A/33/PV.48 General Assembly

I call upon the representative of Algeria, who wishes to introduce the draft resolution in document A/33/L.7 and Add.l.

As members of the Assembly know, a committee consisting of five non-aligned countries-or, rather, six, since the chairman of the group has joined the com- mittee-which was entrusted with following the Cyprus crisis has for several days maintained continuous contact with the various parties concerned with this problem in order to establish an atmosphere of confidence and assist in the search for a solution which would be satisfactory to all. We might have been discouraged by that thankless and apparently impossible task. Without being neutral or indifferent, because we were dealing with a member of the non-aligfied group of countries whose very existence was threatened, we have persistently attempted to overcome the complexity of the problem and its difficulties and to sin~le out elements of understanding among the parties con· cerned. We felt that only the policy of non-alignment could enable Cyprus to strengthen its cohesion and forge its identity. It is that profound conviction that explains th(} special interest which the group of non-aligned countries has always taken in this problem. 3. As the non-aligned coUntries see it, Cyprus must be a State that fully exercises the attributes ~f sovereignt'y on the basis of the freely expressed will of a people repre- senting the Cypriot entity. It will, then, be understood why we felt apprehensive about accepting that the Cypriot people should remain divided into two communities and that their antagonism and suspicion are leading towards separation rather than towards rapprochement. It is in this spirit and in the. belief that one day we shall see the island of Cyprus a sovereign State with a united people that the group of five non-aligned countries fulfilled its mission of trying to find an area of agreement, however limited, among the divergent positions of the interested parties that are in conflict in the Cyprus crisis. NEW YORK 4. While giving full attention to the legitimate claims of the representatives of Cyprus we have also heeded the views and complaints of the spokesmen of the Turkish Cypriot community. 5. We faced impossible choices and insurmountable de- mands when we were drafting the text that has fmally been distributed in document A/33/L.7 and Add.l. As it stands, that draft resolution is fundamentally based on three elements that are essential to any solution. , 6. The first is contained in operl.ltive paragraph 1. It is a matter of isolating the Republic of Cyprus from any outside pressures. This paragraph is complemented by operative paragraph 3, which demands "the immediate withdrawal of all foreign armed forces and foreign military presence from the Republic of Cyprus". 7. In our opinion the second important element is the humanitarian question raised by the refugees, which we contemplate in operative paragraph 5 of our draft resolu- tion. The implementation of that paragraph would restore confidence in the relations between the interested parties, relations that must of necessity ieach their full develop- ment in negotiations undertaken under the auspices of the Secretary-General, as provided for in operative paragraph 6. 8. The third element is contained in operative paragraph 8, which recommends that the Security Council should examine the question of the implementation of the relevant resolutions and, if necessary, consider and adopt all appropriate and practical measures under the Charter of the United Nations. 9. The group of five countries is aware that these results are very modest in comparison with our common ambition to overcome the difficulties and antagonisms. Thus we appeal to the international community and to this Organi- zation to make all the means they have available to the two Cypriot communities, whicit we have already united within the embrace of a single friendship and a single sympathy. 10. On behalf of the sponsors I would express the hope that the draft l.::solution we have submitted to the Ass.eJ'(lbly today will receive its unanimous support because we are all concerned with the problem of Cyprus. n. Mr. KOMATINA (Yugoslavia): This is the fifth time in a row that the General Asseml)ly has considered the situation in Cyprus. This poses a serious question as to whether and to what extent we have moved nearer to a settlement and what we should do in the future. At the same time this points to the persistence of this crisis, which should not be allowed to sink into oblivion regardless of the fact that the situation in Cyprus is peaceful at present. A/33/PV.48 12. The Yugoslav delegation has had the opportunity to explain its views on the problem of Cyprus several times, here in the United Nations, at meetings of non-aligned countries and on other occasions. The Yugoslav Federal Secretary for Foreign Affairs summed up the Yugoslav position on this phase of the Cyprus crisis in the general debate at the current session of the General Assembly in the following terms: "The prolongation of the Cyprus crisis, which deprives an independent country of its right to full sovereignty, alerts us also to the existence of a constant threat to peace in that part of the world. We are convinced that the way out can be found only through a consistent and comprehensive implementation of General Assembly re- solution 3212 (XXIX), which contains all the ... ele- ments and measures for the settlement of this crisis. We think that this should be achieved by refraining from actions amountinl!; to interference and pressure from outside, by constructive dialogue between the two com- munities and, in particular, by the United Nations playing a more active role in implementing its resolutions." f 7th meeting, para. 1!9.J 13. All the essential elements are embodied in the above position. We are faced with a crisis that is continuing and that will, if no solution is found rapidly, become a source of unpredictable dangers threatening peace and security not only in the region of the Mediterranean 'but also more widely. What is involved is the sovereignty of a small country on whose territory foreign armed forces and foreign mili<a~y personnel are constantly present. At the same time, under various pretexts, attempts at interference in its internal affairs and at imposing unilateral solutions are being made ever more frequently. There is a constant and real danger of this temporary situation assuming the character of uncertain permanency owing to the prolonga- tion of the crisis. 14. A further characteristic of the present CrISIS IS re- flected in the fact that no real progress has been achieved with regard to its solution, a fact which has intensified tension, complicated the progress of negotiations and heightened distrust between the two communities. All this and, in particular, the absence of a prospect of resolute political measures being taken with a view to changing the existing situation have created a favourable ground for the forces which desire to transform the current state of affairs into a permanent one. All this is bound to cause seriou, concern. 15. The Secretary-Genera~, in his report on the work of the Organization, also emphasizes that: "Despite numerous efforts and contacts, it has not been possible to find an agreed basis for a meaningful resumption of the intercomumnal'talks, and the situation ill the islanci has not improved, although, owing in large measure to thl;; United Nations Pe~.ce-keeping Force, it has remained peaceful." f See AI3311, sect. Ill.J 16. Although no real political progress has been made towards the settlement of the problem, there continue tOi exist some unchanged positive elements on which our further efforts can and should be founded. However, these efforts can bear fruit only if all international and internal factors, and primarily those acting from a position of strength, undertake to solve the problem of Cyprus in its entirety, in harmony with the internationally determined and accepted bases for the settlement of the Cyprus crisis. 17. Within this context, it is necessary to stress that there exists, at least verbally, basic agreement among all parties regarding the ultimate objectives to be achieved. Further, the United Nations is playing an active role with regard to the settlement of the crisis, as evinced by the presence of UNFICYP and the activity of the Secretary-General. Fi- nally, there exists a universally accepted framework and basis for solving the Cyprus crisis, laid down in General Assembly resolution 3212 «({XIX) and endorsed by the Sec-utity Counci! by its resolution 365 (1974). All the States Members of the United Nations voted in favour of that resolution, which was also endorsed by the two Cypriot communities. The essential provisions of that resolution embody such irreplaceable principles as: respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus; the speedy withdrawal of all foreign armed forces and foreign military presence from the Republic of Cyprus and the cessation of all foreign interference in its affairs; and the safe return of refugees to their homes. Finally, the resolution calls for negotiations between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities, on an equal footing, with a view to reaching freely a mutually acceptable political settlement. Respect for these principles by all the States and forces concerned is a conditio sine qua non for finding a lasting and just settlement of the C~prus crisis. 18. The non-aligned countries, proceeding from the well- known pnnciples of non-aligned policy, have always in- siGted on the necessity for solving the problem of Cyprus by means of negotiations between the two communities, on the basis of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX). This is, in fact, the focal point of the position adopted by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non- Aligned Countries, held in Belgrade in 'July [see A/331206]. 19. What remains to be done in order to change the situation? First of all, we believe that there is no alternative to the withdrawal of foreign military forces and foreign military personnel from the Republic of Cyprus and to negotiations between the two communities. It is they, in the first place, who can and should find a solution. There exist for such talks a generally agreed framework and basis which make it possible to find a lasting and just solution, regardless of the distrust and antagonisms accumulated in past and recent times. In this respect, it is, of course, necessary to create conditions ensuring that the talks will be free, and that they will be conducted on an equal 20. Our diversified world provides a great number of examples qf peoples and nations living together. Without searching for or adopting special models, it is possible to frod a source of inspiration for free mutually acceptable political solutions founded on legitimate interests and rights, the realization of which would provide the only basis for a stable and lasting settlement of the Cyprus crisis. 21. For its part, the United Nations should contribute to this process by creating conditionE for the implementation of its resolutions. In this respect the United Nations cannot remain a passive observer. In this case, as well as elsewhere, the active role of the United Nations is of vital significance, both as a principle and in practical t~rms, for safeguarding the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of small, militarily or economically weak countries, which should not feel helpless. 22. Yugoslavia has always attached exceptional impor- tance to the settlement of the question of Cyprus on the .basis of the strict implementation of principles in- corporated in resolution 3212 (XXIX) in all its parts. Yugoslavia's interest stems from its consistent attachment to these principles and from its profound belief that ody an independent and non-aligned Cyprus maintaining its territorial integrity and free of all pressures and threats from whatever quarter, can provide a factor for stability that is indispensable in the region of the Mediterranean and beyond. The significance we attach to such a solution of the problem of Cyprus derives also from the fact that Yugoslavia belongs to the same region and that it maintains very friendly relations with the countries directly or indirectly involved, relations we wish to develop still further in all fields. 23. In conclusion, I wish to stress that Yugoslavia will continue to strive for a solution that will fully reflect the letter and the spirit of the decisions of.the United Nations. In this regard, my country is guided by the desire to see the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus preserved and this focus of conflict removed. Yugoslavia proceeds from the conviction that this problem can be settled by negotiations between the communities on all outstanding issues concerning their common life, on the basis of equality and without any foreign interference. 24. Mc. JAROSZEK (Poland): In spite of all hopes and expectations, in spite of General Assembly resolutions 3212 (XXIX) and 32/15 and Security Council resolutions 365 (1974) and 430 (1978)-to recall only those four from 26. As we have stated on many occasions in the past, we are deeply convinced that the issue of paramount impor- tance in achieving a speedy solution of the Cyprus question is the urgent and effective implementation of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. We strongly believe that those resolutions contain all the ingredients necessary for a comprehensive, just and lasting solution. Resolution 32/15 alone, lists them quite exhaustively: n:spect by the States for the sov- ereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus, the cessation of all forms of interference in its internal affairs, the urgent resumption in a meaningful and constructive manner of the negotiations between the representatives of the two Cypriot communities, the avoidance by all the parties concerned of any unilateral action likely to affect the solution adversely. These elements are all equally important, and we all know that it would be hardly possible to give preponderance to one of them over the others. Hence, there is need for their implementation in good faith and with equal urgency and effectiveness. 27. Given the climate which has existed so far if; con- nexion with the question of Cyprus, we welcome with satisfaction the proposals made by the Presic:mt of Cyprus, Mr. Spyros Kyprianou in his address to the. General Assembly on 5 October, especially his :':,oposal: "... that the Republic of Cyprus be completely de- militarized: that all foreign troops be withdrawn from Cyprus, and that all Cypriots, whether Greek Cypriots or Turkish Cypriots, be disarmed ...". [22nd meeting, para.47.J 28. My delegation considers this proposal to be an important contribution towards the creation of a favour- 'able atmosphere and the building up of mutual confidence between the two Cypriot communities as well as an additional important component of a lasting solution. Coming as it does from the party most directly concerned, the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, it indeed assumes additional significance and authenticity. We trust that the removal of the potential menace of resorting to the use of armed force, be it by internal or external elements, would greatly enhance the chances of the two communities 30. The intercommunal talks conducted "freely on an equal footing on the basis of comprehensive and concrete proposals of the parties concerned", as that paragraph states, are indubitably the best forum for elaborating the internal constitutional order of 'the Republic of Cyprus, acceptable to all those concerned. However, the question of Cyprus, besides its extremely complex internal issues, also has, as is well known, some equally important and alarming external aspects. Poland remains deeply convinced-and we have expressed this conviction in the past in a nurrber of forums, including this one-that the prompt convening of an international conference unc.er the auspices of the United Nations, as proposed by the Soviet Union in 1976,1 would contribute greatly towards the achievement of a viable over-all settlement of the problem. Let me recall that that timely proposal has been fully endorsed by a great number of States and has received the steadfast support of the Government of Cyprus. In fact, it was reiterated by President Kyprianou only several weeks ago. 31. Based upon considerations of principle and the prac- tical steps I mentioned earlier in my statement, a viable, just and comprehensive solution of the Cyprus problem can be reached without further delay. I would "go even further. It not only can be reached, it has to be reached, for the sake of both Cyprus and the United Nations. For us to allow the present situation of having both Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, some of them adopted unanimously, unimplemented and disdainfully cast aside, to continue any longer, would DC ~o deliver a blow to our Organiz..~tion's authority and prestige. We hope that the Member States concerned will undertake determined efforts to prevent this from happening. Poland, for one, will make every effort, commensurate wtih its ability, to contribute towards speedily fmding a solution to the Cyprus conflict, and it stands ready to co-operate to this end with the interested parties.

The General Assembly has to deal once again this year with the question of Cyprus. For, as the Secretary-General states in his report on the work of the Organization: "The past year has been highly frus'- tratiftg as far as efforts to find a solution to the Cyprus problem are concerned"Isee A/33/1, sect. Ill]. In the same report he stresses that Cyprus is a problem which ought to be soluble by peaceful negotiations and aods that until it is solved it remains a threat to stability and good relations in the eastern Mediterranean. 33. I need not go at great length into the Cyprus problem since all representatives are ac.<Iuainted with the event~ in 1 See O/fleiJzl Records 0/ the General Assemhlv. Thirty-first Session. Plencry MeetinKs. 63rd meeting, para. 54. . 35. At the beginning of this year some hopes were raised by promises of a new approach to the Cyprus problem. We all thought that something was, after all, in the offing. We all wished to believe that the Turkish side would fmally change its attitude of immobility and disregard for the numerous resolutions of our Organization. But once again we were bitterly disappointed. 36. On 13 April the Turkish side handed over to our Secretary-General in Vienna proposals on the territorial and constitutional aspects of the Cyprus problem.2 On the same day the proposals were given to the press, therefore I suppose that you are all familiar with them. 37. On the territorial aspect these proposals could not have been more vague and inadequate. What lies behind this vagueness becomes clearer if we look into these proposals in conjunction with those concerning the constitutional as- pect. It is evident that the other side intends to keep a territory strikingly disproportionate to the percentage of the population made up by the Turkish Cypriot com- munity. 38. As regards the constitutional aspect, allow me to put some elementary questions. 39. Does this Assembly know of any federal State which is deprived of sovereignty, this being allotted to the states making up the federation? .What kind of federal State is it when the two states making up the federation are vested with -mternational personality and bear international re- sponsibiliiy and when each can enter on its own into international agreemerits with any country? I c~mnot honestly bring to mind any pattern of a federal system in which, to take another instance, freedom of movement and establishment, as well as the right of all citizens to property throughout the whole territory of the State, is nullified by a number of pre-conditions which are applied at the unrestricted discretion of each federated State. 40. I will not take more of the Assembly's time by mentioning o~her elements of these proposals, which introduce sHch peculiar innovations into what the inter- national community knows as a federal system. 41. We should only ask ourselves. What is the purpose. of these proposals? Were they meant to be acceptable? 2 See Offiewl Records of the Security Council, Thirty-third Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1978. document 8/12723, annex. 42. It is true that in his statement issued in Vienna on 15 April3 the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, said thlf.t the Turkish Cypriot pi'Oposals deal with the constitutional and territorial aspects in a concrete and substantial way. On the other hand, it is essential not to forget that he also clearly underlined that the above qualification does not express a judgement on the merits of the Turkish Cypriot proposals. 43. Undoubtedly a proposal which conveys to the other party the will to impose a solution created by force of arms, the "'wish to give such words as "independence", "sovereignty" and "territorial integrity" a meaning which they have so far never had, is a concrete and substantial one. But is this the kind of proposal which can lead to a solution? This would seem doubtful in the extreme. If these proposals are intended to bridge positions which are divided by a gap, they lack a third attribute: they have also to be reasonable. But, when we say "reasonable", we certainly do not want to be subjective but only to refer to the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, which reflect the collective opinion of the international community. 44. The United Nations has adopted an impressive number of resolutions on Cyprus. Since 1974 the General Assembly has been called upon four times to express itself on this problem, while the Security Council has dealt with the matter 19 times. Resolution 3212 (XXIX) of the General Assembly Wa5 even adopted unanimously. 45. What do these resolutions recommend and what, if anything, has been done in order to implement them? As the Secretary-General mentioned in his report on the question of Cyprus dated 2 November 1978: "Resolutions 3212 (XXIX), 3395 (XXX), 31/12 and 32/15 have yet to be fully implemented" {see A/33/348, para. 19J. 46. The resolutions caU upon all States to respect the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus. One can hardly speak of the territorial integrity of a country when approximately 40 per cent of the territory is under alien administration, a fact which is incompatible with the co,!cept of sovereignty. 47. The resolutions urge the speedy .withdrawal of an foreign armed forces and foreign personnel from the Republic of Cyprus. Yet a strong foreign force, backed by heavy armaments, is still occupying a sizeable part of the island, and everything is being done to integrate the occupied areas into the economic and administrative machinery of Turkey, whose currency has been introduced, whose banks are controlling the economic life of the occupation zone and whose holding companies exploit the resources of the island that are being thus alienated for its benefit. 48. The resolutions recommend that all refugees return to their homes in safety, yet all the refugees continpe to be 3 Ibid.• document 8/12723, pata. 52. SO. In this context we would like to underline that the Greek Cypriot side took a further step on the road of goodwill and moderation by proposing that the Turkish troops withdraw from Famagusta, which will be put under the control and policing of the United Nations. The acceptance of such a proposal could pave the way for the resumption of a meaningful negotiating process. 51. Six rounds of intercommunal talks brought no result. We can now hardly see'how a seventh round could be arranged on the basis of proposals like those which were put forward by the Turkish side last April, for they deviate totally from the spirit of the resolutions of our Organiza- tion. They also deviate from the guidelines laid down in February 19774 in talks between the late PreSident Makarios and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community in the presence of our Secretary-General. 52. We now have to ask ourselves, What is the meaning of the fact that so many resolutions on the question of Cyprus have been passed by the United Nations? Its meaning can certainly be only the imperative necessity of reaching a solution in accordance with the principles and purposes of our Charter. It also means that those resolutions have not yet been implemented because one of the parties concerned continues to disregard and ignore them. 53. I cannot fail to mention my Government's deep appreciation of the unticing efforts of our Secretary- General in connexion with the Cyprus problem. Mr. Wald- heim's skill and his dedication to such a difficult task are highly valued by all those who have faith in the mission of the United Nations. I wish to declare that my Government will continue to give its full support as in the past, to the Secretary-General's mission of good offices. We must also express our high esteem for the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Cyprus and his staff. We also wish to convey our sincere thanks to those Member countries which contribute contingents and those which, through voluntary contributions, help maintain UNFICVP. 54. Connected with the Cyprus problem is the question of missing persons. We regard the matter as highly humani- tarian and we strongly urge that the proper machinery be established, as we hope it will, to make possible the tracing of those persons and alleviate the agony and suffering of their families. I would like to point out that there is also a number of Greek nationals in the list of persons missing in Cyprus. 55. A new draft resolution on Cyprus is now before us. I wish to thank the sponsors for their important contribution 4 [bid., Thirty-second Year, Supplement for April. May and June 1977, document 8/12323, paras. 4-~. 56. Can the General Assembly tolerate any longer its resolutions heing unheeded if they do not suit the interest of one (If the parties c(mcerned? rr we find ourselves in the position (lf repeating next yenr at this lime. in this same room, IIUlt Uht II single pr(wision of the r6sollltiMI~ 01'1 Cyprtl.~ has hebfl implemented, the prestig(} and the l'r(ildi· blllty of the United Nations will suffer greatly. It IS our sincere hope thnt this will not prove t(l he the CaSe. 57. Mrs. mER (Mongolia) (i1l!rfprf?lu!iOft from Rm.~km). For severnl yaMs now the (ienerlll Assemhly hcls Men dl!lcussing the SItUlltJOIl itl Cyprus, which continueS to be une of the dangorous IH>toodt; e)f tension that constitute a serious thrCilt t(l Intorl111!ionnl rlOlICe clfld security. SR. The t'lhn!fllltlon of this hotbed of tension cutainly would normnli'e tho atmosphere in the Mcditeuanean al'ea Ilnd OnCOllrllgc Iho further strenglhMirl~ of intetnatiorml d6tentc. 5Q. It I~ well known that the United Nations has exerted grent efforts to achieve 11 settlement of the problem of Cyprus. In Concrnl Assembly resolution .1212 (XXIX). which was adopted unanimously, there IS an excellent basis for a durnble ami just settlement of the Cypriot crisis. The provisions of that resolution were later endorsed by the Security Council and have been confirmed in resolutions on the same item adopted at later sessions of the General Assembly. 60. UnfortunatelY it must be acknowledged. however. that none of these important resolutions has so far been implemented. Foreign troops and military bases .;ontinue to be present on the island and a large number of the inhabitants are now refugees. The intercommunal talks have reached a deadlock. 61. The explosive situation in Cyprus canno' be regarded in isolation from the attempts of imperialist Powers, and above all certain circles of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], to turn that country into their military base. 62. The political and military circles of NATO are endeavouring to resolve the Cypriot problem among them- selves, bypassing the United Nations, in order to turn. Cyprus into a military and strategic spring-board. This is: romrrmed by the so-called mediation missions undertaken by the West, and also by the resumption of sl!Pplies of armaments in the eastern Mediterranean region. 63. In view of this, th~ delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic strongly demands the cessation of im- pe~t iMerference in the domestic affairs of Cyprus so that th.e Cypriot population may have a chance to ~tefmme Hi own fate. We f+:le) that the only proper way to I~lIe this problem is through the r~toration and safe- guarding of the complete independence, sovereignty and temtori.al integrity of Cyprus and strict res~ct for its itatuli as a non-aliRlled country. In our view, this would be ~uch a l'eprcsclHative body would be even more topical and si~ificllnt in the light of the receilt negative factors in particular. the delays and difficulties that have been encountered in the attempts to settle this problem. M. A key aspect in any solution of the Cyprus question is the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops, without any exception. from Cyprus. This would Grellte the neces- sary conditions for the elimination of tIle critical situation (lbtainirtg iti that island. My delegation, therefore, fully supports the view of the non-aligned countries. which in Belgrade this year again demanded: ltthe immediate and unconditional withdl'awal of the foreign armed forces and eve,ry other foreign military presence from the Republic of Cyprus {see A/XI/206, annf'X I, para. 74]. 65. 'the delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic appeals to the parties to show the political will and, above all, evidence of their mutual aspiration to achieve agree- ment and thus assist iti.. restoring mutuaJ trust and co- operation between the two communities. It is especially important that both sides refrain from any unilateral action which could further widen the split in Cyprus and exacerbate the situation there. 66. In conclusion, we wish to reaffirtl1 our strong support for the just cause of the people of Cyprus, who are stmggling to preserve their unity and to ensure the peacefUl development of their country. The delegation of the Mongolian People's Republic will support all efforts aimed at the comprehensive implementation of United Nations decisions pertaining to Cyprus; it will support a just and lasting settlement ",r this problem in the interests of the people of Cyprus and of the preservation of peace and security in the region.

The development of this debate confirms once again that the question. of Cyprus, which has persistently been the centre of attention in the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council, continues to be a problem which demands solution in the interests of international pe'ilce and security. That is why the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, together with othftr States Members of the United Nations,. shares. the well-justified concern over the rack of progress towards a solution which is reflected in the report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt. Waldheim[A/33/348]. 68, The constant efforts of the Cypriots to preserve the unity and inde~ndence of their State continue to evoke sympathy and solidarity throughout the world. 69. Czechoslovakia, along with the other socialist coun- tries, has always resolutely and consistently supported the call for a speedy, just and peaceful settlement of the Cyprus problem on the basis of respe~t for the sovereignty, cOl1firme~ by Security Council resolution 365 (1974) in the work out solutions capable of ensuring the independence, same year. They stressed 11150, in this conflcxion, that there soverei'gnty and terri'tori'al i'ntegrl'ty of the Republic of must be due regnrd for the principles enunciated in the f (I Cyprus, in conformity with the interests of the people of Final Act o· the Cort crImea 011 Security and Co-operation in Cyprus, both the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots. Europe, signed at Helsinki 011 1 August 1975. U 71. The events which led to the acute situation and to the creation of a hotbed of tension in Cyprus arc well known to ltll. They were the result of the policies of certain NATO circles, which wete and still arc attempting to exploit the divisions in that island in orde l to strengthen the military al1d strategic positions of the members of NATO in the eastern Meditetrane'al1. To this day those circles have not given up their nttempts to turn the territory of Cyprus into a NAtO military base. 72. the objective of our discussions, therefore, must be to defend a Member of our Organization, the non-aligned Republic of Cyprus, against interference in its domestic affairs and against any attempts to annex or partition its territory. A just solution to the Cyprus problem can be achieved only if cOilditions are created which enable the two communities to reach agreement, thereby leading to the restoration of the calm, peaceful atmosphere so necessary for the settlement of all their problems by taking into account the interests of the entire population of the Republic of Cyprus. Both communities are suffering as a result of the present. artificial partitioning of that country. Therefore the restoration of the integrity of the State and the assurance of a common peaceful future would be in keeping with the interests of both parties. 73. Thus we repeat that the problem can be settled only in accordance with existing resolutions of the United Nations by negotiations between the representatives of the two communities, without any outside interference. We are fmnly convinced that the people of Cyprus can themselves solve their own problems on the basis of respect for the just demands of the two communities, Greek and Turkish. 74. But the necessary conditions for such a decision can be secured only if all foreign military forces are withdrawn from Cyprus and if all foreign military bases in that island are eliminated. In this contex.t, we want to voice our support for the complete demilitarization of Cyprus, as has been plOposed twice at the United Nations by the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Mr. Kyprianou. 77. Further to delay the settlement of the situation of conflict in Cyprus would certainly be contrary to the policy of the relaxation of tensions in international relations and would also contradict the spirit and the letter of the Final Act of the Conference on European Security and Co- operation. By the same token, the settlement of the conflict could result in a very important contribution to the improvement of tb..e political situation in Eurvpe and, of course,mot only in Europe. 78. The Czechoslovak delegation is convinced that our Organization can help the Cypriot people to overcome the daily sufferings to which it is now exposed as a result of the tragic situation now prevailing on the island, to preserve the unity of the country and without any further delay to solve the problem of Cyprus in due respect for the just interests , .,of both Cypriot communities. The basis for such a - settlement of the problem already exists: it is the resolu- tions of the General Assembly and the Security Council on Cyprus. It is the duty of this Organization to work for the speedy implementation of these resolutions, thus con- tributing to the just solution of the question of Cyprus.

Last year the General Assembly adopted resolution 32/15, which called for "... the urgent and effective implementa\.ion of resolu- tion 3212 (XXIX), unanimously adopted by the General Assembly and endorsed by the Security Council in its resolution 365 (1974) of 13 December 1974, as the valid framework for the solution of the problem of Cyprus". 80. However, that resolution and the other General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on Cyprus remain unimplemented. 81. We are justified in asking the following question. Why is the situation in Cyprus not improving and why are the 5 Ibid., Twenty-ninth Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1974, document S/1l465. 82. The Soviet Union and the other countries of the socialist community have actively and consistently striven· to achieve a just and peaceful settlement of the Cypriot problem, taking into account the interests of all the Cypriot people and with enlightened consideration of the interests and rights of both communities. They advocate the safeguarding of the independence, sovereigJJty and terri- torial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and its policy of non-alignment. 83. Many countries of Asia, Africa, Latin America and Europe are demanding a just solution of the problem of Cyprus. 84. It is well known that the immediate implementation of the relevant United Nations resolutions, in particular General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) and Security Council resolution 365 (1974), was called for by the Ministl~rs for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries at their Conference held in Belgrade in July 1978. 85. In the Declaration adopted at that Conference, the non-aligned countries called upon all States strictly to respect the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus and to cease all foreign interference in its affairs, and demanded the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the foreign armed forces and every other foreign military presence from the Republic of Cyprus {see A/33/206, annex, para. 74J. 86. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR wishes to stress that the proposal of. the Soviet Union for the convening of an international conference on Cyprus within the framework of the United Nations i:. still timely. The convening of such a conference.with the participation of Cyprus, Greece, Turkey, all the members of the Security Council and some other countries, in particular non-aligned countries, would cartainly contribute to success in the 87. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR, like many other delegations, favours a speedy solution of the probleffiJ of Cyprus on the basis of unconditional respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and for its policy of non-alignment, the withdrawal from the territory of that island of all foreign military forces and non-interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus, as indeed is provided in the well-known resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations.

The United Nations General Assembly has been considering the question of Cyprus for the fifth year in a row. The Chinese Government and people are v~ry much concerned about the prolonged failure in reaching a settlement of the issue, and we have deep sympatpy for the sufferings of the Cypriot people. 89. In the deliberations, the representatives of many countries have expressed their great concern and anxiety over the situation in Cyprus. Some of them have stressed tt'1at it will not be difficult to settle the question of Cyprus so long as super-Power interference is excluded. We appreciate this view. Fundamentally speaking, the question of Cyprus is an issue left over by imperialist colonial rule. In recent years, the active meddling of the super-Powers in their rivalry for hegemony has further aggravated and complicated the situation, with the result that the issue has thus far remained unsettled. One super-Power attempts to place Cyprus under its control in order to strengthen its strategic position in the eastern Mediterranean. The other super.Power, which styles itself the "friend of the Cypriot people", has been bent on opposing and undennining a peaceful settlement of the Cyprus question. It takes advantage of the differences- between the various parties and works hard to widen them by sowing discord among the parties, and it trumpets actively for the "inter- nationalization" of the Cyprus question so as to facilitate its direct intervention in order to maintain instability in the eastern Mediterranean, where it can step up its infiltration and expansion. Public opinion in Cyprus has long 'incisively pointed to the self-seeking aim of the policy pursued by this self-styled "friend". Consequently, a genuine settle- ment of the Cyprus question calls, ahove all, for the exclusion of super-Power.interference. ';0. Both Cypriot communities have a glorious t~adit1on of fighting against imperialism and colonialism; both of them stand for safeguarding the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus; both of them are strongly opposed to super-Power interference in the internal affairs of Cyprus and are in favour of an early settlement of the Cyprus question through intercommunal talks so as to expedite the building of their country. Therefore, despite the temporary differences existing between the'two Cyp- riot communities, their common interests and common aspiiations have provided a basis for eliminating the 91. The Chinese people cherish friendly sentiments to- wards the Cypriot people. We have always taken a clear-cut position of principle on the Cyprus question. We reaffirm that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus and its non-aligned status should be respected. We hope that the Greek and Turkish CypriC't people will live together in har.nony. We strongly condemn the super-Powers for their gross interference in Cypriot affairs. We sincerely hope that the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities and the parties concerned, bearing in mind the over<111 interests of unity against hegemonism, win do away with super:Power interference and will work jointly for a fair and reasonable settlement of the Cyprus question at an early date by peaceful means and through patient negotia- tions on an equal feoting and in a spirit of mutual understanding and mutual accommodation, so as to pro- mote the prosperity of Cyprus and contribute to the security of the eastern Mediterranean and to peace in the world.

This Assembly ~:1ti its members have the right to expect a speedy and just solution to a problem-the problem of Cyprus-which has been con- suming the time and funds of the United Nations for 15 years, but each right carries with it a corresponding obligation. Such an obligation falls not only upon the parties directly concerned but also on each and every one of the members: the obligation mdividually or collectively to act, to speak and to vote in such a way as to encourage the parties to arrive at a solution. 93. As we all know, the general debate that takes place at the every outset of the General Assembly session each year provides us with a bird's-eye view of the international situation. The views of Member States expressed in the general debate not only cont~':~l keynote statements on given agenda items but also reveal the' degree of interest Member States take in those items. 94. In the course of the general debate earlier in this session, the question of Cyprus was commented upon by some 60 out of the 141 delegations participating, with a number of memoers referring to it only in passing. 95. The only overwh'.31ming conclusion that can be drawn from a brief analysis of the references to the question of Cyprus in the general debate is that the intercommunal negotiations between the representat~vesof the two Cypriot communities are considered to be the only sound exercise for the achievement of a just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus problem. 96. The statements which have been made so far in this debate on agenda item 28, concerning Cyprus, have also underlined the importance of the intercommunal talks. We are gratified to note that the Secretary-General, who has been entrusted with the mission of good offices, has time and again stressed the indispensa~le role of the inter- communal talks in the search for a peaceful settlement. In fact, he underlined that point once again in his report dated 97. In this connexion, I wish to reiterate our heartfelt thanks to Mr. Waldheim, the Secretary-General, for his detp,r''Yl1ned and indefatigable efforts to fmd a solution to th' pwblem through the intercommunal talks. 98. The Secretary-General's latest report to the General Assembly on the question of Cyprus [A/33/348] reflects once again his conviction that the intercommunal talks are the only means towards rmding a solution to the Cyprus problem. In the light of those statements, it was to be expected that any draft resolution would lay overwhelming stress on the intercommunal talks, which would allow the two sides to settle their differences. 99. We in Turkey have great respect for the non-aligned movement. We have excellent relations with each and every one of the members of the group. We understand very well the tendency of such groups to lend their support to one of their members in an international controversy; but we wonder to what extent such support is conducive to peace and the solution of problems when it disregards the existing realities. 100. My delegation, which voted in favour of resoludon 3212 (XXIX) in 1974, this year approached the question with the hope that the encouraging developments that had occurred since then might make it possible, by incor- porating the spirit of those developments, to arrive at a draft resolution which could be acceptable to all the parties. This year the President of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus, Mr. Denkta§, came to New York to participate in the debate in the Special Political Committee and, in his meetings with the contact group of the non-aligned countries, he endeavoured to arrive at just such a draft. The result was far from gratifying. The resolutions adopted in another forum were incorporated in the draft resolution now before the Assembly {A/33/L. 7 and Add.I] with a few slight modifications, some of which render the new draft even more unrealistic than the drafts of the last two years. This new draft resolution ignores onae again the most important break-through in the Cyprus dispute- namely, the agreement reached between the late Archbishop Makarios and Mr. Denkta§ in February 1977 concerning a framework for a solution of the problem. It brushes aside the proposals submitted to the Secretary-General by the Turkish community, which were qualified by the Secre- tary-General as being "concrete and substantial". The Turkish Cypriot proposal with regard to the interim administration of Varosha, which w(mld have made it possible for some 35,000 Greek Cypriots soon to return to their homes and properties, is passed unnoticed. In short, it is a draft likely to delay a solution of the problem. 101. The Foreign Minister of the Greek Cypriot admin- istration made an impassioned appeal before the General Assembly which would have been indeed moving had it not 6 Ibid.• 17lirty·third Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1978, document 8/12723, para. 76. 102. I believe the key issue in the problem is the answer to this question: does the Greek Cypriot administration really want a solution? Anyone who is at all familiar with the recent developments cannot help but come to the con- clusion that it does not. Let me give a rel-.ent example. As members may recall, until April of this year the Greek Cypriot leaders had constantly lamented that there had been no progress in the intercommunal talks and had alleged that that was due to the negative attitude and the refusal of the Turkish Cypriot community to come fnrward ~th concrete and substantive proposals. In their view, had the Turkish Cypriot leadership agreed to present proposals dealing with the territorial and constitutional aspects of the problem, a mellningful negotiating process could have been resumed. To refresh the memories of members, I should . like to read out a few extracts from the statements of the Greek Cypriot leaders. 103. Referring to a letter from Mr. Papadopoulos, then the Greek Cypriot interlocutor at the intercommunal talks, on 31 August 1977 Mr. Christophides stated the following before the Security Council: .. 'We insist that the talks shouid be meaningful and substantive. .. the Turkish side's attitude towards the talks and its refusal to put forward concrete proposals on all aspects of the problem, and particularly the territorial aspect, is the sole cause \\4&'-': prevents the talks from being meaningful and substantive.' "8 108. That is, in fact, exactly what has so far been requested from the Turkish Cypriot side by the Greek Cypriot leadership as a prerequisite for a meaningful resumption of the intercommunal talks. These proposals have been prepared by the'Turkish Cypriots. At their request an eminent expert on constitutional law, Professor Mumtaz Soy-sal, has helped them as an adviser. As far as I know, Turkey tried to be helpful by assuring theTurkish Cypriots that their doubts and fears for the future were misplaced and thus encouraged the comm:mity to be generous and forthcoming with their proposals. Turkey intends to continue this encouragement, but it cannot ask Turkish Cypriots to take future risks which they, as a free, democratic and autonoJ.11ous community, are not fully prepared to take. It is extremely regrettable, however, that Mr. Kyprianou rejected the Turkish Cypriot proposals out of hand. I feel sure that all this shows distinctly that the Greek Cypriot side does not want the problem to be solved. In other words: the reply to the question I posed earlier is in the negative. Instead, the Greek Cypriots parade in all 104. On 6 October 1977, Mr. Kyprianou put forward his views on this very subject before the General Assembly in the fonowing terms: "We have accQrdingly been supporting the commendable efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, to secure meaningful and substantive negotiations. These efforts, . however, have so far produced no results due to the negative attitude of the Turkish side, which has been persistently refusing to submit concrete and comprehen- sive proposals on the sutjects under negotiation, unlike the Greek Cypriot side."9 106. At the same meeting, the representative of Greece stated: "For our part, we wish again to stress that, in order to have a chance of success, these negotiations must be carried out in a substantive way on the basis of concrete proposals covering all major aspects of the problem, including territorial and constitutional questions. I need 110t remind the Council that the concrete proposals made by the Greek Cypriot negotiator on those questions are still awaiting a reply from the other side."1 1 107. What I have just referred to are expressions of concern by the Greek Cypriot leadership about the conduct of the negotiating process. However, a brief account of developments that have taken place since those expressions of concern points to an open contradiction between the words and the deeds of the Greek Cypriot leadership. As has already been recapitulated in the report of the secretary-General, on 13 April 1978 the representatives of President Den!~ta~ submitted to the Secretary-General, in Vienna, the document setting forth the main aspects of the Turkish Cypriot negotiating position. Upon receiving the Turkish Cypriot proposals, on 15 April the Secretary- General stated, among other things, the following: "The Turkish Cypriot proposals deal with the consititutional and territorial aspects of the Cyprus problem in a concrete and substantial way."12 109. The agreement arrived at between Archbishop Makarios and President Denkta§ in the presence of the Secretary-General, envisaged just such a solution. The present administration of Cyprus has reneged on that solemn agreement and is allergic even to the mention of the agreement. It realizes that any solution would involve the sharing of power, which is now absolutely in their hands. In this connexion it may be useful to quote from an editorial in The New York Times on 12 May 1978: "That some kind of shared authority would be neces- sary was recognized even by the late Greek-Cypriot leader, Archbishop Makarios. He formally conceded a few months before his death that Cyprus would have to become both bicommunal and federal. The Turkish proposal builds on this, proposing the maximum amount of reparateress. A minimal federal government would mh;;"'!age forei;~n policy and defence, a common currency ana the co-ordination of island-wide programmes and businesses like ioul'ism; all other functions would be !eft to. the ... federated states and each would retain a veto over federal decisions through a process of equal repre- sentation. "Though they agree to federation in principle, it is this veto, above all, that the Greek Cypriots find unac- ceptable. They still count on the weight of numbers. But, it is hard to see how a federation of only two elements could work without a veto, at least while mistrust runs so deep. If they are to work ... at all, the two communities will have to have political equality, despite the great disparity in their populations." 11O. The present Greek Cypriot admL'1istration considers such a sharing of power within a federation to be absolute anathema. Thus the Greek Cypriot leaders have opted for what they call "the iong-term struggle". They count on the eventual collapse of the Turkish community. This is of course a pipe dream. They constantly accuse Turkey and the Turkish Cypriots of aiming at partition. This is an insidious fallacy. There is now an unfortunate de [acto partition on the island. The Greek Cypriot administration's short-sighted policy has the consequence of perpetuating that partition, which neither Turkey not: the Turkish Cypriot community desire. The sad part of it is that all resolutions which encourage the Greek Cypriot assertions are unwittingly aiding the perpetuation of a state Gj' partition, which is abhorred by the international corn· munity. What all this amounts to is a transparent attempt to hoodwink the international community into belieVing that the Turks are intransigent and must therefore be victimized by unpalatable resolutions. But we must not Ill. In line with this policy of double-talk, my country is being constantly and unjustly maligned from this rostrum. Words like "aggression", "expansionism"and "occupation" are being freely used. The circumstances of the Turkish intervention in Cyprus in 1974 are well known. Turkey had to intervene to prevent the annihilation of the Turkish community and, by preventing eventual enosis [union with Greece], to safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus. The Turkish Peace Force in Cyprus is not an army of occupation, any more than is UNFICYP. My Government has declared on many oc- casions and on the highest authority that the Turkish forces will be withdrawn from the island once a solution is reached guaranteeing the security of the Turkish com- munity. As Professor Ok~un, the Foreign Minister of Turkey, stated before this body on 3 October 1978: "In line with its efforts to contribute to peace and tranquillity in the island, the Turkish Government has to date withdrawn 17,500 troops from the island as a gesture of goodwill, and it commits itself to withdrawing all its armed forces from the island, with the exception of those that will be mutuary 19reed upon by the parties concerned when a fma~ solution to the problem is found." [19th meeting, para. 61./ 112. Turkey has even been confronted with the barefaced accusation that it had planned the partition of the island as early as 1950. How such an accnsation can be blatantly maintained in view of the notorious Akritas plan which aimed at the annihilation of the Turkish community ~s a matter of wonder. As far back as 1962, the late Archbishop Makarios is on record as saying: "Unless this small community forming a part of the Turkish race, which has been the terrible enemy of the Hellenism, is expelled, the duty of the heroes of EOKA13 can never be considered as terminated." 113. The intransigent attitude of the present Grtek Cypriot leadership, especially the statements recently made by the new Archbishop Chrysostomos, unfortunately seem to reflect the survival of that mentality. 114. The Turkish Peace Force in Cyprus, whose numbers have been gradually decreased as a sign of goodwill, I repeat, is not an army of occupation. Since 1963 there has been a usurpation of power in Cyprus, a usurpation of power by the Greek Cypriot community, which now calls itself the Government of Cyprus. The Turkish community suffered for 11 years under the domination, harassment and persecution of the usurpers. When a new Greek attempt was made to usurp power from the original usurpers, Turkey had not only the right but also the duty to intervene. The Turkish community is in favour of serious negotiations which will set up a new order that will forever exclude the domination of one community by the other, once and for all lay aside tile ghost ofenosis or partition, and once again 13 Ethniki Organcsis Kyprion Agoniston (National Organization of Cypriot Fighters). lUOl\' tholt It gengrnph1clll exptessioll. 116. llefme coltdutllng, l Inust with some regret allude to the statement just Itmle by Ule Under-Secretary of State fur POi'elglt Affnlrs orOreeCt1. Mr. Zahnis. who referred to a Ilumber of [loints lUtd who sllid. in particular, that the exlst~l\ce of Turkish trlJO~lS Oil the isllllld was not conducive to tlEl1l'Cfut negotillUOtlS. Iq. MllY I llOillt Ollt thllt in the past there hlwe been tens of thousl1.1\ds llf GI'cek truoP& froln Greece on the island when ncgoth\tions were tnking plnea thore? Therefore, I sugg~st thllt people who live ill glnss houses should not th\\\w stl1t\~s. 118. R~grctt3.bly. the Under·Sccretnry IIlso referred to the ~\lesti\)n of missing pursons which Is !~~W being discussed in the third Comll\itt~~-ll ques!ion which does not figure in th~ dnut resolution before the Assembly and which has ~n :ugued in the Special Political Committee between the representaU\:'\}s of the ~wo Cypriot communities. President ~l'lktl1§ prQ\-ed to I;'wryone's satisfaction that the missing ~®ns e1l:ist solely in the imagination of the G;reek Cypriot oommtlnity. The record is clear. TIle International Corn- mitt\."'e of the Red Cross has reported thllt aU prisoners of w.ar ha\~ been exchanged. TIle two present leaders have met time IDlU time again and have reduced the dossiers to about 3() files., and the problems raised in those fiJes could easily ~ '\li'\1rked out if the procedure adopted l~st year in the Thiid O:munittee could be put into application. H5t FmaIly. the position of my Government with regard tu ~ problem of Cyprus is, succinctly, this,: fIrst, Turkey bBs l:l<l territorial aspirations in Cyprus; secc;ndly, Turkey :ims no interest in perpetuating the existing lamentable state of im;tWilit)" and mutual distrust between the communities in Cyprus; and thirdly. Turkey is devoted to the principle of an independent, non-aligned, bicommunal federal State of C}-p:us. where its brothers 40 miles across the se'! can ~msecurity 2l1d equality. J2D. AJl ibis can be achieved only through intercommunal ~ with the aid, if and when necessary, of the ~~t.-ie1; ro which. the communities refer as their mother ~;.n~rt~Jies~ I was glad to hear the Foreign Minister of CY;>.r'J:S~ M.r~ RoIandis, declare at this r.ostrum on Monday: ..... _.1 zm authorized to state before you in this jr:t~matioJi2l forum that my Government is prepared to Stly,/Jrt ~ r~mption of the negotiations between the ~'Q ~mes in good faith and with goodwill,

The question of Cyprus has aplJCared on the agenda of the United Nations General Assehlbly without interruption for approximately a quarter of a century. 123. Apart from the divergencies and hostilities resulting from the diverse origin of the two sectors of the populatinn of that beautiful Mediterranean island, which has been so severely punished throughout the centuries by successive foreign occupations, there has been in our time a just aspiration by both sectors to achieve independence for the country. 124. Many years have gone by since the then Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, Mr. Noble, said the following in the First Committee. "But Cyprus i~ not simply a colonial problem. It has become an international problem as well. Besides the two communities in Cyprus, three separate countries are concerned. Greece is concerned, because the great major- ity of the island's people are Greek in" feeling and tradition. Turkey is concerned because of Cyprus's geographical position, commanding the approach to Turkey's sOllthern ports; because of the island's historical connexion with Turkey, and because of the significant and nationally conscious minority of Turkish Cypriots. Finally, the United Kingdom itself is involved."1 .. 125. Once the colonial problem of that time was over- come, the island finally achieved its independence and became the Republic of Cyprus, which shortly thereafter became a Member of the United Nations. 126. Later events gave rise to an intervention which is still in being and which consists in the unauthorized presence of foreign troops and a de facto division of the territory and the administration of the public affairs of the country. 127. Both the General Assembly and the Security Council have adopted numerous resolutions to put an end to that situation, but to date have net succeeded in returning the situation to normal. 128. The Government of El Salvador has followed with interest and has appreciated the tireless efforts made by the Secretary-General, Mr. WciIdheim, in the search for a nego- tiated solution which would be satisfactory to the parties and which would be in accordance with the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council and, of course, with the principles and purposes of the United Nations. 129. Enosis, or union with Greece, which was spoken of so much in the past, is hardly ever mentioned in our 130. The agreement reached in February 1977 by the late Archbishop Makllrios and Mr. Denktaw, with the participa· tion of the Secretury·General, might perhaps lead to a negotiated solution between the two communities, so long as they, through their legitimate representatives, can pro· ceed without restrictions, tree from any foreign pressure or presence, with the exception, of course, of the presence of the Secretary-General or his Special Representative in Cyprus, who would act, like true international civil ser- vants, prlfgmatically and with complete impartiality. 131. In Gccordance with the Makarios-Denkta~ agreement, the solution to the problem might consist in establishing a country organized in a federal manner-that is, one con- sisting of two autonomous but not sovereign states-since within the applicable juridical-political orthodoxy the exercise of sovereignty in such matters as foreign affairs, national defence and finance should be in the hands of the federal authorities and not within the competence of the states constituting the federation. 132. Is that what both communities wish or are prepared to accept? 133. We are not certain, but we are rather inclined to believe not, after listening with keen interest and not without some disappointment to the statement made here recently by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cyprus, Mr. Rolandis, as well as to the statements made the follOWing day in the Special Political Committee by the representatives of the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot communities respectively, Mr. Denkta~ and Mr. Michaelides. 134. However, if the establishment of a Cypriot federal State i\~ not a solution acceptable to the parties, there are undoubtedly altematives which might facilitate the success of the negotiations. 135. Obviously, the problem is complex and thorny and its solution e:ttremely difficult, although not impossible. 136. In a statement made in the general debate, our Mirmter for Foreign Affairs expressed some ideas on which our position on the problem under review is based. Mr. Roddguez Porth said: "It is equally unfortunate that, despite the constant and prolonged efforts of this Organization, there has been no solution of the problem of Cyprus. This is an explosive situation which, like the situations in the Horn of Africa and southern Africa, constitutes a serious danger to peace." {31st meeting, para. 80.J 137. The delegation of El Salvador, with equal sympathy for both Cypriot communities and with an understanding and frank desire for a satisfactory solution to be found, would be pleased if this time the General Assembly did not confme itself to registering expressions of concern or regret 138. We are facing a political problem, it is true, but it is also an eminently legal one. 139. It is the United Nations Charter, and therefore superior positive international law, which governs and should prevail in a world that calls itself civilized, and we hope that those who have temporarily-as we wish to beHeve-disturbed the international order will be prepared to comply with it. 140. Only thus will the inhabitants of the island, all of whom deserve our respect, support and consideration, be in a position to preserve the political a.~d territorial unity of their country and make of it the example of wealth and culture it is capable of being and deserves to be.

Once again the General Assembly is called upon to debate the question of Cyprus. The delegation of Iran is pro- foundly concerned by the situation which continues to prevail in that country, because that situation contains factors of tension which are likely to jeopardize peace and tranquillity in the Medi~rraneanregion. 142. As is clear from the report of the Secretary-General, during the past year there has been intense diplomatic activity as regards the question of Cyprus. On the basis of the mandate which he was given by the General Assembly and the Security Council, the Secretary·General played an important role in those diplomatic activities and spared no effort to break the deadlock which was reached and still exists in the intercommunal talks. Contacts have taken place and proposals have be~r. made by both sides but, however promising they may ':'111~e seemed at certain timell, those contacts and proposals have so far not made it possible to surmount the obstacles to <i just and lasting settlement of the question. 143. However, this Sla~c of affairs should not discourage us, because among the ;v2embers of the United Nations there is a very broad area of common ground on certain essential elements which must serve as the framework for an eqUitable and peaceful solution to the problem. This is so in the case of the principle aC"-ording to which any settlement of the Cypriot conflict must be based on respect for the independence and territorial integrity of the island. The same holds true of the no less important principle regarding the guarantee of the legitimate rights of the two ethnic communities of the country by appropriate means. Furthermore, the General Assembly has on many occasions pronounced itself in favour of continuing negotiations between the two communities with a view to reaching a mutually acceptable settlement. It is most encouraging to note that the two States directly concerned in the question of Cyprus, namely, Turkey and Greece, adhere to those principles. 144. The delegation of Iran has always advocated the pursuit of intercommunal dialogue, which in our view "Another disquieting problem is the situation in Cyprus and the persistent tension which continues to frustrate international efforts aimed at bringing peace and tran- quillity to that country. We still believe that a just and long-lasting solution of this problem can and must be achieved by negotiations between the two ethnic corn- munities of Cyprus, with a view to preserving the territorial integrity and the independence of the country, taking into account the legitimate interests of the two communities." [20th meeting, para. 161.J 145_ Thus we continue to believe that a genuine settle- ment of the Cyprus question must of necessity take into account all the elements I have already mentioned. To this end, the General Assembly deliberations and the decision that will follow must have as their main objectives the promotion of the resumption of talks between the parties concerned and the avoidance of anything that might be an obstacle to those negotiations. 146. The General Assembly should also request the Secretary-General to continue to provide his invaluable assistance to the parties during the negotiations. Here I wish to reaffirm our deep appreciation of his tireless and unceasing efforts, made directly or through his Special Representative in Cyprus, Mr. Galindo PoW, during the past year.

The Swedish Govern- ment has noted with concern that the Secretary-General, in his report to this Assembly on the work of the Organization stated in regard to the Cyprus problem: "The past year has been highly frustrating as far as efforts to find a solution to the Cyprus problem are concerned" [see A/33/I, sect. IIlJ. We are concerned because of the risks involved in the continued stalemate in the negotiations. 148. We are also concerned about the serious humani- tarian problems which persist in the absence of a political solution. Thousands of families have been uprooted and the consequences in the form of social problems are grave. Furthermore, no less than about 2,000 persons are missing. It is important for the two communities to give their full support to the Secretary-General and to co-operate with him in the creation of an investigatory body to trace the missing persons. We regret that resolution 32/128 on this subject, which was adopted by the last General Assembly without a vote, has not been implemented. 149. The Secretary-General has made numerous attempts to find a way for the intercommunal talks to be resumed on a meaningful and reasonable basis. His latest efforts to overcome the deadlock include proposals on partial meas- ures of a practical nature intended to improve the general atmosphere and thus make it easier for the parties involved to start negotiations on a comprehensive settlement. So far this new approach, regrettably, has not met with a positive response. 151. We appeal to the parties to break the present deadlock and to take a more constructive approach towards a resumption of talks. I would like to concur with the Secretary-General in the hope he expresses in his report of "necessary changes in attitude" among the parties to the Cyprus conflict [ibid.] Without such changes it will not be possible to create the mutual confidence which is vital, not only to the talks, but also to positive long-term develop. ment. 152. Besides the Secretary-General's personal efforts to achieve a settlement in negotiations under United Nations auspices, the United Nations has also been heavily engaged for 14 years in Cyprus through the presence of UN FICYP. which has helped to limit the bloodshed and reduce tensions in Cyprus. We must not, however, forget that the task of UNFICYP is to maintain quiet in the island specifically with a view to facilitating the search for a peaceful settIemen1. The Secretary-General has underlined the fact that the repeated prolongations of the UNFICYP mandate over the years have been necessary in order 10give time for further efforts to solve the political problems. In extending that mandate the Security Council has. in its resolutions. expressly stated its expectation that by the end of the new period, as paragraph 4 of resolution 364 (1974) expressed it, "sufficient progress towards a final solution will make possible a withdrawal or substantial reduction of the Force". As a member of the Security Council my Government had occasion, on 15 June 1976, to express the importance we attach to these particular aspects, when we said that: "... a prolongation of the UNFlCYF mandate is not an end in itself. The time afforded through its prolongation must be used for meaningful negotiations between the two communities". I 5 Thus the international community has imposed a clear obligation on the parties to the conflict. It is up to them to make full and constructive use of the time put at their disposal to reach a solution through negotiations. As a country contributing troops to UNFICYF since its estab- lishment, Sweden wants to remind the parties concerned of that obligation, and of the necessity of living up to it. The continued presence of UNFICYP troops must not be allowed to serve as an excuse for inactivity in the search for a political settlement. dJ~ptoporU(jt1lHc tUte of' the financial burden for the l'Mce-kceplttg 01}VrlltJott. The mllintenance of UNFICYP should ltot be tlte H!llk 1U1l11lly of Lt small number of Goverlll1Hmtll. It III tlte rOllponsibllity of the international COlt1l11U1llty IU; II wJt(,lc, 154. Tlte f'nllllcwOl'k fot 11 comprehensive settlement of the Cyprus cOtlf'1ld, which wc hope will eventually be reached, shmlld 111 \)m view be Genoral Assembly resolution