A/33/PV.26 General Assembly

I should like to make an announcement concerning our programme of work. The general debate will be interrupted on Wednesday morning, 11 October, for the special meeting of the General Assembly to observe International Anti- Apartheid Year, in the course of which awards will be presented for distinguished service against apartheid. It may be recalled that, in resolution 31/6 G of 9 November 1976, the General Assembly authorized the Special Committee against Apartheid "to establish an award to be presented to persons who have,.in co-operation with the United Nations and in solidarity with the South African liberation move- ments, contributed significantly to the international cam- paign against apartheid ': 2. The Special Committee has accordingly selected seven persons for the award this year: the Reverend Canon L. John Collins, Cannon of St. Paul's Cathedral and Presi- dent of the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa; His Excellency the Honourable Michael Manley, Prime Minister of Jamaica; the late General Murtala Mohamed, former Head of State of Nigeria; the late Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, former Prime Minister of India; the late Kwame Nkrumah, former President of Ghana; His Excel- lency Mr. Olof Palme, former Prime Minister and leader of the Social Democratic Party of Sweden; and the late Paul Robeson, famous black American singer, actor and leader in the struggle against racism.

Mr. Presi- dent, it is my great privilege to join the speakerswho have preceded me in expressing to you on behalf of the Goverrunent of Ghana warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of this thirty-third sessionof the United Nations- General Assembly. We are delighted that you bring to this great responsibility the breadth of experience and wisdom that have been associatedwith your name as the Foreign Minister of Colombia. We are certain that your sterling personal qualities, which have been internationally recognized, will enable you to guide the deliberations of this session and secure their fruitful and successful conclusion. I pledge the support and eo- operation of the Ghana delegation in the difficult tasks which you have assumed. 28. May I seize this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, Deputy Federal Secretary for foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia, for the devoted and excellent manner in which he served the international community in the past year. The guidance which Mr. Mojsov gave to our Organization during the past year's unusually heavy schedule-a schedule including two important special sessions on the intractable questions of Namibia and disarmament-will long be remembered and appreciated. His conduct of the affairs of the General 30. Ghana wishes particularly to extend a warm and fraternal welcome to Solomon Islands as the one hundred and fiftieth Member of this Organization. The membership of Solomon Islands provides further proof that colonial role, however benign and well-meaning, cannot be regarded as an adequate substitute for independence. The people of Ghana join their brothers and sisters of Solomon Islands in celebrating the admission of that state to this august body and pledge all the support and assistance we are capable of in resolving the problems which usually confront a develop- ing country. 31.. As we review the activities of this Organization over the past 32 years we are struck by the enormous contradic- tions and disparities which still exist between our profes- sions of dedication to peace, justice and prosperity for all . peoples on the one hand and our actions in order to achieve those noble aims on the other. Our objective of creating a world in which we share responsibility for each other's welfare continues to be frustrated by the lingering problems of colonialism and racism, by an escalating arms race, and by the ever-growing economic gap betwen the "haves" and the "have-nets". 32. D~colonization is admittedly in its final stage, but this stage IS also the most critical. In southern Africa the problem is compounded by intransigent minority regimes that have instituted racism as a policy in an effort to safeguard their economic interests by the perpetual domina- tion of majorities. 33. In Zimbabwe the prospects for a negotiated settle- ment, which had been raised by the Anglo-American proposals.t have foundered 0l! the duplicity and un- reasonableness of lan Smith and members of his regime. Ghana was willing to give these proposals a chance, even though it had good reason to believe that when the negotiations reached a critical stage lan Smith would prevaricate in his characteristic fashion and thereby make it inevitable for human lives and property, mostly African, to be destroyed. True to form, he announced his so-called internal settlement agreement on 3 March this year, with a programme for return to a spurious majority rule on 31 December 1978-a window-dressing exercise that leaves wholly intact the entire infrastructure and machinery of racist rule, which, of course, continued with little change: It is not surprising that that agreement failed to gain the concurrence of the Patriotic Front, a force to be reckoned with and one representing far more truly the legitimate aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe; and without that 2 See. Officia! Records of the Security Council, Thirty-second Year, Supplement for JU(J', August and September 1977, document S/12393. 35. It has been the firmly-held view of Ghana that if all members of the international community had really felt so enamoured of universal human rights as was often claimed, Ian Smith's regime would not have survived the past 13 years. It has survived and wreaked extreme havoc upon the lives of the Africans of Zimbabwe because it has received external support and assistance from Members of our very Organization. The Government of Ghana has had occasion in the past to express its concern and displeasure over breaches by some British firms of the United Nations mandatory sanctions imposed on Rhodesia. Once again British firms have, according to world-wide press reports admitted responsibility for deliberate assistance to the regime of Rhodesia, which is, by common consent not only illegal, but also blatantly racist and brutally oppres- sive. Ghana again deplores this flagrant connivance and hopes that the United Kingdom Government will ensure that no British firm ever again supports racism and the repression of African peoples through such acts as British Petroleum and the Shell companies have been accused of. 36. It is regrettable that as we debate this question of Zimbabwe Mr. lan Smith is in the United States. The Government of Ghana hopes that his visit will not lead to a breach of the sanctions imposed by the Security Council. Ghana is of the view that this is not the time to relax the pressure on the lan Smith regime. It would indeed be tragic if any permanent member of the Security Council seemed to be publicly underwriting South Africa's blatant breaches of the Rhodesian sanctions in order to assist the continued oppression of Zimbabweans by the racist forces of lan Smith's regime. • 37_ Ghana will remain opposed to the spurious internal settlement agreement. Accordingly, we shall continue to support sanctions and the armed struggle by the people of Zimbabwe, led by the Patriotic Front, as the only credible alternative measures for early attainment of majority rule. 38. The regime in Namibia is an even greater evil. It presents in an even worse form the worst features of the Rhodesian rebel regime. It is an alien aggressor in illegal occupation of an international territory properly under the care of the United Nations. . 39. South Africa must be made to withdraw from Namibia totally. In our view it is a great pity that the Security Council was for so long unable or unwilling to muster enough force to throw the racist regime out of the Territory and that it repeatedly allowed itself to be tricked into inaction by promises, which always proved false, that the. apartheid regime was about to mend its ways, and by hopes, which were frequently disappointed, that it would prove amenable to reason and negotiation. 41. Throughout these negotiations, the apartheid regime has patently sought to retain the power to influence improperly the course of events in Namibia. It started by insisting on imposing its own puppets by means of the Turnhalle scheme. Then it insisted on retaining its foothold in Walvis Bay; then on retaining within the Territory throughout the electoral exercise a sizeable military force, together with an armed and notoriously brutal police force maintained at full strength. It pretended to negotiate for a peaceful and orderly withdrawal as long as it saw the prospect of operating those levers of manipulation without any effective check. Now it sees that effective checks are meant to be applied, that the police and military contin- gents of the United Nations are meant to be deployed in more than mere token strength, and so it reverts once again to its former intransigence, and resorts to a new variation of the Turnhalle farce: to elections, outside United Nations control, from which virtually all are excluded except the marionettes of Turnhalle. The apartheid regime has yet again pulled off one of its time-buying stunts. We are now entitled to demand that this stunt should be its last. 42. In its resolution 435 (1978) of 29 September 1978 the Security Council approved the Secretary-General's plan3 for the implementation of the proposals for free and fair elections in Namibia, and the withdrawal of South Africa from the illegally occupied Territory. In the same resolu- tion, the Security Council called upon South Africa forthwith to co-operate with the Secretary-General in the implementation of his plan of action. If by 23 October South Africa still rejects the plan or refuses to co-operate, then there would be no justification, we maintain, for delaying any further the action which is long overdue under Chapter VII of the Charter. The Government of Ghana demands that in that case oil sanctions and, indeed, the full range of sanctions under Chapter VII, be applied against apartheid, until they undermine the basis of its.resistance. We call for nothing less, for the simple reason that it is high time. 43. The Pretoria regime should be made to see very clearly that it would be much better, from the point of view of its own interests, if the Secretary-General's plan were put into operation. In this connexion I am happy to announce my Government's willingness to offer a contingent of military and police forces for the proposed peace-keeping operations in Namibia. 44. Walvis Bay is inextricably linked by geographical, economic, cultural and ethnic bonds with the rest of Namibian territory. It would be ludicrous to expect that an independent Namibia would be willing to have its littoral and its coastal waters threatened by such a hostile military presence as that of South Africa. Its external trade, as well 3/bid., Thirty-thlrd Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1978. document St12827. 4/bid., document St1277S. 45. In this regard we welcome Security Council,resolution 432 (1978) of 27 July 1978. We propose that this Organization should tolerate no move by the apartheid regime to make that decision yet another excuse for reneging on its acceptance of the proposals negotiated with SWAPO and the five Western Powers- for effecting its long overdue withdrawal from the Territory. And we further urge that the crucial decisions taken at the recent ninth special session of the General Assembly on Namibia {see resolution S-9/2/ should guide the final negotiations for Namibia's independence. In thir exercise, it would be vital to ensure that the programme for that independence willbe one that has the unqualified support of SWAPO, not one dictated by South Africa. 46. Of all the problems posed by colonialism, imperialism and neo-eolonialism in Africa, none is more pernicious and dangerous than apartheid, the official policy of South Africa. Decades of international condemnation of this policy have not succeeded in persuading the racists of South Africa of the wisdom of dismantling it. The resolutions and exhortations of both the Security.Council and this General Assembly have not succeeded in con- vincing South Africa that only by upholding human rights and human dignity can all of us hope to create.fhe conditions in which a peaceful and harmonious world community can thrive. South Africa even exported this dangerous apartheid policy from its own territory to Namibia andZimbabwe in a vain attempt to preserve the last remaining bastion of white supremacy and privilege.. 47. It is encouraging that after the persistent frustrations of the past decades the Security Council and this entire Organization have begun to see apartheid as not only a matter of concern to black Africa, but as something closely linked to the peace and security of the whole world. My Government welcomes the mandatory arms embargo the Security Council imposed last year on South Africa mits resolution 418 (1977), though it has come rather late. 'But South Africa, "with the active assistance of countries operating under the predominant principle of the profit motive, has been granted licences, which are still operative, to produce or assemble locally most of its arms and war ~quipment. That Security Council resolution did not go far enough, Ghana accepted it only as a first step. We have therefore called,upon the Security Council to take another positive step by imposing a total oil embargo against 'that intransigent regime and to maintain that embargo until it abandons the policy of apartheid or until majority rule is attained in South Africa. Such a move would reflect the clearly expressed feelings of the vast majority of this Assembly, since all of us have at one time or another declared ourselves firmly opposed to the policies of apartheid Here, then, is the opportunity for us all to demonstrate our sincerity. 48. Ghana will defend the sovereign right of any country - in Africa, Or anywhere else for that matter, to resort to any 49. Recent Interventions in Africa appear to have been in the right direction where they contributed to reinforcing the cardinal principle of both this Organization and the Organization of African Unity /OAUj concerning the inviolability of territorial boundaries assumed at indepen- dence. Care should, however, be taken lest Africa thereby becomes a new fertile ground for the cold-war rivalries of the 1950s and early 1960s. 50. In the wake of the very bold steps taken last year, one may have expected that a significant improvement would by now be in view in the Middie East situation. Un- fortunately, while some progress has been made, this has not been so, and the situation has been further complicated by the tragic conflict in Lebanon. Even without the present Lebanese crisis, the explosive and dangerous situation in the Middle East would require all the skill of which this Organization is capable, with a view to fmding a just and lasting solution. It is, however, encouraging that after 30 years of intermittent warfare and constant hostility, some signs are becoming manifest of the real peace and security which the people of the region need. 51. To keep these glimmers of hope alive, Ghana urges that a final solution be sought in the provisions of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which have been invoked in several subsequent resolutions of both the Security Council and the General Assembly. The recognition of the right of all the States at present in the area to peace and security within recognized boundaries is a vital principle from which it would be unwise to deviate. For the same reasons, we stillhold the firm conviction that the Palestinians should be granted the right to self- determination including the option to establish a viable, independent State. In our view, until all these conditions are met, a permanent peace in the Middle East will continue to be an illusion. 52, May I at this point express the appreciation of the Govermnent and people of Ghana for the indefatigable efforts made by President Carter of the United States to help in the search for a solution to the Middle East problem. If the peace initiatives and the meetings at Camp David have not produced a dramatic and final result, one would hope that the agreement reached has at least contributed to a better understanding of the fears and concerns of some of the contestants and laid a foundation for more productive future negotiations for a settlement. 53. My delegation had expected that at this year's General Assembly session, we would be able to express our relief at seeing some hopes of a solution to the Cyprus crisis. Instead, we find ourselves in the position of having to express once again our deep regret that practically no progress has been made on the Cyprus problem since the thirty-second session of the General Assembly. The con- testants in the dispute still insist on maintaining the 54. In the view of my delegation, a solution to the Cyprus problem must include the withdrawal of all foreign troops from that island. That might be coupled with an under- taking by all States to respect the sovereignty, indepen- dence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus. That is the position of both the non-aligned countries and of this Organization. Weshould be able to enforce it. In the meantime we shall continue to urge all those directly involved to do all they can to remove the causes of tension in the area in order to enable the people of Cyprus to live in peace and harmony in a united country. 55. Our annual review of the international situation provides an opportunity to renew our faith in the principles and purposes spelled out in the United Nations Charter and to commit ourselves anew to working for the attainment of a world in which mankind's ultimate objective of peace and security can be achieved. Disarmament has always been one of the corner-stones of Ghana's foreign policy. In a world where poverty is so pervasive that over 450 million human beings are going virtually without food every day, the arms race alone consumes the incredible amount of $450 billion each year, that is, about $1.25 billion each day. That military expenditure is equivalent to about two fifths of the combined gross domestic product of all third-world coun- tries and twice the size of the combined gross domestic product of all countries in Africa. In contrast to this huge sum of money, the 24-member Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development was able to grant only a meagre $14 billion as official development assistance. 56. It is very sad to note that for every dollar spent on development, we also spend more than $36 to destroy that very development and the people who are expected to benefit therefrom. 57. These huge expenditures, incurred for the sole purpose of destroying property and -human lives, have brought neither the purveyors nor the buyers any nearer to the peace and security they seek; but this has not yet been recognized as the very reason for abandoning such expend- itures. Some of the more powerful Members of this Organization, including the founders, have become so dependent upon exports of arms for balancing their external payments that they seem incapable of dis- couraging, or refraining from fomenting, disputes and armed conflicts among lesser contestants, particularly in the developing world, There are always those who proffer or rush in arms at the least sign of trouble. - 58. Among themselves, those Powers continue the arms race in order to maintain a balance of fear. Caught up in the defence of rival political, economic and social systems, each entertains a dread of domination by the other, and this obsessive fear has become the propelling force for the acqulsition of more sophisticated and more devastating means of destroying each other and possibly everything else in the process. This exercise is now engulfmg the less powerful countries, which have become targets in a scramble for client-States. It is vital that suspicions and 59. It is in these disturbing circumstances that my delegation has noted with interest reports that there is the possibility of reaching an agreement in the Strategic Anns Limitation Talks by the end of this year. The recent tenth special session devoted to disarmament, did not provide a major break-through for general and complete dlsarma- ment. However, the Declaration and Programme of Action and the machinery for negotiating disarmament [resolution S-12/2. sects. 1/. 1/1 and IVj were in themselves significant achievements for the world body. That special session, in our view, also served as a sort of preparatory session for the proposed world conference on disarmament. Another agree- ment at the Talks would be a good omen for that conference. My delegation, therefore, would urge the negotiators to do their best to come to an early agreement. 60. If the international political situation does not give us any cause for joy, the international economic situation is even more dismal. 61. After very difficult negotiations, at its seventh special session the General Assembly produced guidelines [ resolu- tion 3362 (8-VII)J for implementing the ideas contained in the Declaration and Programme of Action which had been adopted at the sixth special session in May 1974 on the New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)/. That was in September 1975. Three years have since gone by without any important advance in the exercise of restructuring the world economy. Instead, there has been a steady increase in the concentration of economic power in the hands I)f the developed countries, while hunger and poverty threaten to become a permanent condition in the developing countries. The demand of the developing world for a full and equal partnership in world economic activity has continued to be frustrated by a glaring lack of political will on the part of many developed countries. 62. My delegation views with profound dismay the in- creasing number of protectionist measures taken by the developed countries in an attempt to nullify the steady progress of developing countries in a few manufacturing industries.. Those measures will only succeed in aggravating our balance-of-payments problems. It is inevitable that developing countries will be producing manufactured goods in increasing quantities as time goes on. It would therefore be an act of greater realism for the developed countries to accept that eventuality and assist instead of fight us. World stability and security demand that we should alJ co-operate to improve our relationships and prevent unnecessary hardships for each other. 63. My delegation must also express its deep disappoint- ment at the lack of progress on the multilateral trade negotiations and on the establishment of the common fund to fmance the Integrated Programme for Commodities.s My delegation is convinced that the principles underlying 5 See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference Oil Tradeand Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, Report and A~nexes (United Nations publication, Sales No.E .76.1I.D.l0 and corrigendum). part one A, resolution 93 (IV). 64. A vital area of concern to-Ghana is the present efforts of the international community to restructure the legal .- regime governing the uses of the oceans. The principles and rules of law which governed the oceans in the last century must be reviewed to meet the new challenges of our time occasioned by new problems arising from the technological and economic 'development over the last decade. 65. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is undoubtedly one of the most important events of our time. Admittedly it has so far made very slow progress, but that is not unexpected having regard to the complexity of the issues involved and the varied, conflicting nature of the interests of all States represented at the Conference. 66. The seemingly slow progress and protracted negotia- tions should not, however, mean that the importance of the Conference to the international community is discounted. The significance of the Conference as a means of redressing the economic imbalance between developed and developing countries by ensuring equitable distribution and manage- ment of the resources of the seas cannot' be over- emphasized. 67. For those reasons, we have no doubt whatsoever that the international community stands to lose a great deal if our efforts in fashioning a new code of conduct for the seas are frustrated by certain nations. Indeed, wc are very much concerned at the move towards unilateral legislation re- lating to the exploitation of the resources of the deep sea-bed being enacted or contemplated in several indus- trialized countries. It is unfortunate that those measures should be contemplated when the Conference has advanced considerably. We appeal to an nations to desist from such action, in the interest of peace and tranquillity. The concept of common heritage cannot be meaningful if areas beyond national jurisdiction are subjected to the unilateral action of States. It is our considered opinion that tb~ appropriation of the common heritage fundamentally Un- dermines the spirit of General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV), to the principles of which all States have subscribed without reservation. 68, We must all resolve now to desist from unilateral appropriation of the resources of the common heritage. Such measures would prejudice negotiations and frustrate our quest for peace. Indeed the consequences would be far-reaching. It is our fervent hope that the appeal of the Group of 77 to developed countries to exercise restraint will be heeded. 69. We cannot expect all the problems that confront this. Organization and the international community to be 70. Mr.. DAYAN (Israel): Mr. President, permit me to join the representatives who have spoken before me in this general debate by offering you the congratulations of the delegation of Israel on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-third session of the General As- sembly. My delegation is confident that you will guide this session with fairness and wisdom. 71. It is my pleasure also to congratulate Solomon Islands on its independence and admission to the United Nations. 72 As we reflect upon the work of the United Nations over the past year one undertaking stands out above aJl others: it is the noble attempt to reach an agreement on disarmament, to divert precious resources to improving the lot of the common man 73 In the Middle East we recently witnessed an un- precedented escalation in the quantity of weapons pur- chased by the Arab States, amounting to $11 billion in orders since the beginning of 1977. Indeed, over the past five years the arms agreements signed by those States mean that they have outstripped both the countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the countries members of the Warsaw Pact Organization in the ratio of their arms build-up. 74. Israel is prepared to play its part in the reduction of the arms race and it remains ready to enter into agreements on arms limitation with all States in the Middle East. There is no doubt, however, that the appropriate way to bring about an arms reduction in the Middle East is' through peace treaties which would include limitations on arma- ments within their framework' Indeed, the mere trans- formation from a state of war to one of peace will move the States involved to dedicate their resources to economic development rather than military aims. 75. Terrorist groups continue to threaten the lives of innocent men, women and children in different parts of the world. Once again it must be emphasized that terrorism could be virtually eliminated if certain countries did not continue to provide arms, training and refuge to its practitioners. Yet we are gratified that States which once stood helplessly by have begun to assert themselves. 76. In the field of human rights no State should ignore a violation of human rights wherever it may occur in the world. . 77. Israel continues to follow closely the situation of Jews in the Soviet Union. We welcome the recent increase in the number of exit visas issued, although a large number of Jews are still denied the elementary human rights to emigrate. In addition, administrative obstacles and arbitrary restrictions still threaten the social and economic livelihood and personal freedom of Jews seeking to emigrate. 78. We have been particularly concerned by the harsh prison sentences passed this year on Jews whose only crime is their desire to rejoin their families in Israel-Grigorij Goldstein, Iosif Begun, Ida Nudel, Vladimir Slepak, Simon Shnirman and Anatoly Scharansky. Those sentences caused bitter protest and indignation throughout the world. The Soviet Union should release these and other prisoners of conscience and allow those who want to emigrate to Israel and rejoin their families to do so. 79. We cannot be silent in the face of the increasing incitement of feeling against and defamation of the State of Israel and the Jewish people, their religion, culture and national movement, manifested day after day in the official Soviet media. Those anti-Semitic attacks, unprecedented in their intensity, may have most dangerous consequences. In this regard it must be noted that the Soviet authorities still do not permit Jews to practise their ancient traditions and culture, and in fact take severe measures against Jews who wish to do so. We appeal to the Soviet Union to allow Jewish culture to be expressed freely. 80. We also deeply regret that the Syrian Government continues to violate the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other relevant international conventions by refusing to permit its Jewish citizens to leave and be reunited with their relatives residing in other lands. 81. One of the most important trends in world. politics today remains the determined aspiration of the new and under-developed nations to take their place in the inter- national political and economic arena. Being a developing nation itself, Israel strongly identifies with the aspirations of nations in Africa, Asia and Latin America to transform their political independence into a full and equal economic partnership with the older-established nations of the world. 82 To that. end the North-South dialogue, with its guidelines on the transfer of resources, marks an important 6 Sec Week(~' Compilation of Presidential DO!:l.:!/nemslWashing- ton, D.e, Government Printing Office, 1978), '·01. 14, No. 29, pp. 1308-1309. 83. A year ago I addressed this Assembly' on the prospects of launching a peace process in the Middle East. Today I have the satisfaction of being able to address the General Assembly on the new and positive developments that have taken place recently. 84. As all members of the Assembly know, a few weeks ago at Camp David two framework agreernentss were signed by President Anwar El-Sadat of Egypt and Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and witnessed by President Jimmy Carter of the United States of America. Within a very few days from now negotiations will start between Israel and Egypt for the conclusion of a peace treaty between them. 85. H is my hope that these negotiations will be successful and that before the year is out we shall witness the beginning of a new era in the Middle East. It is our desire that the peace process should eventually embrace the other States that are our neighbours-Jordan, Lebanon and Syria-sso that we may achieve a comprehensive settlement in the area. 86. The gratitude of my country goes out to President Jimmy Carter, whose devoted efforts have made the Camp David developments possible. When this achievement ends with an Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty, President Carter's name will be recorded in history as that of a great peacemaker. 87. I also wish to express my country's deep appreciation to President Anwar El-Sadat of the Arab Republic of Egypt for his wisdom and faith. His visit to Jerusalem in November 1977 turned a new page. He decided to enter into negotiations with Israel, to recognize Israel and to make peace with Israel. This change in policy ushered in a historic change in the relations between Egypt and Israel. The previous policy based on the "three Nos" of Khartoum 19679 - no negotiations, no recognition and no peace with Israel-prevented any progress towards a peace settlement. 89. Not only since the founding of the State of Israel put since the very beginning of the Zionist movement our dream has always been of a Middle East in which Jew and Arab would live in harmony and co-operation for the mutual advantage of both peoples. 90. The Framework for the Conclusion of a Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel is a step in this direction. It provides for a withdrawal of Israeli armed forces and civilian population from Sinai; for the establishment of normal relations between the two countries, including diplomatic, economic and cultural relations, and full recogni- tion; the termination of economic boycotts and of barriers to the free movement of goods and people, and mutual protection of citizens by due process of law. It also stipulates that there shall be free passage of Israeli ships through the Gulf of Suez and the Suez Canal, and that the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf of Aqaba are international waterways to be open to all nations for navigation and overflight. 91. In view of the several wars launched by our neigh- bours, we are conscious of our security needs. Therefore, in addition to the establishment of normal relations between the two States, there will be security arrangements con- cerning the limitation of armaments and forces in the different areas on the basis of reciprocity. 92. Moreover, the framework for the conclusion of a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel also provides forthe stationing of United Nations forces at Sham el Sheikh to ensure freedom of passage through the' Straits of Tiran. Similarly, there is a provision for their being stationed in northern Sinai, thus creating a "buffer zone" between the forces stationed in El-Arish and those in Gaza. These forces will not be removed unless such removal is approved by the Security Council of the United Nations. It shouldbe noted here that in recent years the United Nations forces in the Middle East have played a constructive role with the framework of the various agreed arrangements in the. ~gIDn. . 93. It has never been the wish of Israel to exercise control over the lives and activities of the Arab inhabitants of Judaea, Samaria and Gaza. 94. We want to live as equals with the Arab inhabitants of those areas. We want to live with them, not to replace them; but at the same time we do not regard ourselves as foreigners in those areas. The Israeli settlements in Judaea and Samaria and in the Gaza district are there as of right. It is mconcetvable to us that Jews should be prohibited from settling and living in Judaea and Samaria, which are the heart of our homeland. 96. One of the subjects that will be discussed between the parties will undoubtedly be the question concerning Jeru- salem. For us, the city of Jerusalem is the one and only eternal capital of Israel. We have 'not, and we shall never have, any .other capital city, whether or not others recognize it as such. This eternal city is holy to three religions-Judaism, Christianity and Islam. However, our connexion with it is not just religious, but derives from the totality of Jewish national history. Jerusalem is the heart and soul of the Jewish people. It is now united once again, as it should be, free and open for all to come and go. All religious communities should 'be in complete control of their own holy places and of their own religious life, and all should enjoy the rights of free worship. The inhabitants of the city should live together in harmony with a representa- tive municipal council supervising all essential functions. We have resolved never again to compromise the unity of Jerusalem, and it is our hope that other peoples will share our position. 97, It was agreed at Camp David that a peace settlement in the Middle East should be based on resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) of the United Nations Security Council. Resolution 242 (1967) is a carefully worked out set of principles establishing a framework of peace to be nego- tiated among the contending States. It makes clear mat the fmal borders must be negotiated bilaterally among the States c..ncerned. . 98 Let us hope that all those whose co-operation is essential in obtaining peace in the Middle East will not short-sightedly remain outside the peace process. We have to find agreed and appropriate ways for Jews and Arabs to live together in equality, trust and mutual respect.

Mr. President, it gives me pleasure to hail your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty- third session of our Assembly. Upper Volta particularly welcomes the fact that it is the representative of a friendly country, Colombia, who is guiding our work. You are the son of a continent whose destiny is akin to that of Africa. Therefore, we are both bound to fight in solidarity against under-development and for peace and justice. My delega- tion assures you of its full collaboration, especially as we place our trust in your personal qualities. 100. Allow me on behalf of the delegation of Upper Volta to congratulate your predecessor, Mr. Lazar Mojsov, for 102. It is only right to recognize the leading role played by our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and his various assistants. May I again assure him of our entire trust, and congratulate him most cordially for his ceaseless efforts in favour of the poorer countries. 103, We also congratulate Solomon Islands on its admis- sion to membership in our Organization. We have no doubt that that young State will make a valuable contribution in the quest for peace and international security. 104. The 30 years from 1948 to 1978, the space of a generation, should have sufficed for man to make changes commensurate with hisgenius. Our Universal Declaration of Human Rights is surely a huge profession of faith. It is the creed of those who, having lived through the worst horrors that man has ever inflicted on man, had the moral strength to proclaim that man is still the only value. As for the means of restoring humanity's battered dignity, those who signed the Declaration in 1948 relied on the.genius of their fellowman and the will of Governments. 105, We all know what the situation was, and what it is now. 106. While fantastic scientific progress each passing day demonstrates anew the intelligence of our species and its capacity to progress beyond the realm of what' is con- ceivable, exasperating inequalities make us doubt the possibility of satisfying the requirements set forth in the Declaration of Human Rights. 107. Upper Volta, which endorses the principles of that Declaration in the preamble to its Constitution of 28 November 1977, also mrkes it its main preoccupation, not in order to be in the fashion but because the people of Upper Volta are profoundly committed to the ideals of freedom, dignity and justice. 108. What some have called the "Upper Volta experi- ment" is nothing but an attempt by an entire people to achieve its own idea of happiness by its own means and by actions of its choice. Our experiment is a struggle for freedom, since it enshrines respect for man in his physical,' moral and intellectual integrity. Our experiment, under the enlightened guidance of General Aboubakar Sangoule Lami- zana, the President of the Republic, is a struggle for the' dignity of our proud, hard-working people, with whom, ' however, nature has not been lavish. Our experiment is, finally, a daily struggle for justice-justice which' is em- blazoned in our motto and in our hearts, justice for our peoples and for the peoples of the whole world. This is well known by our partners in the United Nations, who have followed our militant efforts for the establishment of an international order based on equity and justice. 109. It is in the name of these principles that we reject attempts at denial of the human person, especially when they are accompanied by violence. Ill. Indeed it seems urgent to ask that the international community and in particular our Organization strive to find equitable solutions to the problems which are at the basis of this violence. 112. In Upper Volta we place our faith in man. That is why we wage relentless war against such outmoded con- cepts as racial discrimination and its most ignoble mani- festation, apartheid. 113. The Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination which we proclaimed five years ago [resolu- tion 3057 (XXVIlI)/ runs the risk of being the greatest failure of our Organization unless we are determined to implement the repressive measures which are called for and to use some of the means provided for in our Charter. The year 1978, which marks the mid-decade and which we call "International Anti-Apartheid Year", must not come to a dose without the international community chalking up even a slight victory against the Pretoria regime 114. The best opportunity would be for us to find a solution to the Namibian problem 115. The patience of our Organization has been taxed with regard to that Territory. The subtle facets of the problem require caution if its ideal of peace is to be achieved. Unfortunately the other side has never been equal to its responsibilities. The declaration of the racist, Vorster, dated 20 September last, is proof that Souui Africa only understands the language of violence. For our part we have followed with the greatest interest, although without any illusions, the efforts of the five Western Powers, members of the Security Council, in their desperate attempts to persuade South Africa to accept the inevitable indepen- dence of Namibia in dignity. 116. The ninth special session, which we devoted to the question of Namibia, was an occasion to spell out in no uncertain terms the condition of accession of that Territory to international sovereignty. Six months later, those condi- tions still remain valid. Namibia, an international Territory under the direct responsibility of the United Nations, cannot be liberated in violation of the sacred principles of our Organization. To spare the South African usurper any longer would cause us to endorse the annexation of Walvis Bay on the one hand and to consecrate the introduction of apartheid in' Namibia on the other. We must therefore decide whether we want to make Namibia yet another Bantustan or a sovereign State that we would be proud to welcome as a full-fledged Member of our Organization. Upper Volta for its part, welcomes resolution 435 (1978), adopted by the Security Council on 29 September 1978, 118. Today it is clear for everybody including the friends of Salisbury that the so-called internal settlement was simply aimed at perpetuating the domination of the white minority at the risk of imperilling the very existence of that community. 119. The agreements dividing the people of Zimbabwe soon showed their limitations because they even failed to conceal the rivalries which tear asunder those who sub- scribed to them. 120. The failure of the biracial Government of Salisbury and the exacerbation of tension in the subregion should be enough to convince the racist lan Smith that the salvation of Rhodesia and the white minority lies in majority rule. 121. The peril to international peace caused by these discredited regimes of Pretoria and Salisbury is one of the principal concerns of my Government. Africa in general and Upper Volta in particular require guarantees. Our concern is that our development should be accomplished in an uninterrupted way without the threat of world conflagra- tion which we know is inevitable as long as certain pockets of tension persist especially on the African continent and in the Middle East. 122 That is why my country, Upper Volta, follows with the greatest of attention and the keenest interest the efforts for peace being deployed on the Middle East question. 123 My Government will be among those who welcome any hope of peace in the region, on the condition, nevertheless, that they do not carry the seeds of their own destruction. For that, the !'artners should make sure that they do not trample underfoot the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. 124 Several events have occurred over this year which, whatever their importance and their impact on the policies of nations, have scarcely eased the lot of peoples still enslaved by poverty. Nevertheless the rich countries are over-equipped They have bought more armaments; they have proliferated their sovereign enterprises of the most wasteful kind. As an example world military expenditure has increased from $245 billion in 1973 to more than $500 billion at the present time. 125. What is to be done'? Only international co-operation based on a dynamic, genuine solidarity can save our civilization from the scourges of hunger, malnutrition, disease and ignorance. 126. The initiative of our Organization to hold the United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Coun tries was an opportunity to stress once again the seriousness of the international economic situa- 127 iast year I had an opportunity in this same forum! 0 to advocate on behalf of my countryt Upper Volta, the defmition of a new international morality. 128. The present situation does not lead me to think that my proposal is obsolete. In no waywould I claim to invent the defmition but I believe that the President of the United States Mr. Jimmy Carter has already emphasized one of the crucial points by taking up the challenge of human rights. 129. That is certainly a gigantic undertaking, on which, however t depends the very survival of the whole of mankind, because it is only the people, when they have an opportunity to think and to have their say, who can dispel the countless threats which torment our world today. !30. Indeed, the atmosphere generally prevailing is one of merciless rivalry, economic and commercial competition and ideological confrontation, which allows no time for' humanistic feelings and still less for consideration of the individual rights of human beings and citizens. 131. Fortunately, nations with a tradition of generosity in the conception of human rights and freedom know how to escape from the threat of this gangrene and do not hesitate to use all their moral authority to secure respect for this moral imperative. 132. In an infinitely more modest context, and without presuming to lecture anyone, Upper Volta also has re- solutely committed itself to this course, which is certainly difficult and full of pitfalls but which in the long run should further improve the flattering image others already have of us. 133. Our task, however, is made particularly arduous because of certain objective situations which limit the impact and the results of our efforts. 134. There is, first of all, that circumstance, which is a more or less interdependent phenomenon, of descrtification and drought, which for the past eight years now has kept the countries of the Sahelian region in a state of permanent anguish, The world's public has been sensitized to this tragedy and has already responded in active and effective solidarity, but a valid solution can be sought only through a certain number of medium-term and long-term actions. 135. In this respect one may and should recall the action now being taken in liaison with the Permanent Inter-State 136. On a longer-term basis, CILSS intends to develop a global development strategy to prevent a repetition of such a calamity, by laying the emphasis on the control of weather factors, reafforestation, hydro-agricultural manage. ment, training and research, . 137. The current Chairman of CILSS explained here, on 22 September [4th meeting]; the action taken for the rehabilitation of the Sahel and drew the attention of the international community to the immense tasks which remained to be carried out. Upper Volta, where head- quarters of CILSS and the regional office of the United Nations Sahelian Office are situated, fully endorses that statement and would like to avail itself of this opportunity to pay a particular tribute to the President of the Gambia for his tireless efforts. However, it would perhaps be con- ceivable for the United Nations to launch, in parallel, a "decade of the tree", which would promote the necessary sensitivity concerning that aspect of the problems of the Sahel, and at the same time to establish an appropriate framework for decisive action to be carried out by people of goodwill who are waiting only to be called upon to act. 138. However, beyond this crisis situation which prevails in the SaheJian countries we must emphasize the problems of food and water which affect our world. Indeed, as was appropriately emphasized by the United Nations Con- ference on Desertlficatlon,' t only an ecological readjust- ment on a world scale can assist us in. facing the world food shortage. 139. For the developing countries, where the situation is most alarming, that deficit ' is caused by two decisive factors. First, there is the decline in world cereal produc- tion According to FAO statistics 26 developing countries at present suffer serious food shortages. Those countries, whose total population amounts to 250 million inhabitants, are located in Africa and South-East Asia. Most of them belong to the group of least developed countries. Since 1970, the food production of the developing countries has risen at the rate of 1.5 per cent per year compared with 3 per cent per year in the industrialized coun lies, while the population of the third world has grown at twice the rate of that of the rich countries. Further, there is the reduction in international aid. It is estimated that in ]976 agricultural aid granted by the rich countries to the poorer countrles declined by 9 per cent in real terms. The effect of that is obviously a lowering in the standard of living. Whereas at the beginning of the present decade, that is to say in 1971, it was estimated that 400 million people suffered from malnutrition, today that figure has risen to 455 million. Without going into the details of it, that observation starkly reveals the tragedy which traumatizes four fifths of 140. However, these are only expedients, at least as regards the particular situation of my country and the other countries in the Sahel.· the true -long-tenn solution 141. To paraphrase an illustrious, now departed, pioneer of peace, Upper Volta expects that in the field of international solidarity every man will do his duty.. That duty is, as it was 33 years ago, to safeguard man and ensure his daily survival; that duty is, as it was 33 years ago, to safeguard peace. The meetingrose at LOSp.m. .. 12 See Report of the United Nations Conference on Water, held at Mar del Plato, from 14 to 25 March 1977 (United Nations publication, Sales No.. E.77.Il.A.i2)•