A/33/PV.76 General Assembly

I call on the representative of Mexico, who would like to introduce the draft resolutions lfi documents A/33/L.13, A/331.L.14 and A/33/L.15.

I have the honour to introduce in the General Assembly draft resolutions A/33/L.13, A/33/L.14 and A/33/L.15 on the question of Namibia. 3. I should like now to make some brief comments on the three draft resolutio,ns. Draft resolution A/33/L.13 refers to the situation in Namibia in general. Hence it is not strange that we should propose once again that the General Assembly approve a series of provisions referring to the measures that have already been adopted. 4. I should like to point out to the General Assembly that in operative paragraph 10 and the remaining operative paragraphs of draft resolution A/33/L.13 it would condemn the latest actions of the Republic of South Africa, and, in particular, that in operative paragraph 14 it would decide to reconvene the thirty-third session at a time to be decided by the President of the General Assembly in consultation with the other high officials mentioned in that paragraph. 5. I should also like to draw attention to the importance of operative paragraph 27, whereby the Assembly would decide to expand the United Nations Council for Namibia by the addition of up to six members. 6. I come now to draft resolution A/33/L.15, which refers to the programme of work of the United Nations Council for Namibia. As the Assembly is aware, thaf Council, representing the United Nations, is working for the attain- NI:W YORK ment of independence by Namibia and is at present entrusted with the administration of the Territory. .7. Among the various measures proposed are the strengthening of the secretariat of the Council and a considerable increase in the publicity programme and campaign, while in operative paragraph 6, the General Assembly would proclaim 1979 as the International Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia. It is the opinion of the sponsors that .at this time more than ever before ·the proclamation of such a year not only would be useful but is indispensable. 8. Finally, I refer to draft resolution A/33/L.14,.which refers exclusively to the crisis which arose as the result of South Africa's continued intransigence and to the latest unsuccessful negotiations with regard to the implementa- tion of the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. Operative paragraphs 7, 8 and 9 are particularly important. In them the General Assembly would declare that this attitude on the part of South Africa constitutes a serious threat to international peace and securitY and consequently falls under Chapter VII of the Charter, and request the Security Council to consider this problem as a m~tter of urgency. The Assembly would reserve the right to act within its own powers if the Security Council proves unable to act effectively in the face of this threat to international peace and security.

In concluding their common statement in the debate on the question of Namibia at the previous regular sess~on of the General Assembly,l the nine countries of the European Community said that they had stronger hopes than ever before. With the intervention of tRe United Nations, coupled with the efforts of the five Western members of the Security Council in the search for a peaceful solution to the problem of Namibia, success seemed to be within sight. 10. Mter comprehensive contacts with all parties con- cerned, the five Western members of the Security Council presented their proposal for a settlement in April 1978.2 In their address to the ninth special session of the General Assembly also in April 19783 the nine members of the Community expressed their conviction tb.at this proposal presented the last opportunity for achieving a peaceful, .democratic and internationally acceptable solntion to the Namibian problem. 12. In this context the nine countries members of the Community wish te· pay a tribute to the front-line States for the important role they are playing in helping to bring about the independence of Namibia. 13. South Africa, however, has raised certain objections to the report of the Secretary-General. We had hoped that, after the explanatory statement by the Secretary-General regarding his report, South Africa would no longer object to an early start on the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). However, after the recent meetings between the South African Foreign Minister and the Secretary-General in New York, the South African Govern- ment, while reiterating in general terms its willingness to co-operate in the implementation of that resolution, still insisted that consultations with the parties concerned, and j further consultations on outstanding points, were neces- sary. 14. South Africa cannot expect the international com- munity to accept further delays in the commencement of the activities of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia. South Africa has now declared that it is willing to conclude consultations during De.cember and to communicate the results to the Secretary-General. In the light of the discussions in New York to which I have already referred, this statement ~an only mean that South Africa is committed to communicating, before the end of this year, its final position on the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). The decision must be clear-cut and positive, ensuring the establishment of the Transition Assistance Group in the very early part of 1979. South Africa must not back out of this commitment. Such default would constitute a refusal to implement the resolution. No one in South Africa should ignore the consequences such a development would be bound to have. 15. In view of Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 439 (1978), the nine countries members of the European Community urge South Africa to give prompt and conclusive proof of its willingness to co-operate in implementing resolution 435 (1978). South Africa must not jeopardize this last chance of a solution by peaceful means. It cannot be in South Africa's interest to continue to challenge the entire international community and to risk increasing violence, with the suffering this would inflict upon the people, not only in Namibia but in the southern African region as a whole. 17. It is for the Namibian people, and for them alone, to determine their future. The illegal occupation of Namibia must end. The population of Namibia must be enabled to prepare itself for a genuinely free decision on its political destiny, and thus to exercise its right to self-determination as soon as possible. All political groupings, including in particular SWAPO, must be able to participate freely in the electoral campaign and in the nlections themselves. 18. The nine Governments want to put on record their protest against the recent detention without explanation of prominent members of SWAPO in Namibia. Such police measures, like similar action in the past, are clearly aimed at inhibiting a significant part of political opinion within Namibia by de!c'riving political leaders of their basic liberties. We urge all the parties concerned not to disrupt the efforts to bring about free and fair elections under United Nations supervision and control by acts of intimida- tion and violence. A peaceful situation in Namibia is an essential pre-condition for the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). 19. The nine countries share the conviction that the Narnibians must be granted a democratic electoral process. This can only be guaranteed by United Nations supervision and control.

Mr. President, since I am speaking for the first time at this rostrum I should like first of all to express to you the warm-congratulations ofthe delegation of Burundi on YOUI election to preside over the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. . 21. Your qualities as a highly competent statesman, your experience and your diplomatic ability are well known to all members of the General Assembly and are a guarantee of the successful outcome of our discussions during this session. 22. May I also"avail myself of this opportunity to express to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-Gener~ of our inter- national Organization, my Government's high regard for his untiring efforts to contribute to the eradication of the anachronisticcolonialist system based on injustice and the exploitation of man by his fellow rpan. 23. Although the Trust Territory of Namibia is still in the clutches of the racist colonialist Government of South Africa, everything that the Secretary-General has already done to speed up the accession of that Territory to independence and national sovereignty is a source of satisfaction to us, and fully deserves our appreciation. 25. Since the inception of our Organization, the inter- national community has argued against such colonial domination and its logical consequence, the exploitation of the property and lands of other people. 26. The States Members of the United Nations then . declared a desperate war on colonialism because they rightly regarded it as a threat to peace. Professor Claude made it quite clear in his book entitled Swords into Plowshares that: "Peace is a function of a good society, in which all component groups enjoy Justice, share in a mutuality of respect, participate in the values of economic and social progress, and move toward political maturity. This idea cannot be reached so long as the system of colonial overlordships keeps the map spotted with blighted areas, inhabited by people that are denied both the advantages and responsibilities of full citizenship in the human commonwealth."s 27. Thanks to the active solidarity of the international community against colonialism, the freedom fighters have gained brilliant victories iG their struggle for self-determina- tion and independence. Over the more than 33 years of the existence of the United Nations, 46 countries from the African continent have acceded to independence and have taken their rightful place in the concert of nations. Together with the three African countries that were already independent, today they constitute one third of the States Members of the Organization which helped them to emerge froij1 obSCUrity and greet the dawn of liberty. 28. We are tempted to rejoice at this, and with good reason. But to see the Trust Territory of Namibia and the British colony of Zimbabwe still under the yoke of the worst form of colonialism ever known to mankind in its history is heart-breaking and one wonders whether the United Nations, which is the only salvation for people still under foreign domination, has not abdica.ed its responsi- bilities. 29. Other Trust Territories, such as my COhntry, have already acceded to independence and national sovereignty. Namibia for its part, a victim of me mineral resources with which nature endowed it and of the geopolitical situation it enjoys by a simple chance of history, is still under the illegal occunation of the Republic of South Mrica. While in 5 Inis L. Claude, Jr., Swords into Plowshares: the Problems and Progress of International Organization, 4th ed., (New York, Random House. 1964), pp.35O-351. Quoted in English by tne speakr-r. 30. What is this Christian civilization as practised by South Mrica, and who benefits from it in the Trust Territory of Namibia? According to this South African "civilization", the people of Namibia are subject to discriminatory and repressive laws. Under such laws, the notorious Terrorism Act of 1967 being one of them, the people of Namibia are subject to imprisonment without trial, and when there is a trial by some chance then the sentence ranges from a minimum of five years' imprisonment to, in most cases, capital punishment. According to laws of this kind, whoever dares to raise his head to claim the legitimate right of self-determination for Namibia is silenced forever, except perhaps in the Great Beyond. 31. According to this South African "civilization", the people of Namibia can be a silent and resigned witness to the plundering of their land and its wealth. In this respect, nothing is more eloquent than the passage published in the first issue of the Namibia Bulletin in 1975: "In Namibia, the best agricultural areas, formerly occupied by Africans have been assigned to whites; all major economic activities are cOutrolled by whites; all major urban centres are inhabited by whites and Africans are not allowed to exist there except as migrant workers, bound by fixed-term contracts and living in compounds.. Ownership of land and property in urban areas is denied to Africans, who are relegated to the obscure and least productive areas of the country. To perpetuate this system, restrictions of freedom of movement are rigidly enforced."6 32. In this system of exploitation and' spoliation of the property and the riches of the people of Namibia, the transnational companies shamelessly' compete with each other to exhaust the economy of the country even before it gains independence. 33. These companies are sure of having enough time because, although harassed by the international community . and SWAPO, the liberation movement which has been struggling unremittingly for more than 20 years, the colonial regime in South Africa has invented a strategy d~signed to make it appear that Namibia is going to be given its independence. This stragegy is well known to all and has been practised for centuries. It consists in the careful selection of men of straw who are devoid of any political personality, allied to and manipulated by their former masters and the settlers who are exploiting immense properties and who never will fmd anywhere else such a land of milk and honey after the Territory comes to true independence. 41. The United Nations has the duty of supporting the Namibian people in their struggle, under the wise and dynamic leadership of their authentic representative, SWAPO. 35. The idea of setting up a puppet government dates, I think, from about three years ago. Since its conception, the United Nations Council for Namibia categorically opposed the idea and stated: 42. The United Nations has a moral obligation to lead the Territory of Namibia, which is under its trusteeship, to genuine independence, in the best conditkns and as soon as possible. co••• the South African sponsored constitutional confer- . ence excludes the authentic representative of the people of Namibia, SWAPO, which is the political force heading the national liberation struggle of Namibia, and is recognized as such by the United Nations, the Organiza- tion of African Unity (OAU) and other international organizations."? 43. We are firmly convinced that our international Organ- ization will not fail to carry out its duty anu to fulfil its mission of salvation. 36. The Security Council, for its part, condemned the machinations of South Africa and unanimously adopted resolution 385 (1976) dated 30 January 1976. In that resolution the Council declared, in substance that: 44. Miss KONIE (Zambia): T"'e General Assembly is meeting to consider the question .f Namibia once again. This series of meetings of the Assembly has particular significance in that it is taking place at a time of critical developments affecting Namibia and the entire region of southern Africa. These developments are indeed fraught with dangerous consequences for international peace and security. " ... in order that the people of Namibia may be enabled freely to determine their own future, it is imperative that free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations be held for the whole of Namibia as one political entity ...". 45. In utter defiance of the Security Council and the United Nations as a whole, the racist regime of South Africa has proceeded with the holding of so-called elections in Namibia through which it intends to impose its puppets and stooges on the people of the Territory. It has also in this regard, and with a view to stemming Namibian nationalism, rounded up and detamed a large number of SWAPO leaders and activists. Furthermore, the South African regime is frantically preparing itself to commit further acts of aggression against my country, Zambia, and the People's Republic of Angola. I shall refer later to the details in this connexion. The Council added that: " ... in determining the date, time-table and modalities for the elections ... there shall be adequate time, to be decided upon by the Secunty Council, for the purpose of enabling the United Nation.s to establish the necessary machinery within Namibia to supervise and control such elections ...". 37. The Security Council adopted many other resolutions along the same lines, particularly resolutions 431 (1978), 432 (1978), 435 (1978) and 439(1978), all adopted this year. The other competent bodies of the United Nations, mos1:_ particularly the General Assembly and the Interna- tional Court of Justice,-havc· taken countless deCisionS supporting self-determination and independence for the Trust Territory of Namibia. 46. The present situation is yet another.manifestation of .Soeth Africa's intransigence and its defiance of and utter contampt for the United Nations. The goodwill demon- strated in the United Nations to bring about a negotiated rettlement of the quest.ion of Namibia h(l.s clearly been abused and not at all reciprocated by the South African regime. While pretending to be co-operating in the efforts to seek a settlement of the Namibian problem on the basis of Security Council resolution 385 (I 976), South Africa has unilaterally and systematically carried out a strategy of its own in Namibia, the culmination of which is the current bogus elections.'This Turnhalle programme runs counter to the letter and spirit of existing United Nations resolutions on Namibia. It was contrived in a deliberate attempt, not only to hoodwink and confuse the interna- tional community, but also to complicate further the struggle for the liberation of Namibia· and weaken inter-- national support for the struggle for the genuine indepen- dence of Namibia. Examples of the unco-operative 2ttitude of South Africa can be traced back to the time when it unilaterally appointed its so-called Administrator-General in Namibia in a deliberate attempt to circumvent the Western proposal for the settlement of the question of Namibia. During the p~riod of negotiations South Africa also went ahead and embarked upon the registration of voters in 38. The fact that South Africa persists in ignoring the important decisions taken by the United Nations con- cemi:<ag a Territory which legally and politically c~fnes und(~r the Organization is sufficient proof that the cok- nialist, racist &luth African Government has refused all co-operation with the international Organization for the accession to independence of Namibia. 39. International solidarity, which has already stood the te~t in the liberation of 48 States in Africa and many others in Asia, Latin America and other parts of the world, must stand more firmly than ever be~ore in order to gain a fmal victory in Namibia. 40. The Organization's struggle, Which has lasted for 33 and one-half years, to liberate the Trust Territory of 47. My Government categorically condemns the facade of the so-called internal elections, stage-managed by the South African racists in Namibia. We reject with the contempt it deserves this manoeuvre of South Africa to present the international community with a fait accompli in Namibia. We resolutely declare that we shall have nothing whatsoever to do with the puppets and stooges of South Africa who will emerge from the sham elections. We call upon this Assembly and all its Member States to reject unequivocally and condemn the latest South Afric..... m&tlOeUvre. 48. It is evident from the reports of the Secretary-General submitted in pursuance of Security Council rpsolutions 435 (1978) and 439 (1978) that South Africa liitends to buy time for itself and take the international community for a ride, in its determination to delay the independence of Namibia. There is no clear and unqualified South African acceptance of Security Council resolutions 435 (1978) and 439 (1978). It is nonsense, in political terms, for South Africa to proceed with an illegal election in Namibia and at the same time purport to accept the holding of another election in the Territory on the basis of the resolutions of the Security Council. The current so-called elections would certainly be unnecessary and to no purpose if South Africa were sincere in its purported acceptance of elections in Namibia under United Nations supervision and control. 49. The Pretoria Fascists, as indicated in the reports of the Secretary-G~neral, now have the audacity to talk about "strongly recommending" to the so-called elected leaders in N3mibia that they accept Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and co-operate in its implementation. As will be recalled, this is the same message which was conveyed in the infamous Pretoria communique. What happens if the so-called elected leaders reject South Africa's recommenda- tion? The Pretoria regime must be naive if it tl$ks that it can deceive the international community with such cheap talk. The contradiction in the South African position is moreover sharpened and becomes more evident when tile Pretoria Fascists, who would like to impress the interna- tional community with protestations as to their intention to have the people of Namibia determine their destiny, deny the so-called elected leaders a fmal say on matters that affect the destiny of Namibia. .- 50. The real intention of South Africa in this shameless exerci~ is to use the so-called elected leaders of Namibia as a camouflage for its own contemptllous rejection of the resolutions of the Security Council which call for free and fair elections in Namibia under United Nations supervision and control. The Pretoria regime, in playing to the gallery, particularly in the Western world, would like to give the impression-a false impression indeed-that if it were not for contrary views of the so-called elected leaders, it would have co-operated with the United Nations in the imple- mentation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). ·No one must be deceived by this ploy of South Africa, which is designed to cir~umvent legitimate action against it under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. As ifthe world 51. The United Nations must be on guard and refuse to be placed in a situation in which the Pretoria Fascists wash their hands of Namibia and place the Organization in a situation in which it will have to deal with the puppets and stooges of South Africa. South Africa remains the illegal occupier of Namibia and remains under an obligation to withdraw from the Territory. Under no circumstances must the United Nations deal with the Turnhalle puppets in Namibia and thus allow the Pretoria regime to get off the hook. We must call the bluff of the Pretoria regime. 52. Many Member States ~\l-operated with the five Western members of the Security Council in their initiative to resolve the problem of Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 385 (1977). We had hoped that that initiative would succeed, for it involved the Western Powers, which have tremendou5 political economic, military and other forms ofleverage to use on South Africa. We believe in the good faith of those States. I submit that the time has come for a realistic and honest appraisal of the situation. The Western initiative has not succeeded in changing the attitude of South Africa vis-a-vis its illegal occupation of Namibia. On the contrary, that initiative has been exploited to the maximum by the Pretoria regime. At every point South Africa has sought to extract, and has indeed succeeded in extracting, concessions which have enhanced its position. The Western countries seem to have bent over backwards to accommodate South Africa in the hope of eliciting its co-operation in return. To give but one example, the vital question of Walvis Bay has been shelved. 53. Clearly the Western countries have so far relied on the force of moral persuasion.. This strategy, it must be admitted, has not delivered the goods. If their initiative is to be salvaged the five Western countries must accept the imperative need for them to resort- to other forms of pressure on the racist regime of South Africa. They have, as one eloquent speaker put it, so far used the carrot; the time has come for them to use the stick. The five Western countries, which initiated this process, have a duty to ensure the success of the initiative, if their credibility is to be mmntained. 54. It has always been and it remains the attitude of my Government that negotiations should be tried wherever the possibility of success exists. But, in the context of the situation in southern Africa, we cannot for ever pursue the course of negotiations without tangible resUlts being achieved, for one cannot talk in perpetuity about the right of a people to be free. By their very nature negotiations always create an atmospher~ of optimism. Where they do not succeed, this becomes false and illusory optimism that automatically engenders frustration and bitterness. It is even more important that negotiations are not used as a continuing process to frustrate other more effective efforts that might bring about the attainment of the objectives of 59. I wish to stress that th~re is no grain of truth in the South African allegations. South Africa simply wants to use such allegations as a pretext for attacking Zambia and thereby diverting attention from the problems which it has created for itself and which it is encountering inside Namibia. Only a few days ago, the Western media reported that there had been several explosions in Windhoek on the eve of the sham elections. The whole world knows that Zambia does not border on Windhoek. South Africa must therefore stop using us as a scapegoat for its crimes inside Namibia. We know for a fact that the people of Namibia are being forced to vote at gunpoint, and information to that effect will be circulated soon. South Africa has provoked a general atmosphere of terror and violence in Namibia, which has led to the deaths of many people. 60. We are aware that for a long time now South Africa, the illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia and their supporters have been engaged in activities with the aim of destabilizing Zambia. It is not by coincidence that South Africa has issued this threat on the eve of our forthcoming presidential and general elections. South Africa is aiming at the disruption of our electoral process. We know about their plans to invade Zambia again. Any attack on Zambia by South Africa will be regarded as an act of aggression. 56. The United Nations has a duty to continue to identify itself with and render all possible support to SWAPO, as it is the only movement that will bring about the attainment of United Nations objectives in Namibia and thus the genuine settlement of the problem of that Territory. Within this context Zambia strongly condemns the racist regime of South Africa for its recent nest and detention of Namibian patriots members of SWAPO including, among others, its Vice·Chairman, Secretary for Information and Publicity, Sec'retary for Legal Affairs, Administrative Secretary and Deputy Secretary for Transport, and a senior officer of the SWAPO Youth League. We demand their immediate and unconditional release. We know them as fme young men and women who desire nothing but the independence of their country. They have no intention other than to contribute towards the realization of the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to freedom, justice and human dignity. 61. The ninth special session of this Assembly, held this year, was truly a landmark in the efforts of the United Naticns to promote the cause of freedom and independence for Namibia. The objectivity of the Assembly, as reflected in its Declaration and Programme of Action adopted at that session {resolution S-9/2]. has been more than vindicated by the present grave situation concerning Namibia. We must continue to seek the full realization of th~ objectives of the . Declaration and the implementation of the Programme of k~. . 62. At this moment, tpis Assembly can do no less than condemn the racist regime of South Africa for the current so-called elections in Namibia, its arbitrary arrests and detention of Namibian patriots and its mobilization to carry out new acts of aggression against my country, Zambia, and the People's Republic of ~Angola. The Assembly must ,also d;raw ,the attention of the Security Council to the grave situatIon in Namibia arising from the manoeuvres of the Pretoria Facists, and urge the Council to act decisively in accordance with its responsibilities under the Charter of the United Nations. Given the likelihood that the situation in Namibia will in the weeks and months ahead become even more complex and dangerous for- international peace and security, this Assembly must agree to meet in a resumed session to consider the problem of Namibia in all its aspects and to take appropriate measures in the light of the special responsibility of the United Nations over the Territory. 5-1...... In its frantic attempts to consolidate its stranglehold on Namibia, racist South Africa continues to commit acts of aggression against my country and the People's Republic of Angola. In so doing South Africa seeks to deter. the Namibian patriots from prosecuting their struggle, by destroying their reliable rear bases. This will not happen. The liberation movement will continue to prosecute its struggle right inside Namibia for as long as South Africa refuses to terminate its illegal occupation of their territory. For our part, we shall continue our support for the liberation movement, for we believe that this is a burden we must carry on behalf of the United Nations and, indeed, all progressive countries and peoples that believe in the cause ofjustice and freedom. 58. At this juncture let me draw the attention of this Assembly to a communication received recently by my Government from South Africa. It reads as follows: "It has come to the knowledge of the South Mrican Government that the concentrations of SWAPO terrorists 63. Mr. BAD! (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (interpretation from Arabic): At this same time last year the General 64. In view of the continuing deterioration of the situa- tion in the region, the General Assembly decided at its last regular sessioJ:l to keep this subject under review and to convene a special session to consider the question of .Namibia, since there had been a constant deterioration in the situation over time and it c':-nstituted a threat to international peace and security. The General Assembly held its ninth special session, on the question of Namibia, 10 years after the fifth special session, devoted to the same subject. 65. After more than 12 years had passed since the ending of the South African administration of Namibia, the General Assembly felt that the situation there was only growing worse and therefore it was time to hold another special ~ession to consider the deterioration of the situation in the region and the continued defiance of the South African racist entity, and to determine what deterrent measures the Organization .could adopt against that racist entity. At its ninth special session the General Assembly adopted a Declaration on Namibia and a Programme of Action for achieVing the right to self-determination and national independence for that Territory. The General Assembly once aga.in affirmed, in its resolution, the inalienable rigM of the people of Namibia to self-determina- tion, freedom and national independence, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples set forth in General As~mbly resolution 1514 (XV) adopted on 14 December 1960. Before the special session was convened, the representatives of the Western countries in the Security Council tried as usual to prevent the holding of the special sessi.ort on the pretext that the time was not appropriate, since they were making great efforts to reach a compromise with the South Mrican racist entity as a l)'asis for a peaceful settlement of the question of Namibia. 66. Those attempts of the Western countries caused concern and doubt among the African peoples and a great many other peace-loving peoples in the world. The Western countries announced their plan after the decision had been taken to hold a: special session of the General Assembly and just a few days before the convening of that session. That attitude of those countries is, to say the least, astonishing, and my delegation expressed its astonishment at that attitude at the ninth special session of the General Assembly. My delegation also expressed concern- at ·the attempts to bring about a stalemate at the session so that 68. Thus, the Western Powers began their attempts by pretending to seek a peaceful solution to the problems of southern Africa. But if those "good offices" and those efforts did indeed have a beginning, one cannot easily see their end. They will continue as long as those people who offer their good offices fmd anyone willing to listen to them and succumb to their bluff. 69. At the ninth special session of tho General Assembly, devoted to the question of Namibia, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Canada said on 25 April 1978 at the end of his statement that South Africa had accepted the proposal of the Western countries concerning Namibia.8 He also said that that agreement was considered to be an important development in the position of one of the main parties concerIled in this question. 70. However, seven months later the Western Powers are still asking for more time to persuade the iacist entity of South Africa to implement what that entity had already agreed to do under the plan of the Western countries, which appears in Security Council document S/12636, and in the light of the report in document S/12827 submitted by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, pursuant to Se- curity Council resolution 431 (1978). However, that racist entity, when it realized that the fulfilment of its obligations under the report of the Secretary-General concerning the implementation of the Western plan might run counter to its designs and interests, reneged on its acceptance and claimed that the Secretary-General's report, which I have already mentioned, was not in accordance with the Western plan to which the South African entity had agreed. 71. Therefore, after the Security Council had agreed to the Western plan, and after the publication of the Secre- tary-General's report concerning the implementation of tl}.at plan and the establishment of the United Nations Transition Assista."lce Group, in accordance with the Secre- tary-General's report, to verify the implementation of the plan and to guarantee the proper climate for the people of Namibia to enjoy their inalienable rigllt to self-determi- nation, freedom and independence without terrorism, t.lJ.e racist South African entity. rejected all those efforts and 8 Ibid., Ninth Special Session, PlelUlry Meetings, 3rd meeting, paras. 76-106. 72. In 'this connexiofi, t should like to rt\ention a passage htait article 'published in the newspaper the Star on 9 September 1978, entitled '''South Africa will not allow SWAPe lo take over South West Africa", in which Mr. Botha stated: "Wc are not prepared to hand over South West Africa to Marxists and chaos. We Will fight the cruel MId godless tertorists."lO That is wbat M.r. Botha s-aid on taking offkeas Prime Mintst€t of the racist South African .1mtity. That ncist called SWAPe a terrorist organiz:ltion. 'He t'orgot entirely the criminal and terrorist metllods which his regime uses against the people of Namibia, methods which are the very hallmark of his racist regime. That is the logic of the leader of that racist South African entity and that is the logic ofthose who Me in power there. 7S. 'However, it is tlle view of the United Nations and of all the peoples of the world that SWAPO is the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people and that the presence in Namibia of the tacistregime of Dotha and, formerly, that of Vorster is illegal and is based on terrorism and criminal acts against the will of the African people of Namibia and in flagrant violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter and t.'1e resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. That is the manner in which l3otha's regime maintains power. In this connexion, I should like to mention what was said in The New York Times on 20 November 1978 concerning an interview on United States television with the Prime Minister of South Africa, Mr. Botha. Mr. 'Botbaindicated in that interview tllat he would reject United Nations 'Pressure to obtain majority rule in Namibia. According to ,the article, Mr. Botha said: "If an arms embargo is not feasible, I do not think .an. t>il embargo is feaSIble either.~' The article went on to say: ''The retnatk constituted the first acknowledgement by South Africa that it is still obtaining arms from overseas, despite the rnandatol}' embargo imposed by the United Nations Security Council last year.~'I 1 . 79. In that same publication we see the following con- cerning French investments: 74. We.are.all aware that tlteracist South African entity could not stand .alone .against intemationalpublic opinion and the resolutions of the United Nations, without the material, financial .and moral support of the racistorgani- zations and coloniaJist .countries, the ideological and eco- nomic interests .of which.are closely linked to the inte~ests of that racisl entity_ 75. The ~olonialistWestern Powers, which pretend,to feel friendship for the African peoples, are those which, through their .continuous major investments, have made it pOJSible for the racist entity in South Africa to maintain its economy ,and its potential to produce sophisticated weapons, which have ,become a source of concern-indeed, a threat-to neighbouring countries .and to international peace.and security as ,3 whole. 9 SeeOfficial Recf!)l'd~of the Security Council, Thirty-third Year. Suppkmmt for July. AugustandSeptember 1978. 10 Quotedin English by the $peaker. 11!dem. "The United Kingdom still continues to be the most important source of foreign invested capital in South Aflica today. Over 1,000 United Kingdom finns have holdings there.... A number of United Kingdom finns with South African investments, especially those in iron, steel and petro-chemicals, are also partially owned by the United Kingdom Govemment."12 77. With regard to United States investments, in the same publication we see the following: "United States firms constitute the second most im- portant source of foreign investments in South. Africa.... "... United States-based transnationals'direcdy control most of the trade and manufactUring investments in South Africa and Namibia. Also in mining, the South Africa-based mining finance houses have attracted a considerable amount of foreign capital while retaining management control, more than half of the United States capital in South African an~ Namibian mines is directly held by United States transnationals."13 78. Western Germany is the second largest investor in South Africa: '. "Inv~3tment in South Africa by Federal Republic of Germany-based corporations expanded rapidly in the 1960sand the early 1970s, making that country a close rival to the United Statt::s as the second largest source of foreign capital after the United Kingdom." I 4 "France is a comparatively small source of foreign capital for South Africa, a little over 5 per cent of the total. But the French transnational corporations con- tribute significantly to the exploration for and refmement of oil. ., "The importance of French transnational co~porations as collaborators with'South Africa, however, has been in the military field."ls 80. The investments of those countries in South Africa and Namibia~arethe real reason why they support the racist 12 Ann W. Seidman and Neva Makgetla, "Activities of Trans- nationalCaiporations in South Africa" in Notes and documents of the Centre against Apartheid, No. 9/78 (May, 1978), p. 6. Quoted in Englishby the speaker. IS Ibid., p. 7. Idem. 14lbid. Idem. 15lbid., p. 9.Jdem. 81. The Western countries which put forward the plan for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian question-a plan which has been rejected by South Africa-could, if they showed goodwill, bring pressure to bear on the racist regime of South Africa to implement the United Nations resolu- tions, thus. achieving a just settlement of the Namibian problem. But they have so far given no evidence of goodwill or firmness in their efforts. They always ask for more ~;me for their talks with the South African regime, so that that regime may agree to the provisions of the peaceful settlement plan. 82. The Council of Ministers of the Organization of Africdll Unity'{OAUJ, at its thirty-first ordinary session, held in Khartoum from 7 to 18 July 1978 reafflnned the unconditional support of Africa for the national liberation movements, including SWAPO as the only authentic repre- sentative of the people of Namibia; it also declared firmly that Walvis Bay is an integral part ofNamibia and expressed its determination to. condemn any attempt to annex any part of African territory, including Walvis Bay, since that would be in flagrant violation of the territorial integrity of Namibia {see A/33/235 and Co".1, pp. 13-14J. The As- sembly Heads of State and Government of the OAU, at its fifteenth ordinary session, held in Khartoum from 18 to 22 July, reaffirmed their suppod for SWAPO's actions to liberate Namibia. The Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade from 2S to 30 July 1978, reaffumed the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to freedom and independence and also stated that the illegal occupation of Namibia by the illegal racist South African entity was an act of aggression not only against the people of Namibia but also against all the free peoples and countries of Africa, and constituted a threat to international peace and security and a challenge to the authority of the United Nations, which bears the responsibility for putting an end to the racist colonialist rule in Namibia{see A/33/206, p. 43J. 83. The African peoples are the most peace-loving peoples in ilie world and they wish to maintain peace in equality and justice. The peoples are not waging war for the love of war, as do the racist regimes because they can see that peace and security will mean the end of their designs and am.bitions. 84. The African people want peace based on justice and equity. An imposed peace is not real peace and does not guarantee security; that kind of peace is rejected by the peoples struggling for independence, freedom and dignity. 85. The acceptance by SWAPO, the sole authentic repre- sentative of the Namibian people, of the principle of negotiations aimed at arriving at a peaceful settlement of the Namibian question is proof of its willingness to achieve ~ace and also evidence of the trust it places in the principles and resolutions of the United Nations. 86. The challenge to the authority of the United Nations posed by the racist regime, which has been occupying 87. The racist regime ofSouth Africa continues to practise the policy of terrorism against the indigenous people of' Namibia; it cont!nues to imr:::son political leaders who support SWAPO. All these actions should make the United Nations determined to eliminate the illegal regime in Namibia and see to it that the Namibian people can exercise their right to self-determination and independence. 88. It is strange and, indeed, deplorable that this regime has been able to hold out thus far and to continue to defy the United Nations Charter and disregard the decisions and resolutions taken by the General Assembly and the Security Council. It is even more astonishing and even more deplorable that this regime can fmd support in countries which are among the ftrst signatories of the United Nations Charter, countries which encourage, foster and support the South African regime even while it defies the Charter and the decisions ofthe United ~ations. 89. It is deplorable that, after all the acts of aggression committed by that regime, all the violations of human rights it has perpetrated, that it can still find adv,ocates amongst those same countries which have set themselves up as champions and defenders ofhuman rights. Human rights have be.en talked about a great deal. It is as ifthese human rights were not the concern of the African people, whose most fundamental human rights have been.violated. 90. In the General Assembly today we must urgently take appropriate measures to put an end to the illegal adminis- tratio~ by the South African entity in Namibia. My delegation feels that the follOWing measures should be taken. 91. First, effective material and moral support should be given to SWAPO, which is the sole genuine representative of the people of Namibia in order to enable that people, under the leadership of SWAPO, to pursue the strufgle until victory has been achieved against the illegal regime of South Africa. 92. Secondly, support mould be given to neighbouri!lg countries so that they can stand up to repeated acts of aggression committed by the South African racist entity in violation of their territorial integrity. 93. 'Thirdly, the racist entity should be condemned for plundering the riches of Namibia. So long as that nSgime s~p!y null and void and in no way legal. 95. Fifthly, no recognition should be given to a settlement in Namibia unless that settlement has been achieved under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation and approval of SWAPO, the sole representative of the people of Namibia. 96. Sixthly, there should be condemnation of all States and racist regimes which flout the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations and continue to have dealings with the racist entity. 97. Seventhly, the Security Council should be asked to take effective urgent measures against the racist regime in South Africa, including a total economic embargo binding on &11 countries against the racist regime. 98. Eighthly, since the situation is dangerous and is a threat to internationaf peace and security, the Security Council should take urgent and effective measures in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter against the racist regime in South Africa which has caused the deterioration of the situation in that part of the world in order to counter the threat to international peace and security. 99. Ninthly, draft resolutions submitted to the General Assembly on this point should be adopted by consensus. 100. I should like to reaffirm that the people of the libyan Arab Jamahiriya will continue to support and assist their Namibian brothers as much as possible in their struggle for independence and freedom under the leadership of SWAPO, the sole genuine representative of that people. I should -also like to express gratitude on behalf of my country and Government to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for the efforts he has made to this end. 101. In conclusion, my delegation thanks the United Nations Council for Namibia and the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries 4ll1d Peoples for the most valuable inform~tion they have provided in their reports. My delegation approves of the substance of those reports and expresses the hope 'that the draft resolutions will be adopted.

In all the deliberations concerning Namibia in the various bodies of the United Nations we have proceeded from two basic principles: that only the Namibians themselves have the right to decide about their future, and that until the independence of the Territory has been achieved, its administration should be the responsibility of the United Nations. 103. Since the General Assembly terminated South Africa's Mandate over the Territory in 1966, both the 104. South Africa has persistently refused to comply with the resolutions of the Organization as well as with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice in 1971,16 stating South Africa's obligation to withdraw its presence from the Territory. The illegal occupation of Namibia has continued. So has the repression of the Namibian people and the continuous violation of their human rights. 105. Repeated attempts have been made by South Africa to destroy the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. One example of this is South Africa's efforts to detach Walvis Bay from the Territory. The area has become heavily militarized by reason of the presence. of foreign armed forces and serves as a base for attacks on neighbouring countries. South Africa has not hesitated to use its considerable economic power to exploit Namibia and its natural resources to the detriment of present and future generations of the Namibian people. 106. In persistent defiance of United Nations decisions. of all demands and appeals by the world community and of its own obligations under the Charter, South Africa has continued its occupation and its domination of the Terri- tory. It is understandable that in their despair and faced with brutal oppression the N~pian people, having tried innumerable peaceful ways and means to achieve liberation and individual freedom, in the end have seen no other alternative but to resort to armed struggle. 107. During the past 18 months the five Western countries in the Security Council have made serious efforts to reach a negotiated settlemCint. The Swedish Government has sup- ported those efforts. We still find it important and necessary to explore every possible peaceful alternative which could further and support the legitimate rights and interests of the Narnibian people. 108. The proposals of the five Western countries for a negotiated settlement, together with the information gathered by Mr. Ahtisaari, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, dUring his survey mission to Namibia last August, formed the basis for the report that the Secretary- General submitted to the Security Council on 29 August,1 7 In that report, the Secretary-General suggested that a United Nations operation be undertaken in Namibia as quickly as possible in accordance with the detailed pro- posals made-in the report. ~ 110. By its statement on 20 September,18 in which it presented a number of reservations to the plan, South Africa put a sudden stop to this promising process. It did so in spite of the fact that it had accepted the proposals of the five Western cOlmtries in April this year. South Africa's acceptance, as well as the SWAPO subsequent agreement to a solution along these lines, were in fact a prerequisite for the adoption of Security Council resolution 431 (1978) of 27 July on the basis of which the United Nations plan was initiated. The South African statement on 20 September could only invite new suspicions about South Africa's goodwill and real intentions. 111. In its resolution 435 (1978) of 29 September the Security Council, firmly intent on countering any possible attempts by South Africa to bar the road to independence for Namibia, approved the report of the Secretary-General and decided to establish a United Nations presence in Namibia in accordance with the report of the Secretary- General. 112. The outcome of the discussions in Pretoria between the Western Foreign Ministers and the South African Government in mid-October further reduced our hopes that a negotiated settlement and an orderly transition to independence in Namibia could be achieved at an early date. In spite of this meeting and in spite of the subsequent Security Council resolution 439 (1978) of 13 November, South Africa chose once again to defy the United Nations and the authority of the Security Council by holding the internal elections. 113. As we see it, South Africa's persistence in proceeding with the internal elections was dictated only by its interest in boosting leaders of its own choice, to create further political confusion and divergence among the Namibians and thus jeopardize the whole process of free and fair elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations. It is obvious that South Africa fears the verdict of the people in free and fair elections. Recent arrests of SWAPO leaders and officials clearly demonstrate the extent of this fear. .' 114. The situation has now reached a difficult and dangerous stage. South ,Africa's unilateral actions have endangered the principles on which the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibia is founded. They have also rendered the efforts of the Secretary-General to discharge his duties in this respect extremely complicated and delicate, as his recent reports to the Security Council well indicate. 115. In a few weeks' time we may be in a better position to judge the possibilities of successfully carrying out the 18 Ibid., document S/128S3. 116. There are indeed certain principles from which we must not deviate in our present and future discussions and actions concerning the Namibian problem. To be represen- tative of the will of the Namibian people, future leaders of the nation must be chosen in free and fair elections.-We belie'fe that leaders chosen under South African protection and control would be not only ll.l1representative but also more than likely to serve South African interests. But the world community cannot accept solutions which would imply a condonation of a continued illegal occupation of Namibia or South African future domination of the Territory. It is therefore important that the internal elections be declared nulIand void and that no recognition' be accorded by the United Nations or any Member State to any representatives or organs established by such aprocess. We must not accept attempts to create a de facto situation based on illegality. 117. We cannot assess the present critical situation with- out taking into account the kind of intentions the South African regime harbours with regard to Namibia. In view of South Africa's previous actions, we suspect that the leaders in Pretoria will not make the remaining steps on ~e road to Namibia's independence easier to take. We have reason to expect all kinds of schemes and excuses intended to make the process'cumbersome and, at worst, more doubtful. 118. Prime Minister Botha's opening statement before the Western Foreign Ministers in Pretoria on 16 October reveals in no uncertain terms that South Africa is seeking a solution in Namibia not in the interest of the Namibian people, but solely in the interest of South Africa itself. Moreover, he tries at the same time to convey the idea that his own interpretation of what the situation requires coincideswith that ofthe Western Powers~ That posture, we would hope, was treated by his guests for what it was: an affront to the very purpose of the visit to be firmly refuted by those Powers. More serious, however, is the implication in Prime Minister Botha's statement that South Africa has in practice ruled out the possibility of a SWAPO Govern- ment in Namibia. If this is so, we can only expect new efforts and acts by South Africa to sabotage the United Nations plan. Although such efforts might serve some short-term South African interests, the leaders of South Africa cannot be unaware of the highly dangerous con- sequences of such a policy. If SWAPO is not afforded full and equal opportunities to take part in the process and to organize its electoral preparations, the inherent risks not only to South Africa itself but to peace and security in the area as a whole are too obvious to be elaborated. 119. Judging from past and present experience it should by now be totally clear that the short-term obj~ctives of the South African regime cannot be reconciled with the aspirations of the Namibian people. The world community has given its unanimous support to those aspirations and considers them to be in full hannony with the principles of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. SWAPO and the people of 120. After the Pretoria meeting in mid-October, the South Africans might feel even more tempted to raise new problems and obstacles. The outcome of these talks may well have diminished their misgivings about the likelihood of pressure and reprisals by the five Western Powers, as that very meeting made the rest of us realize more clearly the limib to which the five countries are able and ready to go in pressing South Africa to comply with the relevant Security Council resolutions. But during this critical time it must be made clear to South Africa-by the five Western Powers and by all of us as Members of the United Nations-that continued failure to comply with the relevant Security Council resolutions will indeed compel the Secu- rity Council to initiate appropriate actions. including sanctions. 121. In the context of the situation prevailing in South Africa itself, the Security Councll took an important step when it adopted resolution 418 (1977) on a mandatory arms embfal'go. That resolution will also have a bearing on the situation in Namibia in view of the heavy South African mllituy build-up thel:' This makes it even more important to secure the full implementation of the resolution. But the Security Council will also have to examine in what respects the anns embargo can be complemented by other measures . of relevance to the situation in Namibia. It would seem, for instance, that measures taken with a view to achieving the cessation of further foreign investments in South Africa would also have the effect of increasing the pressure upon South Africa to abandon its present posture on Namibia. 122. The world community must now stand firm and show • willingness and readiness to support the United Nations in its task of assisting the Namibian people in the difficult and delicate process of orderly transition to independence. The Swedish Government remains com- mitted to contribute, in a United Nations Namibia opera- tion which is supported by all parties concerned. We have StlWOrted SWAPO for a number of years and we stand ready to assist the first Government of Namibia to emerge through free and fair elections. The new State will most probably need a good deal of assistanCC' from tht very beginning of its existence and, indeed, during the transi- tional period precedina independence. To build. politicaDy and economically independent Namibia will not be an easy task. Following the long occupation by South Africa. Namibia will accede to independence as a nation deprived of national cadres. technical know-how, and an adequate infrastructure. It is a country where the productive re- sources are monopolized by foreign capiW. 123. It is against that background that the Swedish Government jointly with the other Nordic Governments recently pledged a Nordic contribution of. total close to SS million for the United Nations Natiunhood Programme for Namibia. This Programme can provide the necessary oYer-all framewodc and co-ordination of the assistance to 125. The present debate is beginning at a time of great tension. when the racist Pretoria regime has illegally proceeded to the unilateral organization of elections in Namibia. openly violating the sacred right of the Namibian people to choose for itself the path towards its economic and social development and defying in the most cynical way the responsibilities of the United Nations towards that Territory. 126. The serious situation created in Namibia, at this moment crucial to the fate of the people of the Territory, requires resolute action by the United Nations General Assembly to fulfil as a matter of urgency the solemn obliglltion it assumed 12 years ago, under resolution 2145 (XXI), to give the Namibian people the appropriate assistance to ensure its self-determination and national independence. 127. In full solidarity with the struggle waged by the oppressed peoples of the colonies to put an end to foreign dominlltion and to forge their independent future, Romania-which is also a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia-has associated itself with the actions taken by our Organization to put an end to the illegal colonial regime in Namibia and to ensure that the Namibian people's aspirations to freedom' and independence are fulfilled without delay. 128. There can be no doubt that recently there have been new developments in the struggle of the Namibian people, as well as in the efforts of the States members of the OAU and of the United Nations, to bring about the liberation of Namibia. Those developments have brought our Organiza- . tion closer than ever before to the fulfilment of its historic responsibilities in regard to decolonization and the evolu- tion of Namibia as a unitary, sovareign and independent State. 129. On the other h~d, we have witnessed an activation of the reactionary and backward forces of the racist regimes, which, confronted by the irreversible process of the accession of peoples to independence, are _trying to perpetuate the colonial system of dominanon and the looting of the national wealthin southern Africa. The racist regimes resort to diversionary actions, to so-called internal settlements, in order to prolong their domination, by other means. The Pretoria regime, whose future has been placed in grave doubt by the current -historic developments, is taking strenuous action to maintain its dominant position • in Namibia, by setting up-in defiance of the will of the Namibian people and the injunctions of the United Na- tions-a colonialist-type regime subjugated to South Africa. Such actions, condemned by the international community, maintain the state of crisis and tension in southern Africa and exert a negative influence on the international atmos- phtre. 131. It is to the credit of the United Natin'-:;; that in its actions to eliminate the colonial phe; .1I.JD, it has recognized and enshrined the legitim? • the colonial peoples' right to resort to any mer_''', including armed struggle, to abolisir colonial domination and to achieve its development in cOl"plete freedom. The intensification of the liberation struggle in Namibia and the international suppc,rt given to the Namibian people and its natic,nal liberation movement, SWAPO, as its legitimate~ authentic representative, have created the necessary conditions to solve the problem of Namibia by the peaceful method of negotiations. 132. Faced by those facts, South Afnca was compelled to accept diplomatic talks aimed at granting independence to Namibia, in accordance with Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which provides for Namibia's accession to independence through the holding of free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations. Never- theless, subsequently, South Mrica-disregarding the will of the Namibian people and defying the demands of the international community, including the Security Coun(;il, as well as the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, who has all our support-resorted to a whole series of manoeuvres to circumvent the arrangements envisaged in resolution 385 (1976), to maintain its control over the Territory of Namibia and to continue to plunder its national weaWl, 133. Continuing the diversionary action it began in 1975 with the organization of the so-called Turnhalle Con~thu­ tional Conference, South Mrica availed itself of the period ofnegotiation on the accession of Namibia to independence as a respite to adopt new unilateral measures designed to achieve a semblance of decoloRization of Namibia and confront the international community with a fait accompli. The unilateral appointment of a South Mrican Admin- istrator-General in Namibia and the registration of voters in the Territory; the stepped-up militarization of Namibia and the creation of tribal armies; the intensification of repres- sive measures against Namibian patriots, and in particular against SWAPO; acts of aggression against Angola and Zambia; the massacre of SWAPO refugees in Kassinga- those are but some of the arbitrary acts of South Africa in defiance -of those who have committed themselves to undertaking political negotiations on Namibia with the Pretoria regime. 134. South Africa's refusal to conform with the demands in resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978), the responses 135. How else can we label the latest acts of violence and intimidation-the arrest a'1d imprisonment of Namibian patriots and leaders of SWAPO and the reinforcement by the Pretoria authorilies of the military fortifications in Namibia-a Territory that is under the jurisdiction of the United Nations-with a view to launching an armed attack on Angola-but as aggressive and reactionary? World public opinion and all peace-loving States quite rightly deplore these events and aggressive acts by the South African authorities and express their solidarity with and su,port for the just cause of the Namibian people and the young independent State of Angola, which is bent on ensuring and defending its independence and national sovereignty. 136. Such reprehensible acts on the part of the Pretoria authorities constitute a serious disregard for the legitimate right to freedom and national independence of the people of Namibia and the peoples of southern Africa, and a challenge to the entire African continent. They increase tension in southern Africa and maintain hotb~ds of tension and conflict on the Mrican continent and in international life as a whole. 137. The arrogant position adopted by South Africa leads us to conclude that the Pretoria authorities have not understood the meaning of the innovative changes that are occurring in our contemporary world and have learned nothing from the developments of the post-war era. In this connexion we could not close our eyes to the very specific responsibility a51'>umed by thor.e States that have political and diplomMic relations wit.h the Pretoria regime and whose econorrJc iIlti~rests favour the maintenance of racist regimes in souI'.hern Mr:~a. and create obstacles to the accession of the Namibian people to independence. 138. It is high time for South Africa to recall the outcome of colonial war:'~ waged against oppressed peoples and their national libentiion movements as well as of the attempts of the former colonial Powers to perpetuate, by means and methods old and new, their domination over the peoples of the colonies. The time has come for the whole world, South Africa included, to understand that progress in today's society requires the speedy and defmitive elimination as soon as possible of the phenomenon of colonialism in all its forms. 139. Romania in the past has already emphasized that the settlement of the question of Namibia by political means requires first and foremost that South Africa commit itself clearly and unequivocally,' through concrete action, to respect the fundamental right of the people of Namibia to deCide their own destiny without foreign interference and to choose their own economic and social development. 141. Such measures should be predicated on the very seriousne~,s of the sitnation in Namibia, which endangers the pea~e and security of the continent of Africa, and should take into account the di,~ct responsibility of the General Assembly vis-a-vis Namibia until it reaches inde- pendence. 142. My delegation wish~s to join in the wave of protest throughout the world engendered by South Africa's holding of unilateral elections in Namibia, which constitutes a flagrant violation of the right of the Namibian people freely to decide upon its own future and a deliberate step towards a new unilateral proclamation of fictitious independence in Namibia aimed at the perpetuation of colonial domination in that Territory. We also associate ourselves with the general condemnation of the intensification of the oppres- sive measures of the Pretoria authorities against Namibian patriots. 143. As was emphasized in the plenary meetings of the General Assembly by the head of the SWAPO delegation [74th meeting]. in present circumstances it is necessary to strengthen the support accorded to the people of Namibia in the struggle that it is waging by every means to achieve independence and national unity and parry the dangers created by the manoeuvres, overt and covert, of South Africa. 144. In the view of my delegation the fT'lited Nations should take detennined and urgent measur",.. to guarantee the territorial int.:grity and independence of Namibia, and the withdrawal by South Africa of its troops, its police forces and its illegal administration from the Territory, and to support by every means the legitimate struggle for liberation of the Namibian people and create conditions conducive to the organization of free and democrlltic elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations. 145. The proposals and suggestions made by SWAPO, as well as the recommendations cOJ'ltained in the report drafted for this year by the United Nations Council for Namibia [A/33/24], whose activities are being conducted under the praiseworthy presidency of Miss Gwendoiine Konie, the representative of Zambia, provide important indicators in the search for the most effective measures to enable the United Nations to discharge to the full the responsibilities it has assumed towards the Namibian people. The Security Council, which is seized of the serious situation in Namibia, should in our opinion act as firmly as possible in ~rder to ensure the implementation of its resolutions concerning this Territory in order to persuade South Africa to abandon its nefarious plans, and to speed up the realization of the legitimate aspirations of the Namibian people to freedom and independence. 146. Romania consistently pursues a policy of militant solidarity with all peoples struggling for their free and 147. My country was the first to conclude an international document with SWAPO, which was a conspicuous con- tribution to the international recognition of that movement as the legitimate representative of the Namibian people. 143. Referring to the links of friendship and solidarity between Romania and Namibia, President Nicolae Ceau~escu stated in a message addressed in August last to the President of SWAPO, Sam Nujoma: "I should like once again on this occasion to reaffirm our complete political, diplomatic, moral and material support for the national liberation struggle of the Namibian people until it is crowned with success and ~omania's desire to develop broad relations of friendship and co-operation with independent Namibia for the benefit of both peoples and of peace and international understanding...." 149. The Government and people of Romania resolutely demand that the Pretoria authorities end forthwith their acts of armed intervention against the African States and respect their independence and sovereignty, and that they end their illegal occupation of Namibia so that the Namibian people may be able freely to exercise their inalienable right to live in freedom and dignity, in con- formity with their legitimate aspirations and the will expressed by the international community. 150. At one with the just cause of the people of Namibia, and aware of the direct responsibility of the United Nations towards th' ; country, the Romanian delegation intends to work at this session al~o, together with other delegations, for the adoption of strong measures, as required by the situation and in keeping with the hope that the Namibian people have in the ability of the United Nations to contribute actively to the achievement of their aspirations to freedom, independence and progress. _

The questien of Namibia is an important issue on which the peoples of the world are focusing their attention today. It is the urgent demand of the Narnibian people to put an immediate end to the colonial rule of the South African racist regime over Namibia, so that the people of Namibia can win genuine independence. This is also the strong desire of the entire African people as well as all the i:ountries and peoples that ·stand for justice. The United Nations must perform its bounden duty in this regard. 152. For more than half a century, the people of Namibia, advancing wave upon wave, have waged heroic and tena- cious struggles to overthrow the colonial rule and illegal occupation of the South African racist authoritias and to . win national independence and liberation. In recent years, under the leadership ofSWAPO and with the support of the African countries and p~ople and the people of thp, rest of the woild. they have resolutely taken up alms and undertaken armed struggles. Starting from scratch, the armed forces of the Namibian people have grown from 153. The South African authorities are a handful of most reactionary and die-hard racists and colonialists. Over the years, they have stubbornly persisted in their illegal rule over Namibia, wilfully carrying out brutal racist oppression and exploitation. Under the impact of the Namibian people's armed struggle, their military suppression has been repeatedly frustrated, their political tricks have gone bankrupt one after another, and they are beset wjth troubles both at home and abroad. But instead of changing their course, they have continued to put up a last-ditch struggle. Last April, they were for a time compelled to feign "commitment" to withdraw their troops gradually from Namibia and to terminate theh illegal rule there. But in the twinkling of an eye they revealed their true colours by launching armed aggression against Angola and Zambia successively and sending reinforcements to Namibia for intensified massacre of the Namibian people. Not long ago, they brazenly went back on their own commitment on various excuses and blatantly announced their intention to enforce their notorious "internal settlement". On 13 November, the Security Council adopted resolution 439 (1978), condemning the South African authorities for their intransigence and calling upon them immediately to cancel the phony "elections" they had planned and to implement the relevant Security Council resolutions. How- ever, turning a deaf ear to all this, the South African authorities, impenitent as ever, have insisted on staging the farce of "elections". At the same time, they have proceeded to arrest a large number of the leading members of SWAPO and to persecute Narnibian patriots on a wider scale. Und·.lr these circumstances, is it not a sheer hoax for the South African authorities to "reiterate" their willingness to "co-operate" with the United Nations as they did in their recent reply to the Secretary-General? The developments over the past six months fully demonstrate that no matter how the South African racist authorities may change their tactics, their objective rem..ms the same, that is, to rig up a puppet regime through the illegal "elections" under their single-handed manipulation so as to turn Namibia into another Transkei. This also shows that like all reactionaries in history, the South African racists, whether Vorster or Botha, will always put up a desperate fight by all means before their fmal doom and will never step down from the stage of history of their own accord. 154. Nevertheless, the Namibian people are heroic and dauntless people who have been tempered in protracted struggle. They realize that before the South African racist authorities lay down their arms, the only reliable guarantee for defeating the enemy is to keep on intensifying the armed struggle and augmenting the people's strength. At the same time, they are aware that the South Afriean racist authorities have been so arrogant and recalcitrant because they have the support and apetment of a super-Power. The 155. The Chinese Government and people have always firmly supported the Namibian people in their just struggle against colonialism and racism and for natio~lal inde- pendence and liberaJion. We sternly condemn the South African racist regime for its illegal occupation of Namibia and the farce of phony elections it is currently staging in Namibia. We have always firmly maintained that the Narnibian people should attain genuine national inde- pendence on the basis of territorial integrity and unification and free from any external interference. The South African racist regime must immediately, totally and unconditionally withdraw all its military and police force as well as its administra1,;on from Namibia and terminate forthwith its illegal occupation of Namibia. 156. In our view, the wanton challeng~ of the South African racist authorities must be dealt with seriously. The General Assembly should ask the Security Council not to confme itself to condemning the South African authorities for their reactionary doings and declaring its stage-managed phony elections as illegal and null and void, but to take effective measures, including mandatory sanctions, against the South African racist regime in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter as rightly demanded by the Af:tican States. 157. We are convinced that with the support of the people of Africa and the rest of the world, the Namibian people, heightening their vigilance, strengthening their unity, per- severiI'~ in struggle and firmly rejecting super-Power med- dlinfj.. " sabotage, will win ftnal victory in their struggle for nanonal independence. The road may be tortuous, but the future is bright.

Not long ago we r.~d occasion to state before the' Security Council the views of my delegation concerning the events taking place in Namibia.. 9 At that time, we stressed the solidarity of the people and GoVelTh'"11ent of Cuba with ~e heroic struggle of the people of Namibia for self- determination and independence, and our unambiguous support of SWAPO as the sole lawful representative of that people. 159. Despite the tortuous attitude of some Powers, committed in the internat~onal community to furthering the peaceful solution of the problem of Namibia and 191bid.• Thirty-third Year, 2095th meeting. 160. But thc time is coming to place responsibility and to adopt energetic measures against those who seek to make a mockery of this Organization and who disregard the decisions of the international community. Never before has thc Namibian conflict had such ominous characteristics. The Power which illegally occupies that Territory has rejected the agreements which were to facilitate the exercise by the Narnibian people of their full sovereign rights and, despite the unanimous condemnation by the peoples of the world and explicit rejection by the Namibian patriots, and has set up an electoral farce which only bears comparisoll with the treacherous greed of Sithole and Muzorcwa in their alliance with the degrading regime of the butcher Ian Smith. 161. Just imagine for one moment what the world would be like if it were made up only of Vorsters and Bothas-a world of apartheid and exploitation where a corrupt and fealSome clique would impose the "peace" of the mono- polies, in other words, the peace of the grave, upon those whom they had previously dispossessed of their lands, of the fruit of their iabours and of their very human conditioll. That would be a kind of universal white Little Rock, with a fanatic Faubus at its head. That, no more and no less, is what lies behind the fraudulent elections held on 6 December in Namibia by the South African racists, with the complicity of the so-called Turnha!le Democratic Alliance. 162. Not even the capitalist press-which, of course, devotes major headlines to this disgraceful masquerade-has been able to muzzle the implicit mendacity of such "elections", TI,e New York Times correspondent admitted in his report from Omamundungo that: , ". __ in the booths where the voting is taking place there were white officials who guided the hands of those voting when they went to mark their papers and, in some cases, they directly filled out the ballot papers." 163. That is the procedure which the racists ofMr. Botha are trying to sell to the United Nations as an exercise of the sovereign free will of the people of Namibia. That band of hoodlum:: acts in that way because it is supported by the transnational companies and the monopoly capital of the mabr countries of the West. Should we still trust in those self-tiJclared "good intentions" with respect to Namib~a and Zimbabwe'! Is it really possible to have confidence in thos:e who-having close economic links with Pretoria-have obstructed at all costs the carrying out of the will of the General Assembly and the Security Council to put an end to;) t.~e illegal occupation of Namibia? 164. Thus far, the only true and irrefutable fact is that the racist Government of South Africa has systematically and with impunity violated the resolutions of this Organization; that it is trying tl) perpetuate its domination over Namibia; and that the main beneficiaries of the exploitation of the 166. Yesterday the representative of SWAPO, comrade Theo Ben Gurirab confinned this, when he said: "The much publicized Western initiative, which has lasted about 19 months, since April last year, was originally presented as a serious effort to break the stalemate. Frankly, this has not been achieved and from all we hear, see and know there is no prospect whatsoever that tl-,e South African racists will change and accellt the Vnited Nations demands and directives intended to bring about the transfer of power from that illegal colonial administration to the patriots of Namibia, in accordance with agreed principles." [74th meeting, para. 44.} 167. This process of lies, challenges and shilly-shallying leads us inevitably to conclude that it is no longer possible to go on maintaining these so-called negotiations without seriously compromising, indeed undermining, the cause of freedom and independence for Namibia. We agree with the representative of SWAPO that there are only two options: to continue the armed struggle until the final collapse of the racists or, if independence has to be won by peaceful means, to apply strictly the relevant General ASSembly and Security Council resolutions, however much it might cost the South African colonialists and the foreign interests which support and maintain them. 168. No Member of this Organization, least of all those which have special obligations as members of the Security Cmmcil, has any right or authority to disregard United 1"T"lk',,, resdutions. The international ·community must ':'i';ht '.)uce ~n~ for all the attempts to prevent the ;~"'ndence ~., ~larnibia by in.stalling a puppet regime ... tne"dg·,' SWAPO as the sole legal repreSentative .ne people of Namibia must be reaffirmed and the electoral farce being carried out by the racists with their Turnhalle puppets must be declared null and void. Above all, the Security Council must be asked to fulfll all its obligations and to use all the means provided by the Charter, including the imposition of sanctions as provided for in Chapter VII, to see.' that its resolutions are imple- mented by the Pretoria regime. 169. The letter addressed by SWAPO to the Secretarj- General on 8.September affinneq that: "The objective of the struggle of the people ofNarnibia,- under their National Liberation Movement, SWAPO, has always been and remains the total liberation of our country."20 20 Ibid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1978, document S/12841, annex, para. 2. 170. The struggle in the southern tip of Africa is one and the same. The patriots struggling in Zimbabwe against the illegal regime of lan Smith and those in Namibia struggling against the racist occupation and the imposition of a puppet government are confronting a common enemy: imperialism. Its main agent is, of course, the minority tyrannical regime of Pretoria which, besides oppressing and exploiting the South African people, extends its acts of aggression and its ambitions to its neighbours, Mozambique 2Ild Angola, and even to other independent countries. That is now an open secret which only those who advocate the expansionist policy of South Africa pretend not to know about, counting on increasing their fabulous gains by exploiting the entire contin~nt. But we must say again that we must now redouble our efforts in the international community to destroy the hydra-headed monster of apartheid. 171. The prestige and the moral and political authority of the United Nations are committed to the independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia and to the eradication of the minority, racist and exploitative re~me of South Africa. The fate of these peoples cannot be left in the hands of an international delinquent rejected by the overwhelming majority of the Member States and the object of sanctions imposed by this Organization. The General Assembly must adopt without further delay an integrated programme of economic sanctions to force South Africa te transfer the powers it has usurped to the people of Namibia. The Security Council must be asked to do the same. 172. Similarly, we must call for the immediate and unconditional release of the six leaders and other officials of SWAPO who were brutally arrested by the South .African racists on 3 December. Cuba calls for the release of the patriots imprisoned in Windhoek-Daniel Tjongarero, Mokganedi Tlhabanello, Lucia Hamutenya, Axel JohannF3 and John Konjore-who have been accused l!.Dder the so-called Terrorism Act, promulgated by the apartheid regime in order to do away with those struggling for national liberation and independence. 179. In the period after the debate at the ninth special session of the General Assembly, the Pretoria regime effectively itltensified its offensive military network and increased its unlawful tactics of repression, intimidation . and sabotage against SWAPO, the legitimate representative of the Nanrlbian people in order to deny to Namibia ,its inalienable right to real freedom and total independence. In Cus connexion, we remind the General Assembly that b'arely six days after the end of the ninth special session of the General Assembly, the Security Council met to consider the murder by South African troops of hundreds of refugees of SWAPO in the village of Kassinga who had been pursued even outside Namibian territory. Similarly, on the domestic front, the South Africaii regime has unleashed Mr. Vunibobo (Fiji), Vice-President, took the Chair. 173. In their heroic struggle for a united Namibia, including the Walvis Bay area, which,' would be a free, independent and sovereign nation, the SWAPO freedom fighters will always have the Cuban revolutionary forces and all progressive mankind at their side. We have no doubt whatsoever of the fmal victory. The peoples of ~outhern Africa will one day be among the Members of this Organization, even the black people of South Africa. It is our bounden d'uty at tltis time to bring that day nearer.

The General' As- sembly is once again considering the serious situation which 175. The international community can do little in the face of the obstinacy and intransigence of the South African racist Government, which in open defiance of the United Nations and the conscience of the world, is flagrantly violating the numero~ resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. 176. The unyielding attitude of the Government ofSouth Africa, which is leading the United Na'tions to a watershed, cannot be considered as anything but an insult to and mockery of the international community. At the same time, it shoVls disregard for the dignity and worth of the Namibian people. 177. My delegation does not believe it is necessary to recall once again the unlawfulness and the inherently aggressive nature of the occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of South Africa. General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), Security Council resolution 276 (1970), and the ruling of the International Court of Justice on the question of Namibia all. proscribe and condemn South Africa's presence in the Territory. 178. My delegation expressed its concern in the debate on this question during the ninth special session of the General Assembly in May of this year, in particular concerning the effectiveness and feasibmty of the Western plan.21 Ex- perience with the intransigent attitude and obstinacy of the South African regime has shown that t}lat Government is not willing to allow Namibia, under the leadership of its authentic and legitimate representatives, to exercise its right to effective self-determination and complete independence. 180. Clearly, South Africa is not prepared to carry out the United Nations programme granting independence to Namibia. From the beginning, the United Nations has said that the basic principle is that self-detenraination and the independence of Namibia should be rights exercised by its legitimate and authentic representatives, in other words, SWAPO. The United Nations and the Government of South Africa could r..~ver reconcile their intere!}ts inasmuch ~'l their basic positions on this principle are radically different. 181. Furthermore, the arrogant attitude always taken by the South African Government as regards the violation of Security Council and General Assembly decisions on Namibia is well known. If the racist Governmp.nt wished to co·operate with the United Nations, as its representatives are now trying to say it does, then South Africa at least would have to reconsider its position and respect Security Council resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978). Far from doing so, the racist minority Government has never acknowledged the legitimacy of the demand~ of the international community and has alw~ys !esorted to subterfuges threateninB the unity and integrity ofNamibia. 182. In spite of the "goodWill" shown by the five Western Powers members of the Security·Council in their attempt te bring about a negotiated settlement ..'Vith South Africa by exerting their influence collectively and individually, South Africa has thwarted all their efforts, causing suspicious delegations Hke mine to as..It, quite justifiably, what has happened to the trust and faith we placed in a compromise settlement with South Africa. We note that the five Western Powers have also condemned the internal elections being carried olit in Namibia by the racist regime in Pretori.a and the criminal acts being perpetrated against SWAPO. They have called South Africa's attitude an obstacle to nego- tiation5. 183. My delegation believes that this is not the time for the United Nations to be in a state of stagnation with regard to SQuth Africa. The United Nations must discharge its responsibility with greater determination and make SOuth Africa see reason. 184. We unequivoc.ally condemn the so-called mternal elections which have been heM in Namibia, whose sole aim ~ to set up in the Territory a few pseudo-representatives who might safeguard the interests of dle racist Pretoria 185. It is not necessary to repeat the reply of the South African Government to that decision, bearing in mind that the Security Council was asking South Africa not to hold those elections, but to make the necessary arrangements to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 186. In connexicn with this arrogant attitude on the part of the South African Govemment vis·a-vis United Nations resolutions my delegation wishes to repeat what we have said in the general debate during this session and on other occasions, through our Minister of Public Health and Hygiene, regarding the barbaric policy of domination and racism of the South African Government. On that occasion the head of my delegation stated: "In reaching this important decision on the immediate independence of Namibia, I need hardly refer in this Assembly to the unyielding attitude of the South African racist Government and the various manoeuvres it has attempted for some yea.rs in defiance of the international community. We consider that the time has come to put an end to this state of affairs, which constitutes open disregard of the African countries and is an insult to the international community.n [17th meeting, para. 150.J 187. Here my delegation would like to say that it feels the time has come for the United Nations to take a stand in support of more vigorous action by imposing sanctioas under Chapter VII of the Charter as a last resort to ensure observance of its decisions. 188. My delegation considers that there can tle no satisfactory solution to the Narnibian question without'the full and effective participation of SWAPO as the sole, genuine and legitimate repres~ntative of the Namibian people. Any attempt to replace SWAPO is nothing but a Utopian dream, a denial of reality and an attempt at the bantustanization of the Nll11hbian nation. The international community must not allow the racist South African Government to make such attempts to usurp rights and turn Namibia into bantustans. 189. It is not- the intentIon of my delegation to make speeches or to deliver addresses on the question of Namibia. The international community has been hearing speeches and speaking truths for many years now on the barbaric policy of ~discrimination and' apartheid by the South African Government in Namibia. My delegation wishes to express its unswerving support for the United Nations plan reflecting the proposals of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, regarding the transfer of power over the Terri· tory to the Namibiah people. Also, we would like the international community as a whole to take vigorous and decisive action againllt the South Mrican regime. 191. In conclusion, I would like to reaffirm the con- fidence and the faith of my delegation that, through the sacrifices required by the struggle, the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO will ineVitably achieve victory over the racists and the colonialists in South Africa. 192. Finally, my delegation wishes to announce its spon- sorship of the draft resolutions A/33/L.13, and A/33/L.IS.

On 30 September of this year my delegation spoke before the Security Council and once again made known its position on Narrljbia.22 It was our feeling that the diplomatic outcry which had been so cleverly organized by the five Western Powers was merely a deception, a plot hatched against the Namibian people. We denounced the blackmail and the indescribable pressure which has been exerted against the leaders of SWAPO, and we also stigmatized the treacherous attitude of those who have suddenly arrogated to them- selves the title of the "Messiah of the Namibian people". Some delegations felt that this was a position held by what they called "intransigent, unrealistic and incorrigible elements". But today, after the meeting in Pretoria from 16 to 19 October 1978 of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the five Western members of the Security Council with the Prime Minister of the minority, racist and colonialist regime in South Africa, and also the joint statement which was the outcome thereof-today, when so-called "mternal" elec- tions are being held in NaIT"jbia, surely the perfidy and the treachery of the Western Powers are clear for all to see. 194. The joint statement issued on 19 October 1978 by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the five Western members of the Security Council and the Government of Pretoria23 is a total denial of the commitments entered into by the five Western Powers in their proposed settle- ment of the Namibian question. Even a cursory analysis of the statement and the Western plan clearly reveals the most blatant contradictions. In paragraph 2 of document S/12636 we read that the Western "... proposal for the settlement.· of the Namibian question [is] designed to bring about a transition to independence dUring 1978 within a framework acceptable to the people of Namibia and thus to the international community." And the proposal goes on to say that "the key to an internationally acceptable transition to independence is free elections for the whole of Namibia as one politka! entity ...". 196. The joint statement of 19 October 1978 is very clear on this point. It is "an internal process te elect leaders" ~ As far as the elections are concerned, which the same Western Powers proposed for 1978, they have been miraculously transformed into "subsequent elections" which only can take place when the "leaders"-in other words, the puppets of the Democratic Tumhalle Alliance who the Pretoria regime would thus have installed, had succeeded in gaining some international recognition. 197. Despite the clarity of the text of the joint statement on the nature of the elections at present being held in Namibia, the five Western Powers have bent every effort and directed all their diplomatic know-how to ensuring that this entire political masquerade receives the blessing ofour Organization. 198. Does not paragraph 3 ofthe joint statement, after all, request that the Special Representative of the Secretary- General, Mr. Ahtisaari, return to Namibia and "resume his discussions with the ... Administrator-General"? Doos not paragraph 4 of the joint statement propose that the international recognition of these puppets who are devoted, body and soul, to the defence of capitalistic interests in Namibia should be achieved "through the good offices of the Special Representative"? If this Machiavellian plan were to succeed, the acceptable solution, the solution accepted by the five Western Powers and by Pretoria, would automatically become the solution "acceptable to the people of Namibia and thus to the international com- munity". 199. The spectacular volte-face of the five Western Power.: was foreseeable and could hardly constitute a matter of surprise to my delega.tion. It can be explained by the obstinate refusal of the Western Powers to 100k facts squ2l'ely in the face-that is, to recognize SWAPu as the authentic representative of the Namibian people. This spectacular volte-face results from the fear engendered in the Western Powers by the ever-increasing international acceptance of SWAPO and by tt,,,, victories which the patriotic armed forces of Namibia continue to gain in the field. 200. The elections now taking place in Namibia, with the endorsement of the five Western members of the Security Council, are a reflection of the panic of the sworn enemies of the African peoples about the storm of revolution sweeping through Africa, and particularly f>outhern Africa. 701. Did not the Prime Minister of the racist miilority regime himself recognize this when he stated that "The present situation is delicately poised, and we have to move with caution."? '24 202. Did not Mr. Botha betray his distress when he brandished before his imperialist masters the spectre of communism, instead of attributing the ongoing detetio- 24 Ibid., annex I. 203. The sham elections now being held in Namibia are aimed essentially at stemming the impetuous development of the armed struggle being waged suc<;essfully by SWAPO. The repeated acts of aggression by South Mrica against Namibian refugees, and particularly the aggression com- mitted in Kassinga, in order to annihilate SWAPO; the concentration of a very powerful force, armed to the teeth, on the north-Angolan frontiers; the muzzling of the people of Namibia; the arbitrary arrt'sts and assassinations of many Namibian patriots: all these are part and parcel of this imperialist plot. 204. The history of the past 10 years has clearly shown that Rhodesian-type solutions are extremely precarious and completely inoperative. That is why the delegation of the People's Republic of Benin considers that the only just solution to the Namibian problem is one which leads to Namibia's independence, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions, and particularly resolution 385 (1976). In order to achieve that, the authors of document S/12636 must abide by the commitments they freely made to the international community and must seek, within the United Nations, the ways and means that will enable them to help the people of Namibia to achieve their deep-seated aspirations-namely, freedom, democracy, political independence and national sovereignty. The authors of document S/12636 must understand that the political short-sightedness of the racist Pretoria regime is seriously compromising the tremendous interests which they have in Namibia and that a solution acceptable to the people of Namibia and thus to the international community is the only one which can really help to safeguard their well-understood interests. 205. The overwhelming majority of the international community supports the just "'ciuse of the Namibian people. That is why, in the present circumstances, the General Assembly must draw up a programme of action and measures capable of forcing the Pretoria racists to respect _ the wishes of the international community. The General Assembly, fully aware of the threats to international peace and security inherent in the explosive situation in Namibia, must in the coming weeks or months make the Security Council assume its responsibilities. The radical provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, including those in Article 43, are the only measures that can make it possible f<:!r the United Nations to re-establish its authority and its credi- bility, which have been so damaged. 206. All those who, blinc..::d by their desire to defend their selfish interests which sooner or later must necessarily be called into question, will bear a heavy responsibility in the eyes of history. The manoeuvres and the improper' use of the right of veto will never reverse the tide i)f history. The cause of the oppressed -people of Namibia is a just cause; that is why it will inevitably triumph. 207. Southem Mrica is a part of the world that is marked by the storms of revolution. The dynamism of the progressive and anti-imperialist forces is irreversible. If the

The General Assembly addresses itself anew to the situation in Namibia. One cannot fail to note that, with the South African apartheid regime having held unilateral elections in Namibia from 4 to 8 December 1978 in contravent:.)n and defiance of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) and with the new Botha regime continuing its policy of aggression against the Namibian people and neighbouring States, the situation in that international Territory is not only critical but ominous, and constitutes an escalation of the grave threat to international peace and security. 210. The United Nations since 1965, when the Mandate of South Mrica over Namibia was terminated in accordance with General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), has been doing almost all that is humanly possible to put an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa. As the international community is aware, the International Court of Justice, in its advisory opinion of 21 June 1971, affinned the illegality of that occupation. 211. There is general acceptance that Namibia is the direct responsibility of the United Nations until genuine national independence is achieved, and that for this purpose the United Nations Council for Namibia is the legal Admin- istering Authority for Namibia. There is no room here for the so-called internal settlement. 212. No one can deny that the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, tlleir sole legitimate repre- sentative, as declared by the United Nations, are entitled to exercise their inalienable right to self-determinationt free- dom and national independence in a united Namibia, including Walvis Bay, in accordance-with the United Nations Charter and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [resolu- tion 1514 (XV)], which has been reaffirmed again and again in numerous General Assembly resolutions. 213. My ~clegation had every hope that, with the ~uop­ tion, on 3 May 1978, at the ninth special session, of General Assembly resolution S-9/2, on the Declaration and Programme of Action on Namibia, and Security Council resolutions 385 (1976)t -~ 432 (1978), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978), the South African regime would relent, cease its aggressive acts against the Namibian people and neigh- bouring independent African States, and heed the arrange- ments for·a. negotiated settlement on the question of Namibia that were auspiciously_ initiated by the five Western States members of the Security Council. 214. It should be tecalled that South Africa used every pretext for overturnmg the arrangements for a negotiated settlement and quibbled over the composition of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group. When the 216. Th~ deadline of 25 November 1978 set by the Security Council in its resolution 439 C'178) has come and gone, and the South African aparthe~c.. .Jgime, after having gone through the pretence of complying with the provisions of that resolution, has shown that it never entertained any notion of complying with the Council's injunction not to hold unilateral elections in Namibia. 217. To allQW South Mrica, whose policies have time and . again been declared by our Organization to be a crime against humanity, to persist in its arrogant intransigence and to ignore the United Nations, the Security Council and the General Assembly with its 150 Member States, would be a disaster for all of us. 218. My delegation has come to the conclusion that the United Nations must once and for all make it unmistakably clear to the South African regime in Pretoria, as well as to the illegal white minority racist regime in Salisbury, that the time has come when they can no longer continue their . subjugation and oppression of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe, when they can no longer continue their defiance of the United Nations, when they must be told that their concept of racism and racial superiority are truly obsolete and that their desperate attempts to pursue their colonial ambitions will most assuredly fail because the international community as represented in this universal Organization is firmly determined to fight racism, colo- nialism and apartheid. 219. Surely after all these years the United Nations has given the racist and illegal regimes every opportunity to vindicate themselves and to show their co-operation with our Organization. What is to be done in these circum- stances? 220. The authority of the United Nations Council for Namibid as Administering Authority should and must be asserted. The General Assembly and the Security Council must in concerted action see to it that that is done. The unilateral elections and their results must be declared null and void ab initio. The United Nations and its Member States must deny recognition to any administration in- stalled. in Windhoek that is the illegal product of unilateral elections. . . 221. If South Africa does not comply with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the Genen,l Assembly, it' seems to my delegation that the United Nations will have no option left but to meet the challenge to its authority in accordance with the relevant provisions of the United Nations Charter. 222. Sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter are clearly called for. It is at the 223. Furthermore, the United Nations must ensure the territorial integrity of Namibia, the implementation of the Nationhood Programme for Namibia, the protection of the rights and interests of the Namibian people, continued support for SWAPO in its legitimate struggle for inde- pendence and self-determination and the application of the provisions of Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia25 for the benefit of the' people of Namibia. 224. All the arguments against sanctions seem at this late stage to have gone with the wind. The South African ap(1.rtheid regime has apparently lost every line of contact with reality and is insanely bent on pursuing a course of destruction, a course that could engulf South Mrica and southern Africa and the world in internecine warfare. In that event a peaceful solution of the problem of Namibia would be impossible. 225. The United Nations must act to prevent such a catastrophic eventuality. The course for the United Nations is clear. The United Nations is called upon to contain this threat to international peace and security and to help the people of Namibia achieve the early exercise of its inalienable right to self-determination and genuine inde- pendence, as it has already decided to do;

In the perpetually deterio- rating situation in Namibia, the events during 1976 and 1977 have been extraordinarily ominous. 227. Faced with the toughe~g resistance and opposition of the African population, the South Mrican authorities have resorted to a policy in Namibia which, ironically enough, must run diametrically contrary to their aspira- tions: that is, stability through subjugation. During 1976 the South African authorities increased considerably the number of troops stationed in the northern part of the Territory and expanded their network of military bases. Bases of a considerable size were established in the north of Grootfontein, at Runtu and Katirna Mulilo. Smaller bases were put up all along the Angola-Namibia border. In 1977 the reported number of troops further increased, military bases were expanded, several new airstrips were built: in short, the military operations in the Territory, particularly at its northern border, were intensified. 228. South Mrica's military operations in Namibia are ,obviously aimed at seeking out and destroying the guenilla forces of SWAPO and depriving SWAPO ofpopular support among the population in the Territory. Reports reaching the outside world indicate that the brutality of the South African police and armed forces against the civilian popu- lation is constantly .increasing. Even the most sceptical 229. During the raid on Kassinga, which accommodated over 4,000 Namibian refugees, including a large number of children and aged and ailing people, almost all the more than 500 schoolchildren, patients and medical personnel were killed. In all, about 800 Namibians were killed, and such buildings and property as existed were razed to the ground. These are facts that have been verified beyond any doubt by the international community. The status of Kassinga as a refugee camp was verified by a joint delegation from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and WHO, which visited Kassinga and other areas of southern Angola. Reports indicated that there were about 18,000 Namibian refugees without food, shelter or medical resources, a direct result of the increased systematic oppression by the South African authorities. 230. Kassinga is but one example of the inhuman and brutal policies of South Africa agains~ the population of Namibia. What made it of particular importance was that it com:1ituted one of the first instances of action by the South African Government which could be accurately verified by the outside world. If the South Africans allowed themselves that latitude of action against Namibia outside the Terri- tory, one can only shudder at the thought of the measures applied inside the borders ofNamibia, where that authority is mercilessly absolute. 231. That being the case, it has been understandable that the international community has harboured a deep-rooted feeling of distrust and suspicion towards anything that the South African Government might choose to undertake, any promises or commitments it might make. Yet, gUided by the letter and spirit of the United Nations Charter, States Members of the United Nations have once more made a serious effort to achieve freedom and independence for the population of that Territory through peaceful means. 232. For the first time in 30 years there has been real hope of achieving that long-sought objective, which would' permit us to fulftl the direct responsibility for the Territory and its people that the United Nations took upon itself when it abrogated South Africa's administratiof. JfNamibia in 1966. For the last 19 months we have been following with intense interest the unprecedented joint efforts by the OAU front-line States and the five member States of the United Nations Security Council to bring about a peaceful solution to the Namibian problem through a negotiated settlement between SWAPO of Namibia and the South African Government. To this end, good faith, honesty of intention and genuine will and ability to compromise on the part of both parties were essential. Only a few weeks ago the long-sought solution seemed close at hand. Today the efforts are in serious jeopardy of having been in vain. 233. In assessing the complex and difficult process that has taken place it is essential to bear in mind one centrai aspect, which in our view forms the very basis of the approval and support which the United Nations has given to the proposal of which the parties concerned have tried to obtain final implementation. Throughout the negotiations 234. While entertaining understandable doubts and fears as to the degree of fair and free elections that the outcome of the talks in question could afford, SWAPO has shown an admirable degree of flexibility and will to compromise where the securing of its own rights and electorai oppor- tunities are concerned. The only area where it has found no room for compromise has been on the eventual outcome of the whole exercise: the attainment of complete freedom and independence for Namibia, and genuinely free and unobstructed conditions for the people to express their own choice for the future of that country. 235. In view of the professed decision by the South African Government to relinquish its authority over the Territory and pennit the population to exercise its inherent right through general elections, the actions of the South Mrican authorities in the Territory, as well as their stand on the negotiations over the past 18 months, seem incomprehensible. TheJatest manifestations of this are the so-called elections which are taldng place at this very moment. They can have no standing or significance whatsoever; that is beyond any doubt. Their sole effect is to raise once more grave doubts all to the sincerity of South Mrica's intentions with regard to the Territory and the good faith with which it has entered into the present negotiations. The South African Government seems in fact to have done almost everything in its power to make it impossible to <l~hieve a successful outcome of the present serious efforts. It has, however, either overlooked or ignored the fact that it has completely failed in its efforts to convince the international community of the alleged ill intentions or responsibility of SWAPO with respect to the presentstate of the talks. 236. The United Nations, having through Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) assumed direct responsibility for the implementation of the present pro- posal for the transfer of authority over that Territory and for the holding of fair and free elections therein, has been forced to view the situation with increasedlcepticism. It is understandable. and right, therefore, that the Security Council should seriously consider adopting further meas- ures against South Mrica in order to give added substance to its warnings, in the event that South Africa should harbour plans once more to ..flout the authority of the United Nations in the matter. The consequences of such action should be made abundantly clear once and for all to the South Mrican Government. 237. The Finnish Government considers-as was stated by the Finnish representative in the debate on the question of apartheid policies a few days ago [57th meeting]-that if no progress is achieved soon through international efforts a 238. Free elections, genuine independence and territorial integrity for Namibia cannot be achieved and guaranteed without an adequate United Nations presence in the Territory before, during and after the elections. The United Nations, as the legal Administering Authority of Namibia, has an obligation to guarantee this. The Government of Finland, together with the other Nordic countries, remains ready to offer its services within the framework of the . United Nations to guarantee a peaceful trmsition to majority rule in Namibia. This also means, as has been duly conveyed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, that Finland has the political will and readiness to participate in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group envisaged in the Secretary-General's report on the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978).26 239. I have no intention of expatiating on the particularly close and long-standing interest of the Fir-nish Government and people in justice for and the well-being of the people of Namibia. We trust that the concrete proposals which we have made over the years are sufficiently well known .to the Members of this Organization. The time has now come to focus our undivided efforts on the action that will be necessary when the actual transfer of power has taken place. 240. My Government has always considered that the collective responsibility of the United Nations for Namibia also calls for an economic commitment. Both the. United Nations Fund for Namibia and the United Nations Institute for Namibia, established for the purpose of preparing the Namibians for their coming responsibilities, .have con- tributed to this end. We feel, however, that r-ew and vigorous efforts should be made to increase sub.stantially the contributions to the Fund and to the Institute. 241. Recognizing the constructiveness of the efforts and a~tion of the Council for Namibia so far, we are en~ouraged that the United Nations process of implementation of the Nationhood Programme for Namibia, -launched by the General Assembly on 20 December 1976 {resolution 31/153j, is well under way. We sincerely hope that the fmancing of that comprehensive assistance programme within the United Nations system, intended to cover both the pre-independence period and the initial years of independence of Namibia, will receive the full support of the entire United Nations membership. 242. We are approaching one of the most serious moments in United Nations history. The South African Government 260fficiol Records of the Security Council, Thirty-third Yetlr, Supplement for October, November and December 1978, document 8/12903.

The very fact that this year our Organi- zation and its various bodies are giving priority attention to the question of Namibia shows that the overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations fully realize the responsibility which they bear for the situation in that part of the world. My delegation would include in that responsibility the responsibility which we bear, pur- suant to th~ Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and other decisions on this question adopted by the United Nations, in particular Security Council resolution"385 (1976). In this connexion, we should like to emphasize once again that any diplomatic efforts which either directly or indirectly circumvent the context of the decision which is embodied in those resolutions of the United Nations are unacceptable, even if they are presented with the purported purpose of speeding up the process of decolonization of the Territory. In this very critical stage through which we are going at the present time our Organization cannot afford to see itself placed in the position of either an "arbiter" or an impartial observer as regards the two parties, between which there exists such a radical qualitative difference. One of the, parties is an illegal occupier which has ignored all the United Nations decisions adopted on this issue; th~ other is a people which for many years now has been struggling for its freedom and independence. If our Organization is resolved to enhance its prestige and authority, it should take up -whole-heartedly the cause of the oppressed people of Namibia, which, under the leadership of SWAPO, is struggling heroically for its freedom. Nor should it permit the imposition on the people of Namibia on any pretext of a <io-called "independence" which essentially would simply mean the continuance in one way or another of the domination of the South African racists in that country. 244. The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic has always supported and continues to support ~e right of the people . of Namibia to exercise its inalienable right to self- determination and genuine independence immediately, while preserving the uriity and territorial integrity of the country, the immediate and complete withdrawal of the troops and administration ofSouth Mrica and the transfer of authority to SWAPO, as the sole legitimate and genuine repre3entative of the people of Namibia. The people of Czechoslovakia, as a result of the Munich diktat of 1938, has ~come vividly aware of the fact that in the name of "peact" it is possible to stifle a people's freedom. There- fore, Czechoslovakia, which at the present time is a member of the Security Council~"feels a heightened responsibility for the further development of events in the Territory of Namibia and for the fate of its people. 246. If we do not want the first practical steps taken on behalf of our Organization to remain simply a passing episode in the fate of the Namibian people, it is absolutely essential that we meet the fundamental prerequisite that was required by our Organization 10 years ago, that is, to achieve and to ensure the immediate, unconditional and complete withdrawal of South Africa from all the illegally occupied territory, including Walvis Bay, which has always been an integral part of the Territory of Namibia and with which it is linked geographically, historically, culturally, economically and ethnically. The question of Walvis Bay must therefore be resolved in the context of independence to be granted to the Namibian people rather than in putting it off indefinitely. 247. The apartheid regtme of South Africa is illegally occupying the Territory of Namibia and has done so for some decades now. That regime constantly defies the numerous decisions of the United Nations to grant imme- diate independence to that country. The Pretoria au- thorities have established and now support in Namibia a criminal racist regime and have deployed in that Territory a tremendous army of occupation and very large police forces, which are being used to effect mass repression againut the indigenous population, particularly against the memJers and the supporters of SWAPO, and at the same time to commit aggression against neighbouring African States. Only recently the Government of Angola drew the attention of the States Members of the United Natio'ls to the aggressive plans of the Pretoria regime,2 7 which intends to use the Territory of Namibia to carry out a new attack on Angola. 248. Recent 'developments in Namibia, and particularly the unilateral and illegal elections which have been taking place under the aegis of the apartheid regime, have once again clearly corroborated the well·known fact that the Pretoria authorities have never seriously considered the question of granting independence to Namibia. It is quite clear that they started to negotiate on the settlement of the question simply in order to gain the time necessary to prepare and implement a neo-colonialist solution to the Namibia problem, that is, to hold unilateral and sham elections to create a puppet government. The policy of negotiating with South Africa has essentially simply served as a camouflage of the preparations of the Pretoria 27 Ibid., document 8/12960. 249. As was pointed out in the telegram from Mr. Sam Nujoma, President of SWAPO, addressed to the Secretary- General on 23 October 1978, "It is clear in the mind of every Namibian patriot that the Pretoria regime intends to create a puppet regime in Namibia through bogus election in December; such a regime will certainly hi.. manipulated and controlled from Pretoria. There is no doubt that such a puppet regime would ask South Africa to maintain in Namibia its repressive armed forces to continue to suppress the Namibian people's resistance against oppression, foreign domination and exploitation... The UN should not allow itself to be used by the Pretoria racist regime to legitimize its evil intentions and illegal acts to impose a neo-colonial solution against the interests of the Namibian people."2 S 250. Such a turn of events in Namibia must be prevented by all means. The actions of the South African racists-and this is something which has been frequently emphasized in decisions of the United Nations-represent an extremely serious threat to international peace and security. A mere condemnation of the racists, or any condemnation of the unilat.eral elections or any other illegal action being carried out by the apartheid regime in Namibia, has long been inadequate. It is quite obvious that the time has now come for decisive and effective action against the South African regime. The Czechoslovak delegation, f<..r its part, fully supports the demands of the overwhelming majority of African and other States that sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter be immediately applied against the Republic of South Africa because of its refusal to fulfll the binding decisions of the Security Council with regard to the granting of independence to Namibia. 251. For years now facts have been adducea in this forum which have incriminated certain Western countries, particu- larly the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organi- zation, because of· their active political, economic and military co-operation with the racist regime of South Africa. In other words, it is only because of their support that South Africa has been able to create such a powerful military and economic potential and to start preparations to produce its own nuclear weapons. It is only ~becJluse of that co-operation that South Africa has been able to refuse to implement United Nations -'decisions that the Namibian people be granted independence immediately, aI}d fer that reason, precisely now, when an extremely complicated situation has arisen, these Western countries shnuld at least give proof that they no longer intend to provide th~ racist regime in South Africa either direct .or indirect support. Were they to act in this way and to show their readiness to support the demands of the African States regarding the application of economic sanctions against the Republic of South Africa according to Chapter VII of the United Nations, that is, an emba_e;o on oil and weapon supplies, 28 Ibid.• document 8!12913, annex. 257. If we do not act with resolve we shall soon be faced with yet another fait accompli-a bantustan in Namibia. Previous actions by South Africa clearly confirm this, and I will cite only a few. While we were working towards a negotiated settlement, and despite the disapproval of the United Nations, Sou"h Africa appointed the so-called Administrator-General for Namibia. Then South Africa unilaterally registered voters in Namibia in defiance of the United Nations. As if that was not enough;,.,they are conducting the so·called election, once again in violation of United Nations resoiutions, in particular Security Council resolution 439 (1978) which called upon South Africa to cancel that bogus election. 258. These faits accomplis were accompanied by such defiant acts as the attacks against Angola and Zambia; K~inga is still painfully fresh in our minds. The repre- sentative of Angola told us about the serious situation now prevailing along the souiliern border of his cOlmtry. The . message is clear to those who care to heed Lt, and it is pr-rilous to ignore it. Realizing the inertia that has so far rendered the United Nations ineffective, South Africa has decided to proceed with its schemes in Namibia in the full knowledge that nothing will. be done to stop it. 253. We support and we are prepared to continue con- sistently and actively to support any specific steps likely to achieve that end. 259. It is imperative at this juntture not to read into the current illegal election what South Africa itself does not intend it to be. What is the true meaning of this election? We find the answer in statements by the Foreign Minister of South Africa, in the Secretary-General's report, and in the fress Release of 7 December 1978 issued by the South Africa Mission to the United Nations. The latter reads in part a.~ follows:

The General Assembly has been concerned with the vital issue of Namibian inde- pendence for a long time now. But in a sense, never before have we deliberated on this question at a time when the situation in Namibia was as threatening and as ominous as it is today; at a time when Namibia, and indeed the whole of southern Africa, was as precariously perched on a precipice as it is today because of the continuing intransigence of South Africa over Namibia. We have indeed reached the peak of this crisis; only urgent, conceried efforts on the part of the international community, and more especially on the part of the tmditional allies of South Africa, who have the greatest influence over it, can save the people-of Namibia and for that matter, our entire region, from the imminent disaster ominously hera!ded by the fraudulent election now going on in Namibia. 255. We have reached a critical moment, and we need to exercise ever greater vigilance in dealing with South Africa over Namibia. We are dealing here with a colonial Power- the occupying Powerp the usurper of the international Territory of Namibia. We are dealing here with a country whose disdain for black people, whose racism and violation of basic human rights has no parallel in history. We are dealing with a country whose prescription for Africans, who ask only to be allowed to exercise their inalie~able right to participate meaningfully in politics, is bantustani- zation. "The election will lead to the selection of a 50-member body with which South Africa will be'able to consult on the principles of ~curity Council resolution 435 (1978)." 260. With this scheme South Africa has once again succeeded, in broad daylight, in further entrenching its plan for Namibia. The plan is to divide the people ofNamibia in. an attempt to exclude SWAPO from Namibian politics and install an entity that is subservient to Pretoria, in this way turning Namibia into an outpost of South Africa. This is the culmination of the policy of bantustanization of Namibia which South Africa has always pursued under various guises, and has now, as always no intention of abandoning. 261. We also learn from the ~uth African statement I have just quoted that the entity now being set up in Namibia is to be consulted on what are called lithe principles of Security Council resolution 435 (1978)". This is an ominous pronouncement, for it can only imply that Sou~ Africa ~eks, as it has always done, to renegotiate the 262. TIle road towards a genuine settlement in Namibia is clear. The United Nations should reject the entity that is to emerge from the current illegal elections in Namibia; the United Nations should deal directly with South Africa and not with the new entity in the transitional arrangements to independence. To this end, the Security Council should reconvene at an appropriate time, but without undue delay, in order to devise ways of implementing the Secretary- General's decolonization, plan. The Western members of the Security Council must now ensure that South Africa at:cepts resolution 435 (1978), based on their own pro- posal. This is imperative. 263. Any further procrastination can only lead to the entrenchment of the fait accompli that South Africa is about to present to the world-a bantustan in Namibia. TIns has already happened elsewhere, for despite all our reso- lutions and protestations, the bantustans of the Transkei and Bophuthatswana arc there for all to see. Unless we ~ct hastily and fmnly, the'same thing could happen in Namibia. The United Nations has a grave responsibility which it must fulftl to be worthy of the well-earned trust the people of Namibia have always had in it. 264. I pay a tribute to the Namibian people and their liberation movement, SWAPO, for remaining steadfast in their quest for freedom. They have lost their finest sons and daughters for this noble cause. More recently, the apartheid Rgime has unleashed yet more harassment against SWAPO members in Namibia. Six of SWAPO's top officials are at present ill detention. We condemn these arrests, and demand the release of these Namibian patriots. 265. Despite all these provocations, SWAPO, as we heard from its representatjv"\ yesterday [74th meeting}. is as committed as ever to the implementation of the Secretary- General's report. To that end, they are willing to sign ,a cease-fire agreement with South Africa immediately. This is clear evidence that SWAPO wants peace in Namibia through free and fair elections, whereas South Africa seeks chaos there and is busy cultivating it. 266. Botswana stands as resolutely as· ever behind the people of Namibia, who must be allowed to chopse their leaders in a free and fair election. Our support stems not only from ourlove of freedom, both for ourselves and for the Namibian people, but also from the desire to have a peaceful, truly independent neighbour, and because of our .close historical and cultural ties with the heroic people of Namibia. 267. In conclusion, I want to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General anod his staff for their untiring efforts in trying to achieve progres& on the Namibian question. But the effectiveness of the Secretary-General's efforts will depend ultimately on the support we give him. No matter how difficult the task before us may be, we should not leave the Secretary-General with a problem we ourselves seem unable to solve. We must defend the integrity and 269. The skies over Namibia and southern Africa are overcast with the threatening clouds of an impending disaster if events there continue to drift on in this way. Unless the United Nations moves swiftly to avert that tragic situation, we shall soon be faced with a crisis whose conseCf..!ences can only be ghastly. 270. At this most critical hour in the lives of the people of Namibia the best tribute we can pay them-those who died in their quest for freedom anu those who live on to prosecute the struggle-is to rally behind them in their hour of greatest need.

The courageous people of southern Africa-of Namibia, of Zimbabwe and of Azania- for decades now have been waging a gallant struggle at great sacrifice against the racist minority regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury. In their struggle for national liberation, inde- pendence, national sovereignty~and the territorial integrity of the country they have, Over the years, won great victories, and they will undoubtedly overcome the racist regimes of South Africa and Rhodesia and liberate for ever all Africa from the last bastions ofapartheid and racism. 272. With the blood they have shed so generously for liberation, for the honour and dignity of the black man and for all Africa, the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania have made a signal contribution not only to the cause ,?f an independent and united Africa, but also to the struggle of the peoples of the third world in defence of their independence; national sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the right to choos... their destiny for themselves without foreign interference. That is why the peoples of the world who cherish independence, justice and peace, the peoples of Africa, Asia and 4tin_ America and, in particular, of the non-aligned countries, support the just struggle of the peoples of southern Africa, and they will not fail to welcome further success in their struggle both on the battlefield and in the international arena. 273. Today, the people of~Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, their authentic r~presentative, and the other peoples of southern Africa have acquired invaluable ex- perience in their bitter struggle against the racist regimes of apartheid and Salisbury, supported by the American and English imperialists. They realize full well that they can win a fmal victory over their enemies only by carrying on a long armed struggle, marked by sacrifice and difficulty, through the solidarity of their respective peoples. They know tb~t 275. The people of Kampuchea, who macie great sacrifices for their national liberation and in nrder to win the great victory of 17 April 1975, fully appreciate the just and courageo~s ~truggle of the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and l;.Zania. At the present time we are dealing with a war of ~~gression ~nd annexation which is being carried out by Viet Nam with the support and assistance of the Soviet Union, the strat~gy of which is to create ml Indo-Chinese fed~ration under Vietn:u-nese domination and thereby to control South-East Asia. Our people consider that their present struggle to defend and safeguard the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country, and our policy of neutrality and non-alignment, in the face of that war of barbaric aggression by Viet Nam, is essentially one with the struggle of our valiant brothers in Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania. 276. The people and Government of Kampuchea will continue to stand with and support, as they h.ave in the past, the people of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania, until the fmal victory of their just armed struggle. In particular, we 'welcome the admission of SWAPO as a full-fledged member of the great family ofnon-aligned countries. 277. The people and Government of Democratic Kam- puchea condemn the manoeuvres to which Pretoria and its allies have resorted in order to perpetu'ate their colonial domination in southern Africa, and in an attempt to destroy the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. We .repeat that Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia and that there is no manoeuvre that can succeed in depriving the Namibian people of that part of its sacred territory. In particular, the people and Government of Democratic Kampuchea condemn the policy of bantustanization and of barbarous Fascist repression and plundering of Namibia's natural resources being carried out by the Pretoria regime and its allies. They demand that the sanctions ordered against South Africa be fully applied. 278. The people and Government of Democratic Kam- puchea again express their confidence in the victory of the

For a long time now the question of the occupation of Namibia by the South African racist colonial authorities has held an important place in discussions at the Uniteu Nations, both in the General Assembly and in the Security Council. The United Nations has been able to play an important part, in conformity with its Charter and in fulfIlment of its responsibilities, in supporting the legiti- mate struggle of the people of Namibia to exercise their rigllt to independence and to establish their own national democratic government. 280. In 1966, in. (esolution 2145 (XXI), the General Assembly terminated South Africa's Mandate over the Territory of Namibia. That marked a turning-point in the Namibian question. In 1967, the General Assembly estab- lished the United Nations Council f\>r Namibia, which became the legal authority entrusted with the admin- istration of the Territory. 281. The Council's effor~, as well as the steps it took both inside and outside the Territory, bore fruit and lent a new dimension to the problem of Namibia in the eyes of world public opinion and States and regional and inter- national organizations, which gave increased material and moral suppC)::t to the Namibian people. 282. The advisory opinion handed down by the Iraer- national Court of Justice, which declared South Africa's occupation of the Territory of Namibia to be illegal, had a considerable impact; it gave a new impetus to the efforts in the United Nations and elsewhere to ensure Namibia's accession to independence. 283. The situation in Namibia is becoming more and more complicated. The proposal of the five Western Powers members of the Security Council, which we regard as an obvious attempt to circumvent Security Council resolution 385 (1976), were doomed to failure becaUse of the political ties and economic interests that link those countries with the South African authorities. Thus, they were not able to exert any real pressure on South Africa. The proposal was therefore only a means for the South African authorities to strengthen their hold on the Territory of Namibia and to intensify their policy of terrorism and torture in respect of the Namibian people, which is engaged in a struggle, under the leadership of its national liberation movement, SWAPO, to gain its independence and freedom and to ensure the transfer of power to the majority by means of free and fair el~ctions. 284. The international community and world public opinion are wondering why the five Western Powers remained absolutely silent about the flagrant defiance demonstrated by the South African racist regime in proceeding to hold sham elections in an attempt to gi-•.e legitimacy to its occupation ofNamibia. 285. How can we explain that attitude on the part of the very countries which were endeavouring to reach a com- 287. We support tae efforts being made by the United Nations. We are in favour of the proposal that 1979 be proclaimed the international year of solidarity with the people of Namibia. We call on the Security Council, and above all the Western Powers, to carry Qut their obligations under the Charter. We believe that those countries are violating their cozr.mitment under the Charter by using the right of veto to block the adoption of the proposed sanctions against South Africa. 288. The delegl1tion ofYemen, which is anxious to see the United Nations succeed in its efforts to fmd a just solution to the problem of colonialism in Namibia, wishes to emphl'.~~e the following points once again. First, we give our total support to the struggle waged by the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO. Secondly, we fully support the resolutions on this question adopted by ti:le United Nations. Thirdly, we condemn the so-called elections being held by the Pretoria regime in an attempt to give legitunacy to its occupation of Namibia. Fourthly, we call on the General Assembly and th~ Security Council to take urgent and effective meliSures against the racist Pretoria regime and to impose binding economic sanctions, which should be res~cted by all States, particularly those which have trade relations with South Africa. Fifthly, w~ believe that the United Nations Council for Namibia should be strengthened and its authority should be increased so that it can ensure the implementation of the United Nations resolutions on Namibia and the acceleration of the Territory's accession to inde~ndence.

The recent developments in Namibia have frustrated the hopes aroused during the past year that the people of Namibia will soon be allowed to exercise their rights to self-deterrninatioJ?-, freedom and national independence. The holding of sham elections in Namibia in blatant defiance of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) reveals the intention of South Mrica to perpetuate its illegal occupation ofthe Territory. My delegation joins with other delegations in strongly condemning the so-called internal elections being held inside Namibia, the only purpose of which is to install a puppet regime subservient to the dictates of the racist Government in Pretoria. The mass arrest ofSWAPO leaders further demonstrates the sinister attempt of the racist regime to deprive the people ofNamibia of their imilienable right to self-determination and genuine independence. 291. The just cause of the Namibian people is recognized by an overwhelming majority of the members of the international community. The world ha~ noted with admi- ration the unrelenting struggle being waged by the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, the sole and authentic representfl.-tive of the Namibian people, against illegal occupation by the racist regime of South Africa. We reiterate our full support for SWAPO iilld the legitimate demand of the people of Namibia for freedom and national independence. 292. The report of the Special Committee on the Situa- tion with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples shows that, in a consensus decision adopted on 13 April [A/33/23/Rev.1, chap. VIII, para. 12], the Com- mittee condemned the South African regime for ~:.s continued illegal occupation of Namibia and its attempt to perpetuate its domination over the Nmtibian people by creating an atmosphere of terror and intimidation through- out the Territory. The Committee reaffirmed that the only political solution for Namibia must be one based on the free and unfettered exercise by all the Namibian people of their right to self-determination and independence. The consensus decision categorically states that free elections should be held under the supervision and control of the United Nations in the whole of Namibia as one political entity. My delegation subscribes to the conclusions of the ~:>ecial Committee and commands it for its excellent work. 293. No less gratifying is the role played by the Council for Namibia in supporting the legitimate struggle of the Namibian people to achieve self-determination, freedom and national independence in a united Namibia. We are pleased that the Council, which is the legal Administering Author!ty of the Territory until independence, has inten- sified its activities to promote the just cause of the people of Namibia. The report of the Council contained in document A/33j24 brings out in detail the useful activities of the Council, for which all its members deserve sincere appreciation. 294. At its ninth special session the General Assembly reaffinned it~ determin.ation to compel South Africa to withdraw from Namibia and to create an independent Namibia representing the aspirations of the majority of its people to self-determination, freedom and national inde· pendence.. The Programme _of Action adopted by the General ASsembly [resolution S-9/2] strongly urges the Security Council to take the- most vigorous measures, including sanctions as provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter, particularly comprehensive sanctions, an oil embargo and an arms embargo. 295. Nepal has consistently opposed the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa and supported the majority in "We have emphasized in the past, anti emphasize again, the primary responsibility of the United Nations for ensuring early independence for Namibia through free elections under its own supervision and control." [15th meeting, para. 324.J 296. The international community, as well as SWAPO, the . principal party to the issue, has expressed support and readiness to co-operate with the United Nations in its efforts towards the early establishment of majority rule in Namibia. But the position of the illegal racist regime in this regard has been marked by duplicity. The racist regime has not only changed its position a number of times on the proposed settlement, the initiative for which was taken by five Western members of the Security Council; it has also raised unnecessary doubts about the number of personnel in the United Nations Transition ksistance Group and the very integrity of the United Nations in the holding of free elections in Namibia. We have consistently maintained that only elections held under the supervision of the Unit~d Nations can be considered valid. 297. In its resolution 439 (1978), the Security Council issued a strict warning that if South Africa failed to cancel the elections planned for December in Namibia and to co-operate in the implementation of the Security Council's resolutions concerning the Territory, the Council would be compelled to meet forthwith to initiate appropriate actions under the Charter of the United Nations, including Chapter VII, so as to ensure South Africa's compliance with those resolutions. 298. My delegation fully supports L'1e latest resolution of the 'Security Council and would like to reiterate that in u.der to solve the problem of Namibia the United Nations must assert its authority and tlUke prompt action. The representative of SWAPO in his statement to the General Assembly yesterday [74th meetingJ has rightly said that the only course of action commensurate with the present crisis in Namibia is for the General Assembly to adopt a comprehensive programme of economic sanctions in order to ensure South Africa's cO"llpliance and to force it to yield power to the people of Namibia. We hope that the five Western members of the Security Council will continue their efforts vigorously and intensively io persuade the racist regime to shake off its intransigence and co-operate with the United Nations. 299. The international community should be ever-vigilant not to allow the illegal occupier with its sinister designs to delay the process of independence in Namibia. It isequally essential that t..lte Members of this Organization help the majority people in Namibia in every possible way to We look forward to welcoming Namibia as a free, inde- pendent and self-respecting Member of this Organization.

My delegation has been following with close interest and sympathy the efforts of the five Western members of the Security Council, the five front-line States and the Secretary-General to negotiate a settlement which would bring independence to the people ofNamibi?.. 301. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Australia is committed to a just settlement in Namibia and has been working actively in the Council to this end. 302. We believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the associated report by the Secretary- General represent the best-and possibly the only peaceful means Qf achieving an internationally acceptable settle- ment. 303. As the Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs said in the general debate on 6 October: . "For South Africa to reject this eleventh-hour chance for a peacefulsettlementwouldbe an historic disservice to all concerned and not least to its own people, and we would d~plore it. We look to the new Government of South Africa to reconsider its position and to co-opemte fully and faithfully with the ·~,,:ci:'etary-Generalin imple- menting the plan for a setdement." [24th meeting, para.27.J 304. We have been foll"wing closely the internal elections in the Tei~itory organiL~~....'ilaterally by the South African Government. We reject those elections as incompatible with an internationally acceptable solution. 305. I should like to conclude by referring briefly to the detention last week-end in Windho~k of a number of leading members of SWAPO. We profoundly regret this action by the South African authorities in a situation which calls for particular restraint and understanding from all the protagonists if the problems of Namibia are to be promptly and peacefully resolved. We call on the South African Government to release those arrested and to accept without fUrther equivocation the opportunity to clarify its position on the oustanding issues referred to in the Secretary- General's report so that he can proceed swiftly with its implementation.

The debate which concerns us today is of fundamental importance, particularly for the African mem- bers of this Assembly because of the seriousness of the events which are occurring ID the southern part of our 307. The electoral farce which is at present taking p'1ace in Namibia and which would be laughable were it not both tragic and distressing, is South Africa's latest way of showing its complete contempt for the internation.n com- munity and the decisions taken by the General Assembly and the Security Council as well as the constant efforts made by the Secretary-General to arrive at a solution which would ensure realization of the legitimate aspirations of the people of Namibia. 308. In many respects, and na one here will doubt this, the present Jiections being held under the supervision of the racist forces of South Airica are an historic subterfuge which nullifies every effort to reach a negotiated solution with South Africa. What this nreans is that the notorious "internal settlement" has thus been deliberately chosen. It means the prolongation of a conflict which has gone on far too long, and the calculated risk of a general conflagration ill that part of the continent. Furthermore, at the same time as it impooos on the people of Namibia its own particular conception of democracy, South Africa is pro- ceeding to imprison the leaders, the fighters and syrnpa- thii~ers of SWAPO. It has created a climate of terror among the reluctant populations and.is massing its troops along the Angolan border in a clear act of provocation and threat. Elections carried out under such conditions and in flagrant opposition with the expressed injunctions of the Security Council must obviously be rejected out of hand by the international community. Moreover, a regime which has deliberately placed itselfbeyond the pale of the community of nations in order better to preserve its discriminatory and oppressive policy can only bring to power, through its sham elections. devoted puppets who will perpetuate the suf- ferings ofthe Namibian'people. 309. But South Africa by blatantly defying the provisions of Security Council resolution 439 (1978) has also placed that body and its members before an intolerable fait accompli, which neither procrastination nor haggling can remedy. 310. All that could have been done to induce South Africa to toe the line has been done. Everything deemed tolerable or acceptable in order to bring about a negotiable solution has been attempted, since the goal appeared to be close and imminent and the forced compliance of the racist regime appeared to be at hand. 311. To that end SWAPO, the liberation movement which, through its actions, reflects the deepest aspirations of the Namibian people, accepted in a spirit of conciliation and despite the constant manoeuvres of the South African regime, the Western proposals for a settlement of the conflict which they have been waging against their oppres- sors. 313. The situation which has thus been created is part of the pathetic logic of that rebel State, which now, doomed to a defeat irrevocably imposed by history, is trying in vain .to stem the irreversible process which has been unleashed by the armed struggle in this Territory of the Namibian people under the direction of SWAPO, its sole and authentic representative. At the same tune, a mockery is being made of the decisionS' of our Organization, and the infamous law of the strongest has been enshrined in .international law. Henceforth an ostrich-like attitude to the dastardly actions of the South African authorities in Namibia would be a tragic error, with unforeseeable consequences, becLuse those authorities have demonstrated more than adequately their desire to maintain their domination over the Territory of Namib,a at all costs. 314. The present manoeuvres of, South Mrica are hardly surprising. The African cot'J1tries always expected this turn ofevents, which is characteristic of a regime which has been condemned at every meeting ofthe OAU for 15 years now. 315. That South Africa has thus thwarted the concerted efforts of the international community to fmd a satis- faci ~ry solution to the question is hardly surprising. It would h~ve been surprising, rather, if the opposite had happened. But we are still fdled with cOI'sternation by the apparent deadlock in this body. 316. It would be legitimate and entirely justified to wonder how we reached this position and to analyse the underlying causes for a failure which was, however, foreseeable. However, in the circumstances, it does not appear to be particularly necessary to dwell on recrimi- nations and £0 try to fmd out who is to blame because, obviously, it is urgently necessary to remedy the situation and to apply measures which will bring to the people of Namibia and to their leader, SWAPO, the assistance they need in countering this new attack on its legitimate rights and continuing to struggle. effectively against the domi· nation ofSouth Africa, whether it be carried out directly or through licensed puppets. 317. The point today is whether this Assembly can any longer tolerate' the explosive situation which has now become part of the Namibian scene, and whether it will make any effective response to the challenge which has been presented to it .by the South. African regime. In our opinion, the proposals contained in the Secretary-General's report in document S/12827, which were endorsed by resolution 435 (1978) of the Security Council, are still entirel~ valid, and our Or&inization should use every means in its power to ensure their ftln implementation and thus take up this historic challenge: - 318. We should like here to reaffrrm the position of our Government, whi9h was rea~fmned by Prime Minister Pedro Verona Rodrigues Pires on 5 October before this Assembly: ''We have alwa~tS been convinced that the racist and apartheid regimes, since they are working against the tide

The recent efforts made by the United Nations in seeking a peaceful solution to the problem of Namibia, and the optimistic responses received from the parties concerned heightened the expectations of the world community that the resolution of the problem was at hand. However, the decision of the South African Government to proceed unilaterally with the holding of the elections in the Territory caused the hope for a peaceful settlement in N~mibia to diminish. 320. That change of attitude on the part of South Mrica fostered a wirlespread feeling of frustration and disappoint- ment throughout the world. Moreover, this made it difficult for the people of Namibia to exercise freely and in a peaceful manner their sacred and inalienable right to self-determination and independence. 321. The United Nations has remained seized of the quesdon of Namibia since its inception. The Gr-neral Assembly, the Security Council, the Special Committee on decolonization and the United Nations Council for Namibia have adopted numerous resolutions and decisions with a view to terminating the illegal pre~.ence of the South MI1~an Government in Namibia and ensutihg the long- overdue freedom and independence of the Namibian people. 322. Neither the adoption of those resolutions and deci- sions nor the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice has been able to persuade South Africa to put an end to its illegal occupation of the Territory. 323. The South African Government by its persistent defiance of United Nations decisions and world public opinion, has deprived the Namibians of their legitimate right to self-determination and independence. Furthermore, South Africa has stepped up its efforts to strengthen its domination in the Territory of Namibia by various means. 324. My country joins other States Members of this Organization in voicing dissatisfaction with the deterio- rating situation in the Territory and condemning the defiant attitude on the part of the South Mrican Govern- ment. Moreover, we reject unequivocally all the manoeuvres of South Africa aimed at depriving the Namibian people of their legitimate ~ghts. 325. The holding of the ninth special session 0.; the General Assembly, which was devoted to the question of Namibia, demonstrated that this problem has acquired an added sense of urgency and that the United Nations has become fully conscious of the necessity for imrriediate action to permit the Namibians to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. 327. The world community is now at a crucial stage with respect to the problem of Namibia. The South African Government has ignored the call by the Security Council to cancel the internal elections which are being held in the Territory wit.1tout United Nations supervision and control. The Security Council has already condemned those elec- tions and declared them null and void. The South African Government's refusal to call off those illegal elections is yet another example of that Government's blatant defiance of the will of the international community. That defiant attitude on the part of South Mrica has created an explosive situation in the Territory, and thus deserves the strongest condemnation by the United Nations General Assembiy. 328. I should like to take this opportunity to reiterate the total support of the Iranian Government for the people of Namibia in its just struggle to achieve self-determination and independence based on majority rule, under the authentic leadership of SWAPO. It is the Iranian Govern- ment's earnest hope that South Africa will-at this eleventh hour-respond favourably to the request of the inter- national community to hold elections und~r the supervision and control of the United Nations.

It has been 12 years since the General Assembly adopted resolution 2145 (XXI), and thereby terminated the Mandate which South Africa exercised over what was then known as South West Mrica. South Africa, however, has d.efied that resolution and, despite the attempts made in various quarters to put an end to this anomaly, it remains in Namibia and continues to occupy that Territory. It is only since early 1977, when five countries serving on the Security Council undertook an initiative to produce a solution along the lines of Security CoUncil resolution 385 (1976), which was adopted unani- mously in January 1976, that we at last began to see some ray of hope for the emergence of a concrete plan for achieVing the long-awaited independence of Namibia. The product of their labours, which was the result of their protracted discussions with bQth South Africa and SWAPO, was the proposal for a settlement by peaceful means which they submitted to the Council in April this year and upon which the Council started preparations for action by adopting resolution 431 (1978) last July. 331. While SWAPO has accepi:ed the report, South Africa has refused to accept it, with a series of arguments none of which could justify its refusal, It was against that back- ground that the Security Council last September had to adopt resolution 435 (1978), which approved the Secre- tary-General's report and his explanatory statement and declared that all unilateral measures by South Africa, particularly those which it proposed to take with regard to the electoral process in Namibia, would be null an 1void. 332. My country has consistently held the view that the question of Namibia should be resolved in accordance with the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) of January 1976, and has suprorted the five countries' initiative and their proposal. As a matter of course my delegation has reiterated its firm support for the Secretary- General's report, his explanatory statement and Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which together prOVided an appropriate basis and a concrete framework for a just and lasting solution of the Namibian question. My delegation categorically rejects the unilateral elections held in Namibia and will not extend any sort of recognition of the results obtained from such internal elections. 333. South Africa's claim that it was committed by its promise to the Namibian people to hold elections during December of this year has no foundation. The proposal for a settlement, wInch was submitted to the Council last April and which South Africa accepted, clearly provided for elections to be held seven months after the emplacement-of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group. If the proposal hae been immediately set in motion by the consent of all the parties concerned, the elections could have been held during December, as envisaged. But that was not the case. As I remarked earlier, South Africa did not accept the Secretary-General's report, and, consequently, the scheduled date of the elections had to be deferred to a later date. Quite recently South Africa's Minister for Foreign Affairs affirmed that South Africa did and would retain authority in Namibia. If one follows his logic, his Government could of its own authority have changed its initial commitment to the Namibian people regarding the date of the elections. 334. Although in a recent communication with the Secre- tary-General29 South Africa expressed its willingness to co-operate in the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), we still cannot accept the views expressed by South Africa in objecting to certain points in the Secretary-General's report, and we can in no way 335. Last year, at the tnirty-second session of the General Assembly, the Minister for Foreigr. Affairs of Japan stated: "Japan urges the South African Government to be attentive to the international call for the elimination of racial discriminatIon md to render its full co-operation towards the earliest possible solution of these problems. In particular, the Govemment of the Republic of South Africa should co-operate fully with the international efforts now under way for the peaceful settlement of the problems of Zimbabwe and Namibia. Should the Re- public of South Africa fail to do so, th" consequences could be serious, given the intensified denunciation of the South African attitude."30 336. The passage of another year has not lessened the dangers of which my Foreigii Minister spoke. Rather, the situation hi.;) become worse as South Africa's defiance of the appeals of the international community has grown more and more apparent. Today a slim chance still seems to be left for South Africa to reconsider its position and to exhibit its faithfulness in discharging its obligations as a Member of the world community. However, if South Africa should adamantly refuse to accept jhe Secretary-General's report and Security Council resolution 435 (1978), it is fearsd that the international community might be corn· pelIed to resort to more vigorous measures. 337. Now we have to work in three directions towards the attainment of Namibia's earliest possible independence. First, we should 'continue to encourage and give support to all efforts towards a negotiated settlement. We must refrain from taking any action that may hinder these efforts. Secondly, we should also sustain our joint efforts in exerting pressures 0; South Mrica and restricting our relations with it with regard to Namibia to the maximum extent possible. Thirdly, we should continue our support of the Namibiart people. In all these aspects, my country has vigorouSly co-operated with the United Nations and will continue to do so. . 338. In connexion with the United Nations efforts to exert pressure on South Africa with regard to Namibia, 339. As reg;irds our support of the Namibian people, my country has extended its co-operation through voluntary contributions to the United Nations Fund for Namibia, the fmancing of the United Nations Institute for Namibia, and the United Nations Educational and Training Programme for Southern Africa. We are sure that the~ joint efforts Df the world conummity can assist the Namibian people to prepare themselves for an independent Namibia. My Government will miike every effort to increase these .contributions substantially. 340. It is the sincere hope of my Government that the defiance of South Africa of the appeals of the internati~nal community may be put an end to as soon as possible, and that, through fair and just elections under United Nations 51 pervision and control, the Namibian people's own nation and Government may be established at the earliest pos:ilibl~ time. With this heartfelt hope and on the basis of Ol.'r fundamental policy towards Africa, my Government has decided to join vigorously in the activities of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and is prepared to take an active part in a United Nations operation by sending civilian experts to supervise elections as well as to join in the logistic support. We sincerely hope that these new steps to be taken by my Government will contribute to the strengthening of the functions of the United Nations. 341. In closing, let me state that, as it hs always d;:>ne in the past, Japan will conscientiously dischar~ the respon- sibilities that it bears as a State Member of this hlter- national Orgar.ization. Japan will make every possible effort to extend its co-operation to the people of Namjbia through the United Nations, and will continue to extend its co-operation throughout the period of nation-building that will follow upon Namibia's achievement of its inde- pendence. 342. The tasks that lie before us in assisting Namibia to achieve its independence at the earliest date possible are myriad and difficult. Neyertheless, I am confident that through our determination and our con~rted efforts, this lofty and long-cherished goal can be realized in the very near future. 34~. Mr. TUBMAN (Liberia): The interest which, for many years, Liberia has shown in the Namibian people compels my delegation at this time to denounce from this rostrum the farce, tragically termed "elections", which South Africa has this week staged in Namibia. 344. The disturbing aspect of this development is not that the elections were not free because they took place in a climate of fear,and intimidation: nowadays, when elections in far too many countries involve no real choice for the electorate, it would be hypocritical-if.deed, it would further debase the currency of our decisions in this 345. The theatre of the absurd in which the Pretoria Government delights, in spite of its cruel toll in human lives, its colossal wastefulness, and its retardation of Africa':> }rogress by stultifying the growth of normal relati\lns among the States of Africa and between them and the rest of the world, in spite of the threat posed to the peace of the world by the shameful policy ofapartheid-in spite of all this, the South African Government continues to enjoy the patronage, the friendship ~md, in fact, the support without which it could not survive, of so many Governments represented here. 346. Once again, we have heard in this debatg con- demnations of South Africa's racial policy in language so fiercely eloquent as would heighte'1 the poignancy of the greatest Shakespearean tragedy. Ihanks to the forl'"l1 provided by this Organization, these fme and angry words have reverberated around the world. Bllt while we have talked, the peopJe of Namibia, mC&1dated by world society to South Africa's tutelage-a pe(lple whom South Africa assumed a sacred obligation to care for until they could stand on their own-have seen many of their number killed. And at this very moment, others among them face death at the hands ofthose who should be protecting them. 347. The responsibility which our Organization bears for the fate of Namibia involves some of its most valued principles; it rests upon the highest morality; it is sanc- tioned by law; it will not be discharged by rhetoric. 348. Realizing this need for action, more than a decade ago the Governments of Liberia and Ethiopia, in a decisive move and at great cost, spearheaded an Mrican effort which fittingly brought the question of. Namibia to the International Court of Justice for impartial adjudication. Those proceedings lasted several years.. At the end of the procedural phase of the case, in which the Court's fmdings were in favour of Liberia and Ethiopia, hopes were high that a civilized wDrld society, which had created the situation in Namibia, would at last itself resolve the situation there by peaceful means. Alas, those hopes were dashed when in a puzzling judgement the world Court refused to pronounce itself upon the merits of the case. That would not be the last time that high hopes for a peaceful resolution of the Narnibian problem would be abruptly shattered; indeed we are passing through such a period right now. 349. There is a real danger that hopes for peace in Namibia will again prove premature. At this crucial time the United Nations must not take a defeatist stand. The elections this week in Namibia were and must be declared a legal and political nullity. The strategy which those elections are intended to establish aims at creating iJJ Namibia an alternative political entity to SWAPO. The Government of Liberia rejects that diabolical move. We will 350. The situation in South Africa itself today, repre- hensible as it is, thrives under the mantle of a sovereign State and, while we may all loathe those conditions, constitutional limitations in the Charter inhibit our Organi- zation from intervening there. But this is not so as regards Namibia. We know that there are powerful countries whose nationals and corporations have vast investments in South Africa. We realize that those people do not wish to change the situation there, from which they have prospered. While some of these same considerations are va1id for Namibia, they are" far less compelling. In any case, can anyone ::onvincingly show that the attainment ofindependence by African States has resulted in the cessation of mutually fruitful co-operation betw~e~ those countries and the industrialized developed co~ntries, mostly Western coun- tries? Is it not a fact that· a decade after the exit of the colonial Powers from Africa those same countries, indi- vidually and collectively, still play important roles in the economic development of Africa, from which they still benefit? Is it not a matter for satisfaction that the decolonization of Mrica has been largely peaceful, and that even where independence was achieved by armed struggle the African people have shown, and continue to show, a remarkable propensity for suff- ing without bitterness? 351. Fear lies at the heart of the tragedy in southern Africa. Yet what the South Mrican Government needs to know is that fear is not a suitable basis upon which to build for the future. The fears by which the South African Government intimidates itself into a frenzy of barbarity and inhuman behaviour are not warranted by history; those fears could in fact cause the speedy development of the very conditions which the South African Government seeks to avert by its universally condemned racist policies. South Africa need not accept my words or the words of the States of Mrica in support of this thesis,because Namibia still affords South Mrica a perfect situation, where it can face t.'J.e future with faith and not in fear. And, if peace and racial harmony are achieved in Namibia, surely that will

The delegation of Colombia wishes to reiterate its position <:>n the question of Namibia, which is again before the General Assembly for consideration. We do so with a certain scepticism, because in this Assembly and in another United Nations body, the Security Council, very clear provisions have been adopted on how this problem should be settled: that is, by terminating the South African Government's illegal occupation of Namibia. Those provi- sions, however, have been rejected by the arrogant leaders in Pretoria, who, of course, have been supported in their arrogali.ce by the complicity of certain Powers. Major investments have been made in South Africa in order to discourage fair treatment of people whose Territory has been occupien by a foreign Power, whose natural wealth has been p.'tilessly exploited and who have suffered humiliation and persecution in their own land. 354. My delegation believes that the problem of NaImbia must be solved immediately and that negotiations must not be allowed to go on indel'mitely with that imperiOlIl; Government. Instead, that Government must be made to feel the weight of tP,,:.l authority of the international community. In effect, negoC3.tions are being held no longer with the racist Government of· South Africa but wit1:l the representatives of the multinational corporations which exploit the natural resources of Namibia. 355. Those multinational corporations are moved only by their greed, and care little for men and their inherent rights. Today, in reality, it is not" the future of the people of Namibia that is being discussed and negotiated. Efforts are being made to fmd a way, no matter which Government comes to power after independence, of keeping control of the resources being exploited by the multinational corpo- rations. The necessary immediate solution must be a national one, and by that I mean theIe must be partici- pation biT. the Namj,bians themselves, without foreign pressure, without occupying trovps, without any political prisoners and without anyone being banished or exiled. 356. To accept any other solution would be to become an accompiice in the e]ectolaf farce currently being staged in Namibia. My delegation cannot condone elections which take place in the midst of terror and fear, under the threat of foreign occupying troops and marked by corruption, and with the complicity of those small minorities which nearly everywhere and always seem to be willing to sell their national sovereignt' to foreign Governments and multi- national corporations. My delegation is confident that electior.; can take place within the framework of the 357. My delegation believes that ·Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia and its most important natural resource. There can be no settlement of the problem of Namibia if there are attempts to deprive the new nation its outlet to the sea, thereby making its foreign trade dependent on the whims of the Pretoria Government, which has given such recently unassailable proof that it lacks any sense ofjustice or human oolidarity. 358. My delegation wishes to condemn South Africa once again for the savage repression of the people of Namibia. We fully support the heroic struggle of that people against the invaders. Undaunted and unafraid, they carry on a struggle that is· an example to all. The Namibian martyrs have not shed their blood in vain, for one day their heirs will achieve complete freedom for themselves. We also support the peoples and Governments of the so-called front-line States-the United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia, Mozambique, Angola and Botswana-which have paid a heavy price both in loss of life and economically. They have had to survive in the midst of terror and fear, upholding the cause of the Namibian people, which today is the cause of all mankind. My delegation must express its amazement that some of the economic bodies associated with the United Nations, by their support in the form. of sizeable loans to the Pretoria Government, have fmanced that Government's policy of repressiolL 359. We also wish to congratulatp. the United Nations Council for Namibia, and in particular to express to Miss K~nie of Zambia our appreciation of her patient and untiring work in carrying out the task entrusted to her by the General Assembly. Hers has not been llI'I. easy task and it was made more difficult by the fact that she was unable to visit the Territory of Namibia, as determined by the arrogant Power whic!l is occupying that country. We also support any measures aimed at increasing the powers of the Council, the universal dissemination of information on what is really happening in Namibia, thorough studies regarding the future of Namibia and the training of the leaders who will direct the new State. The time has come to provide more facilities, both human and economic, so that the Council can perform the immense task assigned to it. 360. Finally, my delegation wis.hes to state that it is very much concerned by the fierce competition which has arisen between the two principal organs of our Organization-the General Assembly and the Security Council-concerning the solution of the Namibian problem. The question at issue is how to implement the decision already taken: t.'1at is, how to put an end to the occupation of the Territory by foreign forces. If that conflict continues an attempt will have to be made to prevent a confrontation between the two principal organs since that would be extremely dangerous for th-: sta,bility of our Organization. My delegation cannot help wondering whether the rapacity and greed of a few transnational corporations under the protective wing of the racist Government which has flouted our Organization could lead to the break-down of the Organization which has been built up by many years of painstaking work by all the nations of the world which truly cherish peace.

My delegation regrets that the calm atmosphere of our discussions devoted to supporting the.cause of the national liberation of the people of Namibia has been disturbed by tendentious remarks and intemperate com- ments by the representative of ~mocraticKampuchea, for the purpose of characteristic anti-Vietnamese propaganda. 363: In view of the lateness of the hour, my delegation does not intend to abuse the patience of the delegations present. Nevertheless, my delegation would like to reject categorically once and for all the slanderous allegations concerning my countPJ made by the representative of Democratic Kampuche~.

Despite the heavy and ignominious military defeats which it has suffered for mvre than a year now in its war of aggression and annexation against Democratic Kampuchea, Viet Nam continues its savage acts of aggression and annexation. In particular Vietnamese troops have launched attacks along route 19 in the province of Ratanakiri, in the region of Snuol in the province of Kratie, alon~ national route 7 and in the Memot district in (he eastern part of the province of Kampong Cham. The Vietnamese troops have used large numbers of tanks and armoured vehicles, aerial bombardment and toxic chemicals, and there have been many victims among the civilian population. 365. Together with these acts of aggression and invasion, Viet Nam continues to inftltrate its agents into Democratic Kampuchea to incite the population to revolt. 366. The Hanoi administration has invented all kinds of slanderous lies about alleged uprisings against the Govern- ment of Democratic lU;.npuchea and has repeatedly called for revolt in an attempt to overthrow that Government. Finally, as it has done for a number ofyears now, Viet Nam has set up new puppet organizations to serve its anne~­ ationist ambitions. Through these activities it is hoping to camouflage its acts of aggression and to deceive world public opinion with impunity, leading it to believe that Viet Nam is not the aggresso.r against Kampuchea and that this is only a Kampuchean domestic matter. 367. ID fact, all these criminal acts by Viet Nam have arrogantly violated the most elementary principles ofinter- national law and of the Charter of the United Nations. In 1977 and again in 1978 the people of Kampuchea and its revolutionary army succeeded in thwarting all those acts of aggression and invasion by Viet Nam. The Vietnamese plan for an Inde-Chinese f:::deration suffered a strategic defeat and the plans of Viet Nam and the expansionist Soviet great Power for expansion in South-East Asia were foiled. 368. Those heavy defeats have plunged Viet Nam into ever-growing internal difficulties from which it cannot extricate itself and have brought about its complete isolation at the international level. That is why the Viet 369_ While Viet Nam is stepping up its acts of aggression and invasion against Democratic Kampuchea, the Soviet

I apologize to the representative of Democratic Kampuchea for interrupting him, but I would ask him to restrict his remarks and, in fairness to other delegations, to conclude his right of reply. I have given him considerable latitude. The meeting rOI»C1 at 9.05 p.m.