A/33/PV.25 General Assembly

1 On analysing the agenda of the thirty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly, we foresee intense and delicate activity, in view of the complexity and vast number of the items included. However, we hope that in the course of the debates on such important questions ways and means may be found best suited to the solution of the international problems that we are all obliged to face seriously. 2. May I first, Mr. President, on behalf of the People's Republic of Angola, extend to you most sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirtythird session of the United Nations General Assembly, which is testimony of recognition of your noble qualities. At the same time, may we wish you every success in the discharge of your difficult and strenuous mandate. 3. May we also reaffirm to the outgoing President our highest appreciation of the brilliance and dynamism he imparted to the manifold tasks of this international body during the period when he was invested with similar high responsibilities. 4. Our feelings of significant appreciation extend to the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the dedicated efforts he has consistently made for the solution of the grave problems that affect the international community. 5. In the course of the Conference of Ministers fer Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, which took place in Belgrade at the end of July this year, we had an opportunity to state that the direct confrontation of many peoples with imperialism, neo-colonialism, colonialism, 7. In the middle of this year, in this same place, the tenth specialsessionof the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, was held. Of the about 150 ; .ems on the agenda of this current session of the General Assembly, 14 are related exclusively to general and complete disarmament. This prompts us to make a few brief remarks on this problem of cardinal importance, although the Prime Minister of the 1 Mr. Jorge spoke in Portuguese. The English version of his statement wassupplied by the delegation. 475 A!33!PV.25 9. It is our belief, however, that the achievement of these prime goals should be accompanied hy the gradual reduction of the military budgets of countries that produce the most diverse tyIICS of weapons. 10. Nevertheless, we wish to reaffirm clearly that the principle of not resorting to force for the settlement of international conflicts should not in any way constitute an impediment tu the armed struggle of peoples for their national independence or to the exercise of the right to defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity against foreign aggression. 11. For these reasons we regard it as absolutely necessary to establish now the requisite conditions or foundations for the holding of the World Conference on Disarmamen1. 12. Within this context of general and complete disarmament we cannot fail to mention the untiring and praiseworthy efforts made by the socialist countries. and particularly hy the USSR, for the establishment of the most varied treaties and conventions aimed at preserving mankind from the disastrous consequences of the frenzied arms race and greater and lesser wars. If those praiseworthy goals have pot yet been completely achieved, this is solely and exclusively due to the patent lack of seriousness and sincerity on the part of the imperialist Powers,in particular the United States of America. which thus benefit from the fabulous profits made by their armament consortia. 13. Another question which also merits some reflection is that related to the promotion of and respect for human rights. 14. We start from the principle that in the constitution of each country Member of the United Nations the rights of its citizens are duly safeguarded. Every Member of this Organization has adhered to or proclaimed its respect for the norms laid down in the UniversalDeclaration of Human Rights. Any action honestly intended to make human rights prevail where they are trampled underfoot is, therefore, legrtimate. 15. However, what we cannot understand is that certain 'Western Powers set themselves up as the great and sole champions of human rights when they themselves dearly 2 See Off!cml Records of the General Assembly, Tenth Special Sl'ssion. n£llary Meetings. lOth meeting. 16. Since the People's Republic of Angola is an independent country on the African continent, it cannot fail to assume its growing responsibilities within the geopolitical context, both as regards the progressive development of political and economic relations and as regards the national liberation struggles. 17. In this respect, our special attention centres on the situation prevailing in southern Africa. No one is unaware that the five Western members of the Security Council have for some time now been devoting certain efforts to finding a negotiated solution to the Namibian problem through numerous talks held with the-South West Africa People's Organization {SWAPO}, 'the front-line countries and the Fascist and racist Pretoria regime. 18. After the Luanda Agreement 'of 12 July 1978,3 the requisite steps were taken by the Secretary-General of the United Nations for the progressive implementation of the decolonization programme for Namibia, as SWAPO has always shown a certain flexibility and & marked spirit of co-operation in order to achieve the desired solution. Moreover, SWAPO'sproposal to sign a cease-fire with the Pretoria regime, which was duly authenticated by the Secretary-General of the United Nations on behalf of the Security Council, is clear evidence of its firm intention to honour the commitments undertaken. However, faced with the imminence of a Security Council resolution, the Pretoria regime embarked on a series of shameless manoeuvres aimed at compromising the implementation of the decisions of that international body. 20. At the same time, the Angolan Government also considers that the putting into effect of the Pretoria regime's pernicious designs to reject the decolonization plan for Namibia, as set forth in Security Council resolution 435 (I978), will have grave consequences, both inside and outside Namibia, which will be the entire responsibility of the five Western Powers if they do not decide to act with due and indispensable firmness-of which, moreover, they have never given proof-to ensure the strict application of the sanctions long advocated at various international conferences and in international bodies. 21. In view of the possibility that the Governments of the five Western countries may show their habitual timid and hypocritical attitude in facing this insolent challenge to the international community, we think that the appropriate response is perfectly summarized in the ever-timely statement made more than a year ago by the far-sighted leader of the Angolan revolution, when he said: "Only through armed struggle is it possible to defeat the oppressive forces in the world. It is not through negotiations, through conferences or councils, that the peoples will determine their own future, because there is a struggle of interests, a struggle between classes now developed through imperialism and through the desire of just one social group to dominate all the others. Without armed struggle, the national liberation struggle would have no vigourin it. It must therefore be intensified." 22. And, because the People's Republic of Angola is and will be by its own will a firm bastion of the revolution in Africa, no one should underrate its unshakeable determination to support SWAPO by all necessary means, and alsothe othernational liberation movements, until such time 1:\1:' +ho:. n~_;.n"';__ l"I n._A ...:_hof.... n_"'" .._:.,0.,"",11.., .",,,, :..,.aA on_A ~ "11"'1.1 al3p~laLJVl1" ClUU 1~5J1L3 all;; UUJT""'I. ..."UJ.,J .l..,"'U&l1JLvU W1U fully attained. 23. The present evolution of the situation in Zimbabwe is no less disturbing. While it is true that the people of Zimbabwe, under the leadership of their legitimate representative the Patriotic Front, have achieved significant victories in their armed struggle for national liberation, it is no less true that there are ever more imperialist manoeuvres aimed at seeking to push aside the Patriotic Front or destroy it, to create differences among the front-line countries and to establish a neo-colonialist regime in Zimbabwe. 25. In these circumstances, winning national independence for Zimbabwe inevitably will be achieved through the continuous development of the armed struggle and, consequently, through the growing politico-military implantation of the Patriotic Front on its national territory. We reaffirm our unconditional, militant solidarity with it. 26. In its turn, although under extremely difficult conditions the African National Congress of South Africa is pursuing its politico-military action against the Pretoria regime, which before long will have to face internally a truly explosive situation. To the Congress, the revolutionary vanguard of the South African people, we express our full support in its struggle against the,odious system of apartheidand in favour of national liberation. 27. Within the context of decolonization, the total liberation of our continents and solidarity with the national liberation movements, there is a need for all Members of the United Nations to give serious thought to the courageous armed struggles of the peoples of Western Sahara, East Timor and Palestine, under the respective leadership of the Frente POLISARIO,4 FRETILINs and the PLO.6 28. Allow ':.1S to refer once again to the fundamental facts of the question of Western Sahara. The heroic armed struggle of the Saharan people constitutes the basis of - permanent or growing tension among three non-aligned countries, and that has seriously affected the harmonious development of bilateral relations among some of our States. 29. In the light of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the right of the Saharan people to self-determination and independence is indisputable, and this, moreover, was officially recognized by the parties directly concerned until 1975. 30. At the advisory hearing of the International Court of Justice held on 16 October 1975,7 it was clearly denied that there existed any ties of territorial sovereignty or any form of uninterrupted exercise of political authority, by any country whatsoever, over Western Sahara prior to Spanish colonization. ' --' 31. The mission sent to the Western Sahara by the United Nations in 1975 cleariy stated in its reports that the people of the Territory whom they met were virtually unani- 33. Although we still hope that a just solution will be found within the framework of the GAU, through the work of the adhoc Committee composed of five Heads of State of the OAU and the holding of a special summit on the question of the Western SaharaI 0 we are convinced that it is now necessary, by means of negotiations and with the full participation of the Frente POLlSARIO, to face up to the inevitable political solution, so as to safeguard the Saharan people's right to national existence and to preserve the region from foreign intervention. 34. In East Timor the situation is very similar to that in the Western Sahara. When. the administering colonial Power withdrew, the Maubere people) already for some years under the leadership of their legitimate representative, FRETILlN, were preparing to assume fun power, when suddenly foreign armed forces belonging to a member country of, the non-aligned movement invaded East Timor and occupied the capital despite the proclamation of the Democratic Republicof East Timer. 35, Since 1975 the armed struggle has been considerably intensified. Despite the progressive increase of invading military contingents, which now number some tens of thousands of troops, and also despite the lack of external logistic bases and the inconceivable passivity of the progressive community as regards military and financial help for the FRETILlN fighters, the Maubere people, relying on their own forces, undoubtedly control the greater part of the national territory. 36. It is important to note that after three years of war the invadingcanned forceshave not succeeded in eliminating orcrushingFRETILIN. nor have they been able to beat them back further than about 30 kilometres from the capital, It is therefore imperative that the United Nations Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Ccuntrier and Peoples and the non-aligned movementitself addressthemselvesseriously to the grave situation existing in East Timorand that the democratic and progressive fOlCC£ of the world express militant solidarity with the Maubere people. 37. At the same time, the gravity of the present crisis in the Middle East also merits particular attention in view of the high degree of tension and the military confrontations in that area. We are wholly convinced that this deplorable situation will continueso long as the legitimate rights of the 1"0 See document A{33/235 and Corr.L, annex Il, AHGl Rl'S. 92 {XVJ. 38. For these reasons it does not seem to us that the bilateral Camp David agreements" arrived at under the tendentious auspices of the Carter Administration can contribute to a just and lasting solution to this crisis that would accord with the interests of the Arab peoples as a whole and of the Palestinian people in particular. 39. The permanent hostility of the Israeli regime and the impunity it enjoys owing to the massive support it receives from North American imperialism, which permits it to commit multiple acts of aggression against certain Arab countries, prevents us from being able to conclude that these two could one day favour the just cause of the Arab peoples to the detriment of the sordid objectives of the imperialist Powers in that area, where Israel is the operative tool. 40. The heroic people of Viet Nam, an exemplary source of inspiration for allpeoples'fighting for national liberation, are today suffering fresh and treacherous aggression and provocations which barely conceal patently expansionist designs. We thus reaffirm our unshakable militant solidarity with the just and well considered positions taken with the aim of solving present contlicts through the correct method of negotiation. 41. To the fighting people of Korea we express our total support for their persistent intention to reunify thilr country by peaceful means and without any foreign interference in their internal affairs. 42. To the people of Puerto Rico we convey our full solidarity and our warmest congratulations on the victories recently achieved, as reflected in the recent resolution of the Special Committee reaffirming their inalienable right to self-determination and independence, including the complete transfer of all powers to the people of that territory {see A/33/23fRev.l, chap. I, para. 73/. 43. To the Chilean people we reaffirm our unconditional support for their just struggle to recover their human dignity. freedom and independence. 44. We express our most heartfelt solidarity with the people of Nicaragua and their fighting vanguard in the courageous struggle they have been waging to achieve their legitimate aspirations. 45. And, since the policy of non-alignment identifies with the liberation struggle of the oppressedpeoples, it is fitting here to hail the holdingin Cuba of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Govemmentof Non-Aligned Countries and to express our conviction that that Conference will 11 A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David,and Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and I~·n1c1, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 47. In the field of health, all medical and health care is also free of charge, Substantial efforts are being made to ensure that such care gives the best possible coverage to the rural areas of our country. 48. With regard to agriculture, the basic factor, and that of industry, the decisive factor, the state production' units have been progressively increasing their output, thanks to the selfless efforts of our peasants and workers. 49. In the fields of construction, transport and fisheries, the results already achieved are quite significant. 50. Yet, the levels attained do not as yet correspond to the targets set because, among other things, it has not been possible to compensate for the material damage sustained because of the invasion of South African armed forces, which is estimated at $6.7 billion and for which compensation has not yet been forthcoming. 51. The people of Angola, their Party and their Government are enthusiastically pursuing the tasks of national reconstruction in order to consolidate the revolutationary process, strengthen national unity and defence, establish the Party structures throughout the country and build the foundations for a socialist society. 52. The struggle continues; victory is certain. 53. Mr. MOTEE'A (Democratic Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you warmly on your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-third regular session of the General Assembly. This is undoubtedly a tribute to your country, Colombia, and to Latin America. 54. I should also like to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov,who successfully guided the deliberations of the previous regular session as well as those of the three special sessions. \ .55. May I.also warmly welcome Solomon Islands, the newest Member of the United Nations. 56. This month our people celebrate the fifteenth anniversary of the glorious revolution of 14 October. That armed revolution demolished the pillars of colonialism and Sultanate entities in the southern part of our homeland and achieved victory after victory in consolidating our national 57. It also gives us great pleasure that this fifteenth anniversary of our revolution coincide with an important stage in the history of our Yemeni people. For this month the first conference to establish the Yemeni vanguard party-the party of the workers, peasants and all toiling Yemeni people-will be held. This party will convene under the slogan: "To defend the Yemeni revolution, implement the: five-year development plan and unite the Yemeni homeland". Yemeni unity has always been the goal nearest to the hearts of our people. Our people has always struggled to achieve Yemeni unity, undeterred by great sacrifices, both before and after the 26 September 1962 revolution in the north, as well as under the British colonial presence in the south. Today we pay a tribute to all the martyrs of the Yemeni revolution in Sana and Aden and on all Yemeni soil. 58. However, with each victory our Yemeni people achieve the imperialist and reactionary forces rally against our people's legitimate wishes and aspirations to obstruct our march towards progress and unity. Those forces sometimes resort to internal sabotage and subversion, while on other occasions they hunch foreign aggression, underestimating our people's moral and material capabilities and their heroic history of repulsion of foreign aggression and liquidation of conspiracies and conspirators wherever they exist. 59. Our Yemeni people are a peace-loving people relentlessly working for stability and progress and endeavouring to avoid any resort to war, with its devastating effects. It has always been a firm principle of our national policy to strengthen love of peace and to encourage all efforts for peace not only in our own area but the world over. Our people are conscious of this purpose, but they are also on the alert and are capable of defending our country and its independence, national sovereignty and progressive achievements. 60. My Government has repeatedly affirmed its desire to establish normal and cordial relations with :he peoples and States of the area, based on mutual respect, non-interference in the internal affairs of others and reciprocal co-operation. We believe that the right way to settle all differences between the States of the area is by peaceful means and non-violence, by democratic dialogue and peaceful negotiations. 61. We are fully aware that the struggle OfOUf people for progress and unity is an integral part of the struggle of the Arab .masses and their steadfast national Governments, which firmly resist all Zionist and reactionary designs in the region. In a wider context, it is also part of the national and international struggle against imperialism and its local allies. It is of great significance, in this regard, to witness the convergence of true revolutions extending from Cuba to Angola and from Viet Nam to Ethiopia, together with those of other progressive countries, which in their struggle stand united with the socialist countries, in particular the friendly Soviet Union. 63. Thirty years have elapsed since the usurpation of Palestine and the expulsion of its people. Moreover, the racist Zionist entity, directly supported by the United States of America, launched its aggression against the Arab people in 1967 and, consequently, occupied Arab territory. Today zionism and international imperialism reap the-fruit of their aggression in the Camp David capitulationist accords. Democratic Yemen, together with the other parties of the National Front for Steadfastness and Confrontation, reaffinned in the conclusions of its third summit conference held in Damascus, Syria, from 20'to 23 September, their condemnation of those accords because they violate all resolutions of the General Assembly, of the non-aligned movement and of the OAU and they ignore the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishment of its independent State, They also attempt to obliterate the Palestinian identity and to isolate the Palestinian people internally and externally from the true leadership of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. 64. The" Camp David accords were reached under the direction and supervision of the United States of America, which is a principal party to the conflict in the Middle East because of its'material and military support to the Zionist entity. It is this continued support that encouraged and enabled the Zionist entity to commit aggression and continue its occupation. The Camp Davld accords represent a deviation from the resolutions of the Arab Summit Conferences of Algiers! '2 and Rabat! 3 and would only split Arab solidarity, which is based on anti-Zionist struggle and support of the Palestinian people. Moreover, they aim to form an alliance between Israel and the Sadat regime to serve the interests of international imperialism. In the final analysis, the accords amount to a flnal capitulation to the Zionist enemy and subservience to its expansionist and racist ambitions inside and outside of Palestine. Although they claim to form a framework for a comprehensive peaceful solution, they ignore the other parties to the conflict and impose upon them conditions and commitments that violate their right of national sovereignty and the liberation of their occupied territories. Consequently, these agreements can in no way achieve just peace in the area. 65. After it had exhausted all means of direct aggression and the use of force, imperialism in Camp David resorted to a hew device in an attempt to consolidate and continue its exploitation and control over the people and the resources of the region. 66. The Israeli intervention in Lebanon poses a threat to peace and security in the region. Israeli troops yesterday 12 Sixth Arab Summit Conference. held in Algiers from 26 to 28 November 1973. 13 Seventh Arab Summit Conference, held in Rabat from 26 to 29 October 1974. 67. It is no accident that these attempts coincide with the acceleration of armed peoples' resistance against the colonial and racist regimes in other parts of the world. National liberation is indivisible and liberation movements, whether in Palestine, Zimbabwe or southern Africa, are equally confronted by imperialism. 68. Without the active material, military and moral support of the capitalist States, the racist regimes can never survive. They have both an intertwined mutual interest in the suppression of peoples and the exploitation of their resources. The only way to liquidate the colonial racist regimes in Africa is through the acceleration of the armed 'struggle until the peoples attain their desired sovereignty and independence. This poses a challenge to the international community which should firmly stand by the just struggle of the African peoples and extend to them all material and moral support. We strongly condemn the latest position of the racist regime in South Africa in respect of Namibia and call for an end to this regime's disregard of the United Nations and its resolutions. 69. We also salute the struggle of the nationalists in Namibia and Zimbabwe and extend our full support to the legitimate representatives of their peoples, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front. Moreover, we welcome the latest decision adopted by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries to accept SWAPO as a fullfledged member within its ranks. 70. As for Cyprus, we call for the total and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign troops and the liquidation of the military bases whose presence represents a violation of the island's non-aligned status. We call for full respect for its sovereignty> territorial integrity. and independence. Likewise, we; call for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Korea and support the just stand taken by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea in its endeavours to achieve unification of Korea through peaceful means. 71. We have always called for the right to self-determination of the peoples of Western Sahara and Puerto Rico. We also salute the heroic struggle of the peoples of Nicaragua and Chile against the dictatorships there. And we support the struggle of the friendly Cuban people for its territorial integrity and 'call for. the liquidation of the Guantanamo base'of aggression. 72. We fully subscribe to the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)J. and support the initiative for holding a conference to that end. We believe that the decision adopted by the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian 73. Being well aware of the great importance G; ~e strait of Bab el Mandeb to all peoples and States oftne world as an international waterway which has long been used for international navigation, and of its important strategic location as a link between the international traffic lines, and believing In the importance of keeping international navigation through this vital strait free for the benefit of the' peoples and States of the area in particular and the international community in general, Democratic Yemen affirms its respect for the freedom of maritime and air navigation of ships and aircraft of all States without prejudice to the sovereignty, integrity, security and independence of the Republic. 74. However, the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace cannot be achieved without the liquidation of the foreign military bases in the territories of the littoral and hinterland States themselves, as well as in the islands such as Diego Garcia and Masira in Oman, whose people, under the leadership of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman, struggle to achieve national sovereignty and independence and rid themselves of all foreign military forces. Moreover, the security of the area is endangered not only by the expansionist ambitions of certain States and their military intervention in the affairs of smaller States but also by aggressive military pacts. 75. The peoples of the world have a common goal, the maintenance and promotion of world peace and security. They will not be deterred by the attempts of imperialism from pursuing their cherished goals and aspirations. We support the call for a cessation of all nuclear tests and the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and of weapons of mass destructive capability, as well as an end to the arms race, so that the enormous amounts wasted for this purpose may be diverted to developing and improving the peoples' standard of living. 76. In this respect, we support the new Soviet proposal for the conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non-nuclear States l A/33/241J. The outcome of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, has demonstrated the concern of the international community regarding the arms race. Moreover, in spite of the obstacles, it has also shown that concrete' and positive results could be reached in this respect in the future. 77. This year has witnessed an increasing number of activities on the international scene. A number ofmeetings and conferences have taken place in addition to the special session devoted to disarmament. These include two other 78. The new international political order was established by the will of the people of the world yearning for freedom, progress and peace. However, not very long ago, it became amply clear that this system would have to be complemented and strengthened by a New International Economic Order that would eliminate all forms of dependence, domination and exploitation, and through which the developing countries would achieve their economic independence, without which political independence is devoid of social content and true essence. 79. Yet, from the very inception of efforts for the establishment of the New International Economic Order, the developing countries, as a' result of their painful experience in the political sphere, have known that this will not be an easy task or one to be accomplished without sacrifice. For in restructuring world economic relations, developing their own national economies through individual and collective self-reliance, and attaining complete sovereignty over their natural resources they will be faced with hurdles and obstacles set up by the capitalist States that control the world economy, and their transnational corporations that have a vested interest in maximizing their profits at the expense of the millions of people in the developing countries. 80. Today, after four years of consultations, negotiations and various important international conferences, the socalled North-South dialogue has reached a stalemate. We believe this is a result of the lack of political will on the part of most capitalist States, in particular the United States of America, to respond positively to the legitimate aspirations of the developing countries. A striking case in point is the latest session of the Committee Established under General Assembly resolution 32{174, otherwise known as the Committee of the Whole. This Committee is not an end in itself but merely an instrument for effecting the radical changes necessary for the process of real and over-all development. These. changes cannot take place smoothly unless some States abandon their manoeuvres and overwhelming concern for their short-term narrow interests, and unless they shoulder their responsibilities in the establishment of the New International Economic Order. The economic situation in the developing countries, and particularly in the least developed and non-oil-producing developing countries, requires urgent and radical solutions, including the provision of material, technical and moral support without any kind of pressure or economic blackmail and without the imposition of conditions that might harm their sovereignty and independence. 82. In conclusion, I have pleasure in expressing our gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his untiring efforts to strengthen the United Nations so that it can play its full role in achieving the noble goals, objectives and principles enshrined in its Charter.

Mr. President, first of all may I, with infinite pleasure, offer you my warm congratulations and my best wishes for total success in connexion with your brilliant election to the post of President of the General Assembly. There is no doubt that in entrusting to you the highly important responsibility of directing the work of the thirty-third session, the General Assembly wanted to pay a tribute both to your eminent qualities as a statesman and seasoned diplomat, well versed in international affairs, and to the persevering efforts of your Government in favour of peace and international security and co-operation. I am particularly pleased since you are the head of thedip)omatic corps of a country with which mine is honoured and pleased to maintain excellent relations of friendship and co-operation. I should like to assure you of the entire co-operation of the delegation of the Ivory Coast in the fulfilment of your mission. 84. May I also associate myself with the homage paid to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, by expressing to him our great gratitude for the outstanding way in which he presided over the thirty-second regular session of the General Assembly and the three special sessions which followed. 85. I should also once again like to give assurances of our total support for the efforts made by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in favour of peace and progress in the world and of friendly co-operation between nations. Mr. Waldheim's high sense of duty and dedication to' the cause of our Organization have always called forth the admiration and respect of the Government and people of the Ivory Coast. 86. We wish to welcome with particular satisfaction the admission of Solomon Islands to the United Nations. In addressing to the representative of that new Member our most heartfelt congratulations and our wishes of welcome, I should like to assure him of our readiness to co-operate with him within the United Nations and to maintain with his country sincere relations of friendship and confident co-operation. 88. Africa, unfortunately, offers just such a spectacle. The harsh rivalry between the two blocs is one cause. The problems of decolonization and the aftermath of colonization itself are another. 89. Although the western part of our continent is in a state of relative peace which can promote regional economic co-operation, the situation prevailing in other regions is, as far as we are concerned, a reason for major concern, not only because it sows dissension between friendly States whose proximity requires them to be co-operative and understanding but also because it plays into the hands of certain Powers which, while claiming to help Africa to settle its problems, are in fact trying to expand their zones of influence. 90. These Powers justify their military intervention in Africa by the argument that the States concerned requested it, and by the claim that"that request was based on the "inherent right of individual or collective self-defence" of any Member State subjected to armed aggression, as recognized by Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. That is entirely understandable, but what is much less so is that these same Powers reproach others for their intervention, although it is justified by much the same reasons. 91. Africa wishes to have peace, because it cannot develop except in peace. Africa aspires to freedom, because it knows the value of freedom all too well. It aspires to genuine independence, because it wishes to be true to itself and be master of its own destiny in order, with the selfless assistance of its genuine friends, to exploit its immense riches in the manner best suited to its own interests and deepest aspirations, and to the creative genius of its sons. 92. To those who claim to seek no advantage for themselves in Africa, we wish to renew our invitation to take part in the only valid battle on that continent: peaceful competition in the economic, technical, social and cultural fields to.help Africa to emerge from the quagmire of under-development. 93. Africa needs no foreign ideologies that would cause it to lose its personality; it has no use for cannon or other means of mass destruction which, after having sown death and desolation, would mortgage' its development and its aspirations to well-being, peace and security. 94. Given the division of the world into two blocs, the Ivory Coast has always felt that peace in Africa requires neutrality. Indeed, only absolute neutrality, which would protect Africa from foreign interference, will safeguard the independence and soul of that continent. The essential conditions for this are: domestic peace for each one of the African States, peace between African States, and peace between Africa and the rest of the world.. 95. Hence our understandable satisfaction at the results of the meeting between the Presidents of Gambia, Guinea, 96. The decisions that followed that summit meeting reflected our firm desire to strive, in the spirit of Monrovia, for the strengthening of fruitful brotherly relationsbetween our two countries for the greatest good of our peoples. 97. Hence also our understandable gratification at the recent reconciliation between Zaire and Angola, and at the happy prospects which it offers for the harmonious development of their relations and their co-operation, We ardently hope that it will be crowned by total reconciliation within each of the two countries. 98. Against that background, one may also appreciate our satisfaction at the successes already achieved by the Government of Chad on the road to national reconciliation. We heartily encourage it to persevere in its efforts to resume the dialogue with its citizens who are still alienated from the Chad family, with a view to a reconciliation among all the citizens of Chad and the consolidation of national unity. 99. We would very much have liked to be able to say as much of the other conflicts or disputes which still divide African countries. We can only venture to hope and to voice the wish that those conflicts or disputes will similarly find a rapid solution which will strengthen peace and security in Africa. The Ivory Coast, for its part, is quite ready to make its modest contribution to the pursuit of such a solution, if those countries deem it necessary and appropriate. 100. The results of the Monrovia Summit Conference, the dialogue between Zaire and Angola, and between the Government of Chad and the opposition, are eloquent evidence of the fact that, when left to themselves, Africans will always rely on authentically African criteria for the peaceful settlement of the disputes that may from time to time set them against each other, and that it is pointless to try to divide them, because African brotherhood will always triumph in the long run and allow Africans to come together again. _. 101. When all our hopes for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian problem appeared. well-founded, the South African Government has just unilaterally decided to hold elections in Namibia in December, arguing primarily that the measures contemplated by the Secretary-General for the implementation of the process of the Territory's accession to independence are not in accordance with the plan elaborated by the five Western Powers members of the Security Councll.i s 102. The arguments invoked by the South African Government in support of its decision are unacceptable. Indeed, as has been recognized by, all the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the five Western Powers, the report of 103. The South African Government's decision, the unavowed purpose of which is to achieve an internal settlement of the Namibian question, appears to us to be dangerous. If put into effect, it would result in an escalation of violence and would lead to a great loss of human life in Namibia. Moreover, it would harm the cause it claims to serve, especially since the international community would not recognize a Power about which all that could be said is that it would have emerged from elections decided upon and organized unilaterally, outside United Nations framework, and excluding SWAPO militants and other Namibian nationalists. 104. The Government of the Ivory Coast can only deplore that unexpected, disconcerting and' unfortunate decision by the South African Government. In the face of such a decision, the temptation would seem to be great to resort to radical solutions, in particular to the sanctions provided for in Articles 41 and 42 of the United Nations Charter. 105. The Government of the Ivory Coast believes that such measures would be inappropriate because there is still a chance for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian problem. We therefore urgently appeal to the five Western members of the Council to persuade the South African Government that the course which it initially chose in accepting their plan is the best, and that it must implement it fully so as to turn the page in the dispute which still pits South Africa against the international community. 106. The clarifications made by the Secretary-General in submitting his report to the Security Council on 29 September.i s and the support. accorded him by the members of .the Council, should lead South Africa to reconsider its position and to postpone its decision. 107. We fervently hope that the Government of South Africa will turn back to the path of wisdom and reason, so that the hopes for Namibian independence aroused by the Security Council's adoption of the five-Power plan in its resolution 435 (1978) will materialize. 108. In Rhodesia, after a considerable number of delays, the head of the illegal regime has finally acknowledged the principle of universal suffrage and accordingly has agreed to the accession of the majority of the Rhodesian population to power. But he has thought that he could attain that objective by what is commonly known as an internal settlement. 109. That solution, which has excluded the nationalist forces living outside the country, in particular the Patriotic Front, from the process of accession to power is doomed to failure. The appeal for a cease-fire has been answered by an intensification of combat. The spectre of widespread civil war is hovering over the country, with everything that this 15Ibid., Supplement for July, August and September 1978, document 8/12827. 16Ibid., Thirty-third Year, 2087th meeting. 111. Peace and security in southern Africa are similarly threatened by the odious policy of apartheid and of racial discrimination prevailing in South Africa, in spite of its condemnation and the indignation it arouses among the international community. 112. The Ivory Coast has constantly condemned that inhuman system without reservation or ambiguity. But we believe in the possibility of its elimination by peaceful . means. Hence we shall continue trying to make the South African Government understand the grave danger posed by its apartheid policy to peace in Africa and to the neutrality of that continent. We shall also try to convince it of the need to engage in dialogue with the blacks of South Africa in order to overcome mutual distrust, promote mutual understanding and confidence between the different communities, bring about racial equality, and guarantee to all South Africans the same rights and obligations, as well as equal opportunities for social progress. • 113. In the case of the conflict brought about by the decolonization of the Comoros, we are pleased by the willingness expressed by the Comorian Government to solve the problem of Mayotte through dialogue with France and the people of Mayotte, and by the understanding shown in this respect by France. The normalization of relations between the two countries and the useful contacts that have been established are quite encouraging in this respect. We hope, therefore, that when this problem is examined the General Assembly will adopt a decision that will not jeopardize the chances of a peaceful settlement but will encourage a dialogue between the parties concerned v·ith a view to settling of the dispute and make it possible for the Republic of the Comoros to recover its unity. 114. The Government and people of the Ivory Coast, which have made of dialogue a genuine dogma, could not but applaud the historic and exceptionally courageous initiative taken by President Anwar EI-Sadat last November. But we had no illusions about the difficulty of the task, especially since the positions of the parties to the conflict in the Middle East were so far apart and it was clear that all the problems of the region could not be removed on that single visit, as if by magic, from one day to the next. Direct negotiation between these parties, which was unthinkable yesterday, has become possible today. 11S. We wish to pay a particular tribute to the President of the United States of America, Mr. Jimrny Carter, for having helped in maintaining the dynamic of peace brought 116. To be sure, those agreements are only a framework for peace that still has to be filled in and that leaves open or only touched upon some of the crucial questions. Some of the aspects of the Palestine question in particular which are at the heart of the conflict have not been resolved. But it appears to us that the Camp David agreements have created the necessary conditions for the continuance of the dialogue and for negotiations between the parties and have made it possible to hope for a just and lasting settlement of the tragic Middle East problem. In our opinion they are an important step along the difficult road that should lead to peace. 117. Added to all those which preceded it, the Camp David meetings are striking proofthat when the protagonists in a conflict, whoever they may be, meet and enter into dialogue the wall of mistrust and hatred crumbles, understanding and confidence are established and the conditions and hope for settlement of the dispute are created. 118. That is why we wish to express the hope that all the parties concerned, including the PLO, will take part in the negotiation at some stage with a view to arriving at a global, just, equitable and lasting settlement of the conflict on the basis of the pertinent resolutions of the United Nations Security Council and General Assembly which stipulate, inter alia: the withdrawal of Israel from Arab territories occupied since 1967 and the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to a homeland, and the right of all the people, of the region to live in peace within secure, recognized and guaranteed borders. 119. The situation prevailing in Lebanon is closely linked to the Middle East conflict, and is very distressing indeed. The United Nations should not remain indifferent faced with such terrible massacres and destruction, which in recent days have acquired unprecedented dimensions. We deem it to be the absolute duty of the international community, in particular the great Powers and the Arab countries, ·to do everything in their .power to stop that bloodshed and put an end to the suffering of the people of Lebanon, to help Lebanon to find peace and national unity and to ensure respect for its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. We believe that the General Assembly, through its President, should make ~ urgent appeal for the immediate cessation of hostilities. 120. The prolongation of the Cyprus crisis likewise causes us concern. The foreign interference puts a brake on the attempt to settle this crisis. It is therefore desirable that an end be put to it and that,· under the aegis of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, a sincere dialogue should be begun between the two Cypriot communities so that on the basis of General Assembly resolution 1212 (XXIX) and Security Council resolution 365 (1974) a settlement may be found that will preserve the territorial integrity, independence and non-alignment of Cyprus and guarantee the harmonious coexistence of the two communities on the island. 122. We consider, in this respect, as a realistic an' important action the creation by the General Assembl, at that session of new machinery to ensure the participation of all States in the negotiations on this vital question. We hope that that body will make it possible to make substantial progress on the way to general and complete disarmament, which is so strongly desired by the international community but which still remains a distant goal. 123. That goal could be brought closer if everyone sincerely considered peace to be a fundamental and natural requirement of man. In order to be able t,·) disarm, it is necessary to desire peace. To desire peace is to renounce struggles for prestige, the thirst for hegemony, the arms race and the threat or use of force; it is to resort to peaceful means for the settlement of international disputes. This means that general and complete disarmament will only be possible as the result of a profound transformation or our mentalities and our concepts of relations among peoples and nations. 124. Until that transformation takes place we shall see a constant growth in military expenditures throughout the world. Those expenditures, as is known, have now reached the astronomical figure of $400 billion per year. What waste that represents in the face of the wretchedness, the disease, the poverty, the famine and the ignorance of more than two thirds of the population of the globe, before the haggard eyes of so many thousands of famished children; and what irresponsibility! 125. President Houphouet-Boigny has said, "Man has gone to the moon, but he still does not know how to make a tree or a bird-song". 126. Is it not time for the achievements of science and technology, as well as enormous human and material resources, finally to be oriented towards life and progress rather than towards death and destruction? 127. One is scandalized when one is not revolted to see the revenues of the inhabitants of the developed countries growing at a much more rapid pace than those of 'the citizens of the developing countries. , 128. Indeed, the change in the world economic system is typified by an alarming and asymetrical contrast whereby the rich are becoming richer and the poor are becoming poorer and getting even further bogged down in their wretchedness. 129. This calls urgently for the establishment of the new international economic order, which has been spoken of at such great length but the implementation of which has not yet gone beyond the stage of good intentions. 131. The Ivory Coast hopes that the thirty-third session will make it possible to resume the North-South dialogue at the level of the competent authorities and, in particular, that the Committee of the Whole will resume its work in tranquillity and play the role incumbent upon it. 132. My country hopes in the year 1979 to see substantial progress 01' fundamental questions relating to trade in commodities, through the adoption of the Integrated Programme;I 7 to the indebtedness of the developing countries and financial aid that the developed countries can give them; to the transfer of technology and the multilateral trade negotiations; to technical co-operation among developing countries; and to the law of the sea. 133. But this great work of restructuring the world economy must not make us overlook the special problems of the least well endowed countries. In this respect, special attention should be given to Africa, a continent that lags farthest behind economically and has enormous needs that it cannot satisfy by itself. 134. The Ivory Coast hails with great hope and deep gratitude the proposal by the President of the French Republic, Mr. Valery Giscard d'Estaing, supported by other heads of State, concerning the creation of a development fund for Africa. We hope with all our heart that the other Members of our Organization, and particularly the most developed-whether of the East or West-will favourably consider this project, which answers the needs of Africa. 135. Having as its objectives the prosperity and dignity of all men, the new international economic order is an indispensable condition for the effective enjoyment of human rights by all peoples. 136. As President Houphouet Boigny has asked, "... what is the use of speaking of equality among citizens and of fundamental freedoms to those who have only the freedom to die of hunger, or speaking of -the-- freedom to work to those who fmd no work? " The economic, social arid cultural rights of man and of societies are inseparable from the civil and political rights of the individual. Development must be conceived of in an integral way. It is necessary to guarantee to all men decent living conditions and free access to education, work, information and culture. . 17 Scc Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session. vol. I. Report and Annexes (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.76.1I.0.10 and corrigendum), part onc A, resolution 93 (IV).

It is a great pleasure and honour for me to convey to Mr. Lievano, through you, Sir, on behalf of my Foreign Minister-who, for compelling reasons, is unable to attend this crucial session-and on behalf of the delegation of the State of Qatar, warmest and most sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. His election to that important post is a clear acknowledgement of his excellent personal attributes and his thorough knowledge of the working of this Organization, which fill us with confidence that he will carry out his immense task with "kill and wisdom. 144. The issue of decolonization and the liquidation of all the remnants of racism and racial discrimination is directly related to the preservation of international peace and security and the alleviation of world tensions, sparing the world the misery of war and armed struggles. Yet racist regimes still practise various forms of repression, persecution and mass murder against the original inhabitants of South Africa and Rhodesia. 145. Those odious racist regimes would not have been able to survive without the political, military and economic support that they receive from some Western countries, and especially from Israel, which has now come to represent the prime source of weapons for those despised regimes. We in the State of Qatar hail and support the heroic struggle of those peoples who still suffer under the yoke of colonialism and foreign domination. We shall support their efforts until they achieve total liberation. We appeal to the countries that support the racist regimes, whether in the economic, military or nuclear fields, to stop their assistance immediately. We also appeal to all countries to increase their assistance to the peoples that have fallen under the yoke of racial discrimination and segregation. We call upon the world community to reject any steps taken by the South African Government tending to weaken the geographical unity and security of the territory of Namibia and to oppose the legitimate and free expression of the will of the people of the Territory concerning its future. Any constitutional arrangements drawn up for this Territory ought to be considered invalid unless they are based on the views and wishes of the legitimate representatives of the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO and in conformity with Security Council resolution 385 (I976), concerning the exercise by Namibia of its inalienable right to freedom, national independence and the integrity of its territory, including Walvis Bay, which is an integral pr.rt of that Territory. 139. I should also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the President's predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, on the excellent way in which he directed the work of the thirty-second session of the .General Assembly. 140. Similarly, my country's delegation would like to praise the great efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, in the service of the international community. and to assure him of our total and sincere co-operation in his noble task. 141. It is also with pleasure that my country salutes and welcomes the admission of the Republic of Solomon Islands to membership in the United Nations, a new victory for justice and for the freedom-loving peoples. My country's delegation would like to take this opportunity to wish this young nation success in consolidating its independence. 142. The true suffering experienced by humanity makes it incumbent on the United Nations not to be a mere rostrum for ideologies or only ~ medium for disseminating messages of peoples' aspirations and hopes. Man's suffering imposes on our world Organization the need to be a base for serious work and a place for achievement and the achievement of all our legitimate ambitions as an international family. united in striving for a. better life. 146. The world today is heading towards a catastrophe which threatens humanity with extinction as a result of the frantic arms race and the accumulation of destructive weapons, especially nuclear weapons. The arms race not only threatens us with the catastrophe of extinction but saps our human, material and intellectual resources at a time when the peoples of the world in general, and the developing countries in particular, are in dire need of those resources to dispel the spectre of hunger. To that end the non-aligned countries took the first initiative for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly devoted to the problems of disarmament, Its aim was to dispel the spectre of war and extermination that threatens mankind and to divert the material and human resources devoted to the production of weapons to the field' of development, For the first time in the history of the United 143. The United Nations emerged at the end of the Second World War pledged to achieve peace, security and freedom for a1l peoples, but we find a bitter state of affairs after 30 years of activity. Our international Organization has not fulfiled its pledge, not out of lack of capability or . deficiency in the provisions of its Charter, but because of the great Powers' hegemony and their persistence in imposing schemes and policies based on interests that do not correspond with human aspirations to freedom, peace and security. We can only reiterate that the proclaimed human rights are an ideal. We ask at the same time, "Where is its effective implementation, and what is its extent? " 147. My Government supports and reaffirms the principal role to be played by the United Nations in the field of disarmament in achieving the complete implementation of the provisions of the Final Document of the special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament [resolution Sol 0/2J. in increasing efforts to ensure an end to the arms race, especially the nuclear arms race, and in diverting efforts in the opposite direction to serve the economic and social development of all peoples. 148. The State of Qatar also fully supports the special declarations regarding the establishment of nuclear-free zones in the Middle East, the Indian Ocean, South Asia, Africa and Latin America and to make all the oceans and seas zones of peace. In our view, this will contribute to the alleviation of international tension, dissipate the fear that hovers over the peoples in those areas and strengthen international peace and security. 149. My country also supports the notion of providing comprehensive international guarantees to the countries that do not have nuclear weapons and of having the United Nations, and especially the Security Council, take effective -neasures against South Africa and Israel to prevent them from exercising nuclear blackmail. There is no doubt that Israel's refusal to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons will certainly expose that particular region to the dangers of destructive nuclear weapons. 150. The imbalance in the economic relations between the developed and the developing countries has come to endanger peace and stability in the world and to jeopardize its prosperity and progress. It is among the most important reasons for the initiation of the North-South dialogue for the building of a new international economic order based on the principles of justice and equality among nations in regard to their policies and the control of their national resources without foreign interference. However, that dialogue did not reach its desired conclusion, because of the developed countries' position. Therefore my country stresses the importance of resuming the North-South dialogue in order to deal with the problems of raw materials, energy and development and to solve them on the basis of the resolutions of the General Assembly's sixth special session, namely the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of StatesIresolution 3281 (XXIX)}. 151. In the light of the worsening economic situation in the developing countries, which are unable to solve their 152. The consecutive sessions of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea constitute an outstanding precedent in the history of our Organization and that of the world, but we note that those meetings have not yet produced an agreement on a final convention which would deal with extremely important subjects ona just basis and specify the .neans for themaximum utilization of the vast natural resources in the oceans in order to make them available for the general good of humanity at large. Some very important questions are still under discussion, such as those of the international authority, economic zones, the rights of land-locked and geographically disadvantaged countries, the peaceful and legal means necessary to solve disputes that arise between countries over the aforementioned questions and others related to the exploitation of maritime natural resources. 153. It is obvious from the discussions and deliberations of the Conference that the major Powers are ignoring the vital interests of the developing countries and raising obstacles in order to prevent the Conference from reaching its desired conclusion and from solvingthe questions under consideration in a way that would enhance the exploitation of resources and their just distribution. The State of Qatar appeals to the great Powers to abandon their egotism and give the same consideration to the interests of other countries, especially the developing ones, as they give to their own. .. 154. The question of Cyprus remains unsolved despite the commendable efforts exerted by the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Consequently, the Government of Qatar supports the holding of serious and constructive negotiations to solve this problem. Those negotiations should be held freely with equality of representation, and without foreign intervention, so that eventually an agreement acceptable to the relevant parties could be reached which would achieve independence and territorial integrity for the island and guarantee its non-alignment, inaccordance with General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX). 155. My Government also welcomes the efforts being exerted to solve the Korean problem by peaceful means free from foreign intervention. My Government believes that a peaceful solution of the Cypriot and Korean problems would contribute to the easing of international tensions and the strengthening of world peace and security. 157. The primary goal of Israeli. aggression is the achievement of Israel's expansionist aims, as has been clear from the time of the armistice until now from the various ways in which the Israeli authorities have annexed demilitarized zones and subsequently occupied the whole of Palestine and portions of Egypt, Syria and Lebanon. As this is not the time to list continuous Israeli aggressions from the inception of Israel to the present day, I shall limit myself to the latest aggression against Lebanon and the occupation of parts of the territory of that country. Israel is still persisting in this occupation, defying the United Nations Charter and disregarding Security Council resolution 425 (1978), which cans for immediate Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon, and Security Council resolution 426 (1978). Israel committed that aggression in fulfilment of goals and plans that are based on expansion and aggression, in fulfilment of the Zionist colonialist plan to establish a Jewish national homeland and the desire of some Western nations to secure their interests in the Arab region, and in fulfilment of Israel's role of the powerful guard who guarantees the division of the Arab world and its exhaustion in order to prevent its progress towards the exploitation of its own natural resources. 158. By repeated aggressions Israel is manoeuvring itself into a more strategic position for further territorial expansion, and therefore zionism will never accept any infernationmguarantees. of its boundaries with Arab States in spite of its persistent claim to want those guarantees. Israel can never live in peace within the boundaries that were decided upon at its inception for the following five reasons: first, because of considerations appropriate to its basic ideological belief that it must establish a state within an area larger than its boundaries; secondly, because it follows a policy of encouraging immigration and the absorption of the majority of world Jewry; thirdly, because of its worsening economic situation; fourthly, because of its nature as a colonialist stooge in the area, which makes it constantly seek to keep the area in a state of tension and upheaval; and fifthly, because it has benefited from the constant state of tension and upheaval in the area which has enabled it to remain in the spotlight and allowed it to request more funds from international Zionist organizations and to receive increased support from some countries which have a vested interest in it. 159. The Palestinian problem is at the core of the dispute in the Middle East and at the heart of its bloody struggle, a struggle that was imposed by Israel on the Palestinian Arab 160. The world community as a whole is convinced that the Palestinian question is at the heart of the Middle East struggle and that there cannot be a solution to that struggle without a just solution to this problem in accordance with international law and the resolutions and Charter of the United Nations. A just and lasting peace in the Middle East requires the complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from all the territories Israel occupies and its recognition of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. The Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries that was held in Belgrade recently reiterated what has already. been accepted by the world community, namely, the importance of strengthening co-ordination between the non-aligned countries and the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people Isee A/33/206, annex I, para. 65/. It also reiterated the right of the PLO to reject all forms of compromise settlements and solutions that aim at the liquidation of the Palestinian cause and the denial of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people. The Government of Qatar totally supports the important decision adopted by the Foreign Ministers of the non-aligned countries which calls for the convening of a special session of the General Assembly on the question of Palestine, with a view to adopting measures conducive to the implementation of the United Nations resolutions concerning Israeli withdrawal from occupied Palestinian and Arab territories as well as the achievement of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people [ibid., annex Ill, resolution on the Middle East, para. 21/. 161. The question of Palestine is an international issue at the heart of the Middle East struggle and upon its solution depends peace or war in the region. There cannot be peace and security in the Middle East without the recovery by the Palestinian people of their legitimate rights under the leadership of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and the total withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories, including Arab Jerusalem. It is therefore incumbent on ourworld Organization, and all its organs to strengthen international faith in its capacity to make peace, bring about stability, ensure justice and restore the rights of rightful owners. We are confident that through the honest collective determination of all Member States we shall be able to realize these noble and lofty objectives:

On behalf of my delegation I am happy to discharge the pleasant duty of congratulating the President most warmly on his brilliant election to preside over the - 163. We likewise congratulate Mr. Lievano's colleagues on the General Committee, whose contribution will no doubt be indispensable in the discharge of his heavy and serious duties. 164. My delegation is pleased with the excellent report on the work of the Organization [A/33/1] submitted to this Assembly by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has once again proved his qualities as a tireless pilgrim of peace. The relevance of the proposals contained in that report, like the courage with which they are presented, constitute confirmation of the judiciousness of the choice of our Organization in renewing his mandate two years ago by an overwhelming majority. 165. I wish to pay a more than deserved tribute to Mr. Mojsov, the President of the thirty-second session of the General Assembly, who, during a year filled with work for the Organization, discharged his duty with honour to his country, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and to the entire family of non-aligned countries by competently and authoritatively guiding the destiny of our Organization. 166. Today, as in the past, Zaire continues to place its confidence in the United Nations because we consider it to be an irreplaceable instrument for the quest for peace in the world. Our Organization is a melting-pot in which a universal conscience is defined and affirmed at the same time as the major principles of co-operation among nations. If all States displayed genuine political will, there is no doubt that the means of action of our Organization in the full assumption of its responsibilities would be markedly increased. But in order to improve the output and increase the effectiveness of our Organization perhaps some or our working methods should be changed. The present practice of holding an annual session with an annual general debate followed by a vote on draft resolutions is certainly constructive. First of all it gives us the opportunity and the privilege to meet and to exchange ideas. But in some ways it looks like a huge tourist operation. Moreover, if we examine things closely we see that since the problems are often the same, our speeches and resolutions remain the same too. Sometimes, even, statements arc made before an almost empty hall. Even so, we are satisfied to produce an impressive number of resolutions, three fourths of which, certainly, are not implemented. This sometimes has a depressing effect. That being so, should we not reduce the number of meetings, and set up a committee to monitor the implementation of resolutions in order to avoid their being repeated? Finally, would it not be desirable to reduce the number of items submitted to us for consideration? These 168. At present the United Nations is reaching the end of a decade in which we ambitiously set ourselves some important goals in various fields which can all be grouped as one, namely that of development. In this Held we are bound to note that. results have fallen short of our expectations and ambitions. 169. In a world characterized by interdependence peace and security become common treasures and constitute indispensable factors for sincere and fruitful co-operation in respect for the sovereignty of one's partners whatever the socio-economic regime to which they belong, and whatever their prestige or level of development. 170. However, this world in which we live is daily threatened by cataclysms of all kinds and by the unbridled super-arms race which absorbs important resources that could be allocated to development. It is also threatened by the aggravation of inequalities which tends to become systematic-in. brief, by the dehumanization that runs the risk of bringing our planet to total ruin. 171. At its tenth special session the General Assembly devoted more than a month. to a question of vital importance in our time: disarmament. It is 17 years since the non-aligned countries expressed the desire of having our Organization assume more direct responsibility in regard to disarmament. All mankind places great hopes in this prospect, given the problem of the escalation of the violence to which the world is now subjected and the production of increasingly sophisticated arms the destructive capacity of which gro-vs alarmingly. 172. The tenth special session of the General Assembly aroused great hopes, but they have not been fulfilled-far from it. The results of that session were, it must be realized, very scant. The international community still wants to arrive at results such as those enumerated by the President of the French Republic, Mr. Valery Giscard d'Estaing,' 8 so that it can propose elements for a solution or a system-for de-escalation and a return to calm. 173. There have been various reactions to the proposals of the French President. But we think that they should be considered a positive contribution to increasing mankind's awareness of the apocalyptic danger represented by the excessive armaments that in our day nations that can indulge in the. luxury of such military enterprises allow themselves. Yet it may be observed that both in real and in relative terms the gross national product of the majority of 175. That is why we must attack the evil at its roots. It is to be hoped that acts of aggression will cease through a voluntary and deliberate return by all members of our international community to respect for the principles of the Charter, in particular the principles of the peaceful settlement of disputes arising in one place or another between Member States, strict respect for the sovereignty of States, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. 176. It was in that spirit that, at the thirty-first regular session, my delegation supported the Soviet proposal for the conclusion of a treaty on non-recourse to force in the settlement of international disputes.! 9 177. If such principles were adopted and respected there would perhaps be more respect for commitments, thereby J lessening aggressiveness and resulting in less and less recourse to violence. This would have as its corollary recourse to dialogue, which implies negotiation, because, in order to settle conflicts which arise throughout the world in the absence of adequate conciliation machinery, there is only armed violence either with conventional or with nuclear weapons. 178. The draft convention submitted by the Soviet Union with regard to the prohibition of the use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon countries /A/33/241, annex, addendum! is an excellent initiative and represents a first step. but the most adequate solution would consist in simply prohibiting nuclear weapons as such. 179. On 16 December 1969, at the twenty-fourth regular session of the General Assembly, when the 1970s were declared the Disarmament Decade Isee resolution 2602 E (XXIVl], the major objective to be attained was the release of resources devoted to the arms race and their channeHing for the benefit of economic and social development. However, we have since then witnessed a reverse trend. Military expenditures are increasing at an accelerated. rate, going from approximately SUS 113 billion in 1969 to approximately $400 billion at the present time, which represents an average of more than $1 billion every day. And there is nothing to indicate that in the near future there will be a reversal in the curve regarding military expenditures. 180. If a tax of that magnitude were to be collected by the Organization and devoted to development, as proposed 19 Ibid., Thirty-first Session, Annexes, agenda item 124, document A/31/243. 181. Thus my delegation endorses the proposal to set up machinery to collect such a tax. 182. For rather more than five years the world has been living through one of the most serious crises of its economic and social history from the point. of view of both its proportions and its duration. This crisis is being particularly felt by the under-equipped and poor countries, which are suffering the cumulative effects of inflation, deterioration in the terms of trade, a decline in the principal raw materials market, drought and other natural calamities. 183. On the other hand, today there are still States indulging in senseless waste of large resources on military enterprises, instead of using them for the benefit of development in keeping with the declared objective of this Disarmament Decade. 184. Faced with this situation, our Organization should adopt all the measures needed to define a new strategy for developrrent, for the crisis which is raging has brought to light the inadequacy of the machinery and the failure of the means made available for development. 185. The North-South dialogue, which should work out the procedures for the new international economic order, is marking time. And the first hopes it had aroused in Paris, at the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in 1977, are beginning to be stifled because of the lack of political will and firm commitment among the rich countries which cling to their privileges, although a proper perception of their interests should have led them to greater understanding and determination. 186. We must encourage the continuance of this dialogue within UNCTAD. We regret that since agreement was reached on the principle of setting up a common fund no substantial progress has been made at the negotiating conference.s 1 We remain convinced that the common fund could play the role of catalyst in the attainment of the objectives of the Integrated Programme for Commodities. In another context, the industrialized countries accepted other commitments in Paris, including the establishment of a special fund to assist the most needy countries. They also declared themselves ready to support the African countries in their programme within the framework of their Transport and Communications Decade in Africa. 187. My country, Zaire, which relies in particular' on exports of raw materials, including copper, was severely shaken by the international crisis, with its train of misfortunes, to which were added other difficulties caused by its geographical location as a semi-land-locked country. Outlets for most of its export products are located outside its territory. An these negative factors have created a very 20 Ibid., Tenth Special Session, Plenary Meetings, 17th meeting. 21 United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for Commodities. 189. I $hould like to take this opportunity to thank all the countries which have agreed to participate in implementing the recovery plan, whic... bears the name of our President. 190. It is fitting to mention here another area in which negotiations between rich and poor countries are not advancing. This is the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, the importance of which is vital to all in the establishment of a new international economic order. 191. The vast resources of the sea-bed and the ocean floor, which have been proclaimed as the common heritage of mankind, must be equitably distributed among all the members of the international community, taking due account of the interests of the under-equipped and geographically disadvantaged countries. 192. In this new context the new law of the sea should not lead to aggravation of the situation of the underequipped countries, particularly those which produce raw materials on land, countries which are already severely afflicted 'by the world crisis and by declining prices for most of their raw materials. 193. The exploitation of the resources of the sea must be carried out for the benefit of all-rich or poor, technologically advanced or not. However, in order to achieve this, all countries must show sufficient political will so that the arduous negotiations may reach a successful conclusion within a reasonable time. Meanwhile, no ill-considered initiative should be taken. . 194. I should like now to take up a question which for some 30 years has been debated by our Assembly; this is, of course, the Middle East crisis or, more accurately', the Israeli-Arab conflict, the background of which is the question of Palestine. 195. Zaire's position on this thorny problem has never altered since at this very rostrum on 4 October 1973 it was clearly defined by the most authoritative voice of Zaire, that of the President of the Republic.as 196. Any lasting and genuine solution of this crisis must necessarily include the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to a homeland and the withdrawal-by 197. No one can deny that the tragedy of the Middle East is extremely complex. Simplistic solutions cannot be applied to it. Similarly, it is neither adequate nor seemly to become involved-in condemnations and sterile invective or in facile congratulations for some minor success. Zaire supports all efforts aimed at establishing a just and lasting peace in the interests of the peoples of the region. We therefore encourage the initiatives of President El-Sadat and hope that they will lead to a lasting solution satisfactory to all parties to the conflict, the Palestinian people end the entire Arab nation. . 198. Furthermore, Zaire has always proclaimed that all the countries in that part of the world must have the right to exist. Israel is a fact, a geopolitical, reality, which cannot be denied by anyone since Israel actually exists and is there. Similarly, that the Palestinian people also exist is a fact. One cannot therefore refuse t.o some what has been given to others. 199. When we speak about boundaries between Israel and its neighbouring Arab States we often use expressions such as "secure and recognized boundaries". 200. The concept of internationally recognized boundaries appears reasonable, while the concept of secure boundaries has always seemed to us to be artificial, for how can frontiers be secure, bearing in mind modem means of warfare, except through the will" of those who inhabit the region and through international guarantees, because if there is bad faith on one side everything will be brought into question again. 201. To be more convinced of this it is only necessary to recall that, despite the boundaries it considered not to be secure, Israel waged and won the 1967 war, whereas with so-called secure boundaries it almost lost the war of 1973. . 202. Let us not forget that for centuries the Jewish people suffered from the Diaspora. The international .community , then gave it territory where it exercised its sovereignty for 30 years. It would be unfair now to subject the Palestinian people to a similar Diaspora. 203. In taking up the Middle East problem the international community must bear these realities ever in mind. It must do everything in its power to facilitate the establishment of propitious conditions for a frank and sincere dialogue among all the parties concerned so as to safeguard the exercise of their sovereign national rights in territory with boundaries guaranteed by the international . community. 204. In recent years Africa has experienced a difficult political situation which has been exacerbated by economic difficulties engendered mainly by the international crisis and natural calamities. 206. Since the process of liberation began the African continent has polarized the attention of world public opinion. Today the world can no longer question what will happen tomorrow in Africa in the field of decolonization. 207. It was following the crumbling of the bulwark of the Portuguese colonialists in Africa'·that the process of liberatic n was accelerated and broadened to include Zimbabwe and· Namibia, thus creating new conditions, unknown until then in the very bastion ofapartheid. 208. Tomorrow-who can doubt it? ~Zimbabwe and Namibia W11 accede to independence, and this will deal the final blow to the system of apartheid that afflicts South Africa. This is why we can now affirm that 1979 will be for our continent a decisive year for the future of all of Africa, and this despite the rear-guard action that is being desperately carried out by the racists who built the last colonialist bastion in that part of the world. 209. As regards Zimbabwe, confusion reigns. We welcomed the Anglo-American plan,23 hoping that its faithful application would become a basis for discussion. The internal settlements have solved nothing because, to be valid, they would have to include all compone-nts of the problem and indicate the successive steps for peaceful accession by Zimbabwe to real independence. 210. Nevertheless, because of its experience and recent history Zaire sincerely hopes that all those who are fighting will unite so that the majority may take power in order and calm, without foreign interference, for the benefit of all of Africa. 211. Lack of unity has often given an opportunity to foreign Powers to interfere in our continent and thus hamper our progress towards development. In conformity with its Constitution and the fundamental ideas defined in the Manifesto of the Popular Movement of the Revolution, Zaire reaffirms its determination to contribute to the struggle against the white racist minority in Zimbabwe, as well as its total support for the brother countries of Africa, the neighbours of Rhodesia and the victims of repeated acts of aggression by the Ian Smith clique. 212. We have been informed that lan Smith has been invited to come to the United States and deliver a lecture. We certainly should not interfere in the internal affairs of another country, but we sincerely hope that there is still 23 Sce Official RECords of the Security Council, Thirty-second Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1977, document S/12393. 214. The situation in Namibia, in our opinion, seems clearer. SWAPO, the only movement recognized by our Organization and the legitimate representative of the Namibian people, has accepted the peaceful path to independence within the framework of a plan drawn up by the five Western Powers. 215. The Secretary-General of the United Nations has made relevant proposals indicatlng the stages leading to irreversible independence, including adequate consultation with the population concerned. Zaire cannot but subscribe to that clear and precise plan and reaffirms its belief in the unity of the Namibian people and the territorial integrity of that country. 216. The Republic of Zaire therefore vigorously condemns the sordid manoeuvres of South Africa to precipitate elections in Namibia so as to bring about a puppet government loyal to it. No form of independence is acceptable for that Territory unless it is sanctioned by our Organization, The United Nations has the imperative duty to bring Namibia to independence with respect for its unity and territorial integrity. 217. The accession to independence of the States 'which surround South Africa has sounded the death knell of the minority racist regime of South Africa. South Africa is waging an anachronistic war to saveits iniquitous apartheid system. As was stated at this rostrum on 4 October 1973 by the President of the Republic of Zaire: "A fruit falls only when it is ripe; but in the storms and the tempests of history, the fruit falls, whether ripe or not."24 218. It is a sign of our times that for some days a process of political instability has be~n going on in South Africa. The situation prevailing in South Africa must be considered in terms of the racial conflict which provoked it and the odious and reprehensible system of apartheid, that new form of slavery of our times. 219. The tension which apartheid in South Africa has always caused and the terrible and barbarous massacres of the non-white populations to which it has given rise since Sharpeville have made the international community fully aware of the situation so that today the infamous doctrine ofapartheid is unanimously condemned by all mankind. 220. This explains all the meetings and conferences which have taken place, whether in Maputo, Lagos, Maseru or, very recently, Geneva. In regard to the last, my delegation regrets the rather disappointing results of the Geneva Conference.st .but continues to believe that it is not 221. I should now like to take up a matter to which my delegation attaches as much importance as to the preceding ones: good-neighbourlj relations. The President of the Republic of Zaire, during the Second Congress of our Popular Movement of the Revolution, recalled this policy when he declared: "Faithful to our Constitution and its fundamental action as defined in the Manifesto of the Popular Movement of the Revolution, Zaire attaches special importance to its African vocation and, and in particular, promotes good-neighbourly relations." 222. And Zaire sets great store by that policy. That is why my delegation wishes to draw the attention of the Assembly, during this session, to the genuine and complete normalization, in accordance with the political and diplomatic process, of our relations with our neighbour, the People's Republic of Angola. 223. That is a major achievement of our international policy, which is to the credit of our will for peace, solidarity and brotherhood, so often proclaimed by the President of the Republic of Zaire. That will has met with an echoing response from and the same positive determination on the part of Antonio Agostinho Neto, the President of the People's Republic of Angola. 224. This, I think, is one of the appropriate important places for us to exalt this elevated political sense of the Presidents of Zaire and Angola, who resort to African wisdom based essentially on dialogue and consultation. Between them they have brought our peoples to this situation, over which every Angolan and every Zairian rejoices. The two countries have put an end to the atmosphere of opposition, which was not appropriate for two brother peoples. In our world of interdependence, peace and security constitute, to be sure, factors indispensable for the development of our countries. Africa is still far from having an atmosphere favourable tf· genuine development. 225. Our two countries, the People's Republic of Angola and the Republic of Zaire, despite their different economic and social systems, have decided to co-operate so that cordial and brotherly understanding shall reign between them and their brother peoples with a view to their development. 226. This reconciliation, which took place after that reached by our brothers of Senegal and the Ivory Coast, on the one hand, and Guinea on the other, cannot but create rejoicing among an sons of the African continent. It shows also that as long as Africans are among themselves, free from evil geniuses or wicked sirens, there are no difficulties or disputes which they cannot overcome and iron out. 227. I could not conclude under this heading without special mention of our blood brothers of the People's 228. I shall end my statement by expressing the satisfaction of my delegation at seeing Solomon Islands joining the great United Nations family. We welcome it. We are sure that its contribution to our work will be most constructive.

I shall now .give the floor to those representatives who wish to exercise their right of reply.

At yesterday afternoon's meeting the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Nigeria, Barbados and Guyana, in their addresses as part of the general debate {23rd meetingI , included some statements which my delegation feels compelled to reply to and to reject. 231. The delegation of Guatemala d-plores the fact that once again the subject of Belize is being introduced in the general debate of the Assembly mparticularly equivocal and compromising terms. Some of those who spoke about it yesterday certainly lack the full and objective information which would enable them to analyse all of the political, social and legal aspects of the question. Ignorance of the nature of the problem on the one hand and biased alignment on the other necessarily distort facts in accordance with individual political interests, and for that reason we should like to make the following corrections. 232. The representative of Nigeria suggests that the countries friendly to Guatemala make use of thefr influence to ensure the implementation ofresolution 3]/50 of the General Assembly. We must reply, in the first place, that it should be made clear that Guatemala has rejected and rejects the interference of any nation, Government, group of nations or international organizations in a matter the solution of which is solely the responsibility of the parties concerned in the dispute over Belize. 233. Secondly, no one should ignore the recommendatory nature of the pelitical resolutions of the General Assembly. which cannot be observed or implemented when they have been adopted in violation of a universal legal system established by the United Nations Charter itself, a principle which prevails as a basic assumption for the maintenance of international order and security. 234. The question of Belize cannot be defined as a case of decolonization alone since that would mean disregarding a legal aspect of the matter which has to do with Guatemala's sovereignty over its own territory. 235. Resolution 31/50, referred to by the Commissioner for External Affairs of Nigeria, prejudges the outcome of the negotiations, which is not only unacceptable but also impedes a solution of the question. 236. The representative of Barbados, for his part, referred to the question of Belize as a case of colonialism to conceal his own private and governmental interests of expansion. The delegation of Guatemala wishes once again to repeat before this Assembly its vigorous position against colo- 237. Guatemala has contributed to bringing about an end to colonialism in many countries represented here as independent States. But the case of Belize is a different one. 238. To accuse Guatemala of hindering the process of the independence of Belize is to make a self-interested affirruation which seeks to distract attention from the ominous action of colonialist Powers, which for so long have oppressed so many peoples throughout the world. 239. For many years, Guatemala has unceasingly maintained this territorial claim against the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and it is precisely in order to fmd a solution to the dispute that we have resorted to the procedure of holding direct negotiations between the parties concerned. In those talks, the Government and people of Belize take an active part. 240. The legitimate rights of Guatemala over the territory cannot be questioned, and that is what should be understood in this Assembly so that there is no further insistence on trying to arrive at a political solution to an essentially legalquestion. 242. Our country is ready at all times to continue exploring peaceful means within the international legal order so that, while protecting the interests of the people of Belize-which is made up largely of persons of authentic Guatemalan origin-and in concert with the interests of the Republic of Guatemala, we might at the earliest possible time find a solution satisfactory to all parties to the dispute.

The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Democratic Yemen,. in his speech today, once again attacked my country, repeating the lies which we are tired of hearing every year from this rostrum, to try to cover up the parlous situation and the well-known foreign military presence in his country. I wish to reserve my delegations's right to reply on another occasion. The meeting rose at 6.15 p.m.