding the lessons of history, 261. So for some months now, particularly since the dastardly assassination of Steven Biko, we have been witnessing a violent revolutionary upsurge, which has ended by arousing the concern of even world public opinion and the Governments in Western countries, which had for three decades-perhaps out of racial solidarity or because of their commercial and selfish interests, for the reaction would have been very different long ago if the balance of forces had been reversed, with a black minority 'oppressing a white majority-remainee;t insensitive to the endless appeals of our Organization and hostile to the inn~merable resolutions and measures adopted by the General Assembly against the Pretor~ regime. This explains why in the Security Council r~cently, after once again misusing a triple veto to reject the sanctions advo::ated by the African countries that repre- sented the only way of leading the Pretoria racists to change their policy, the Western Powers rushed to adopt resolution 418 (1977) of 4 November 1977. They recog- nized at last, as we do, that the situation in South Africa resulting from the policy of apartheid, whose maintenance and strengthening imposes on its supporters the continual acquisition of increasingly sophisticated military arms and equipment, constituted a threat to international peace and security and thus came within the scope of the provisions of'Chapter VII of the Charter. 262~ In the view of my delegation-and I have had the opportunity of stating this in the Security Council-if this resolution had been adopted 10 years earlier-and we have been calling for its adoption since that time-it would have had a much more significant effect on the action our Organization has been taking against the apartheid system and-who knows? -might have saved many human lives whose loss we are deploring today. Let us not be deceivr.-d. To be quite frank, this resolution will be no more than whistling in the wind, even if it is strictly applied by all States because, as everyone knows, South Africa, thanks to the collaboration of the Western countries, has for years had the means to manufacture under license and to stockpile any kinds of armaments that it needs-unless, that is, this· resolution is the starting-point for much more vigorous international action,. including severe economic sanctions against the apartheid Government. 263. That is why my Government, which supports the declarations and plans of action adopted at Maputo and at Lagos, welcomes the conclusions and recommendations of the Special Committee against Apartheid and supports them. We have joined in sponsoring the 15 draft resolutions recommended for adoption by the General Assembly which, in our opinion, constitute a p·ackage of minimum action that could be accepted and applied by all Member States that are truly committed to work for the elimination ofapartheid-this crime against humanity. 264. In conclusion, we appeal to all delegations of Member States to lend their voices unreservedly ·to the defence of human dignity, which is daily trampled upon in 266. It is hopeful because South Africa's efforts to create a system of subservient buffer States to the north seems destined to fail. The peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe may soon achieve genuine independence. It is hopeful because, despite ~errible suffering, the majority in South Africa have shown their determination to achieve freedom, justice and democra<..". They continue to intensify their struggle in the face of savage repression. Finally, it is hopeful because, after long hesitation, the international community has started taking specific steps towards forcing South Africa into isolation. 267. None the less, we must recognize that the situation is fraught with danger. South Africa shows no sign ofhearing any Hvoice of reason". The apartheid regime is clearly mobilizing to crush all opposition to its rule. It is preparing not to negotiate but to fight. The white community is withdrawing into the /aager. The regime is creating c garrison State within which more than 20 million people are to be held hostage. South Africa's friends show signs of alarm at the prospect of the elimination of aparthei~ The regime seems intent on pursuing an increasingly aggressive "forward defence" policy in an effort to intimidate African States. 268. Therefore, as the conflict sharpens and as the struggle for freedom intensifies in different parts of southern Africa, we can expect South Africa to behave more rashly and more aggressively. The apartheid regime refuses to see the obvious meaning of the long struggle for freedom in Africa. It seeks to preserve apartheid, the way oflife which ensures white supremacy. For that reason the apartheid regime will be a growing threat to peace and security in Africa in the near future. 269. The only possible conclusion is that the Assembly must take further steps to weaken the minority regime, to assist those who are struggling for freedom and to ensure the rapid isolation of South Africa in the international community. The United Nations cannot stand aside and wait now that the Security Council has ordered a man- datory arms embargo. The Council's action will cause difficulties for the apartheid regime, but it will not change the policies of that regime. If we are to prevent South Africa from carrying out further aggression in Africa, if we are to prevent it from carrying out reprisals against the black population, we must intensify international pressure against it. 270. The delegation of Mauritius believes in particular that the Assembly must act to ensure the tightening of the arms embargo against South Africa and that it must recommend the application of mandatory economic sanctions against South Africa underChapterVD ofthe Charter. Other actions are necessaty aswell. Wemustcan upon allStates to render all possible assistance to the liberation movement in South Aflica, to ensure the intensification of efforts to mobilize international opinion against apartheid and to ensure the development of action against l'lptlrtheid within the United Nations system. will now proceed to move towards reforms which will somehow Htransform" the apartheid system. In our view. this opinion is based upon a faulty analysis. of the situation in South Africa in which wishful thinking is substituted for reason. 272. Why do we say this? Whymqst we advocate further action against South Africa immediately.? To answer those questions we must first rook ~t the possibilities in South Africa. Logically, there would appear to be only five directions in which events could move. 273. The first possibility is that South Africa could succeed in maintaining the status quo for the next 30 or 40 years by virtue of its own efforts. In other words, by virtue of its superior industrial power and its military capability, the minority regime could succeed in controlling the internal opposition and sealing its borders against South African freedom fighters. This would imply intense and continuing repression and probably periodic aggressive action against much weaker neighbouring States. 274. Such a "resolution" of the crisis seems almost impossible. The balance of forces has been shifting con- tinuously against the minority regime and it is likely to continue shifting. The South African regime is a minority regime and it has limited resources. Moreover, the very actions which might strengthen the regime's position in the short run would weaken it in the longer run. Aggression against neighbouring States, for instance, would only increase South Africa's difficulties by ensuring growing international support for the victims-ofthat aggression. 275. The second possibility is that the minority regime will itself at this stage agree to the dismantling ofapartheid . because it realizes that such a system is an anachronism and cannot survive in the modem world. This is the familiar view which has been heard so often. Such a possibility seems exceedingly remote. Those who believe in it mis- construe the situation in South Africa. 276. We must be clear about what we wean by "apart- heid'~ Some believe that apartheid is a system of rules which relegates blacks to an inferior status in society. They see that system as irrational and unnecessary for South Africa. An~ they reason that South Africa's rulers could end apartheid if they could just see reason. Ending ~partheid. in this view, is just a matter ofeliminating petty and antiquated regulations from the rule book. 277. That is a superficial and untenable view. Apartheid is a system. It is a unique product of colonial history. When European settlers went to Africa in the seventeenth century, they subjugated the indigenous populations and seized their lands. Subsequently, they forced black South Africans to work for them, fIrst on the lands which they had appropriated and later in the mines and the factories. Contemporary South Africa, the South Africa ofapartheid. is built upon the exploitation of African labour and natural resources by a settler minority. Apartheid is a socio- economic system which ensures the minority power and 278. Thus apartheid is a system and a way of life. It is a set of institutions designed to ensure white supremacy. The minority monopolizes power in that system. It cannot be expected to' giye away its supremacy, to dissolve a way of life which it prizes. [t believes in itself and in its rig!1t to exploit those whom it has decreed to be inferior. It will remain unbending in the face of adversity. Everything which has been happening in South·Africa in the last.few years underscores the point. 279. When one looks at apartheid in that way one can see clearly that given the power of the minority in South Africa we cannot expect Vorster to set about dismantling the system. . 280. The third possibility is a simple one. South Africa might quickly explode. The combination of internal unrest and external pressure from the liberation movement and African States could bring the collapse of minority rule. The majority would seize power and proceed to create a new society. This would be radically different from the apartheid system. 281. Can there be a violent upheaval in South Africa which is allowed to run its course? Would South Africa's friends and t-· ling partners stand aside while the people of South Africa set about creating a new society? Far- reaching change in South Africa would inevitably affect the Western industrialized countries, which niight fmd it much less profitable to operate factories in South Africa or more difficult to obtain cheap supplies of raw materials. A majority-rule Government would be within its rights to carry out measures which would have such consequences. But would South Africa's friends and trading partners see their vital interests as being endangeted? . 282. The evidence today suggests that they already see them as being endangered. There is no need to go into details. South Africa, as we all know, is now considered an important Western partner. While Western countries deplore apartheid they show increasing concern about economic stability in South Africa It is true that this concern reflects a short-sighted view of "interests". For th.: moment, however, despite some signs ofreassessment of the meaning of traditional interests, those who take the short view seem to have the field. Events therefore seem unlikely to move in this third direction, unless there is considerable pressure for those countries now taking the short view to reassess the position•. 283. The fourth possibility is one which presents great danger to the international community. This is the possibil- ity that, as the conflict in southern Africa sharpens, and as South Africa itself becomes more polarized, South Africa's friends will seek to help it in variou.~ ways~ To some extent this has happened in the past. Anns have been sold to South Africa; the minority regime has been given diplo- matic and political support; "solutions" have been sought in Namibia and Zimbabwe which would reinforce the status quo in South Africa. Foreign investments in loans to South Africa h~ve increased rapidly. 285. Allow me to summarize. The apartheid regIme cannot by itself maintain the -status quo in South Africa. The minority regime is not going to dismantle the apartheid system. We are ~herefore heading towards an intensification of this conflict. The Western Powers are going to fmd it difficult to stand aside and allow the South African liberation movement to carry out a transformation of South African society. There is a tendency on the part of some Powers to believe in the impossible, in the effortless dissolution of 'apartheid, and therefore to ignore the dangers inherent in buying time for South Africa at this late date. Clearly we are moving into a highly dangerous situatIon. Everything therefore points to the necessity of our creating a fifth possibility. This is that the international community, in a series of concerted acts of policy. should force South Africa to endapartheid. 286. This can be done because South Africa's strength, and therefore its ability to resist change, depends upon continued flows of foreign capital, upon complex and clandestine trade channels for the supply of arms, upon foreign corporations and Governments for access to modern •technology. This Assembly can make its best contribution to the preservation of peace in Africa by helping to isolate South Africa. A regime which depends on foreign .capital, foreign trade, foreign technology and foreign arms to the degree that South Africa does cannot stand on its own feet and fight if those things are denied it. Thus by isolating South Mrica the United Nations can materially assist the liberation struggle. 287. It is particularly appropriate at this moment to move towards the application of economic sanctions against the apartheid regime, for the South African economy is in an important sense dominated by the economies of other countries. 288. There is, consequently, greater leverage in economic sanctions. In many years, fully one fifth of all domestic capital formation in South Africa comes from foreign sources. Foreign bank loans provide trade credits which are crucial to 1he steady flow of South African imports. And South Africa imports all its modem technology and the new techniques and produ~ts which are necessary in its economy to keep growth going. 289. Mandatory economic sanctions could therefore quickly cause serious dislocation in the South African economy. The cessation of bank loans, which have in recent years covered South Africa's current account deficit, would alone cause tremendous problems for the economy. It would cause a dwindling of reserves and a contraction of economic activity. To the extent that such loans are used to fmance the importation of capital goods, it would cause a slowing down of technical development. Long-run eco- nomic growth would be undermined. It is true that the consequences for Africans would be serious. To strike at 291. If the United Nations can now develop concerted action to increase the pressures on the minority regime, it will be narrowing the range of options open to that regime. It will progressively reduce its ability to offer resistance to those struggling rightly for their freedom and indepen- dence. Concerted international action therefore offers a real hope of reducing the threat to international peace and security in southern Africa, For it will bring closer the moment when the minority rulers of South Africa have no alternative but to go to the negotiating table to settle upon a time-table for the transfer of power to the people of the country. 292. It is often said that South Africa still holds the vital purse strings of several of its neighbour countries and that therefore they cannot join in mandatory economic sanC- tions against the racist minority regime of Pretoria. 293. It would be improper for me to attempt to speak 011 behalf of all those so-called hostage countries whose economies are somewhat dependent upon South Africa. This, I believe, can be more authoritatively done by the respective Permanent Representatives. J shall therefore confine myself to the particular case of my own country. 294. Propagandists who are either ill-informed or, as 1 sometimes suspect, in the pay of the Pretoria regime, or who are engaged in a futile exercise of diverting attention from the failings and weaknesses and vulnerability of their own respective countries, however wealthy and powerful, or who as individuals are governed by selfish motives too thinly veiled to impress anybody, do much maliciously and mischievously certain unavoidable petty matters. 295, Once and for all I should like to place on record in 'this Assembly that Mauritius has neither diplomatic, con- sular or any official trade relations with South Africa. Indeed, the so·called South African Trade Commissioner in Mauritius, who is in fact a Mauritian national--unilatcraIly appointed by the South African Government, obviously for propaganda purposes-is not officially recugnized by my Government and has absolutely no official status. 296. The very limited economic relations existing between Mauritius and South Africa are at a purely private and commercial level, and even these are of no great signifi. cance. In 1975, for instance-·and that is the latest figures I 297. We are not happy, of course, that we have ~n~ such economic relations with South Africa-extremely bmlted as they may be-at a time when it is still ruled by a racist regime. However, I feel certain that any intellige.nt and well-informed person will understand that even t~IS ~mall trade is as much a dictation of geography as It IS an inheritance from the past. It is in fact but the remnant of colonialism which was imposed upon us and on Africa as a whole. 298, Perhaps I could cite two examples to illustrate my statement. First, although we are an island surrounded by vast areas of sea abounding with some of the oceans' best edible fish, our past colonial masters never saw fit to set u,P any significant fish industry in the context of the economIC development of the island. Today, as an independent and sovereign State, we are trying to correct this situation. But, in the meantime, our people need protein to live a healthy life. It would be irresponsible, therefore, for the Govern· ment of Mauritius to deny its people cheap canned tuna fish imported from the nearest mainland, which happens to be South Africa. Nor can we deny our children such health-giving but perishable fruits as oranges, imported from South Africa, considering that Mauritius is not blessed with suitable land resources and climate to produce such food for itself. 299. Secondly, regarding export, during the colonial days over 97 per cent of our economy was based on the production of cane sugar, no doubt to satisfy the sweet tooth of our past British colonial masters. However, on achieving independence we decided, wisely, to diversify our economy. Thus we embarked on a project of teC! pro- duction in the hope that we shall be exporting this product to Europe and to the newly independent African countries. Unfortunately, the planters soon found out that sophis- ticated imported packing material and freight costs to Europe were not economical for the survival of the industry and that freight and transportation to those African countries where we could secure a market were not yet ready. Is it a crime therefore for the planters to export their tea, on a purely unofficial and commercial basis, to South Africa while seeking and making arrangements to secure other markets'r 300. I must here point out that for years Mauritius did nol allow any trade relations with South Africa because of its policies of apartheid. However, regarding our insign ificant export of tea, a rather strong case was made as follows. 30 I. Since Mauritius, given its geographical sit\lation, cannot do otherwise than to import certain goods from South Africa, we would actually be creating II trade imbalance by refusing to export to that country some of our own products. Not to correct that trade imbalance would have been tantamount to the financing of aparthl.'id by Mauritius. since it would have meant South Africa receiving our hard foreign currency without themselves exchanging any of theirs for ours. 303. To say that Mauritius is dependent on South Africa economica11y because of this tourist trade is sheer humbug, since Mauritius has always been viable economically and has balanced its !>udget even at a time when the price we were paid for our sugar by the United Kingdom was only £5 sterling a metric ton. 304. Mauritius is prepare~'~ to put a stop to the landing of that one South African aeroplane in Mauritius and we shall do so as soon as mandatory economic sanctions are mposed on racist South Africa-indeed even before that-: provided all the neigh1)Quring countries of the area take similar measures to revoke any landing rights to South African Airways in their respective countries. 305. Mauritius is a small island country ~n the middle of the Indian Ocean and it has very limited resources, apart from a limited acreage of fertile land and a very hard- working population. South Africa dominates the western Indian Ocean region economically. It would be exceedingly difficult for us in the circumstances to have had no economic relations with racist South Africa.. Far larger countries, and indeed far richer countries, say that they are hostages to South Africa because they cannot do without the investment revenues or the raw materials which South Africa provides them. 306. I must make it clear on behalf of my Government that Mauritius is prepared to ca.rry out mandatory eco- nomic sanctions against South Africa when the Security Council orders such sanctions, and we shall work for such sanctio<1c;. We would not hesitate to carry out our obliga- tions to the world community. Indeed, my Government urges the Assembly to recommend the strictest and most far-reaching economic sanctions against racist South Africa. For the immediate purposes a package of sc!ected areas should not prove any problem. 307. My delegation is a sponsor of the 15 draft resolutions wh!ch have been submitted to this Assembly. We shall naturrqy be voting for them and I appeal to all delegations to consider seriously voting in favour of all of tuem. 313. This is no time for equivocation and sophistry. Every nation, every organization and every people must decide whether it is with the oppressed p~ople of South Africa and their glorious national liberation movement, with Africa and with humanity or with the racists· who deny our 308. Independent sovereign States members of the OAU humanity and seek to oppress and humiliate us for ever. are anxiously looking forward to the happy days when they We believe that we have a right to demand an answer- can estabiish full diplomatic, consular and official trade without reservations, without qualifications. relations with a South African Government truly represen- tative of the majority of its people after the ~()mplete 314. John Brown once told Ffederick Douglass, a black erajication of the heinous crime ofapartheid. leader in the United States in the last century: UNo people 310. I am speaking today as the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid and, at the same time, as an African and the representative of Nigeria-a country which has experienced the ravages of slavery and colonialism; in fact, a country designated as the Slave Coast in colonial maps; a c-i>untry which recognizes that its own indepen- dence ami the dignity of its own people cannot be secure so long as all of Africa is not free, as Kwame Nkrumah put it in 1960; a cOlmtry whose Government and people have pledged their full and unconditional support to the national liberation movement of South and southern Africa. 311. The matter under discussion in this Assembly today is for us nothing less than the final elimination of 500 years of despoliation, torture and humiliation of Africa and of all J?lack men and women: nothing less than the attainment ef fmal victory in the long and unceasing struggle waged by the black peoples of the world, in particular th~se in southern Africa, against inhumanity for which there is no parallel and at the cost of sacrifices which we shuddp· lO calculate. 312. The World Conference for Action against Apartheid, organized by the Special Committee against Apartheid in Lagos, placed this problem in its true perspective when it declared, in paragraphs 33 and 34: "The liberation of southern Africa as a whole fmm colonial and racist rule will be the final step in the emancipation of the continent of Africa from centuries of domination and hU:lli1iation. It will be a major contri- bution to the elimination of racism and racial discrimi- natioQ in the world. and to the strengthening of inter- national peace and security. . "The World Conference calls on all Governments and people to make their fullest contribution in this historic and crucial effort for freedom, peace and international co-operation." 316. I shall not dwell on the history of this struggle since 1652, but i would recall that Mahatma Gandhi led the passive resistablce movement in South Africa at the turn of the century before he went back to India to lead his people to freedom. 317. In 1910 Count Tolstoi wrote to Gandhi that passive resistance in South Africa was the most important activity the world could take part in, and in which not Christendom alone but all the peoples of the earth would participate. 318. That was 67 Y2ars ago, in the year when the British coloniaIists handed over South Africa to Boer and British settlers. Even Africans, in order to get meagre and half-hearted support for freedom in South Africa, have steered away from branding as illegal the regime in South Africa. The Lusaka Manifesto on Southern Africa6 does not regard it as illegal, but it is illegal. The transfer of power to a foreign minority-settler group is in fact settler colonial- ism. It does not accord with the ~rinciples on the granting of i.,dependence to colonial peoples~ nor does it accord with any moral or legal values. Yet on our continent we are very considerate. 319. Two years later, in 1912, the African people founded the South African Native National Congress, the precursor of the African National Congress of South Africa of today and the oldest of the national liberation'movements in Africa. Pixley Serne, one of its founders, told the inaugural Congress: "The white people of this country have formed what is known as the Union of South Africa-a union in which we have no voice in the making oflaws and no part in the administration. We have called you therefore to this conference"-and I am speaking of 1912-"so that we can together fmd ways and means of forming our national union for the purpo£~ of creating national unity and defending our rights and our privileges." I shall state again that that was in 1912. 320. Since its inception, the national movement has been a moving force in the struggle of A(ric~Landall people of African descent for freedom. It was represented ~I. the Pan African Congress organized by the late Dr. Du Bois in Paris in 1919, at the Congress of the League against Imperialism in Brussels in 1927, and at numerous gatherings of the oppressed people since that time. It has constantly af- fIrmed, in word and in deed, that South Africa is a part of 6 Ibid., Twenty·fourth session, Annexe" agenda item 106, docu- ment A/77S4. 322. In 1913 hundreds were jailed in the movement by African women in the Orange Free State against the pass laws. 323. In 1918 hundreds of Afric~ns were arrested for leading strikes for minimum and humane wages. 324. In 1919 again, there was passive resistance against passes, in which hundreds of men and women were imprisoned and savagely beaten up, some to death. 325. In 1920, more than 40,000 African miners went on strike; police and white civilians shot at them indiscrimi- nately to suppress the strike. 326. In the same year, there was the Bullhoek massacre in the Eastern Cape: 163 Africans were killed and hundreds injured when the army shot at Africans for camping on common ground with whites. 327. This is a long history of massacre and pogrom. But coming closer to our time, there were the Indian passive resistance campaigns of 1946 and 1948, in which thousands of people went to prison. 328. In August 1946, 70,000 African miners went on strike. The strike was drowned in blood. with nine miners killed and 1,200 injured in police shoGdngs. 329. On I May 1950, the liberation movement organized a general strike in protest against apartheid and terror. Police opened fire on peaceful demonstrators in Johannesburg, killing 18 and wounding many more. 330. In 1952, eight thousand people of all racial origins went to prison in the Campaign of Defiance against Unjust Laws, and faced floggings and other brutalities. 331. There was the Alexandra bus boycott in 1957; the Zeerust and Sekukhuniland revolt in 1958; the campaign against pass laws in 1-960, which led to the Sharpeville massacre; the nation-wide uprising which followed and shook the country; and the Pondoland rebellion in the same year. 332. I have gone into the past to show that the history of South Africa is one of humiliation of the black man. a pogrom against the blacks. The rest is recent history. which is fully recorded in United Nations documents. culminating in the Soweto massacre and the revolt of the black youth. 333. Every time the African people has risen up to demand its ri!;hts, the racist reginte has answered with a show of force, with floggings and killings, torture and mass arrests. Again and again it has announced that the move- 335. Despite the growing savagery of the racists, and the anger and anguish of the people, let it be said that the national liberation movement has always held steadfast to its principles-a rejection of racialism in all its forms and manifestations. 336. As a leader of the liberation movement declared as long ago as 1949: "... our stand at the United Nations is a plea for peace and harmony in our country and nothing else". 337. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights has been the banner of the liberation movement. That movement has· made immense sacrifices for the principles of this Organi- zation. 338. The oppressed people of South Africa, let us never forget, has written a glorious chapter in the struggle of humanity for freedom and justice. It has inspired millions of people fa.r beyond its borders. It will continue to inspire those who seek freedom and dignity throughout human history. We who honour the liberation struggles that have brought African States to freedom cannot but respect the South African liberation movement, which preceded and inspired them. This also applies to Asia. We who revere the memory of a Martin Luther King in this country cannot but pay tribute to the pioneers of passive resistance in South Africa. 339. This national liberation movement has encompassed various ideologies. They have included Christians and Moslems, Hindus and Jews, animists and atheists. They have included workers and peasants, priests and traders, teachers and students-and above all women and children. 340. If there has been no bloody race conflict in South Africa, it is not only because of the military might of the racist, but because the national liberation movement. conscious of its historic duty to build a new society, has shown super-human patience, as evinced by people like Steven Biko. There is obviously the discreet campaign of the Western Powers to preserve military, strategic and economic hegemony with complementary political double- talk. 341. If the national liberation movement has not attained its aims, it is not because of lack of courage and sacrifice, but because the rest of humanity has allowed the merchants of death and the profiteers from racism to weld and sustain its enemy. 342. For us, the essence of the Lagos Declaration is its tribute to the South African national liberation movement and the commitment to lend all support to that movement. 343. Let no one dare to preach to that movement, the pioneer of non-violent struggle, the virtues of non-violence, or the principles of non-racialism. That would be despic- able, to say the least. 345. Let us thus salute the national liberation movement of South Africa for its sacrifices in the cause of the United Nations and in the cause of humanity. 346. Our brother from South Africa reminded us that this year's debate on apartheid began symbolically on the birthday of.a great leader of Asia, Jawaharlal Nehru, the leader of the liberation movement of India. I had the privilege, on behalf of the Special Committee, to pay a tribute to him in India last year. I recalled that one of his first acts, after assuming power in 1946, was to ask this Assembly, at the request of the South African liberation movement, to discuss the problem of racism in South Africa. He proclaimed the sacred duty of newly indepen- dent nations toward those who were still enslaved, a duty which has now been assumed by many nations. 347. Mr. Nehru thereafter declared at the African·Asian Conference in Bandung on 24 April 1955: "... there is nothing more terrible ... than the infinite tragedy of Africa in the past few hundred years. When I think of it everything else pales into insignificance, that infinite tragedy of Africa ever since the days when millions of Africans were carried away as galley slaves to America and elsewhere, ... half of them dying in the galleys. We must accept the responsibility for all this, all of us, even though we ourselves were not directly involved. But unfortunately, in a different sense, even now the tragedy of Africa is greater than that of any other continent. Whether it is racial... [or] politi- cal ... it is up to Asia to help Africa to the best of her ability because we are sister continents." 348. At Bandung the Asian and African States excluded the racist regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury, invited the representatives of the national liberation movements of South Africa and pledged support for the liberation of South Africa and of Africa. 349. That solidarity spread in later years to other con- tinents through non-alignment and the non·aligned movement-in which Yugoslavia, the country of the Presi· dent of the Assembly, has played a glorious role. That movement proclaimed last year, in Colombo, that the emancipation of Africa and the ending of racial discrimi- nation against people of African origin all over the world was not merely a regional or continental concern, but a priority of the non-aligned movement and of the United Nations. 350. The cause of African liberation has always had the full support of the socialist States-and I shall mention particularly the Soviet Union, whose diamond jubilee we observed a few days ago, and the People's Republic of China, which has always stood with Africa in African-Asian solidarity. 351. In the past two decades, several Western States, particularly the Nordic States, and many organizations in 353. I must makl~ spedal mention of Sweden, for, in 1968, the International Year of Human Rights. the Special ~ommittee against Apartheid held a special session in / Stockholm and took the opportunity to appeal to the Swedish Government to lend direct ass;stance to the national liberation movements. That Government res- ponded to our appeal and has made generous contributions to the liberation movements in all southern African territories through specific humaritarinn charmels. 354. ~ am gh:d that the Government of Norway has decided this year to provide direct assistance to the national liberation movement of South Africa. I haw; har.i the opportunity to commend the Government and pe.:Jple of NOlway for th:lt act of solidarity. 355. I should Hke to take this occasion to pay a tribute also t - the Govenlment of the Neth(·riands. which a few weexs 'igo dec;Jed to make a generous l;Z~ect contribution [0 the nationu liberation movement of Sout~ Africa. That 6estu~'e cf ~h ~ Netherlands deserves special ::lppreciation, for it is the slon.'and, the country of origin, of the Afrikaners in South Afr~':a. The people of the Netherlands have thus acknowledged that their "kith and kin" in S~uth Africa are nc~ only the people of white skin but all the people of that country. They have recognized that the true fighter for the future of the Afrikaners, as well as of all the people of South Africa, is the national liberation movement. [request the delegation of the Netherlands to convey our apprecia- tion to the Government and people of its country. 356. I call on every other Western country to search its soul and ask itself why it cannot follow the example of Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands. 357. I should like to say a few words about the United States of America. The events of the last two years have ·shown what we have believed for a long time-how history moves on-that the United States of America, more than any other country, can play a crucial role in facilitating liberation in southern Africa with the least bloodshed and suffering. 358. The United Kingdom or the Feder~ Republic of Germany may have more trade or investment. but it is to the United States, as·the leader of the so-called free world. that the racists in South Africa have looked for protection. Africa, too, has a moral claim on the United States. That country's record, however, has been a negation of the principles of its own Declaration of Independence and its free society. it has been the United States, more than any other country, because of its pathological commitment to the cold war, which has sustained the apartheid regime since it came to power on 26 M::\y 1948. It is the United 359. It has been the "department of dirty tricks" in the United States, moreover, which has been persistent in sl2ilUCring the' national liberation movement as "com- munist-inspired". Phantom Communist camps h~;ve bee~ .lrawn on maps in recent days .m certain newspapers which some of us may have seen. We saw those phantom Cubans over israel. 360. We have been told that the new Administration has come to power with a new spirit. We see some change. My Government has already expre5sed its appreciation and its hopes, and I place particular emphasis on the latter. 361. ust year, even when the Vorster regime was murder- ing black children, the previous Administration was trying to make a deal with ~t on Zimbabwe and Namibia at the expense of the South African hbcks. 362. This year. the Vice-President ef the United States, Mr. Mondale, has rejected such a deal and called categori- cally for majority rule in South Africa as well. We have seen modest steps of concrete action against apartheid. But we should like to tell the United States that the time is long past for mere symbolic actions. The recent moves are meaningful only if they are the beginning of a proccss of total. disengagement from the apartheid regime and of unequivocal support of the national liberation movement. 363. Twenty-five years ago. in 1952, 13 Asian and African State~ requested the General Assembly to discuss the question of race conflict resulting from the policies of apartheid'of the South African regime. The signatories of that request stated prophetically: "The race conflict in the Union of South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the South African Government is creating a dangerous and explosive situation. which constitutes both a threat to international peace and a flagrant violation of the basic principles of human rights ana fundamental freedoms which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations."7 3"64. Six years later, at the All-African People's Confer- ence in Accra in December 1958. Africa joined the call of the South African liberation movement for a boycott of South African goods. Since the Sharpeville massacre of 1960, Africa has pressed in these halls for total economic sanctions against South Africa. We are still discussing here today -thanks to the stubborn resistance of some Western countries-whether the situation in South Africa is a threat to the peace and whether sanctions should be imposed on the racist regime. 7 Ibid., Sevemh Session, Annexes, agenda item 66. document A/2183. para. 1. S<lrs·'. They think of the C24'fOt 3..l1d the stick for the racists, accomvHsh its task. while the blackptii~e bave never strIpped being subjected f.o the stick. . 366. Meanwhile the South Ai'aican military budget, as is well known, has gone up over 50 times. Foreign invest- ments in South Afric'a·helve increased tenfold or more. Even IMF has sent transfusions of capital to the racists since the Soweto m~cre. There is a limit to double-talk and double-think.' 367. Nothing less than total sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter and nothing less than all necessary assistance to the national liberation movement cm be an adequate response in the present stage of the battle for freedom. For us. these two ~asures are complementary. The main purpose of sanction:; is to assist the national liberation movement in its struggle to destroy apartheid and to establish a non-racial society. For us, sanctions are not a mere expr~sion of disapproval or a punitive meas"re against South Africa or its whites. We know that the blacks will be made to suffer; but they have prayed for years for sanctions as the most effective assistance in their struggle. And sanctions are a moral imperative for the rest of the world. to disassociate our societies from any involvement in racist oppression. 368. We are at a crucial and perhaps a dangerous stage in South Africa. as the representative of Mauritius said a few minutes ago. The States t~hich have refused to recognize the threat to the peace have constantly aggrt£vated the threBt .by their military and economic collaboration with the racist regime in the past quarter of a century: 369. Th~ ~ regime has developed pretensions to being a regional Power and has declared its intention to intervene all over Africa south. of -the Equator. faced for the first time with the prospect of meaningful international action simultaneously with the tremendous advance of the internal liberation struggle, it appe~a-s to have gone berserk. It may attempt to take its vengeance on the unarmed black people of South Africa or resort to criminal adventures beyond its borders. as usual. This is not a time for half-measures or half-hearted measures; it is a time for vigilance, deter- mination and total commitment. 370. Fifteen years ago this Assembly, at the request of African States9 acopted resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 1962, in which it called for the first time for political and eco"omic sanctions againsi the South African regime and established the Special Committee against Apartheid, of which I have the privilege of being Chairman. 371. For 15 years the Special Com~ittee has laboured hard to fulfil its mandate. with loyalty to the oppressed peoplt: of South Africa and with a full sense of responsi- bility to the international community. I wlll not try here to recount the achievements of the Committee. for our minds are on what is yet to be done. But I must express my 372. We have perhaps laboured under certain illusions. Resolution 1761 (XViI) 5pljke of "dissuading" the South Afdcan regime from pursuing apintheid. At the 1st reeeting of the Special Committee its Chairman ,poke of the duty of the United Nations to help the South Afrl&all regime to extricate itself from the dangerous situation Painful experi- ence has convinced us that the apartheid regime is incorrigible and that there can be no progress without its liquidation. 373. The Special Committee entertained hopes that authori!ative studies and rational arguments would con- vince the Western States of the need for sanctions. As early as 1964 the Special Committee produced evidence to show that sanctions were feasible and effective. All was of no avail. Vet I must acknowledge that we have made progress by our persistent efforts. 374. Resolution 1761 (XVII), I may recall, was adopted by only 67 votes. It was opposed by 16 States, and no fewer than 23 States abstained in the vote. 375. We note with satisfaction that the Special Committee now enjoys the support of almost all States, as evidenced by the Lagos Conference. We are gratified that an over- Whelming majority of States support its call for sanctions and its appeal for assistance to the oppressed people of South Afri~ and their liberation movement. 376. The Special Committee can take satisfaction in its own contribution to this evolution in international opinion. The growing support encourages us in shouldering the tasks ahead. But I hope that the Special Committee itself will be reinforced in the near future by tte full participation of States from all regions, especially the West. J have been encouraged to say this by the performance at the Lagos Conference. I would invite the President of the General Assembly to use his good offices towards that end so that the South African regime and the South African people will know that the drive for international action is not from the non-aligned and socialist States alone, but from all groups of States. As I have said, the Lagos Conference has laid the foundation. 377. Next year the United Nations will observe the thirtieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. On 26 May 1978 it will be 30 years since the apartheid regime came to power in South Africa. The commitment of the United Nations to the Universal Declaration wDl have no meaning to the people of South Africa-indeed. to the people of Africa-ifapartheid is not destroyed. 378. That is why for us the International Anti-Apartheid Year in 1978 is of crucial importance. It cannot be a year of platitudes; it must be a year of action. 379. The General Assembly has adopted a Programme of Action against Apartheid Iresolution 31/6J. annex/ for 380. On behalf of the Special Committee against Apart- heid I appeal to all Governments, specialized agencies, churches, trade unions, anti-apartheid and solidarity move- ments, non-governmental organizations, institutions and information media to join us in this effort. I invite particularly the students and youth of all the world to launch powerful solidarity actions. 381. There is no task which is more urgent, which is more of a common cause of humanity, than the fulftlment of the commitment made by the world at Lagos, a commitment which this Assembly will no doubt endorse. 382. Permit me, reacting to the reproach of the represen- .tative of Israel, to come to another point. I shall need to refer to the special report f A/32/22/Add.3J and the separate draft resolution on relations between Israel and South Africa fA/32/L.23J. This is not to highlight the point, as I have said-I should have come to the end of my statement by now-but in exercise of the right of reply. 383. The Special Committee is by no means acting selectively in discharging its duty when it points out the collaboration of States and vested intereGts with the apartheid regime. Nor can it be selective by dosing its eyes to the collaboration of Israel because reference to that upsets some people. 384. The Special Committee has always emphasized that the main responsibility for the situation in South Africa rests on the principal trading partners and arms suppliers of South Africa. it has repeatedly made appeals to the United Kingdom, the United States of America, ·France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Japan, Italy and others. The Special Committee, the OAU and other bodies have tried to persuade those States to disengage themselves from the apartheid regime. I am happy to say that persistently we have got reasoned replies. 385. As the apartheid regime became increasingly appre- hensive of growing isolation from the Western Powers, it approached Israel, and the Government of Israel has embarked on increasing collaboration with that inhuman regime in military, political, economic and other fields-in defiance of the United Nations, in defiance of Africa and in utter contempt for the black people Jf South Africa. 386. At the 72nd meeting, the Permanent Representative of Israel reproached the Special Committee for using press reports in its documents. Should we then use his official statements, such as his statement last year that Vorster went to Israel in April 1976 merely to visit the Holy Places? 387. The Soweto uprising last year is to us at least as significant as the uprising in the Warsaw Ghetto was to the Jews. 389. The murder of Steven Biko and other patriots has moved the world, and every nation of the world has expressed horror. 390. The inquest in the Old Synagogue in Pretoria has shown the callousness and savagery ofthe Nazj torturers of our brothers and sisters in South Africa. But the Foreign Minister of Israel rushed to announce. on 7 November that Israel "will not abandon South Africa". Which'South Africa does he m:an: the enslaved blacks of South Africa, or the white monopolies and racists'! 391. According to a press report. "Mr. Unna emphasized the extent of co-operation between the two countries. ~South Africa had raw materials and Israel could provide technology'. he said.. 'Trade between them had tripled in the past ten years'. Mr. Unna said." 392. Israel is unique as ~he one country which has. in flagrant defiance of the world, agreed in 1976 to supply military equipment to South Africa Israel is unique, so far as we know,as the one country which has tried to comfort the apartheid regime after the murder of Steven Biko. 393. I said "the only country" because ( cannot mention in"this context the regime in Taiwan, which was kicked out of this Assembly a few years ago. 394. The representative of Israel quoted the late Reverend Martin Luther King, whose memory is precious to us. I can .quote many other black ha-.1ers in the United States and in Africa in the same vein, denouncing racism both against the blacks and against !he Jews. In fact, I can quote an appeal made here by my predecessor as Permanent Representative of Nigeria ..:~d Chairman of the Special Committee, Ambassador Edwin Ogbu. 395. This Organization was born in the struggle against Nazi racism, which was directed both against the Jews and against the blacks. 396. The leaders"of.the black people have called o~ both peoples to join in fighting racism in an its manifestations. 397. We are moved. in this very hall, a few days ago, to hear the statement by Mr. Abe Feinglass of the World Peace Council, a trade union leader,S who declared that the situation of black people in South Africa reminded him of thesufferings endured by his own people, the Jews, in Nazi Germany and called for action to liqUidate the Nazi regime in South Africa. 398. As for the representative of Israel, I would say that it would have been more relevant for him to show proof that 408. In an attempt to divert the attention of the General Assembly and of world public opinion from the main issue under consideration, namely, the apartheid policies of the white minority regime of South Africa and its callous oppression of the people ofSouth Africa, the representative of the Zionist-racist entity has resumed his customary rhetoric. One would expect from his penchant- to quote from newspapers and periodicals that he would be familiar with the mdiments of giving sources and references rather than invoking at random names, dates and places, and submitting such a hodge~podge as scholarship, research and even irrefutable evidence. We should like to remindhim iliat even the Devil can quote the Bible for his own dark purposes. But th~ Zionist representative's sources and scholarship, like the Devil's, cannot Withstand careful • scrutiny.

We have by now concluded the debate on agenda item 27. Several of the draft resolutions have fmancial implications, .as I have already informed the Assembly. Therefore, the voting on those draft resolutions will take place at a date to be announced in due course.9 401. I shall now call on those delegations wishing to exercise their right of reply.

The system ofapartheid of the Pretoria regime constitutes the core of the racial conflict in South Africa. This issue has been on the agenda of the United Nations for a quarter of a century, and yet none of the measpres adopted has produced concrete results. The escalating tension and violence is great, and only drastic changes in the racist policies of Vorster's regime can avert the imminent danger of an explosive situation. 403. The long struggle of the oppressed peo.ple of South Africa has entered a crucial stage. The petition of a people suffering under pernicious exploitation and· persecution must not continue unheard and unanswered. The needs of today require an immediate and uneqUivocal answer, namely, self-determination, 404. We will not enumerate the injustices and atrocities perpetrated on the heroic people of South Afnca. Major instances of these injustices were recorded by the Special Committee in its various reports. The brutal repres~ion of the black majority by the racist minority regime in Pretoria. has been denounced by representatives of various States. The inhumane acts of the apartheid regime have been painstakingly reported by the representatives ofthe African liberation movements. 405. The United Nations has provided an international legal framework for the eUmination of apartheid and has offered valuable recommendations for the eradication thereof by its various resolutions concerning this problem. The very purpose of the Special Committee against Apart- heid embodies one of the basic principles of the world Organization, namely, the right of peoples to independence and self-determination. 406. However, the forces of international imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism an~ zionism resist any effort to com?ly with the will of the majority. The co-operation and mutual support these aggressive forces render to each other are evident. The concerted efforts of colonialism, imperialism, racism and Zionism are bearing 409. It has become commonplace to hear the patently false· allegations of the representative of the Zionist-racist entIty. He hopes ,these vicious attacks will distract attention from the real issues in South Africa and in the Middle East. In his latest statement from this rostrum [72nd meeting], he referred to an undated. article in a Western magazine that seemingly alleged that our Basra fields provide oil to South Africa. The Zionists have had long practice and enjoyed good success in the art of misrepresentation and misstate- ment. But, then, that is not news to Members of this body who have watched the Zionists perform over the years. 410. In view of the positive developments in our country and of our frUitful relationship with our African brothers, the representative of the Zionist entity has chosen once more to distort the facts and to indulF in his rhetoric. 411. The limitations of time prohibit our cataloguing the various measures adopted by our Government since 17 July 1968, the date when our country was freed of the last vestiges of imperialism and its agents. Our oil was in the hands of monopolistic foreign oil companies. On 1 June 1972, we nationalized our oil. The production and market- ing of oil from the oilfields of the Basra Oil Company were being carried out by th'~ monopolistic oil companies that were operating the Basra Ou Company until the beginning of the year 1973. Since the completion of the nationali- zation of oil late in 1975 in which the Basra Oil Company was completely nationalized, Iraq's control has become complete as regards the production and marketing of oil. I should like to assert here emphatically that since the completion of the nationalization of oil in Iraq not one drop of oil has been exported from Iraq to the racist regime in South Africa. As to the issue of gold, we do not import gold into Iraq. 413. This volubility and the generous round of attacks were aimed at implementing the new deceitful policy of the Z10nist entity, which, in the words of the Daily News Bulletin of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency of 26 November 1976, "aims at maintaining a low profile ... in view of increasing criticism ofIsrael throughout the world". 414. At this juncture I should like to turn to that "miniscule" relationship between the Zionist-racist entity and the racist regime of South Africa. The New York Times carried an article· about the growth in the relationship between the· Zionist entity and South Africa which stated: "It has given South Africa access to armaments that are inCreasingly difficult to get elsewhere. as well as opening healthy trade in other items. Moreover, it has offered South Africa diplomatic comfort at a time when its old friends in the West have become increasingly alienated by apartheid'~ 10 . Elsewhere, the same paper continues: "In South Africa, Israel found a reliable source of relatively cheap essential materi~ls, especially sugar, coal and steel, that were either unobtainable or too expensive elsewhere. For its part, South Africa offered a ready market for Israeli chemicals and textiles, as well as high-technology products. "An agreement on scientific and technological ex- changes, formalized during the Vorster visit, led to an intensification of existing contacts. One rUJl10red pro- gram, cooperation on the development of nuclear weapons, has been insistently denied"" I 415. Even certain Zionists and their partisans cannot tolerate the flourishing relations between the Zionist entity and the South African regime. Addressing Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg, the President of the American Jewish Congress, in an article in the January 1977 issue of Jewish CUr- rents, 12 Sheldon Ranz, a leader of one of the Zionist youth movements in the United States. said: "Perhaps, Mr. Hertzberg, you should listen more to news reports of arms, not just money, given to South Africa by Israel, certainly to be used to kill black revolutionaries." 416. The Zionist entity can no longer deny its close economic and military co-operation with the South African racist regime. Instead, the new strategy is to justify it. It is in this spirit that the Zionist representative defended that entity's so-called miniscule trade in the name of what he 10 See The New York Times, 21 May 1977. p. 6. ll/bid. 12 New York, Jewish Currents, Inc., 1977. 417. This situation must no longer be" tolerated. The apartheid regime is sustained by strong military and economic support from" the imperialist Powers and their Zionist allies. 418. At the Fifth Conference of Heads of State and Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Colombo in August 1976, the policy of apartheid of South Africa was condemned, and the inalienable rights of the people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and Palestine and of other oppressed peoples were reaffIrmed. At the First Conference of Heads of State and Government of the OAU and the League of Arab States, held in Cairo in March 1977, the participants reaffIrmed the need to strengthen their peoples' united front in their struggle for national liberation, and con- demned imperialism, colonialism, zionism, apartheid and all other forms of discrimination f see A/32/61, annex I, para. 5/. 419. The Government of Iraq has always upheld the right of all peoples to home rule, free of any alien domination, and has stood resolutely for the complete elimination of all forms of racism and racial discrimination Unless the racist regimes are denounced and shunne<:l by the international community, we are afraid that little can be achieved on the way to the complete eradication of colonialism, apartheid, racism and zionism. 420. My Government fully supports the effective im~le­ mentation of all of the United Nations decisions and resolutions on racism, racial discrimination, apartheid, decolonization and self-determination.

Once again my delegation must come to this rostrum to deny allegations made against Chile, and reiterated here tltJs afternoon, because they are absolutely and completely false. 422. Some time ago those who are waging and supporting the campaign again5t Chile invented a new form of slander, a clumsy lie: they falsely maintained that Chilean soldiers were in Namibia. That is a lie. 423. The allegation was immediately denied by the Presi- dent of the Republic of Chile himself. Nevertheless, this afternoontherepresentativeofthePalestineLiberationOrgan- ization inexcusably repeated the lie. Hence we must once again deny that absolutely unfounded, false assertion. It is regrettable that the representative of the Palestine libera- tion Organization should come here and irre$ponsibly say something so absurd and false about Chile when, at the same time, another representative of the Palestine libera- tion Organization is in Santiago, Chile, having talks with authorities of the Chilean Government; naturally, the latter representative-has shown a quite different attitUde towards the Government of my country. Nev~rtheless, a few delegations have wished to inject confusion into this debate and, for other purposes, have insisted on attgcking my 'COuntry with unfounded. in- accurate' accusaifons. Another delegation also repeated the liethat'thereare Chilean t~pS in Namibia. . " .,.~ '* 425. On~eagain t e'*PhaticaUy deny these false assertions. J'hey cannot in any way affect our consistent condem- nation of racism and apartheid 426.., My df(l~tion deeply regrets these slanderous, un- founded and unjust accusations by the representatives of The meetingrose at 8.40 p.m. ,"