A/32/PV.94 General Assembly

We all recognize, no doubt, that General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), its historic Decla- ration on self-determination, and the processes it set in motion within this Organization have all contributed a most helpful impetus to the process of decolonization. 2. Under a succession of dedicated Chairmen, conspicuous among them Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples has pur- sued its mandate with admirable devotion and constancy, with the single-minded, unwavering aim of the ultimate objective proclaimed by the Declaration and enshrined in the Charter: the self-determination of peoples. That con- stancy ofpurpose has often in the past, we know, provoked criticism and protest from some administering Powers; a.'ld even today we still hear a few murmurs here and there, now happily and hopefully growing fainter every day. We seem to see the most encouraging prospects of improved co- operation from and with all the administering Powers, and this of course augurs well for the future. We also see the ever-widening circle of genuine converts to the cause of freedom, and the ever-growing area of consensus in favour of the legitimate struggle for liberation in southern Africa, as was demonstrated at the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo from 16 to 21 May 1977. The visible signs of past 1545 A/32/PV.94 NEW YORK achievements are all around us in this increasingly crowded chamber. During the session we have already conveyed our warm welcome and congratulations to the delegation of Djibouti. 3. And yet there remain great and dangerous labours ahead. The field of operation has indeed shrunk to the small Territories of the Pacific and the Caribbean, the special cases of the Western Sahara and the Falkland Islands, Belize, East Timor, the peculiar case of Brunei, the strange case of MayoUe, which this Assembly has already dealt with and, last and most crucial of all, we think, southern Africa. Decolonization is indeed in its last phase-but in many respects also its most difficult and most dangerous. 4. In this diverse area there are one or two issues of a general character to which we feel we must address ourselves seriously. First of all, who determines or limits the Assembly's scope of operation in implementing the Declaration on self-determination? Who determines which Territories are within or beyond that scope? Who deter- mines when obligations under the Charter cease, such as the obligation of an administering Power to transmit informa- tion under Article 73 e? Is it more reasonable for the individual party concerned to ~arbitrate the question, as the administering Power, thus unilaterally delimiting the Assembly's area of competence and responsibility under the Charter? The practice surely is for the world body to decide whether a Member is or is not in breach of its Charter obligations. And if objective criteria are demanded for this, they may be found in the lucid and unambiguous language of the Charter, taken in its plain, ordinary sense. Where a Territory has not attained a full measure of self-government-and this is clearly less limited than inter- nal self-government-the administering Power retains an obligation under the Charter to transmit information, and we do not see how this obligation can be extinguished by any internal arrangements, by treaties or transfers of power arranged with the territorial authorities. Indeed, we believe that the international obligation is a condition which should be recognized, respected and safeguarded in any such internal arrangement, and that the administering Power has a duty to ensure that it is so safeguarded. 5. That is why the Ghana delegation joined several others in sponsoring a resolution which the Assembly has adopted, calling upon administering Powers to continue transmitting information on Territories for which they are responsible, until the Assembly pronounces itself satisfied that the Territories have attained the full measure of self-govern- ment envisaged in the Charter [resolution 32/33J. 6. With regard to small Territories, my delegation does indeed welcome the ever increasing understanding and 7. We hold that certain principles should be safeguarded and that the Committee and the administering Power should ensure that options with regard to the future are at all times open to the people in their full range regardless of the particular choice which they may have believed appropriate at anyone time. There are today among us Members who cherish their independence and membership, but yet whose majorities 10 or 15 years ago had somehow come to believe that independence would spell disaster for them. 8. There are those Territories whose location, small size, or lack of developed resources, rather than any act of the administering Power, may have helped to induce a feeling, or illusion, of total helplessness and dependency, thus effectively limiting their options, and inhibiting by this means the exercise of their right to self-determination. Where this is the case, the administering Power has a clear duty, in our opinion, to promote by all the means at its disposal, including beneficial investment, the development and diversification of the economy. 9. We do not consider that all investment is harmful, or that all investment is beneficial, either. Contrary to some allegations heard in the Fourth Committee, a distinction is drawn in the relevant resolution, as a careful look at the text will show. Nor do we consider that harmful invest- ments are necessarily confined to southern Africa, although it is there that they are principally found, and in their most malignant form. Whenever and wherever the private investor exacts as the price of his contribution the lion's share of a people's assets, particularly their wasting assets, or wherever it extorts concessions, exemptions or other advantages beyond what independent governments may generally and equitably be expected to concede, the investment then ceases to be beneficial and creates an external interest necessarily opposed to the unfettered exercise of self-determination. We consider that it is the responsibility of the Special Committee to comb through dependent Territories, large or small, to keep watch for cases of this kind which may be left surviving or inadver- tently lurking in obscure nooks and corners. 10. When we speak of the self-determination of peoples we believe that we speak of a principle which brooks no exceptions, and that no people, no government anywhere, may consider itself above that law. It has been argued that certain cases are different. The cases of Belize, of the Western Sahara, of Timor are said to be somehow not quite the same as others. But surely, and frankly, we all know what self-determination means, what it is and what it is not. The self-determination of peoples is the right exercised by a people as a whole, and not in sections or by sections. Therefore we can accept no separate exercise of it by the section of the Comorian people in Mayotte, for instance. 11. When we appeal in the language of self-determination to those countries which consider their interests most directly affc~ted by such cases, we know that whatever they plight now say, we speak to them a language they understand in their heart of hearts. We have supported each other for far too long in our own struggles for self-deter- mination; the exhilaration of victory is our common reminiscence; for far too long have we together championed others in their struggle for it. None of us can have forgotten its language yet. In that language we appeal to those countries to accept the decisions of this Assembly which, with regard to all those questions, envisage a peaceful and just solution consistent with the familiar yet sacred principle of self-determination. 12. May I now turn to southern Africa, the last great battlefield of decolonization, and consider some of the general and specific issues which arise in that area. 13. My delegation is a sponsor of the draft resolution [A/C4/32/L.3] calling on the specialized agencies to render greater assistance to the liberation movements in southern Africa and to cease rendering any help to their racist opponents. This is the direct and logical consequence of the fact, generally recognized both in this Assembly and in the Security Council, that the liberation struggle is a perfectly legitimate cause. Some delegations have argued that to require the specialized agencies to take such action is to divert their. attention by inappropriate political issues from their essentially functional and humanitarian pur- poses. 14. However, by this draft resolution, we have not asked the specialized agencies to suspend their humanitarian functions, or to re-examine decided issues which fall really within the competence of the General Assembly. What we do require is that the resources contributed by the entire world community for the maintenance and operation of the specialized agencies should in no way be employed or diverted to obstruct the objectives pursued by the same world community with another part of its energies and resources, for that would be wasteful and absurd. We see no ~eason why any specialized agency, be its scope agricultural, industrial or financial, should so contribute to strengthen- ing the economies of Smith and Vorster that they are able to frustrate for a longer time the expensive efforts of the world community in pursuit of its objectives in Rhodesia and Namibia. 15. By contrast, it is obviously better for the United Nations family of organizations to function in so well co-ordinated a manner that they mutually reinforce rather than mutually obstruct one another. Surely this is the only way to achieve quick results with the minimum waste of energies and resources. We would expect the financial agencies to be fully accessible to this kind of logic, if to no other. We therefore draw the attention of all specialized agencies, including the financial ones, to the fact that it would lighten the burden of labour and redu\:e the cost to the world body if their assistance went to the South West 17. Article 48 of the Charter requires that action required to carry out the decisionc; of the Security Council for the maintenance of internatk.nal peace and security shall be carried out by all the States Members of the United Nations, both directly and through their action in the appropriate international agencies of which they are mem- bers. This, in effect, prohibits action taken in any special- ized agency for the assistance of Smith and Vorster in violation of mandatory sanctions. 18. But apart from the specific prohibitions spelled out in the relevant Security Council resolutions, there is, we think, a wider obligation upon all Members under Article 2 of the Charter to refrain from giving assistance to any State against which the United Nations is taking preventive or enforcement action; and the action taken by the Security Council under Article 41, first against Rhodesia and now against South Africa, is certainly preventive action. 19. Under Article 2, there is, therefore, upon every Member State the kind of obligation which South Africa has repeatedly violated with respect to Rhodesia and for which it has been repeatedly condemned, and should indeed by expelled-I mean the obligation to refrain from assistance to States undergoing preventive action. There seems to be no reason why Member States should be exempt from this obligation, whether they are acting directly or in specialized agencies. 20. Charter considerations are not the only relevant ones here. Economic and non-military assistance to South Africa, even where it is not directly invested in expanding its armaments industry, certainly releases greater resources than would otherwise be available for use in arms acquisi- tion or production, and for sabotaging sanctions against Rhodesia. It therefore indirectly, but certainly, sabotages sanctions both against South Africa and against Rhodesia. Every shipment of oil to South Africa, directly or indi- rectly, turns the lathes and moves the conveyor belts from which Mirages under Iicem.e will emerge for their sinister purposes in Namibia and Angola, or else it fmds its way to lubricate and fuel Ian Smith's engines of aggression against Botswana, against Zambia, and most recently, as we have seen, against Mozambique. 21. If, in the peculiar context of racism in southern Africa, the acquisition of arms by racist regimes is a threat to peace, then the non-military activities facilitating such acquisition go to sustain that threat and so obstruct the maintenance or restoration of international peace and security. It is therefore ent~rely right that banks, for example, should, as some have already begun to do, prohibit loans which support apartheid, and that ",ilUrches, as some have begun to do, should withdraw their custom from banks which do not. It is therefore entirely reasonable 23. Almost everyone of thore countries has announced, at one time or another, a decision to apply a voluntary embargo on the supply of arms to reinforce apartheid. It would appear from the evidence now available that, somehow or other, hardly any of those decisions was made or applied in time to interfere with the very considerable supply to the apartheid regime of armaments listed in table 4, or of those yet to be delivered under existing contracts. And at no time, apparently, was any of those decisions intended to interfere with the issue of licences to manufacture or with the transfer ofarmaments technology. The mandatory arms embargo has in fact been delayed until its immediate effect is almost nil-since South Africa is already well stocked with arms and spares- and even its longer-term effects are bound to be limited, sinc~ South Africa could continue indefmitely to manufacture some 60 per cent of its present arms requirements even if its economy underwent no further expansion 24. If the economy expanded and grew stronger, then South Africa would become even more self-suffic~ent militarily and the mandatory arms embargo, ineffective as it largely is already, would become still more ineffective. That, surely, is one good reason why that economy should no longer be allowed to grow, 25. There is another reason. Since the embargo is already largely ineffective anyway. it needs to be supplemented with the only other weapon left, that is, the economic weapon-the cutting off of the apartheid regime from money and oil. Even more than in the case of amlS the time factor seems crucial for economic sanctions. The more the South African economy is allowed to expand ,vith external help, to expand its production and to diversify its sources of energy, the greater becomes the external stakl..· or interest on which sanctions would int1ict probably fatal damage. The weapon thus becomes ir.creasingly difficult to ase as it grows more and more harmful to the user, and incfl'usingly ineffective as it grows less and less harmful to the victim. If economic sanctions are to help the decolonilation of amml!~tionby the production, according to our documen- tation, of 450 kilograms of plutonium every year. Every year the apartheid regime could add to its existing arsenals enough explosives to ma.ke 1,000 bombs, each as devastat- ing as the one which destroyed Nagasaki. We have been assured of agreements to ensure that the relatively harmless fuel which goes from France to power the reactors is returned after use to France. We would of course like to know more about those agreements and, in particular, whether they cover uranium originating in South Africa. 27. How, for exampl..:, do the agreements prevent South Africa from inserting rods of Namibian or South African natural uranium into the reactor, and thereby producing for its own use plutonium, a cheaper and more devastating explosive than any uranium, no matter how enriched or by what process? Some clarification on those points would no doubt be helpful at the present time. But whatever the circum3tances it would put far too great a strain on our creJuli°':y to imagine that, having spent amounts totalling two thirds of its annual defence budget on power stations which can produce 1,000 bombs a year, a desperate regime, never remarkable for its observance of international obliga- tions, woul<l allow mere agreements to obstruct its access to those weapons. We think the san.ctions resolution shot:1d be extended to prohibit in clear, unequivocal terms such risky supplies to the apartheid regime. We think the has~y depletion of Namibia's uranium for such sinister purposes- to say nothiIlg of its other resources-should now defInitely be stopped in accordance with Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, adopted by the United Nations Coun,;;il for Namibia.! 28. We will accept no plea that the decree is not legally binding. Those who profess not to recognize the right of the apartheid regime to legislate for Namibia in accordance with the opinion of the International Court of Justice2 cannot at the ::Jme time deny the validity of the Council's legislation for the same Territory, unless they wish to maintain the position that Namibia should be regarded as a "'egion without law, a !egal vacuum, a zone of anarchy. To us that seems hardly rational. 29. The legitimacy of the struggle for liberation in southern Afde;::. is now unc'erstandably recognized. Some appear to maintain that Et s!lould remain a struggle of the cefenceless aga:'1st the armed and that against armed oppression only unanr..ed resistance is legitimate. The spirit of the Charter, some say, is against violence; dialogue therefore is the only answer, the only right substitut for armed struggle. We say that the dialogue of the armed 30. In defence of this refusal to back the armed struggle it has been argued that negotiations and a dialogue have been undertaken; investors have been asked to observe a code of conduct in South Africa [see A/32/267/, to attempt the conversion of the apartheid regime by the force of noble examples in non-discriminatory employment. These, it is implied, should be enough to induce the armed and oppressive exploiter to accept the peaceful eradication of apartheid, the very basis of his exploitation; to permit the collapse of his :'a~ellite and buffer regime in Rhodesia; to abandon his positions of forward defence and his fIelds of plunder in Namibia. We remain incredulous. Vorster would not even have consented to negotiate about these things had he not been forced to do so by tangible pressures. Even if these pressures were kept up and intensified, the negotiation would hardly be an easy one; if they were abandoned or even relaxed, it would be naive to expect a result. Dialogue, if accompanied by effective pressure, is often useful; if substituted for effective pressure, it is worse than useless. And in the absence of effective sanctions anywhere, whence,have these tangible pressures originated if not from the arI1.1ed struggle, from its successes, from the fear of escalation and the imminent involvement of the super-Powers? 31. We can remember nQ time when the apartheid regime has ever allowed dialogue to be substituted for its armed operations. That regime has never been known to suspend its anns build-up because it was engaged in talks; the flow of arms into its arsenals and of licences for its arms industry has never been slowed down for a moment because of the negotiating process. But because of that same process, we are told, any countervailing build-up and support should be halted on the side of the legitimate struggle for liberation. Between the legitimate strugglers and the wrongdoers, it is said in effect, a cease-fue so to speak, a disengagement, would be very helpful for negotiati\.ms; but the condition for the cease-fIre and the talks and the disengagement is that the wrongdoers may continue to improve their military as well as their economic strength and their bargaining position, but the legitimate strugglers should be encouraged to do no such thing. The condition is unacceptable. There is a gross inequity and imbalance which must be corrected in favour of legitimacy. Effective economic sanctions and armed support must in our view be fully deployed on the side of the liberation struggle. For such pressures, mere dialogue is no credible su"'stitute; nor is the mere hope of converting apartheid racists by the moral force of fme examples, if fIne examples could ever be effective within the monstrous framework of decrees enforcing apartheid. 32. In our consideration of colonialism in southern Africa we make no apologies for saying so much about South 33. For those reasons we ask, in the sense and spirit of the Maputo Declaration,3 that the liberation struggle against South Africa and its satellite be supported with arms and money; that the flow of oil to South Africa and through South Africa to Ian Smith be halted; that the full range of sanctions under Article 41 of the Charter be applied against the rebel minority racist regime of Rhodesia; that the flow of money, investments and loans to South Africa, either directly or through the specialized agencies, be halted and halted now-not after South Africa has reached or further approached the status of an economic giant and a nuclear Frankenstein.

The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, like the overwhelming majority of States Members of tht: United Nations, attach~s tremen- dous importance to the practical implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples-a document of enormous historic significance. Everything connected with the question of how to complete the process of decolonization cannot, of course, but be of major concern to world public opinion. No one who cherishes the cause of peace and the security. of peoples can be reconciled to the fact that in the last quarter of the twentieth century there still exist in various parts of the world Territories whose populations continue to experience the agony ana the cruelty of the shameful system of colonial oppression. . 35. The downfall of the colonial system is quite properly linked with the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the sixtieth anniversary of which was cele- brated by all progressive mankind. The first Workers and Peasants State in the. world, which embarked on the course of free socialist development, 60 years ago condemned colonialism and proclaimed the equality of all peoples, great and small. It raised the entire question of the right of all nations to self-det~rmination. The victory of the October Socialist Revolution in Russia marked the beginn: ing of the liberation .'-lOm colonial oppression of.dozens of . enslaved countries, and it also pointed out to these oppressed peoples the way to the achievement of their national liberation. The October Revolution and the estab- "The Great October Revolution has not only changed the lives of those in Russia, but indicated to millions of oppressed peoples the path of revolutionary struggle. It has promoted the successful development of the national liberation movement throughout the world. to 38. After 1917 many countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America acquired their independence. However, colonialism .has not yet been completely .abolished. That is why the . _appeal of the United Nations in resolution 1514 (XV) that "a speedy and unconditional end" should be put to "colonialism in all its forms and manifestations" must ring out today in even more urgent tones. . 39. Certain provisions in the Declaration are of equal . importance today-for example, that: "... the continued existence ofcolonialism prevents the development of international economic co-operation, impedes the social, cultural and economic development of dependent peoples .and militates' against the United Nations ideal'of universal peace". 40.. It should also be recalled that the Declaration contains the following pr<?visiop: . "The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domi- nation. and exploitation constitutes a denial of funda- mental human rights, is contrary to the..C4arter of.the United Nations and is an impedim~ntto the promotion of world peace and co-operation." . 41. That is why it is essential that additional efforts be made in order to.bring about the complete and unhindered implementation of the principles ofthe Declaration on the . Granting of Independence to' Colonial Countries and . Peoples. The present times. of tremendous and profound social reforms, the restructuring of international relations on progressive .principles, and the deepening and the consolidation of iIiternational detente, all demand this. 42. As we know, the hotbed of colonialism. that is still preserved in the southern part of Africa ·is particularly dangerous for international peace and security. The last bulwarks of coloni..llism and racism-the racist regime in South Africa, which has i!1egally occupied Namibia, and the illegal white minority regime in Southern Rhodesia-have in recent years been resorting to various Political manoeuvres in order to maintain and perpetuate the colonial racist 44. In Southern Rhodesia, Smith's racist reg!me, with the active support of Pretoria and its imperialist patrons, has essentially downgraded to a political bargaining-point the decision on the question of the transferral of power to the African majority and their avant-garde, the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe, an organization that has been recognized by ,the Organization of African Unity [OAUj as the only genuine representative of the African people of Zimbabwe. This is why Smith is resorting to the help of the so-called "reasonable" and "loyal" Africans in order ~o maintain the domination of the minority, even in a different form. And this was the purpose also of the so-called "general elec- tions" of 31 August. None of these steps on the part of the leader of the Southern Rhodesian racists has anything in common with the satisfaction of the will of the African majority with regard to the transfer of power to that majority. On the contrary, they are a direct consequence of the reluctance of the Smith clique to give up its power and the riches which have been accumulated 'through the blood, sweat and suffering of the Africans. 45. The criminal and anti-people nature of the Smith regime has been revealed long ago and therefore it does not require to be exposed. On thE. consciences of the racists lie the deaths of thousands of African patriots, and thousands and thousands of defenceless women, children and old people. 46. In condemning the policy which has been pursued by the Southern Rhodesian regime against the indigenous population and its.political blackmail and intimidation of independent African States, which has taken the form of constant provocation and acts of aggression against the People's Republic of Mozambique, Botswana and Zambia, the delegation of the Ukrainian SSR considers that it is the duty of the General Assembly at its present session, while resoluteiy condemning that regime, first and fOic:most, to take more effective steps ag2inst it. The Assembly should immediately and specifically respond to the appeal of the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in M2.puto this year, for sanctions against that illegal minority regime to be ex- panded and to increase its ir.ternationa! isolation. 47. The delegation of the Ukrau~ian SSR resolutely condemns the policy of those circles and States which, 48. With regard to the state of affairs in the southern part of Africa, we cannot but express our serious concern over the situation in Namibia. The illegal occupation of that Territory by South Africa, the policy of wanton pillage of the rich resources of Namibia carried out by the Pretoria regime and the inhuman exploitation of its indigenous population by no means constitute the totality of the criminal misdeeds that have been perpetrated by the South African racists in Namibia. The African population in that Territory has in fact been deprived of its homeland, which the colonizers in South Africa took from it by force, and of the rich resources from which they have for many years now, together with foreign monopolistic circles, been drawing a livelLhood. 49. Just as in Rhodesia, we see here criminal collusion between the racists and their imperialist patrons, the purpose of which is to ~rpetuate in Namibia the racist system, to dismember that Territory by bantustanization and to undermine its territorial integrity by the illegal annexation of Walvis Bay. The intention of the Pretoria regime to create in Namibia a puppet regime, which would act at the behest of South Africa, is simply an attempt to establish in that Territory, a neo-colonialist regime under which the denredation of the country and its African population could continue unimpeded 50. Recently, as the Assembly knows, those who support the Vorster regime have been making attempts to carry out a plan involving the "peaceful settlemt:nt" of the Namibian problem .. However, it is our unalterable view that any such efforts must, 'first and foremost, take into account the vital interests of the majority of the Namibian population. These efforts must also help them to exercise their right to self-det~fmination and independence. And this can 'be achieved only with the participation of the United Nation: Council for Namibia and also with the direct and equal participation of SWAPO, which is the only legitimate representative of the African majority in Namibia. Further- more, genuine independence for Namibia can only be secured if, in a~cordance with United Nations decisions, South Africa withdraws its occupying forces from that Territory and when all those who for so many years have considered Namibia their private domain and a storehouse from which to extract tremendous profits, and those who, with the racists in Pretoria, continue to perpetrate crimes against the indigenous population have left Namibia. The problem of Namibia can be solved in a peaceful way, but only with the participation of SWAPO and on the basis of the proposals which have been put forward by that organization. The United Nations must assist such a solution of the problem in Namibia. 51. While paying all due deference to the df'cisions which have been adopted recentl~r by the Security Council on South Africa, at the same time we consider them inade- quate. Facts prove. that the Pretoria regime has ignored these decisions. That is why these measures must be supplemented by economic sanctions. 53. The delegation of the Ukiainian SSR has frequently had occasion at the present session to expound in detail its Government's position on various aspects of the problem of decolonization. This position of principle is fundamental and unchanging. It is based upon the Leninist principles of active support for the anti-colonial struggle of oppressed peoples and their right to national independence anr self-determination. We support the opinion many have already voiced that the United Nations should take all necessary steps to expedite the implementation of general and complete abolition of colonial domination in southern Africa. It is also essential that we step up the campaign for the complete isoiation of the racist regimes and bend all our efforts to ensuring that effective support is given to the liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe. 54. At the same time, the Ukrainian SSR is in favour of expediting the granting of independence to the se peoples in all other so-called Trust and Non-Self-Governing Territories. Nothing should impede the implementation of the right of the peoples of these territories to self-determination and national independence. This is the urgent dictate of our times; this is the demand of world public opinion and all people of goodwill. And this demand must be met.

It has been said that General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) is the charter of decolonaation. That is not a misstatement, nor indeed is it an instance of resorting to the magical power of words conveniently to cover up injustice, frustra- tion and lawlessness and to perpetuate foreign domination and tI-e exploitation of peoples. 56. In fact, that si__tement reflects a hope; it expr~sses a conviction, and it indIcates what is at issue-namely, the l.~l.)blem which 16 years ago prompted our Organization to create a Special Committee to see to the implementation of the text adopted during the excitement that fonowe~ independence. At issue also is the conviction of the world community that it is important to put an end to all situations of lawlessness, which have heavily mortgaged the collective security of the States Members of the Unit/ad Nations. Also there is the hope of oppressed societies to throw off the yoke of a burdensome, gratuitous suzerainty and to debunk all the so-called civilizing missions which the policies of imperialism and the ideology of neo-colonialism, in their truest form, have ~oncocted to vindicate their usurpation and piundeling of resources. All that began after the European industrial revolution, in search of markets and raw materials, which were then euphemistically known as "spices", spawned the colonial system that had its heyday during the first 60 years of the twentieth century. 58. Moreover, the documents that have been submitted to us invite us to act accordingly. In addition, the events that have taken place oV.er the last 12 months do not allow us to make the slightest change in our approach to the question. 59. The International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Africa, in Mozambique, has once again shown the specific nature of the colonial situation in southern Africa and has shed light on two facts: first, that there is a need faithfully and comprehensively to implement the Declaration in resolu- tion 1514 (XV) and, second, the accuracy of the view that decolonization is no mere cold linear phenomenon or some sor... of "constitution granted" through the good graces of paternalism and philanthropy, a sort of voluntary with- drawal staged exclusively by the coloni2.1 Powers. Instead, it is essentially a struggle being waged by the peoples of the world who, after having been stripped of authority over their territories and deprived of tl],eir own identittes, decided to mount an assault on the colonial Powers and win back the sovereignty they had lost and thereby speed UP the march of history. In this respect Africa has cert?:iLly offered a shining example of this litruggle, with tht. lecent victory of our brothers in Guinea-l.'lissau, Cape Verde, Sao Tome and Principe, Angola and Mozambique, w.nch, by hastening the fall of the Fascist, dictatorial, G~cadent regime of Marcello Caetano, offered new prospects for a brighter morrow and thus brought to bear the full weight of their authority in the lic.;ration of our continent. 60. Understood thus, decolonizati~m is a dynamic process which fully validates the right of peoples to self-deter- mination, a right that enc0mpa§scs, first, the legitimate claim to statehood; sec0Hdly, the right to choose the political pattern, the constitutional organization and the socio-economic system most in keeping with their culture and values; a..Tld, thirdly, the right to permanent sovereignty over their national wealth. 61. In this general context, as in the past Niger will give its full support to all struggles for independence. We shall also spare no effort to promote the full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Our readiness to do so is due in part to the fact that the OAU has set as one of its objectives the elimination from our continent of colonialism in all its forms and has set as one of its guiding principles the unqualified support of our countries for the cause of the full emancipation of the African Territories which have not yet achieved independence. 62. My country, which in passing wishes sincerely to congratulate the Special Committee on its commendable efforts and achievements, supports the principles I have just mentioned for several additional reasons, which all stem 63. Once again I would reaffirm the devotion of my delegation and country to the sacred principle of self-deter- mination, which it is our duty and responsibility to defend within this Organization. There is no State, no peop1e, no race which has been chosen to guide or dominate any other for political, economic or ideological reasons.

The present session of the General Assembly hr..s given special attention to the question·of decolonization, <1nd to the situation in southern Africa in particular. Not long ago, two important interna- tional conferences were held, at Maputo and at Lagos, which contributed to the international c~mmunity against colonialism, racism and apartheid. 65. Indeed, significarlt progress has alrec.dy been achieved m the implementation of th~ Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colcmial Countries and Peoples, v:hich was adopted 17 years ago on the initiative of the Soviet Union and the other socialist States. SiTJ.ce the adoption of that Declaration, the process of decolonization has gained fresh impetus and has given independence to dozens of new countries. 66. The adoption of the historic resolution 1514 (XV) has greatly strengthened th~ role of the United Nations in the field of decolonization. The United Nations has in parti- cular encouraged the aspirations of colonial peoples and elaborated goals and standards that have accelerated their attainment of independence. We highly value the outstand- ing role played in this regard by the United Nations Special Committee on decolonization. 67. The positive changes in international relations in recent years have injected a new momentum into the final elimination of colonialism. Progress in the relaxation of international tensions and a growing .:xl-operation among nations have exposed more clearly than ever before the anachrohism of the colonial subjection of peoples to alien domination and exploitation. 68. The accession to independence of several new African States, among them, in particular, Angola and Mozambique, has considerably increased the isolation of the regimes of white supremacy. A fresh impetus has also been given to the armed struggle of national liberation movements in southern Africa. 69. The final liquidation of colonialism would eliminate a serious source of tension in international relations and would therefore constitute an important contribution to the deepening and consolidation of detente and the strengthening of international peace and security. 71. First. in both Zimbabwe and Namibia the illegai regimes are trying to obstruct the irreversible process of national and social liberation by a rapid build up of their military forces as well as by an increased oppression and intimidation of the indigenous population. The South African regime eveIL went so far as preparing to test a nuclear bomb, intending to use for t~Js purpose nuclear test installations in the Kalahari Desert in Namibia. 72. Secondly, the policy pursued by both Pretoria and Salisbury constitutes a direct threat to the peace and security of the independent African countries, as clearly manifested by the open acts of aggression committed against Mozambique, Angola, Zambia and Botswana. 73. Thirdly, the racist regimes, in order to lessen interna- tional pressure and to deceive world public opinion, are resorting to various manoeuvres such as the so-called constitutional 'conference in Namibia and the so-called "internal solution" recently advocated by Smith, both of which are aimed at imposing a neo-colonialist solution on the peoples of southern Africa. 74. In other parts of the world, there are still about 30 so-called small. Territories under colonial rule. It must be stressed that every ",colonial people and nation should be given the opportunity to realize its inalienable right to self-d~ermination and independence in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). However, some artificial difficulties have been raised by certain administer- ing Powers ill this regard. The presence of military bases in some of these territories is a matter of particular concern since it represents a serious obstacle to the full implemen- tation of resolution 1514 (XV). 75. My delegation supports the proposal submitted by the Soviet Union, in its recent statement on the complete elimination of the vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid [A/32/259] J that specific deadlines should be set for the elimination of the hotbeds of colonialism still remaining in the world. 76. It is now more obvious than ever that activities on the part of tre economic, financial and .military mterests of certain \\ estern countries have created conditions con- ducive to the survival of the regimes of white supremacy in Pretoria and in Salisbury and for the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa Therefore, the activities of foreign economic and other interests still continue to impede the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples as well as the efforts of the international com- munity to eliminate colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination in southern Africa. 77. Solidarity with the colonial peoples Jtill fighting for their freedom and with the newl)' liberated countlies lies at the basis of my country's foreign policy. At the United "... the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe [should] be allowed, unconditionally and without delay, to exercise their right to self-determination and independence". [12th meeting, para. 59.J 79. As my delegation already stated during this session when speaking on the question of Namibia [39th meetingJ J we would hope that the problems of southern Africa can be solved without violence. However, the international com- munity should be vigilant against attempts to represent that progress is being made when only delaying tactics and manoeuvres to evade a just solution are involved. 80. In our view, the present dangerous situation in southern Africa calls for further and intensified interna- tional pressure for the final eradication of the colonialist and racist system in Zimbabwe and Namibia. Pressure must continue as long as the racist regimes persist in not surrendering all their power to the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. There is an urgent need to impose economic sanctions and to strengthen the mandatory arms embargo against South Africa as well as to strengthen the existing sanctions against the Salisbury regime and to broaden their present scope to include other measures envisaged in Article 41 of the Charter. 81. Guided by this spirit, the Polish delegation will vote in favour of the draft resolutions that were introduced yesterday [92nd meetingJ by the representative of Trinidad and Tobago.

During the course of 1977 the Special Committee has broken new ground in the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. During 1977 the Special Committee was a co-organizer of the Maputo International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. The year 1977 was also an important year for the process of decolonization in the other major area of responsibility of the Committee, that is, the small Territories. We witnessed a welcome and signifi- cant increase in the degree of co-operation by administering Powers with the Committee. Nor can we in this context fail to draw attention to the imminent independence of three small Territories in our own part of the world, in the South Pacific. 83. Australia was one of almost 80 countries represented at the Maputo Conference. The importance we attach to the Conference is indicated by our sponsorship of draft resolution A/32/L.35. The concept of an international 84. The Maputo Conference proved to be a major success. Meeting in Maputo, in one of the front-line States closest to the liberation struggle, representatives achieved a significant consensus on the future of both Namibia and Zimbabwe. The achievement of consensus appears to have been the result of the special atmosphere which developed ot Maputo-later called "the spirit of Maputo"-and the combination of personalities and developments in southern Africa itself, which have continued to assist progress in the United Nations on southern African questions this year, though there are, of course, continuing difficulties in working out the modalities for the holding of elections and for transitional and defmitive provisions for the transfer of power both in Zimbabwe and in Namibia. 85. The work of the Committee is greatly facilitated where it enjoys the close co-operation of the relevant administering Powers. At each session of the Assembly we have called on administering Powers to extend full co- operation to the Committee and, in particular, b receive visiting missions in their Territories. As Mr. Salim noted in his statement introducing ttJs item [92nd meetingJ, the United States this year accepted a visiting mission to the United States Virgin Islands. We wish to express our appreciation to the United States for its decision to accept a visiting mission in one of its Non-Self-Governing Terri- tories for the first time. We are convinced that visiting missions remain an important means of coming to know the true aspirations of the peoples of dependent Territories and of advancing their interests. 86. We must also express our appreciation of the partiCI- pation of France, as an administering Power, in the work of the Committee in relation to the condominium of the New Hebrides. We have already stated in the Fourth Committee that this new development, together with the joint commit- ment of both the United Kingdom and France to the independence of the New Hebrides, encourages us to feel that independence for the Territory is indeed within the grasp of its people. We welcome the commitment of France and the United Kingdom to lead the New Hebrides to independence by 1980. 87. We have watched with interest recent political devel- opments in the New Hebrides. We were disappointed to note that, for whatever reasons, not all the political forces in the Territory participated in the elections of 29 November. We hope that a way will be found for all political parties to play a role in the evolution of the New Hebrides towards independence. In this respect we have been heartened by the fact that, despite one regrettable incident on election day itself, the administering Powers and the political parties in the New Hebrides appear to be acting with the intention of maintaining calm. We hope this approach will continue. Australia is not a principl\l party to developments in the New Hebrides, but the Territory is an area very close to Australia and we wish to see political stability and economic prosperity there. 89. As I said at the beginning of this statement, the Special Committee has responsibility for Zimbabwe and Namibia as well as for a large number of other small Territories. As the Political Declaration of the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held at Colombo in 19764 stated, the process of decolonization is drawing to a successful end. With the advent of majority rule and genuine independence for Zimbabwe and Namibia the remaining colonial Terri- tories 'Yill be for the most part small Territories, although their numbers alro are clearly dwindling. The work of the Committee will then come increasingly to focus on small Territories. In recent years there have been a number of visiting missions to such Territories, including Niue, Tokelau, Montserrat, the Cocos (Keeling) Islands, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, the British Virgin Islands, the United States Virgin Islands and the Cayman Islands. The detailed reports of the visiting missions to such Territories have brought home to the Committee the complexities of such Territories, their widely varying circumstances and, in some cases, their isolation and the fragility of their economies and societies. The Committee has developed commendable techniques for dealing with such Territories with flexibility, with understanding of their needs and with appreciation of their freely expressed wishes. The visiting mission itself has been one such technique. 90. The ultimate goal in the case of all dependent Territories should be to ensure that all dependent peoples are free to exercise their right to self-determination. It is beginning to emerge from closer study and from consul- tation with the peoples of small Territories that for a number of reasons those peoples do not in many cases see independence, followed by membership in the United Nations, as the only means of exercising that right to self-determination. Many of them are already self-reliant and self-supporting. The Visiting Mission to Tokelau found firm evidence that the people of that small Territory already exercise" a great degree of practical self-govern- ment.S Several, while masters of their own destinies and internal affairs, have sought the support and assistance of others in pursuing the interests they have in the wider world. 91. In the case of such Territories it is the "duty of the United Nations to ensure that a~ their peoples come to. . make decisions about their future they do so in -full awareness of their right to self-determinatioIJ.. Whatever their options for the future may be, they have the r(ght to decide in complete freedom and with full awareness of the 92. I note in passing that the United Nations may need to consider systematically at some stage the nature of its role in or relations with small Territories which have already freely chosen not to seek full membership in our Organi- zation, at least for the time being, for various reasons. The variety of possible decisions under self-determination calls for equal flexibility on the part of the United Nations. 93. The United Nations has begun to show increasing interest in the small Territories as the task of decoloni- zation draws to an end. The process in relation to these Territories is in many ways a more complex one than the liberation of larger Territories. All the small Territories, in spite of their size, will have to be considered on a case-by-case basis. The Committee, as I have said, has already begun to develop flexible procedures to deal with the particular problems of small Territories and the institution of the visiting mission will no doubt come to play a greater roie in assisting the Committee in its consultations with administering Powers and the people of the Territories. By emphasizing flexibility and practical solutions, we shall also be reassuring the people of the small Territories that our goal is both to assist them and to assure them of their i~alienable right to self-determination and to the continuing support and interest of the United Nations after they have made their choice and face the difficult economic, social and pulitical problems of the modern world.

Since the thirty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly, new developments have taken place in the struggle of Asian, African and Latin American countries and people against imperialism, colonialism and super- Power hegemonism, and the situation is most encouraging. The experience of struggle has further shown that the third-world countries and people are the main force in the struggle against imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism, standing courageously at the forefront of the struggle. . . 95. In some non-independent regions of the third world, the people are engaged in armed struggle for national independence and .liberation, directed. against the reac- . tionary rule of colonialism and racism. The majority. of the already independent thfrd-world countries and· people are engaged in a .serious trial of strength with imperialism, colonialism and hegemonism in order to win complete political and economic independence and combat aggres- sion, interference and sabotage by coloniaI:sm, neo- colonialism and racism. They have continually strengthened 96. Africa is an important battlefield in the current struggle of the third-world countries and people against imperialism, colC'nialism and hegemonism. Africa known as a "dark continent" for a long time has now become a bright and vigorous continent. After protracted struggle, the valiant people of Djibouti shook off colonial rule and won national independence, thus increasing the number of independent African States to 49. Thanks to their unremit- ting efforts and struggle, the African countries and people have achieved a great deal of gratifying success in striving for and safeguarding national independence and in devel- oping the national economy and culture. The struggle of the southern African people against colonialism and racism and for national independence and liberation is mounting rapidly. Persevering in armed struggle, the people of Namibia and Zimbabwe have dealt a series of heavy blows at the reactionary Vorster and Smith racist regimes. The heroic Azanian people, defying brute force and advancing wave upon wave, have unfolded a succession of mass movements against violent repression and against racial discrimination and apartheid. With the support of the African States and the justice-upholding countries and people all over the world, the southern African people, marching forward with full confidence, have launched a steady wave of large-scale and heavy offensives against the remnant colonialist and racist forces in Africa. Panic- stricken, the racist regimes of South Africa and Southern Rhodesia are besieged on all sides by the African people in their hundreds of millions. 97. But as the Chinese saying goes, cornered beasts will still fight. With imperialist backing and instigation, the Vorster and Smith racist regimes are putting up a last-ditch struggle. On the one hand, they are resorting to more intrigues and manoeuvres for political deception. On the other hand, they are actively expanding their reactionary military and police forces to intensify their sanguinary Fascist repression. While using simultaneously the afore- mentioned counter-revolutionary dual tactics, they mainly rely on the latter. With regard to Namibia, in words the Vorster racist regime declares its readiness to find a solution through negotiations; but in deeds it has again used various pretexts for refusing to withdraw its reactionary army and police from Namibia, in an attempt to continue its illegal occupation by force. The same is true in Zimbabwe. While advertising "internal settlement" through the establishment of a "multiracial government", the Smith regime is stepping up military operations for counter-revolutionary encircle- ment and repression of the freedom fighters, and it has repeatedly invaded Mozambique and attacked Botswana and Zambia in an attempt to force the front-line States to give up their support for the liberation struggle of the southern African people. In South Africa, while professing a desire to "improve racial relations", the Vorster regime is in fact going all out to intensify its Fascist rule by brute force. On 19 October, during the current session of the 98. Like all reactionary forces, the racists always believe that by using a combination of soft and hard tactics in dealing with the revolutionary people, they will be able to save themselves from imminent extinction. But contrary to their wishes, their military repression only serves to lay bare their political deception, and their counter-revolutionary dual tactics have provided a good lesson by negative example. 99. The heroic southern African people have accumulated rich experience of military and political struggle through their protracted struggle. They have come to realize through their own experience that the enemies are fero- cious and cunning as well as isolated and feeble, that it is imperative to use revolutionary dual tactics to deal with the enemies' counter-revolutionary dual tactics, that armed struggle is the fundamental way to win national inde- pendence and liberation, that negotiations must be based on fighting, and that, until the enemies lay down their arms, the people's armed force must only be strengthened, and not weakened. 100. It goes without saying that Vorster and Smith dare to act so rampantly because they CiI'e driven by their reac- tionary instinct. But it is also because they have the encouragement and backing of the super-Powers in dif- ferent forms. One super-Power is trying by every con- ceivable means to maintain the toppling reactionary racist rule in order to preserve its own vested interests. Running hither and thither and busy offering advice, it produces a variety of so-called proposals for a "peaceful settlement" in an attempt to lull and undermine the revolutionary morale of the southern African people and put out the raging flames of the armed struggle of the Zimbabwe and Namibian people. 101. Following its counter-revolutionary strategy of seek- ing world hegemony, the other super-Power, donning the cloak of "socialism" and flaunting the banner of "sup- porting the national liberation movement", is resorting to swindles and trickeries and carrying out infiltration and expansion in Africa by hook or by crook. Its tentacles of aggression have reached every corner of the African continent, including the Horn of Africa. Employing various neo-colonialist methods, it carries out expansion in the name of "aid". In the name of providing "military aid", it sells munitions at high prices, and then withholds the supply of spare parts as a means to pressure the recipient States into providing air and naval bases and thereby submitting to its military control. It conducts incessant acts of subversion against some sovereign States and has even brazenly engineered military" invasion by mercenaries for naked armed intervention in the internal affairs of other countries. It exploits the differences between certain States left over by history to sow dissension among them and has even deliberately provoked conflicts by adding fuel to the 102. By their intense rivalry and their aggression and expansion in Africa, the super-Powers are bound to set themselves against the great number of African countries and people. Over the past year, the numerous African countries and people, strengthening their unity and sup- porting each other, have closely combined the struggle against racism with that against hegemonism, waged tit-for- tat stmggle against, and seriously frustrated, the acts of aggression, subversion, interference and expansion on the part of the super-Powers, and particularly social-imperi- alism, thus achieving brilliant victories in safeguarding their ~ State sovereignty and national independence. This is an important feature of the struggle of the Afric,an countries and people against imperialism and hegemonism, as well as a hallmark of ~the new awakening of the' great masses of African people. 103. Last March, with the energetic support of many African State's, the people of Zaire fought valiantly and crushed the mercenary invasion engineered by social-impe- rialism. Last July, in an atmosphere of militant unity, the fourteenth regular session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU adopted a series of resolutions [see A/32/310] oppo~ing foreign intervention in the internal affairs of the ~frican.Statesand supporting the natiopal liberation movements in.southern Africa, and approved the draft convention on the prevention and suppression of mercenaries6 put forward by the Council of Ministers. These important decisions reflected the common desire of the great African people to fight in unity against foreign aggression and for the achiev~ment and defence of national independence, thus dealing a heavy blow to the super-Powers t4at are interfering in African affairs. . 104. On 13 November, the Government of Somalia solemnly declared the abrogation of its "Treaty of Friend- ship" with the Soviet Union, and asked the Soviet Union to withdraw all its "experts", military and civil, within a fixed time-limit and ,revoke immediately all its military facilities from Somalia. This is' a maior resolute action against hegemonism taken by an African State following the abrogation of the "Egyptian-Soviet Treaty" by Egypt last year and the expulsion of Soviet military "experts" by the Sudan at the begInning of this year. It has conVincingly laid : bare the essence of the.so-'called "friendship" and "aid" advertised by social-imperi~lism·. This is yet another major victory in the just struggle against hegemonism waged by the whole of Africa and the entire third world. It has also made a positive contribution to safeguarding the security annex, Corr.l, and A/3I/I96 6 See document CM/RES.498 (XXVIO. 106. Under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, headed by Chairman Hua Kuo-feng, the Chinese Government and people will, as always, firmly implement Chairman Mao's revolutionary line in foreign affairs; firmly support the just struggle of all oppressed nations and people; frrmly support the African countries and people in' 'their just struggle to safeguard national' independence and sovereignty; firmly support the southern African people in their just struggle against white racism and for national independence and liberation; frrmly support the just sttuggle'of the Arab and Palestinian people against zionism; resolutely oppose all acts ofaggression, expansion, interference, control and subversion by the super-Powers. 107. We are'deeply convinced that victory surely belongs to the African people, the Arab people, the people of the third-world countries and the people of the whole world who persevere in unity and struggle. The world is ad- vancing, the sitiJation is developing and the people's struggle will decide everything. Such is the general historical trend which no one on earth can alter.

The General "Assembly is considering a matter of exclusive importance which has tremendous practical significance for the fate of those remaining peoples which are experiencing conditions of colonial slavery. 109. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples continues to remain an extremely important intern~tional legal document con- certing the efforts of anti-colonial and anti-imperialist forces in the process of bringing about the complete abolition of all forms and manifestations of colonialism and national oppression. 110. The major colonial empires in the world were created over a period of several centuries, but the process of the downfall of those empires took only a few decades. The victory of the peoples of Indo-China, the fall ofthe former Portuguese colonial racist bastion in the southern part of 111. What is the foundation of the expeditious process of the downfall of colonialism? What was the force that made possible the powerful assault on the colonialist system, before whose onslaught imperialism was powerless? An answer has been given to those questions by some of the active participants in this struggle, the leaders of the liberation struggle. I should like in this connexion to quote from a statement made by a personality very well-known to this Assembly, one of the leaders of the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo. He made a statement recently in Moscow, at a solemn meeting to celebrate the sixtieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, in which he said: "After the Second World War, approximately 2 billion ·people were liberated from colonial oppression. We are convinced that, had it not been for the Great October Revolution, if you had not scored a victory in the Great Patriotic War, these peoples would still be enslaved to this very day ... "... We are also convinced that many former colonies would not be free today if there had not been active participation by the Soviet Union in the international arena, in the United Nations and in other forums." 112. That recognition by one of the most outstanding freedom fighters and defenders of the freedom of peoples in Africa once again bears out the conclusion that it is precisely the Great October Socialist Revolution which can be seen as one of the sources of the great and powerful liberation movement of peoples that has changed the world in the twentieth century. The Great October Socialist Revolution marked the beginning of a radical reform of the world in the interests of millions and millions of people. It showed the great masses of the oppressed peoples of Asia-including China-Africa, and Latin America that imperialism and colonialism were not eternal and that peoples are in a position to build a new world without colonialism andwithout oppression. Far from being reliable appendages of the capitalist metropolitan countries, the former colonies have now turned into an active revolu- tionary force for the social renewal of the world. 113. lne Great October Socialist Revolution united the socialist and national liberation revolutions, which gave the oppressed peoples a genuine prospect of achieving freedom. The founder of our State, V. I. Lenin, said the following in November 1919: "It is self-evident that this revolutionary movement of the peoples of the East"-and here he was referring to the movement in Asia, as well as in other continents- "can now develop effectively, can reach a successful issue, only in direct association with the revolutionary struggie of our Soviet Republic against international imperialism."7 7 See V. I. Lenin, Collected Works (Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1965), voL 30, p. 151. 116. In its first foreign policy documents-the Decree on Peace, the Declaration of the Rights of Peoples of Russia, . and the Message to All Working Moslems in Russia and the' East-the workers' and peasants' State openly called for freedom for the peoples of the colonies and dependent countries, proclaimed as legal all forms of national liber- ation struggle and stated its support for national liberation movements. 117. The lofty principles of an internationalist foreign policy, as proclaimed by Lenin, have constantiy been backed up by concrete actions in support of the struggling peoples throughout th.e entire history of the Soviet State. In 1919 Soviet Russia was the only one of ihe major Powers which came out in support of the peoples in Mandated Terr~tories and refused to recognize the Mandates· System. V. I. Lenin branded that system as being one of "mandates for spoliation and plunder".8 118. In the pre-war period the Soviet State sought to protect the independence of the peoples of Ethiopia, Mongolia, and also China, which became victims of Fascist imperialist aggression. 119. Tremendous assistance was given to the liberation struggle of all peoples which were languishing under colonial oppression by victory over the most vicious and aggressive strike forces of imperialism in Europe and Asia during the Second World War. ThroUgh its heroic struggle and by its sacrifices the Soviet people and the Soviet Union made a decisive contribution to achieving that victory over the most evil enemies of liberty, of mankind and of the whole of civilization. At the same time, the downfall of fascism marked the death blow to the theory and policy of racial superiority, the demented assertion that some races "have a right" to dominate others. 120. The post-war period brought unprecedented progress in the struggle of the peoples for their national indepen- dence. At that time, the efforts of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries helped to put an end to more than one attempt on the part of the imperialist Powers to continue their domination over colonial and dependent countries or to give new forms to that domination. 121. A tremendous stimulus to the national liberation movement was given by a historic initiative taken by the Soviet Union in this Organization. The SOviet proposal, put forward 17 years ago, for the complete abolition of colonialism and racism in the world9 dealt with one of the most urgent international problems. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples became a genuine programme of action for the United Nations. It is precisely the consideration and the 123. The victory of the national liberation revolutions has caused far-reaching changes in international relations. The time has come which Lenin, many decades ago, foresaw as inevitable. He said that there would come "a period in which all the Eastern peoples will participate in deciding the destiny of the whole world".1 0 124. The active foreign policy of the young independent States and their enhanced role in world development can be seen in many ways: in the non-aligned movement, in the activities of the OAU, and here in the activities of the United Nations. Efforts to put an end to the last bastions of colonialism, racism and apartheid and to establish a new, just and democratic order in international life-efforts in which these new independent States have actively partici- pated-enjoy the full and resolute support of the Soviet Union and all the other countries of the socialist com- munity. "In our foreign policy, 't.'; and our socialist allies will ftrmly pursue Lenin's precepts"-that was said by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Com- munist Party of the Soviet Union, Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, in March this year. He continued: "By developing and deepening co-operation with coun- tries that have been liberated from colonial oppression, and, at the same time, interacting where possible with realistically minded circles in bourgeois States, the socialist countries are putting forward specific initiatives aimed at improving the world political climate." 125. A new and telling example of the active, constructive foreign policy of the Soviet Union is the proposals made at the present session of the General Assembly by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Comrade A. A. Gromyko for the deepening and consolidation of inter- national detente and prevention of the danger of nuclear war [A/32/242}. 126. These proposals are in full accord with the interests of all countries and peoples, including those that have not yet liberated themselves from colonial enslavement. 127. After all, detente, since it is an all-embracing process, encompassing a broad spectrum of international life, is a necessary prerequisite for any solutions to the most important political problems facing mankind, including the problem of the elimination of all the vestiges of coloni- 'alism, racism and apartheid. 128. It has been precisely at a time of detente that new and major successes have been scored in the fteld of decolonization. 10 See V. I. Lenin, Collected Works (Moscow, Progress Publishers, 1965), vol. 30, p. 160. 130. During these years, despite all its efforts, imperialism has not been able to stem the development of the national liberation movement of the peoples, to push peoples back from the frontiers of their conquests. 131. We should not, however, underestimate the full danger inherent in the aggressive foreign policies of impe- rialism and those who try to help it in its rather murky affairs. Imperialism has caused and in fact continues to cause much distress and suffering to peoples. The narrowing down of the sphere of political domination of imperialism in certain parts of the world is frequently accompanied by a stepping up of imperialism's pressure on other sectors of the national liberation struggle. 132. The colonizers are now laying their main wager on revamping and preserving the last vanguards of colonialism and racism and stepping up their neo-colopjalist policies. 133. The object of their continuing intrigues and plots has not coincidentally been Africa. The imperialists intend to entrench themselves in that continent for a long time and to use the African countries as important sources of raw materials and markets and as suppliers of cheap labour. 134. Since they suffered a defeat in Angola and Mozam- bique and also in c~rtain other countries <?f Africa, and as they fear the further development of the liberation struggle, the imperialist forces are increasing their efforts to renew the facades of the racist regimes of Vorster and Smith and are resorting to political manoeuvres in their attempt to preserve tHis last bastion of colonialism and racism in southern Africa. Attempts are made to find puppets among the venal tribal heads and treacherous elements in order to create the semblance of the granting of political rights to the Africans in southern Africa and, at the same time, to ensure that the imperialist forces maintain their dominant position and the possibility of continuing their imperialist exploitation of the natural resources of southern Africa, as well as the possibility ofmaking a fortune out of the cheap, semi-slave labour ofmillions of African workers. 135. During the past 10 years, as they have done before, the propaganda organs of the West and their henchmen-in an attempt to conceal their true, unsavory purposes in Africa and other countries of the third world-have been trying to spread lies and slander about the so-called "hand of Moscow" and international communism, which they accuse of unleashing national liberation wars and movements. 136. But those forces in the West, which cannot conceal their role in arming the racists in order to wage their cruel battle against the peoples of Africa, have not been able to and cannot conceal their complicity in the crimes of the colonial and racist r"egimes of Pretoria and Salisbury against the indigenous African majority. The peoples of the world-as has been so eloquently shown by the initial results of the work of this thirty-second session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, which will soon 138. We believe that it is now materially possible to achieve the effective and swift completion of the decoloni- zation process in all the colonial Territories, without exception. The way to go about that is indicated in United Nations decisions. The problem of decolonization will become a mere part of history sooner if all States strictly comply with their obligations under the Charter, as well as the decisions adopted in the United Nations on the question of decolonization. 139. In the first place, an end must be put to such a political anachronism as the colonialist and racist regimes in southern Africa. It is generally recognized, as may be seen from the discussion here, that the continued existence of colonial and racist regimes cannot be explained by the soundness or strength of those regimes; rather, it can be explained by the broad and systematic support those regimes receive from transnational monopolies belonging to a number of Western States, as well as a number of parti;;; to the North Atlantic military bloc. These countries are all listed in resolution 32/35, on the item entitled "Activities of foreign economic and other interests which are impeding the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples ...". That resolution was recently adopted by the General Ass~mbly. 140. The size of the support given to the racists by certain Western countries was something mentioned recently in The New York Times. In an article, referring to the presence of foreign corporations in South Africa, the paper said that 350 American companies alone, which represent virtually all types of American business, have direct investments in South Africa to a total sum of $1.7 billion; in other words, 17 ~'l cent of all their foreign investments. Furthermore, American banks haVl"~ granted South Africa credits amounting to $2.2 billion; in other words, one third of all foreign loans that have been granted to South Africa. 141. As the newspaper pointed out, there is hardly any sign of the fact that these companies plan to depart from South Africa. The facts, they say, show quite the opposite. 142. At this stage I will not tire the General Assembly with the facts which are quoted in that newspaper and a number of other newspapers-representatives have read this for themwlves in that newspaper. 144. It is sometimes said that-and this idea was even heard in a statement by one of the speakers in Lagos, who tried to prove that ap(Irtheid. racism and colonialism could be eliminated peacefullr "Apartheid is a malady, but one does not have to kill the patient in order to cure the malady." But those who wish to cure this malady so painlessly by therapy are at the same time employing a cruel and inhuman surgery even against those in those countries in southern Africa who are prepared to change the situation in a peaceful way. Here is a newspaper which is published here; it gives just about two dozen people who were not in favour of an armed s~ruggle; they were in favour of changing the situation in a peaceful way and giving the population their rights, the same rights as the white population, in a peaceful way--and the Assembly can see what each of these photographs says. Quite recently the newspaper spoke about new brutalities, new shootings and imprisonments, and the death of Biko, the national hero of South Africa. A lot has been said ab'out this. Those who wish to cure by therapy at the same time are employing an inhuman and cruel surgery even against those who, I repeat, wish to put an end to apartheid in a peaceful way_ 145. Unfortunately, the racists have turned a deaf ear to the appeals to change themselves into normal people in a peaceful way, to treat the non-whit~s the same as them- selves. They kill opponents like Steven Biko and many others who w':f:b to put an end peacefully to the heinous practice of aparTheid. They are waging a genuine and cruel battle against the peoples of Africa. In these conditions, if we are to use medical terminology, it can be said that where therapy is of no use-that is, the so-called peaceful means-there the peoples are entitled to choose surgery, that is, all possible ways of waging the struggle, including armed struggle-and this is the legitimate right of every people which is struggling for its freedom. 146. The Soviet Union has consistently and unswervingly defended, arid continues to defend, the principle of equality and self-determination of peoples. It resolutely condemns and continues to condemn the criminal policies and the practices which are practised by the racist regimes in South Africa and Rhodesia. It is firmly in favour of isolating and boycotting these regimes, :!nd in favour of the complete eradication of the inhuman policy ofapartheid in all its forms and manifestations, and of all forms of discrimination and repression. We support the decision of the Conferences in Maputo and Lagos. We higllly commend the work which has been done by the Special Committee in this connexion, by the Council for Namibia, and also by the Special Committee against Apartheid. which has done a great deal and will do more to mobilize world public opinion against the racists in South Africa. We believe that in the present situation certain specific steps have to be taken. This can be done by the United Nations. First, it is 147. Once again from this rostrum we would confirm our readiness to support the proposals of the African countries for the futi application or effective sanctions, as provided in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, against the colonial and racist regimes in Southern Rhodesia and the Republic of South Africa, which ignore United Nations decisions. We support an immediate embargo on the supply of weapons and other military assistance to the Republic of South Africa, as laid down by the Security Council. At the same time we would like this to be followed by a decision on the part of all States immediately and completely to break off all. economic relations with the racist regimes in South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, to put an end to the activities of all foreign economic and other groups which help to strengthen the repressive and aggressive apparatus existing in those regimes. 148. It is also essential to ensure that as soon as possible full authority be given to the authentic representatives of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia-the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe and SWAPO. In accordance with Unit~d Nations decisions all mercenaries and occupation forces should be withdrawn from the Republic of S0uth Africa, Namibia and Rhodesia. The use of mercenaries for com- bating national liberation movements should be prohibited once and for all. All countries which are concerned to bring about, not only by words but by deeds, the speedy abolition of colonialism, apartheid and racism in southern Africa and which are concerned to see peace and security established in that region and throughout Africa, should give comprehensive assistance to the national liberation movements in Namibia, Zimbabwe and the Republic of South Africa in thf~ir just struggle for freedom and human dign.~y This is how the United Nations can give swift and effective assistance to the peoples of Africa to cleanse the continent of Africa from this colonial and racist infection. 14'J. There should be only one response by the United Nations to any manoeuvres on the part of the racists in Salisbury and Pretoria: their so-called internal settlement of the question should be rejected by the United Nations. 150. We should not forget, either, the need to implement fully the Declaration on decolonization in the case of the numerous small colonial Territories. As is acknowledgcti ~n the Charter and in United Nab.ms decisions, all nations, large and small, hzve an equal right to self-determination and independenc.-', an equal right to determine their way of life and their future actions. During the discussion on the question on the decolonization ofsmall colonial Territories in the Fourth Committee, the Soviet delegation clearly stated its position on this important aspect of the general problem of decolonization 11 152. The history of the entire process of decolonization has, however, unmasked such assertions. Is it not obvious that it is precisely in those colmdal territories where the active exploitation is carried out by foreign companies that there arc still military bases, military equipment and installations of foreign Powers'? The colonial Powers very frrmly resist the attempts of peoples to enjoy their right to self-determination and independence. Examples of this are Guarn, the Micronesian islands, Namibia, Rhodesia and a number of other territories, particularly those of the Indian Ocean. 153. Let us take Micronesia as an example. Is it by chance that it is a Trust Territory to this very day, when all the remaining Trus~ Territories have already acquired indepen- dence? Is it by chan(;~ that Micronesia is faced with the threat of dismemberment and annexation of its various parts by the ~dministering Power? Obviollsly this is deliberate. The maintenance in that Territory of military bases and testing groun~s, directed mainly against the Asian peoples, explains why Micronesia is such a valuable colony and why it is main~ained as such. Obviously Guam, with its tremendous military bases and installations, is equally valuable to someone. But, as can be seen, the militarists arc becoming rather cramped on that island. Therefore the military circles of the United States intend to "amalga- mate" the present Guam strategic bases with n·.;w bases in the North Mariana Islands, and on the island of Tinian military and naval bases and warehouses are being set up, with supplies of nuclear warheads. In order to build just the Tinian complex, according to preliminary assessments, $300 million must be spent. It is planned to set up another rocket base on the neighbouring island of Saipan and the FaraUon de Medinilla atoll is to be used entirely for bomber training. 154. The steps I have listed as being taken by the administering Power in Micronesia show that it is not living up to its c'lmmitments under the Charter in relation to this last Trust Territory. Man)' facts convincingly show that the military activities of the colonial Powers in the colonial and Trust Territories represent one of the most considerable obstacles to full implementation of the Declaration on decoloniz••tion and is also fraught with serious danger for international peace and security for all peoples. 155. The General Assembly has frequently drawn the at~"ntion of the colonial Powers to the need for an end to be put to military activities in the colonial Territories, and has insisted on the need to withdraw all military bases and 156. The Security Council must give some thought to how best it can put an end to the existence of the last Trust Territories in the Pacific and make it possible for the people of Micronesia to exercise tileir right to self-determination. 157. The peoples of Africa and of the colonial and dependent Territories should be vigilant against the machi- nations of neo-colonizers. Only their close interaction and co-operation with the countries of the soci~list community will help them to attain their liberty and independence quickly. 158. The delegation of the Soviet Union considers that anti-colonial forces should not slacken their efforts in attempting to rring about the complete implementation of the Declaration on decolonization. Those Powers which possess colonial Territories should make a clear staterrent as to when they intend to put an end to all forms and manifestations of colonial dependence. When do they intend to fulftl all the pro'lisions of the Declaration on decolonization and the subsequent resolutions of the General Assembly on this matter? 159. The inclusion in the draft resolution of a provision on the need for the immediate and unconditional with- drawal of military bases and military installations from colonial Territories is an urgent necessity. 160. We have carefully studied the draft resolutions proposed on this item on the implementation of the Declaration, which have been prepared by a group of non-aligned countries [A/32/L.35-L.37]. In these drafts, clear affirmation is given once again of the principles on which the Soviet delegation worked in the past when they were being drafted and on which it continues to work very hard together with a number of non-aligned countries which were the sponsors of this document in the Special Committee and other anti-colonial bodies of the United Nations. We are prepared to support these draft resolutions. 161. In conclusion, on behalf of the Soviet delegation I should like to assure all representatives that the delegation of the Soviet Union will spare no effort in attempting to remove all vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid on earth, and is prepared to continue the closest possible co-operation with all delegations in helping to carry out this important and historic task. 162. The sooner colonialism becomes a mere concept of the past, the sooner the peoples of the entire world will be able to devote themselves fully to achieving the lofty purposes of bringing about peace, full and complete disarmament and the speedy economic and cultural ad- vancement of all nations and peoples. 164. The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, L. I. Brezhnev, in December 1975, speaking in Poland, made' the following statement: . "The freedom-loving peoples of all continents are convinced through their own experience that wherever there is a question of thwarting the plots of aggressors, of averting the danger of war and of strengthening peace and developing equitable and peaceful co-operation among States struggling for freedom and social progress, then they can count first and foremost on the support of the socialist countries." 165. 'shall take up a little more of the Assembly's time by quoting a second statement by L. I. Brezhnev, when he said at the Twenty-Fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union: "The overwhelming majority of the States which came into existence as a result of the break-down of the colonial system are linked to us by a deep devotion to peace and freedom and an abhorrence of any form of aggression, domination or exploitation of one country by another. _This comrr.lunity of our general aspirations is a very rich and fertile ground on which our friendship will grow and flourish" Allow me to conclude on this note.

My delegation is happy to participate in this debate on the agenda item 24 now taking place in the plenary meetings. 167. My delegation thanks the members of the special Committee, and in particular its Chairman, our brother and friend Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. That Committee, which enjoys our full support, continues to do everything in its power to discharge the mandate entrusted to it by our General Assembly in its historic resolution 1514 (XV). We believe that the Commitee should continue to be given all the necessary resources and should receive the full assistance of the Secretary-General in the discha~ge of its task, which remains among the fundamental objec- tives of the historic Charter of our Organization 168. The implementation of resolution 1514(XV) on the immediate granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples is one of the corner-stones of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of Benin. In the political procla- mation of 30 November 1972, the new Benitl, which.is undergoing a revolutionary process of national liberation, declared its total commitment to the peoples still subject to colonial exploitation. 170. A quick look at the map of the territories still under colonial rule shows that they are, for the most part, strategically placed: they are located on great trade routes; they are utilized for military purposes, or for systematic surveillance of or aggression aga inst neighbouring inde­ pendent States; they were seized because of the existence there of raw materials indispensable to the industries of the imperialists and capitalists, which use these Territories for scientific experiments for military purposes, and so forth. 171. This imperialist-capitalist domination manifests itself particularly in what are now usually called the small territories. The economy of these small territories still under colonial domination is so organized as to accentuate their dependence on the administering Power so as to perpetuate the colonial misadventure and to lead the faint-hearted to believe that for these territories with small populations an independent economy would hardly be viable. 172. I am sure there is no need for me to say that the argument which some representatives put forward in international bodies to the effect that the smallness of the size and population of these Territories is sufficient reason not to decolonize them shows a sordid cynicism which the People's Republic of Benin will never fail to denounce. All people were created to be free; there can be no exception to this rule. 173. My delegation wishes to reassert here its unfailing dedication to the principle of the self-determination of all peoples, irrespective of the size of the Territory concerned or the number of its people. All peoples are equal and have the right to freedom, self-determination and independence' the same right as all those who are free and independen~ already enjoy. 174. My delegation reaffirms that the sacred principle of the self-determination and independence of peoples is unconditionally applicable to the colonized peoples of Guam, Puerto Rico, the Western Sahara, East Timor, the southern Moluccas, Mayotte and all the small territories of the Pacific and the Indian Ocean. 175. My delegation reaffirms its condemnation of the colonialist and imperialist Powers and of all their henchmen or subal terns who are preventing the implemen tation of resolution 1514 (XV). 176. The People's Republic of Benin reaffirms its support for the struggle of peoples still subject to colonial regimes throughout the world. 178. The complete dedication of Mr. Salim to the cause of decolonization since he took over the post of Chairman of the Special Committee on decolonization has earned him great praise, in addition to the respect and sympathy that we feel for his Government. 179. The problem of the decolonization of colonial countries and peoples is of paramoun t importance and significance for the attainment of the purposes and prin­ ciples enshrined in the United Nations Charter. For this reason, my Government considers that it is the duty of all Memt-er States to redouble their efforts so as to liquidate the last vestiges of colonialism throughout the world. 180. While the struggle for the total liqUidation of colonialism undertaken by the United Nations has won unprecedented victories over the last 17 years, we must, nevertheless, feel deep concern and anguish over the persistence of this evil in the southern part of the African continent and in other parts of the world. Despite the world community's keen awareness of the harmful conse­ quences of the abominable colonial system, the fight to eliminate the centres of that system has become increas­ ingly dramatic, particularly as regards the liberation of the Territories in southern Africa, that is, Namibia and Zim­ babwe. This has created a situation that not only violates the fundamental and inalienable rights of peoples, but, furthermore, jeopardizes international peace and security. 181. This grim reality is clear proof of the determination of the colonial regimes of Smith and of Vorster not to yield an inch to the demands and appeals of the United Nations these regimes have rejected any peaceful, negotiated settle: ment of the problem. 182. The intransigent nature of these colonial and racist regimes that oppose any negotiation teaches us that all our efforts and attention should be completely devoted to that region of Africa and that we should give priority to the demands of the afflicted Territories of Namibia and Zimbabwe, because any peaceful negotiation means, for Smith and Vorster, an opportunity to gain time and to shore up their system. 183. My delegation welcomes with satisfaction the deci· sions taken at the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe, held in Maputo, and firmly supports its Declaration and Programme of Action for the total liberation of those oppressed peoples. 184. The Revolutionary Government of Equatorial Guinea considers that inasmuch as any negotiation by peaceful means is impossible with the colonialist and racist regimes of Rhodesia and South Africa, armed struggle is the only 185. The latest events which have taken place in those colonies, including the military incursions and armed attacks of the terrorist regimes of Smith and Vorster against the innocent peoples of the neighbouring countries should not go unnoticed by the international community. Political, moral and diplomatic assistance should be intensified on behalf of the national liberation movements of Zimbabwe and Namibia and of the front-Hr.e States, which are bravely sacrificing themselves for the total liquidatio'1 of coloni- alism on the African continent. I86. My insistence on the ctecolonization of southern Africa ns due fundamentally to the dangers which the pre~nt situ::! ~ion creates in the region, and in no way detracts from the attention and importance which my delegation attributes to the total liquidation of colonialism in the rest of tt.e world, 187. Colonialism is the WC'rst ci"ime mankind has known sinc~ its existence; no matter what the Lorm and dimensions of this practice of cominaHon, it is the duty of the 'ntemati0n:.l1 communit} t,..' ~radi~2.t ~ its last vestigeE. 188. Unhappily, d~spite the ser:'OLS reality which colo- rJ~lism repIes~nts, SOhle States Members of this Organi- 3ati:}n cGIltinue to be blind and indifferent to international conscience ~md opinion and provide a cover for the colonial regimes which violate the standards and decisions of the United Nations with impunity. It is sad to note that the arrogance and obstinacy of the criminal regimes in Rho- desia and South Africa find support in the political, economic and moral assistance they receive from many Western countries Members of this Organization. 189. My delegation would be happy if the international community were to endorse the resolutions and recom- mendations of the Special Committee, especially those concerning support for and assistance to the national liberation movements, the adoption of concrete measures 190. As regards the so-called small Non-Self-Governing Territories, I should like to draw the attention of this Assembly to the fact that for the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea the freedom to which all peoples of the world are entitled does not recognize any distinction between large and small countries. Many admin- istering Powers wJ to justify their obstinate domination ef those Territories on the basis of unjustifiable theories of small territorial extent, small population, scanty economic resources, and so on, forgetting that, according to the historic Dedaration en the Granting of Independence to Colonial C0untri~s and Peofles, no such justification exi3ts permitting the domination of one people by another. :My delegation beliey.;s that those Powers are nothing Jut deserters whv are fighting ta prevent the progress of the United Nations towards its aim of eradicating coloni::l.lism from the world. But history is irreversible and non~ can \..~:mge or retard the historical progress of mankind. 191. My delegation believes that there is no reason whatsoever for the subsistence today of vestiges of colo- nialism in the world. The position of my Government in respect of the struggle against colonialism and imperialism is well known and is reflected in the instruments of the Constitutional Charter of Guinea and the Statutes of its Single National Labour Party. We express here m -;e again our solidarity with all the forces in the world which are struggling against colonialism and imperialism and our special solidarity with the liberation movements of Namibia and Zimbabwe, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe. 192. In conclusion, my delegation fully supports draft resolutions A!32!L.35, A!32!L.36 and A!32!L.37, and wishes to add its name to the list of sponsors. The meeting rose at 6.15 p.m.