A/32/PV.79 General Assembly

Once again the General Assembly is seized of the question of the Middle East, but certainly the scenario is different from that of the most recent past years. The possibility of a Geneva meeting between the parties concerned has been seriously raised again and, as a consequence, this year's debate appears to be more directly concerned with the true nature of the problems involved and with the question of which representatives should sit around the negotiating table if the results are to mean anything to those directly involved and if a just and lasting peace for the area is to be found. 2. However much we try to wriggle in and out of legal argument5 in order to make our positions tenable in the eyes of some, the basic facts remain, and it is those facts that have to be taken into account in order to build on them a durable peace. We have stated in the past what those facts are, and \ re have referred to them not simply as phenomena which from our point of view are ~acts, but as objective realities, independent of what one thinks or does either to ignore them or to exaggerate them. 3. The two essential facts are linked with the search of the peoples in the region for national identity and statehood, for peace and security. One people has attained its objective of secure statehood, and its right to an independent statehood has been endorsed and recognized by the international community. That is a fact of historical life. The other people is still wandering in a wilderness of oppression and want. Its inherent right to independence is supported by the international community, but the actual attainment of this right is obstructed both politically aad physically. The territorial base for the exercise of statehood has so far been denied to the Palestinian people, with the result that a new Diaspora has been created, with the Palestinians as its victim. 4. In our discussion of item 126, we stated [50th meeting] that although each part~cular aspect of the Middle East question can lend itself to a separate debate, it is also NEW YORK important to note that all its aspects are intimately con- nected. It is therefore ~f the greatest importance to reiterate the principle of the inadmissibility of the occupa- tion of territory by force, and, hence, we cannot but condemn Israel for its continued occupation of Arab territories, in violation of the United Nations Charter and resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) are not enough by themselves, in our view. We certainly recognize the validity of these resolutions, as also their deficiencies in overlooking the rights of the Palestinian people. It is not accurate to divorce resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) from their historical context. The pro- visions of those resolutions were laboriously worked out in response to an emergency situation, which was a tragic episode in itself, but only one of a series of events. Most certainly their provisions were not meant to be used as an unyielding obstacle to peace; much less were they intended to inflict an injustice on one party, the one most directly affected by the present situation. Security can in the final analysis be obtained only through the peaceful coexistence of the peoples and the States in the area. 5. Noconsideration of the question of the Middle East can be adequate in any way unless account is taken of the rights of the Palestinian people. For 30 years these people not only have been made strangers in. their own land but, indeed, have been forced to live under occupation condi- tions. If tensions have flared, if serious and even fatal incidents have occurred, if desperate means have been used to attract attention to their just cause, all these events have to be understood, and can be understood, only within the framework of a generation of suffering, of living under tents in refugee camps, of expulsion from their legitimate holdings, and of unwanted dispersal into several coun- tries-a fact which itself is a breeder of discontent and despair. There is therefore just cause for saving and believing that should there ever be a Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East, the voice of the Palestinian people l:hould be heard, and it should be heard through their sole, legitimate representatives, the Palestine libera- tion Organization [PLO]. 6. A solution to the Middle East problem has so far proved impossible. It would be a pessimistic view to say that the possibilities of such a solution are to be considered remote, since it is well known that, given the right concessions and flexibility, an atmosphere could be created in which the interested parties could sit and talk to each other. On the other hand, it would be simplistic and naive to state that a solution is possible within a short period of time, as if peace could be the product of a magic wand. But there are initiae es which, if taken, could contribute significantly to the creation of conditions conducive to a lasting peace. 8. In contrast to the outbreak of war, there is no suddenness in the achievement of peace. Peace is usually attained by laborious, progressive measures, which in their totality create a movement further and further away from ideas of conflict and closer and closer to thoughts of understanding and friendship. I suppose the Middle East is no exception; but, needless to say, goodwill and under- standing when an occupation situation obtains must originate with the occupier and not with the occupied. Although Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) should not be regarded as the "be all" and the "end all" of the Middle East problem, they could certainly provide a testing standard of goodwill if the occupier of Arab territories were to implement them. 9. To recapitulate, my delegation stands firm on what it considers to be the indispensable requirements for a just and durable peace in the Middle East. They are: first, the inadmissibility of the occupation of territory by force; secondly, withdrawal by Israel from all occupied Arab territories; and, thirdly, the exercise of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to an independent State, on an equal footing with all other States in the region.

May I first of all thank the Secretary-General for the report [A/32/24G-S/124I7 and Add.I} that he has submitted to the General Assembly in accordance with resolution 31/62 of 9 December 1976. In that report the Secretary-General has drawn our attention to the complexity and gravity of the problems standing in the way of a peaceful solution of the Middle East crisis, which has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for the last 30 years. 11. May I recall that the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of non-aligned countries held an extraordinary meeting at United Nations Headquarte:oson 30 September 1977 to examine the situation in the Middle East and the question of Palestine. They concluded that the situation in that region had been seriously deteriorating as a result of the continued Israeli occupation of Arab territories, the exten- sion of Israeli legislation to the occupied territori'~s and the establishment of settlements on the West Bank of the Jordan and in Gaza[see A/32/255-S/I24I0j. 12. The assessment at that time was that what was involved was a clear attempt to prepare the ground for new steps leading to the annexation of illegally occupied Arab territories and that this seriously hampers the efforts aimed at achieving a just and lasting settlement of the crisis in the MIddle East and constitutes a threat to international peace an.d security. 13. The non-aligned countries reiterated the stand they tli. k at the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or 14. Yugoslavia, as well as many other countries, has always insisted on the strict implementation of the deci- sions of the General Assembly and the Security Council urging that solutions to the crisis should be found on the basis of those decisions, under the auspices and with the active participation of the United Nations. Consequently, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of non-align.;:d countries called upon the United Nations to follow constantly and attentively the explosive situation in the Middle East, urging it to exert efforts to solve the crisis in the Middle East and to eliminate that source of danger to international peace and security. 15. The Arab countries and the PLO have, for their part, shown that they are ready to search for a just and lasting political solution, and in that respect they enjoy the support of the international community and the world Organization. 16. In consistency with its position of principle,. Yugo- slavia has supported .every authentic effort to find a solution that will take into account the rights of every people and every cOUi.try and that will lead to the establishment of a lasting and just settlement of the Middle East crisis. In this connexion, we deem it necessary to support the efforts to convene the Geneva Peace Confer- ence, which is part of the peace-making role of the United Nations in respect of this critical pi"Oblem. As we all know, the General Assembly has already called, in its resolution 31/62 adopted last year, for the convening of the Geneva Conference with the participation of all the parties in- volved. 17. My country, as well as many others, has welcomed the United States-Soviet statement of 1 October 1977 on the convening of the Geneva Conference as an important step forward towards a peaceful solution of the Middle East crisis. It is particularly significant that this statement has laid down the framework for the Geneva Conference and reflects the basic principles of United Nations resolutions. It is of particular importance that the necessity to satisfy the national rights of the Palestinian people has found its place in that document. However, we note with dismay that Israel has not accepted this statement, in spite of the fact that the whole membership of the United Nations has recognized the need for the realization of the rights of the Palestinian people. 18. Attempts are still being made to dispute the right of the PLO to represent the Palestinian people. My country has always maintained that the PLO is the only legitimate representative of the Palestinians. This was not only :~~o ;::r~t~~~~~~~:~t~~ %~~~t~~:t:;~rs~~~ l~~~~~~~e~r~~~ ~~~lu;:~ ~~~e~~r~;:o~~~e~~l~~n;:~::~e~~~ee~:k~~v~~~~~~ the occupied West Bank of the Jordan, including 12 mayors the United Nations, as well as other endeavours in the same of Palestinian towns in the occupied territories [see direction, it is our belief that the resumption of the Geneva A/32/313, annexes I and Ill. The letters proclaim their Conference and its success would depend on the goodwill "attachment to the PLO as the sole legitimate represen- of all the parties, as well as their flexibility, in negotiating tative ofthe Arab people ofPalestinewherever they may be". without prejudice to internationally recognized principles. In the same way as no one has the right to tell Israel and the Arab countries who will represent them at the Genev... 27. So far as the General Assembly is concerned, we Conference, no one, except the palestinian people, has the consider that there should be a further intensification of right to determine who will represent it at this Conference. efforts by the international community to promote the A peace agreement concluded without the legitimate early convening of the General Conference in order to representatives of the Palestinians would be unjust, incom- establish a just and lasting peace ir: a realistic and principled plete and invalid and would lead to new disturbances and manner. In our view there can be no just solution unless it conflicts. is based on certain principles. First, there should be total respect for the principle of the non-acquisition of territories by force. Secondly, territories occupied by conquest should be vacated. Thirdly. the right of refugees to return voluntaril} to their own lands and homes must be recog- nized. Fourthly, the right of Palestinians to national self-determination should be respected. Fifthly, boundaries between States should be settled through negotiations and not by force. Sixthly, the right of ~ States to exist within secure boundaries should be accepted. 19. This debate is taking place at a time of intensive diplomatic and political activity in which various countries, having different interests, concepts and positions, are taking part. We firmly believe that only the initiatives and actions founded on the principles adopted by the world Organiza- tion can be really successful. These principles are the following. 20. First, Israel must withdraw from all Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied in the war of 5 June 1967. It is necessary to underline that the international com- munity can have no confidence in Israel's policy as long as Israel merely insists on the necessity of negotiations-which is not controversial- while persistently avoiding expressing its readiness to withdraw from all the territories it has occupied by force. 21. Secondly, realization of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, induding the right to establish its own State. Without a solution of the Palestinian question on this basis, there can be no lasting, just and stabie settlement of the Middle East crisis. 22. ThL-dly, there must be a recognition of the right of all the States and peoples of the region, including Israel, to independence and free development within secure and recognized borders. 23. The Yugoslav delegation is a sponsor of draft resolu- tion A/32/L.38, convinced that it embodies all the basic elements that would enable the world Organization to set in motion the process leading to the solution of the crisis.

Once again the General Assembly is engaged in its annual discussion of the situation in the Middle East Since the discussion last year there have been some new and encouraging developments. I refer to the growth of detente between the super-Powers, which we hope will make itself felt particularly in the Middle East. 25. We welcome the attempts being made by the two Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference to bring the parties directly concerned together in another meeting to negothte peace in the Middle East. We have noted with interest the 28. In accordanc.e with these principles the Security Council has laid down the framework for a just solution in its resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). It remains now for the parties concerned to implement those resolutions under the auspices of the Geneva Conference. We hope that the consequences of aggression, conquest and occupation will be liquidated soon, with due regard to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and with particular regard for the maintenance of permanent peace and security in the MiC.rile East. 29. Peace in the Middle East, as elsewhere, is indivisible. So far it has proved elusive, because the national rights of the Palestinian Arab people have not yet been accepted. It is our firm belief that an important condition for peace in the Middle East is universal recognition of the national rights of th~' Palestinian Arab people. including their right to have a nation-State of their own. Another equally important condition is the recognition by all concerned of the right of all State~ in tile Middle East to exist in peace and harmony with their neighbours within secure bounda- ries. This. of course, includes the State of Israel. 30. The situation in th~ Middle East today is extremely delicate. We recognize. however, that the situation is favourable for progress towards peace, even though there may be forces operating in a contrary direction. Neverthe- less, it is our international duty to the cause of world peace to encourage all positive trends towards a negotiated and just settlement. The General Assembly should do all it can to facilitate the reconvening of the Geneva Peace Confer- ence on the Middle East as soon as possible. 31. All our efforts must be directed toward~ not only convening that Conference but promoting its success. It 32, My delegation urges all parties to the conflict to work together for the achievement of a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the problem. We also urge the two Co-Chairmen to 1T'2ke determined efforts to reconvene the Geneva Conference and to utilize fully the present favou- rable opportunity for promoting all-round negotiations. We hope that the Security Council also will continuously monitor the situation in the Middle East and facilitate the establishment of permanent peace in that region

The continued lack of a solution for the problems that lie at the root of the conflict between States in the Middle East constitutes a constant threat to peace in that area and also raises a serious danger for international peace and security in general. This potentially explosive situation is a source of grave concern to my Government and calls for an urgent solution in the interests of all peoples of the region and of general peace alike. In my Government's rIrm conviction, there can be no talk of genuine peace until the focus of tension in the Middle East has been eliminated. The h~dc causes of such a situation are the flagrant violation by Israel of the territorial integrity of Arab States, the denial to the Arab people of Palestine of the right to establish a national State and to decide their own future, and Israel's refusal to comply with the most elementary norms of international law. The link between the violation of the right of a group ofnations and the threat ofwar is all too apparent. 34. One of the main issues in the conflict between Arab countries and the State of Israel is the occupation and control of Arab territories by the armed forces of Israel. Israel invaded, occupied and annexed substantial parts of Arab lands during the four wars it waged against Arab countries. Demonstrative statements by the head of the Israeli Government and by other members of government leave no room for doubt about Israel's refusal to withdraw its troops inside the boundaries ~hat existed between itself and the Arab countries prior to the war of 1967. In fact, Israel has taken effective measures to change the geogra- phical character, the demographic structure and the legal status of the occupied territories. 35. That is a consistent policy of annexation aimed at the integration of those territories into Israel. Those acts and that policy do not, of course, help the search for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. That policy is a flat violation of the fundamental principle of the inadmissibility of acquir- ing t~rritory by means of war. Such an expansionist policy can only lead to a perpetuation of enmity and hatred, while imperilling the foundations of a possible understanding between Israel and the Arab countries. 36. We believe that a genuine peace in the Middle East can be brought about only if the said ingredient of the conflict is settled and the Israeli troops are withdrawn from all the Arab territories occupied in 1967. 38. We deplore the fact that the implementation of the relevant resolutions has been prevented by certain States. We equally deplore the attempts to divide the Arab nations over the question of Palestinian representation in and outside the occupied territories. Such attempts obstruct peace efforts and delay the reconvening of an international peace conference on the Middle East. No one can challenge the fact-which has been reaffirmed time and again by the overwhelming majo.rity of the Palestinian people, by the summit conferences of the Arab and the non-aligned countries, and by the resolutions of our Organization-that the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinians is the PLO. The attempts at getting certain countries to scale down their support for the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people mean siding with those for~es which try to eliminate the PLO and to bypass the interests of the Arab people of Palestine'. In this context, I should like to stress that my Government continues to give every support to the Palestinian people, led by the PLO, in its efforts to achieve ajust settlement of the Palestinian problem. 39. It has been and remains the position of my Govern- ment that the road to peace in the Middle East leads through an international peace conference as the most suitable mechanism to ensure a decisive shift towards peace in the area There is a real possibility for a Geneva conference to work in that direction, but for its resumption to result in an over-all and just political settlement of the Middle East conflict the collective efforts of all sides directly involved are required, and the directly interested parL~s, including the representatives of the PLO, must take part in the conference on an equal footing. Such ccllective action is likely to make a tangible contribution to ajust and lasting settlement of the conflict. We are convinced that this is the only constructive approach to the Geneva Conference. Furthermore, we believe that the various assurances, promises and persuasions in the quest for a solution of the conflict outside the framework of that Conference boil down virtually to giving consent to separate agreements that would jeopardize an over-all agreement. Any attempt to make a peaceful settlement in the Middle East the object of political manoeuvring in the service of selfish aims serves only to delay and to call into question a genuine solution. That is why we fully subscribe to the joint statement on the Middle East of 1 October of this year by the United States and the Soviet Union in which they state, inter alia: "This settlement should be comprehensive, incorporating all parties concerned and all questions". 42. I shall conclude by emphasizing that Hungary will, as before, do its best to promote a peaceful settlement of the conflict in the Middle East as a whole, including the problem of Palestine, and to help to remove all the consequences of the Israeli aggression becauE2 they threaten the peace of that area and, indeed, of the world at large. 43. Mc. ABDEL MEGUID (Egypt) (interpretation from Arabic): The General Assembly is reviewing its considera- tion of the situation in the Middle East, the continued stagnation of which constitutes a serious threat to the possibilities for peace and stability in this vital area that is of concern to the whole world and that conseq:lently affects international peace and security. There is no doubt that in its concern with this situation the General Assembly is fully aware Gf the dimensions of that situation and of the sedous consequences to which it may lead, as well as of the destructive manoeuvres to which the march towards peace is exposed. Consequently, the General Assembly is without doubt conscious of its responsibility to express, on behalf of the entire international community, its categorical rejection of anything that may lead to the confirmation of the occupation, or that may impede a sol~ti~n, or may perpetuate disregard of the purposes and pnnclples of the Charter. It must also be conscious of its responsibility to express the need to adopt an initiative within an appro- priate time if progress towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle East is to be achieved in compliance with the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations, as called for by Egypt iIl the course of our consideration last year of the Middle East item.! 44. There is no doubt that the international community is well aware of Egypt's policy and objectives, from which it has not deviated either before or after the October War in 1973. It has asserted its sincere desire and continued search for and efforts on behalf vf a just peace and its firm policy of participating in all efforts aimed at the achievement of that peace, in order to spare that region the possibility of conflicts and the scourge of war such as it has been exposed to for over 2S years, that is, sin.ce the p~ople of Palestine were denied their in~lienable nght to life, self- determin'Jtion and independence. This holds true particu- larly in this age when the United Nations Charter consti- 45. At its previous session the General Assembly adopted two important resolutions on the Middle East item. 46. The first was resolution 31/61 of9 December 1976 on the situation in the Middle East. That resolutjon reaffirmed the necessity of establishing a just and lasting peace based on the principles of the Charter and the relevant United Nations resolutions on the problem of the Middle East and Palestine. It also reaffirmed that such a peace cannot be achieved without Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territo- ries occupied since 1967 and the attainment by the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights, which are the . basic prerequisites enabling all countries and peoples in the Middle East to live in peace. The resolution requested the Security Council to take effective measures for the imple- mentation of all relevant resolutions of the Council and the General Assembly on the Middle East and Palestine. 47. Th~ second important resolution adopted by the General Assembly was resolution 31/62 of 9 Decemtx.r 1976. That resolution expressed the concern cf the General Assembly at the lack of progress towards the achievement of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. In that resolution the General Assembly stated that it shared the view of the Secretary-General that any relaxation in the search for a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the problem would constitute a threat to international peace and security. The General Assembly requested the Secretary-General of the United Na~ons to resume contacts with all the parties to the conflict and the Co-Chainnen of the Peace Conference on the M~ddle East, in accordance with his initiat!ve of 1 April 1976, in preparation for the early convening of the Peace Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations and the co-chair- manship of thE" Soviet Union and the United States of America, not later than the end of March 1977. Further, it called on the Security Council to convene subsequent to the submission by the Secretary-General of a report on his activities in order to consider the situation in the Middle East. 48. Those two important resolutions reaffrrmed the role of the United Nations as the main centre for efforts concerning the Middle East. In this connexion, I should like to pay a tribute to the considerable efforts exerted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations in seeking to contact all parties to the conflict in order to achieve a lasting and just peace in the area. Egypt believes that the United Nations, with its two main organs, the General Assembly and the Security Council, should be responsible for supervising the efforts to achieve peace. It should not be forgotten that the Peace Conference was convened on the basis of Security Council resolution 338 (1973) and conse- quently comes within the framework of the United Nations, as was reaffirmed in General Assembly resolution 31/62. 49. During the early months of last year the Secretary- General considered it essential to renew his efforts to 50. In accordance with resolution 31/62 of 1976, the Egyptian Government extended an invitation to the Secre- tary-General to visit the area and make contact with all the parties concerned. This the Secretary-General did on 28 February of this year, and submitted his report on the results of these efforts to the Security Council in document S/12290.2 51. The Secretary-General held intensive consultations in Egypt, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel and with the PLO in order to sound out the views of all the parties to the conflict. At the end of his mission he sent representatives to the Co-Chairmen of the Peace Conference to inform them of the results of his consultations. In his report the Secretary-General indicated that all the parties concerned agreed on the necessity for an early resumption of the negotiating process through the convening of the Peace Confel~nce on the Middle East, but that the problem was to find agreement on the conditions under which the Conference could be convened. 52. The Secretary-General continued his appreciable and admirable efforts in connexion with this vital, if not crucial, matter. This was reflected in the report submitted to the General Assembly in document A/32/240-S/12417 of 3 October 1977, in which he referred once more to the fact that, while there was agre~ment on the r cpssity for the early resumption of negotiations through the convening of the Peace Conference, there was no agreement on the question of the participation of the PLO. Consequently the Secretary-General believed that the obstacles in the way of reconvening the Geneva Conference were of a kind that could not be overcome by purely procedural means. 53. The concern of the international community with the explosive situation in the Middle East is increasing daily. The realization is also increasing that, unless a durable and just settlement is arrived at in that area, there will be grave and serious consequences for international peace and security, That was clearly manifested in the intensified contacts which Egypt recently undertook with various countries of the world, at which time those countries declared their support for the efforts undertaken by Egypt for a lasting and just peace. It was also manifested, for example, in the statement issued by the Heads of Govern- ment of the nine countries members of the European Community at their meeting in London on 29 June last, which emphasized that the position of those European countries on the settlement of the situation was based on the following points: first, that the acquisition of territory 54. The nine European countries restated that position in the statement which they issued yesterday, 22 November. in which they declared their support of the peace initiatives undertaken by President EI-Sadat in Jerusalem. 55. The position of Egypt, as stated during the general debate in the course of the current sessior of the General Assembly i 10th meeting], is that a lasting and just peace cannot be established under conditions of occupation or of the denial to the Palestinian people of their right to self-determination and to an independent State. The rt1iddle East has always been the cradle of civilization, the place of origin of the revealed religions and a meeting-place for all races and peoples. It has always been an area of peace, fratp.rnity a~ld friendship, where individuals and groups of people alike enjoyed a happy life free of fanaticism and hostility. Coexistence and interaction in the area provided the climate in which civilizations could flourish and differences among people were dissolved. The area was truly a crucible of various civilizations and creeds. 56. The Middle East cannot continue to live in an explosive situation where war breaks out periodically and brings with it further suffering and pain. War erupts like a volcano creating a psychological and material atmosphere which impedes stability, progress and development. That is why it was inevitable that the area should suffer a continual draining of its human and material resources and a severe loss of potential and energies. It was natural for that situ~tion to produce throughout the region and unhealthy atmosphere and climate, in which hope would disappear and fear and hostility increase. 57. That is a true analysis of the situation in the Middle East and that is the root of the problem. It means that it is historically inevitable, if the current situation continues, for an explosion tJ occur the dimensions and scope of which would be unprecedented in the region. In that case, the world would not be spared the morally, spiritually and materially destructive consequences of that explosion. 58. President EI-Sadat in his historic address before the Egyptian National Assembly on 9 November stated the following: "Our nation was truly sincere when it waged a glorious battle four years age. It was and still is sincere and honest in its call for peace and sincere in its desire to achieve peace throughout the region, for our ultimate aim is to have all peoples live in their homelands, within their borders, secure and enjoying safety and the security of property and life in order to enable them to contribute generously to the progress of humanity and to mobilize all their efforts to meet the challenge of development d " an progress. 60. Members witnessed this week how Egypt accepted the challenge for peace. The battle for peace requires the same ability, energy and courage that is needed for a battle in war. 61. Egypt, more than other countries, is all too familiar with war and the horrors of war. What Egypt, and the whole world with it, seeks-and the world is a witness of its intentions-is ajust peace encompassing the whole region; it is not "peace at any price" and not a peace based on an individual agreement. For Egypt has declared its rejection of those alternatives. The only peace whose banner Egypt raises today is a peace in which the people of Palestine regain their inalienable rights and the Arab nation regains its occupied lands. The historic initiatives taken by Egypt are inspired by a position of power, not a spirit of weakness, with a spirit of courage, not relJctance, and with the aim of peace, not war. It is in the interest of world peace at large, for the road to peace is before us. And it is the duty of all to contribute to peace with all sincerity, or else the region will lapse once more into the risks and dangers of war and destruction, and will consequently threaten international peace and security. Egypt has mani- fested its serious desire for peace. 62. When Egypt decided to accept the challenge for peace, it accepted the challenge with the following elements: first, the withdrawal of Israel from all Arab territories occupied since 5 June 1967; secondly, the right of the people of Palestine to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State; thirdly, the recognition of the right of all countries of the area to live in peace; fourthly, the provision of the necessary guarantees to enable every people to be secure on their own land and to enjoy the safety of their holy places and the life of their people. 63. For the sake of righteousness and truth, I should like to state that Egypt, aware of its role and historic obligations, has shouldered its national responsibilities and has borne considerable sacrifices. Egypt has stood steadfast in the face of difficulties and crises, and it has sacrificed the cherished blood of its: martyrs. Yet, Egypt rejects trustee- ship. It does not give lessons nor does it accept them, and Egypt rises above attack and manoeuvres. What Egypt and its President have undertaken in terms of initiatives represents in the last analysis a test of intentions, which Egypt offers to the whole world, inspired by its sincere desire to establish peace on a just and durable basis in the area and throughout the world. 64. Egypt has faced and gone through four battles in war. Then let us wage the fifth battle for the sake of peace.

Yesterday [78th meeting} I was given the opportunity to give this Assembly a resume of the historical background of the Middle East situation, which indeed has bedevilled the United Nations for the last three decades. I took the liberty of pointing out that zionism has been used by European Jews as a motivation for apolitical end and I mentioned, in fairness to . 67. God, allegedly, created man in his own image and chose the Jews to be superior, a superior caste. God could have chosen a better creature than this constipated biped called man! who has called himself Homo sapienr IIHomo stupidus': rather. Why did not the alleged traditional God· create the peacock or the gazelle in his own image? 68. Whom are we fooling here in the twentieth century? That God allegedly chose the Jews as being superior to others? All this is pure fiction and tribal mythology. Nevertheless, in the Twentieth century the Zionists played on the sentiments of Jews and simple, devout Gentiles, most of them fundamentalists, indoctrinating them with the idea that they, the Jews, are th~ superior race. 69. Anthropologists tell ys that there is really only one race, that differences in colour and other differences between one people and another are based on history, geography, culture and language. Everyone has just one ancestor: homo. It makes no difference whether a person is white, black, yellow or some other colour. 70. Many of these twentieth-century Zionists have gone to the best universities of Europe; they have studied Dar- winian evolution; they have read the philosophers. Many of them are scientists. But the politicians, the leaders, still play on the feelings of the people in the street, including the fundamentalist Gentiles, who adhere to the letter rather than the spirit of the Bible. We all respect the Bible for its moral code, for the code of ethics of the Prophets. But I hail from the area of the Middle East, and I remember that as children we could not envisage Moses' staff turning into a serpent. Moses was not a magician; Moses was a great prophet who saved the Jews when they were labouring hard in Egypt. I have referred many times to the story of the flood, but this bears repetition. There must have been a flood at Mount Ararat, but the Bible says that Noah chose one male and one female of each species and put them in the ark. Now, did Noah have a microscope in those days that made it possible for him to decide which of the small creatures was male and which was female? 71. It is on the basis of these fictitious interpretations of the Bible that those Zionists sitting there want to put things over on the world. If they are fooling themselves and scme simple-minded people, they certainly cannot fOul us in the United Nations any longer. 72. I could go on ad nauseam, but where does all this get us? Where has it got us to state the facts, to invoke logic, 74. Of course, since man became articulate, language has had a great impact on his mind. But quite often semantics and language make of man not a rational animal but a rationalizing animal who finds excuses for his mistakes. Shall we continue in this groove, or shall we find ~ another way? 75. I do not regard the Zionists as superior or inferior; they are human beings like everyone else. But I must say that they are misguided by their political leaders, and because of their influence-especially in the Western world-they may push humanity into the abyss. They have acquired all the mass media in the world that count. They manipulate the news to serve their purposes. 76. I wish to address myself now to my friends in the United States delegation I have been in the United States on and off since 1939, and I have been in this Organization for 32 years, since the beginning. The poor Senators in this country know that their images are built by the mass media. Dare anyone say that Israel is at fault? If he does, he is fmished. Is it any wonder, then, that not so long ago 72 Senators had to toe the Zionist line? Mr. Carter is a noble President-noble not in aristocracy but in his goals. But if they could crucify him tOinorrow, they would. There are some 216 million Americans, including American Jews-and some American Jews are friends of mine; they are not all Zionists. The American taxpayer is sweating so that aid may be sent to Israel. Why? What did the Arabs, at a distance of 7,000 miles from these shores, do to the United States? As I have asked my British friends. What did we do to Lord Balfour to make him give away a land that was not his? Actually, he did not give it away; if we read the Balfour Declaration,3 we see that it is well-balanced. But, as I said yesterday, whenever the British suggested that the Zionists should amend their policies, the Zionists began ~ging British soldiers from olive trees. They killed Lord Moyne, just as they killed Count Bernadotte. They wiped out Deir Yasin. They bombed the King David Hotel. Nobody dared to raise a hue and cry in England. Today nobody in this country dares to raise a hue and cry. 77. What is the solution? Shall we go on like this, making speeches day in and day out, year in and year out? Is it not high time we learned the lessons of two world wars and the havoc they wreaked? Are we to repeat the mistakes of the leaders of the Powers that emerged as the victors of those 3 See Officilll Records of the General Assembly, Second Session, Supplement No. 11, val. 11, annex 19. 78. What business did the Western Powers have in Viet Nam? We are now fortunate in having Viet Nam here as a full-fledged Member of the United Nations. But who- except a few-dared mention that any engagement overseas was wrong? Why do I mention that? Because it has a bearing on the Middle East. Why should those major Powers play chess on the chequer-board of their spheres of influence? Whether we like it or not, we happen to be in the Western sphere of influence-from Morocco to the Gulf-not by our choice. The Western Powers consider this area to be their preserve. 79. We tell the major Powers that this is the day of missiles and strategy is gone; they do not need Cyprus, as they once did in 1878, nor the Suez Canal, because they can destroy each other with intercontinental missiles. Neutron bombs also are bemg invented, and God knows what the Russians have in their secret arsenals. 80. Why all this? For trade? Look at the inflation. What trade? Two world wars have played even more havoc with the victors than with the defeated. The dollar is worth four nickels. When I came here I could buy more with 20 cents than I can now buy with a dollar. The same is true of the French franc; and let no o{le think that the currency of the Germans, who were defeated in the Second World War, can buy much more. This is all a result of two world wars and because the old approaches to international affairs depended on spheres of influence. And we are still playing that chess game on the chequer-board of spheres of influence. 81. Yesterday I appealed to the major Powers, as I believe my brother from Egypt did today when he mentioned that it was in the hands of the major Powers at Geneva-and, I add, elsewhere as well-to put an end to this impasse. Why? Because the Russians and Americans were chosen by God? No, because they wield power. Take world power from them and nobody would know them the next day-just like the Europeans who had empires. Where are the empires of yesterday? I saw them at their zenith. These empires do not wield world power any more. The Soviet Union and the United States have it within their grasp to bring pressure to bear, but they do not trust each other as yet. 82. The First Committee has 30 draft resolutions on disarmament. When we started to talk about disarmament about 20 years ago, we began with three or four. But the more they talk about disarmament the more armament we have. 83. Now, in the long run, as I have said time and again, the Zionists will disappear like a pinch of salt in a boiling cauldron of Middle East water-not necessarily by force, but by assimilation. In the meantime there are many mischief-makers. Shall we give in to them? I submit that it is high time that the 149 nations in this Organizatfon 84. There is no future for the zionists because they have an alien culture. There is no difference between us and our Jews, who speak Arabic with us, and who have the same language, the same culture, the same way of life and the same food. Incidentally, our Moslem population does not have to label things "kosher", but they do not eat pork-neither do the Jews-not because God has told them not to but because there are trichinae in pork. Whenever something suits us we atribute it to God. We should have the modern concept of the Creator of the universe. 85. My appeal to the Americans and the Russians is to come together and tell the Israelis something that I am going to suggest. It is nothing new. I happen to have played a very small role in this way when U Thant was our Secretary-General. As representatives know, he was greatly touched by the political plight of Austria. Austria had been occupied b,)' the victors of the Second World War; year in and year out they did not know what to do. Finally wisdom prevailed among the Russians and the Americans, and the British and French also showed goodwill towards Austria, and they made Austria neutral. Austria is a neutral country. 86. If the Palestinians were established in their homeland and guarantees were given to the Jews and Palestinians to allow them to live in peace and both major Powers-our fi:end from China calls them "super-Powers"; maybe they are super-Powers-made the area neutral, with our signa- tures appended, what, then, would the Israelis have to fear? They want trade. Of course they thrive on trade. If our people want to trade with them they are free to do so; if they do not want to trade with them after peace, we cannot force anyone to trade. That is the solution: for the United States and the Soviet Union to get together soon, Geneva Conference or no Geneva Conference. 87. One last warning to the Zionists-because I have many Jewish friends in many countries and I am saying this because many of them have opened their hearts to me-the so-called goyim, Gentiles. are getting restless all over the world, especially in Western Europe and here in America. If I showed representatives some of the mail that I have received they would be shocked, because they say those Jews should be dealt with. I took it upon myself to say: "If-God forbid-anything should happen to the Jew as such I would be in the forefront to save him from the masses." 88. No one is immune to the psychology of the mob-not an American, Russian, Arab or anyone else. And here I am reminded of what Christ said in the New Testament, which they should heed-after all, he was an A"amean born in Palestine, in Bethlehem: "They have eyes but "hey do not see, ears but they do not hear ..." ! can ~ee and hear the rumblings; the writing is on the wall. Wake up, you Zionists, otherwise you will be the scapegoats. We do not want you to be the scapegoats because, after all, :>- ou are human beings, descendants from the same hominid, one race-regardless of culture. religion and what have you. 90. Show us what you do, you Russians and you Americans, and do not interfere for some time. We want you never to interfere in one another's sphere of influence so that we may have peace in the area. That will save you 2 lot of money, it will strer-gthen your currencies, and the taxpayer will be happy. 91. May the conceptual Creator of the universe-not the mythologica] concept of Gud-create peace among us.

The origin of what is called the Middle East crisis dates back over 30 years, to when the State of Israel was born in Palestine under the British Mandate. Since then the situation in the region has become explosive and fraught with danger, which continues to cause concern among the international community and to· threaten international peace and security. This is.a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter and of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. The reaSO!l for the tension prevailing in the Middle East lies in the flagrant violation by Israel of the fundamental principles of interna- tional relations as enshrined in the Charter, and part...;ularly with respect to the indepenci~nce, sovereignty and terri- torial integrity of States, as \",.:11, as the right of peoples to self-determination and independence in conformity with the provisions of international law. One of the fundamental rea~ons for the conflict in the Middle East has been, and continues to be, the Palestinian problem and the expan- sionist policy practised by Israel in occupying the Arab territories and in continuing its aggression against the Arab peoples. 93. The United Na~:ons has undertaken numerous initia- tives and has made efforts in order to arrive at a just, durable and peaceful settlement of this crisis. However, Israel has made deceitful efforts of its own and has temporized in order to hinder by every means possible the efforts and the measures taken by the United Nations to reach a global settlement of the Middle East problem. In order to achieve its goal, Israel has resorted to political manoeuvres, on the one hand, and to military aggression, on the other. The region has witnessed all these upheavals in the course of the last three decades. Israel continues to do its best to arrive at a solution to the Middle East problem on the basis ofseparate agreements, while disseminating the illusion that there exists action towards peace and that tension is decreasing in that part of the world. But it has become obvious that such fabricated designs will not lead to a solution of the problem. On the contrary, it is an obstacle to the honourable efforts undertaken by peace- loving countries in order to arrive at a truly just and durable 94. Figures and events confirm that Israel does not want a just and legitimate peace because such a peace, in Israel's view. would be tantamount to a return for it to the first years of its existence, and that would isolate it and render it incapable of realizing the great Zionist project at the expense of the Arab people of Palestine and of the other Arab peoples. Israel does not wish for a just and durable peace because it is not prepared to renounce the territories it has occupied, which constitute the main propelling force of the Zionist movement, from its inception right up to the present. When we realize the scope of the problem and its various significances, we are led to realize what were the reasons which led Ben-Gurion, the founder of the State of Israel, to say: '-'If we are to choose between land and peace, we shall choose land." This means that Israel seeks to maintain its grip on the territories and to obtain peace at the same time. Is that possible? Can Israel achieve those two contradictory aims? 95. Land and expansion mean a great deal to Israel with regard to its future and to its ability to contribute effectively to the realization of the great Zionist design on Arab lands. From among those meanings there is what one Israeli official has declared: namely, that Israel's borders are those borders where the Israeli army of defence is stationed. From this statement it can be concluded that Israel categorically rejects the theory of limited geogra- phical boundaries, since such boundaries would mean, in Israel's view, that it would be deprived of the essential element guaranteeing its existence and its future, that is, the continued occupation of the territory and the resulting ability to bargain for the results that it seeks. 96. Israel cannot choose between land and peace, because it seeks to obtain both at the same time. So far as Israel is concerned, peace means to force the Arabs to subject themselves to its will and to prevent them from acting; it wishes to prevent the liberation of the occupied Arab territories by those striving to recover their usurped rights. 97. For this reason, Israel has always attempted to block a solution of the Middle East situation by perpetuating a state of "no war, no peace" in the region, because such a situation provides all the necessary elements for it to continue its aggressive, colonialist, expansionist policies. 98. Israel, which has turned a deaf ear to United Nations appeals and to those of world public opinion-which, indeed, it has flouted-is continuing its expansionist policy by creating settlements in occupied Arab territories~ it is also pursuing its policy of economic integration and its actIVIties to opprelis Arab populations. expel them, destroy tht-If hom{'~. expropriak their property and curtail the freedom of theIr religious practices. Moreover. Israel is illegally explOltmg the natural resources of the occupied territories. Hence the international community is obligated to assume its responsibility. because this aggressvie policy is a grave and flagrant violation of the United Nations 99. Israel's aggressive designs are obvious in its continuing military preparations, made possible by the protection it receives from certain great Powers, which provide it with the most sophisticated weapons of mass destruction and enable it obstinately to pursue its aggression. 100. As the well-known French journalist Eric Rouleau declared in Le Monde, Western military experts expect Israel to launch a preventive war against the neighbouring Arab countries in order to solve its eC;'Jl1omic, demographic and security problems. Indeed, Israel has not signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and has refused the establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East. 101. The delegation of my country believes that the attainment of a just solution to the Middle East problem by peaceful means requires the total and immediate with- drawal of Israeli occupation forces from all occupied Arab territories and the guarantee of the legitimate right of the Arab people of Palestine to return to their homes and to set up their independent State under the leadership of the PLO, the only legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. No just solution to the Middle Ea~t problem can be attained within the context of any peace conference without the participation of the Palestinians, through their legitimate representative. on an equal footing with all other parties concerned and under United Nations auspices. A just solution to this crisis is imperative and vital in order to lay the basis for international peace and security, to put an end to the arms race and to achieve disarmament and consolidate international detente in the region. 102. The international community bears an historic responsibility for peace in the Middle East by virtue of the fact that the present situation, in the light ofIsraeli actions in Arab territories, as well as of Israel's arrogant attitude towards the Arab people of Palestine, constitutes a threat to international peace and security, inasmuch as the region has been suffering from a destructive war for over half a century. 103. Israel's statements to the world regarding a state of non-belligerence lead us to wonder how Israel can speak of peace and negotiations while it persists in occupying Arab territories and engages in the most heinous occupation practices. The entire international community fully realizes how two-faced Israel actually is, because its actions eloquently belie its statements to the effect that it wishes to live in peace in the region. 104. Actually, Israel's position with respect to Middle East peace guarantees that no peace will be achieved. For example, many plans for" a peaceful settlement have been propounded both by the Arabs from within the region and by those outside it; new plans and elements have appeared, but they are all doomed to failure as a result of Israel's obstinacy. 106. For all these reasons, my country reaffirms that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East cannot be achieved without guaranteeing the legitimate rights of the Arab people of Palestine as enshrined in General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX). Unless the Palestine problem- which is the crux of the Middle East problem-is dealt with and solved on an over-all, just basis, rather than partially, as Israel seeks to solve it, there will undoubtedly be a bloody war, which will increase the prospects of a third world war.

The United Nations General Assembly again is faced with the task of contributing to a settlement of the Middle East conflict. 108. By an overwhelming majority the Gp-neral Assembly at its thirty-first session adopted resolution 31/62, which calls for an early convening of the Geneva Peace Conference on the Middle East under the co-chairmanship of the USSR and the United States. Since then, this demand has gained further momentum. This is quite natural, since the Geneva Conference is the only mechanism suited to bringing about a political and comprehensive-that is, just and lasting- settlement of this conflict. All those who make their serious stand for this hope that the Geneva Conference will resume its work at the earliest possible date in order to give all .interested parties the opportunity of discussing the main issues of the conflict and arriving at common agreements. The peace-loving forces that strive for a principled and lasting settlement of the conflict are making all efforts to let these hopes come true. In this endeavour they are in full agreement with the relevant resolutions of the world Organization, which for many years has had to deal again and again with this peace-endangering situation in that region. 109. At its thirty-first session, in its resolution 31/62, the General Assembly reaffirmed its conviction that: "... any relaxation in the search for a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the Middle East problem to achieve a just peace in the area constitutes a grave threat to the prospects of peace in the Middle East as well as a threat to international peace and security". 110. The period that has elapsed since this agenda item was discussed at the thIrty-first session of the General Assembly has continued to be marked by a situation dangerous to peace. Now, as before, Israel continues to hold the territories it occupied in 1967. Now, as before, the Arab people of Palestine are refused their legitimate rights. Now, as before, the aggressor acts in violation of interna- tionallaw in the occupied territories and does not even stop at military incursions into territories beyond its borders. 112. Various assertions have been made that will not, however, bear close scrutiny. It was said that Israel could not be regarJed as an occupying Power, but the Arabs are bluntly denied the right to their own territory. The policy of carrying out illegal settlements in the occupied territories in violation of international law is defended. A few days ago, it was even stated that Israel has not taken any alien territory. 113. My delegation wishes to make it ttbsolutely clear that respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States and rejection of the acquisition of any territory by means of force is an extremely significant element in the strength- . eIling of international peace and security. Thus the Organi- zation for African Unity rightly enshrined in its Charter the provision that there be mutual respect for the borders of its members as an essential principle, the consistent implemen- tation of which makes an important contribution to the strengthening of regional security. If every Member of our Organization today tried to make claims to establish the frontiers-of States as they had once existed hundreds or thousands of years ago, the entire political map of the world would have to be totally changed. Such an approach threa~ens international peace and security. 114. The concept of maintaining "hot" and "cold" aggression is in total contradiction with the purposes and principles of the United Nations. The situation in the Middle East, as reflected in this debate, also unambiguously proves that it is not just psychological barriers that have so far prevented a political peace settlement, but rather the continued expansionist course pursued by the ruling circles of Israel. 115. The German Democratic Republic has always been in favour of the position based on international law-and in this it is in full harmony with the majority of States Members of the United Nations-that Israel's withdrawal from all territories occupied in 1967 is a vital issue in bringing about a genuine settlement of the Middle East conflict. Equally, the Arab people of Palestine have an inalienable right to an independent State of their own. Any attempt at negating or restricting that right or at striving for solutions that disregard the legitimate rights of the Pales- tinian people will, in the final analysis, only complicate the conflict and endanger t'le achievement of lasting peace in the Middle East. 116. In recent days many have stated their desire for peace in the Middle East, a desire which we fully share and support. Looking at the plain facts, however, we have to note that the representatives of the ruling circles in Israel continue to refuse to declare themselves clearly in favour of what is necessary to achieve that. These representative have again evaded the question regarding the withdrawal from all territories occupied in 1967 and totally ignored the need to implement the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, represented by the PLO. In the Knesset, it was the chairman of the Communist Party of Israel who publicly United States is being disregarded. 117. That document says on the Middle East settlement: "This settlement should be comprehensive, incorporat- ing all parties concerned and all questions. "The Soviet Union a..'1d the United States believe that, within the framework of a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem, all specific questions of the settlement should b~ resoived, including such key issues as withdrawal of Israeli armed forc~s from territories occupied in the 1967 conflict; the resolution of the Palestinian question, including insuring the legitimate right~ of the Palestinian people; termination of the state of war and establishment of normal peaceful relations on the basis of mutual recognition of the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and political indepen- dence." 118. The key issues underlying the Middle East conflict cannot. as history shows, be resolved by a step-by-step or shuttle diplomacy, nor is it dependent on one person or another. Attempts to seek or set up negotiating machinery that defer the reconvening of the Geneva Conference ulti-nately only grant a delay to those' who refuse to withdraw from the occupied territories, who impose illegal settlements, and who use every means and method to fight the Palestinian people and their representatives. 119. There is at hand a clear programme for a political and comprehensive settlement of the conflict, namely, the relevant United Nations resolutions designed to secure Israel's withdrawal from the territories occupied in 1967, . the implementation of the legitin:.'ite rights of the Pales- tinian people, including the right to establish an indepen- dent State of their own, and the maintenance of the security of all peoples and States in that region. 120. None of those unambiguous resolutions, or the relevant decisions of the Security Council, have been heeded by Israel. Although Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) do not fully meet in all their formulations the requirements of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East, their implementation would nevertheless constitute a significant step forward on the road towards the settlement of the Middle East conflict. The aggressor must not be allowed to use certain short-comings of the Security Council resolutions in order to put a general boycott on their implementation. 12l: The debates in the Security Council, too, reflected the world-wide awareness th.:::.t the Palestinian issue is the key to the settlement of the Middle East conflict. So long as this decisive aspect is not taken fully into account no peace can prevail in the Middle East. The United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly emphasized this necessity in its resolutions. Even if this fact has not yet found expression in Security Council decisions, nevertheless ,it is 123. We supp,;·t the demand for the establishmep.t of an independent Pakstinian State. We proceed from the basis that all peoples in t~ Middle East must have the right to live togetherin peace within secure and recognized frontiers. This applies also to the State of Israel which, however, cannot and must not put forward the claim to be the State of all Jews. It has aiw.ays proved dangerous and disastrous to the maintenance of world peace to place one State exclusively above other States. The principles of peaceful coexistence call for relations based on equality among States. 124. The reconvening of the Geneva Peace Conference is absolutely necessary in order to bring about at an early date the just and lasting peace in the Middle East for which all peoples long In order to achieve results which make possible a settlement of the key issue in the Middle East conflict it is imperative to support the right of the PLO, the sole representative of the Palestinian people, to participate in the work of the Conference on an equal footing. 125. For the comprehepsive political settlement of the conflict, producing a just and lasting peace in that region, joint action by all peace-loving forces, and in particular those of the Middle East, is required. The delegation of the German Democratic Republic expresses the expectation that the General Assembly will decide on effective measures wh~ch will contribute to the earliest possible convening of the Geneva Conference in order to achieve a comprehensive peace settlement for all peoples and States in the Middle East. i26. Mr. ANWAR SANI (Indonesia): My delegation would like to make a brief statement in order to reiterate Indonesia's position on the Middle East problem. This position is well known, of course, but in view of recent developments we consider it appropriate to state it again. 127. Indonesia has always supported the struggle waged by the Arab people over a number of years in the Middle East conflict to regain their rights. We cons~der three requirements to be essential for the success of efforts towards a peaceful solution. 128. The first is recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people. My delegation is ofthe view that recognition of and respect for the legitimate rights of the Pal~stinian people are crucial to the settlement of the conflict. In the aftermath of the various wars millions of Palestinians have been uprooted from their homes. Hundreds of thousands have been living for the last 30 years as refugees under unimaginably harsh conditions. In our view, no solution can be reached unless the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people are respected, including the right to return to their 129. The second important requirement for a settlement is the withdrawal of Israel from the illegally occupied Arab territories. Much has been said about recognized, secure and guaranteed boundaries. Can anyone really believe that these can be achieved as long as Arab territories continue to be under Israeli occupation? The best guarantee of secure borders is goodwill and friendly and mutually beneficial relations among neighbouring countries. As far as the Middle East is concerned, that goodwill and those friendly relations can certainly not be established as long as Israel continues to occupy Arab territories by force of arms. It is the return of all occupied Arab territories that will pave the way for ~nsuring the territori:i1 integrity and secure borders of all States in the region, not territorial expansion by Israel at the expense of its Arab neighbours. Withdrawal from occupied Arab territories is in the enlightened long-term interest of Israel itself, as it is a prerequisite for lasting peace with its neighbours. So long 2S there is still a part of Arab territory occupied by Israel no lasting peace can be expected, since certainly-and rightly so-the Arab coun- tries will make every endeavour, and avail themselves of every opportunity, to liberate their territory. Continued occupation by force of Arab territories by Israel will only strengthen the feelings of enmity on the Arab side; it will strengthen the conviction of the Arabs that those territories can only be liberated by force, with all the dangerous consequences that the use of force would have for international peace and security. 130. The third aspect of the problem is the question of the status of the holy city ofJerus...'l.1em. In my delegation's view, it is most important that Jerusalem be restored to its rightful owners. In the meantime, the physical and demo- graphic character of Jerusalem should not be altered and the devotees of every religion-Islam, Christianity, Judaism-must be assured free and open access to its sacred 132. Indonesia, together with the entire world, is follow- ing closely the developments in the situation in the Middle East. Indonesia's own experience has taught us the value of unity and solidarity in the efforts to attain our aims. After the recent events the negotiating process in the Middle Ea~t has reached a crucial phase and the early convening of the Geneva Conference has assumed great importance. My delegation would like to express the fervent hope that our brothers and friends in the Arab nation can increase their united eff\Jrts to arrive at a comprehensive settlement covering all aspects of the problem in order to achieve a genuine and jesting peace. We also sincerely hope that the Co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference, the United States and the Soviet Union, will live up to the expectations expressed here by so many speakers. that they will indeed be ('ble to bring about a peaceful solution of the Middle East problem. ]33. It is in this spirit that my delegation has decided to join oti"' ~rs in sponsoring draft resolution A/32/L.38 en the situation in the Middle East which was so ably introriuced by the representative ofSri Lanka this morning.

I should like to propose, under rule 78, that any draft proposals or amendments should be submitted by 6 p.m. tomorrow, Thursday, 24 November. If I hear no objection to this proposal, it will be so decided.