A/34/PV.21 General Assembly

Sir, it gives me great pleasure to extend to you the sincere congratulations ofthe Lebanese delegation on your election as President of the General Assembly for this session. We are confident that your great personal qUalifications, wisdom and vast experience in mternational affairs, as well as the unanimous trust you inspire among Member States, will ensure the effective- ness and success of this session. 4. I also wish to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the ambassador of Colombia. for the important role he played during his presidency of our last session. 5. May I also take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the superb efforts which the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has been ceaselessly making to strengthen the role of the world Organization and to enable it to fulfil its noble ideals. Yearning for the blessings ofpeace more than any other country, Lebanon feels particularly appreciative ofand grateful for the courageous inhiatives and zealous ac- tivity which the Secretary-General has taken in order to bring about a just peace. 6. My delegationjoins in welcoming Saint Lucia00 its admission as a Memberof the United Nations and looks forward to its contribution to the work of the Organization. 7. For the fifth conseclltive year, the delegation of Lebanon comes to this Assembly burdened by the weight of a nation's tragedy in all the complexity of its manifold aspects and causes. I should have liked to devote a major part of my statement to a discussion of the political, economic, social and cultural problems A/34/PV.21 8. However, the magnitude of the ordeal which has befallen my country compels me to concentrate on the tragedy prevailing in and around Lebanon, in order to reveal its dimensions to the conscience of the world, represented by your Assembly. to denounce everything that has so severely victimized my country and to in- form you of the aspirations of the people and Govern- ment of Lebanon and of what they expect from the international community. 9, Lebanon, in whose name I have the honour of addressing you, has safeguarded the essential elements of its existence in spite of the ravages ofwar which have rent it apart. Maintaining its faith in the efficacy orthe principles of collective solidarity, it appeals to intema- tional organizations and seeks their assistance in over- coming its problems. 10. A country which enjoys so much natural and hu- man wealth and which has been chosen for Divine revelations, Lebanon has become a model of harmony and human fulfilment. Yet today, the forces of rejection carried to their extreme have combined together with the expansionist designs, selfish desires and will for domination harboured by some States to destroy its moral values and material resources. t 1. Whatever impressions one might have acquired about the Lebanese, the fact is that they have finnly resisted and have been and will continue to face up to this challenge to their survival. In the course of the successive stages of their tragedy, with its multiplicity of facets and protagonists, and after each cycle of vio- lence, which has caused thousands of innocent victims and wreaked total destruction. the Lebanese have emerged with remarkable resilience and vitality to heal their wounds and to reconstruct their country. Their strong attachment to the values and fundamental prinei- p'les which constitute the pillars of the I;.ebanese way of life has prevented the collapse and disappearance of their homeland. They have even made progress in some areas. The dynamism of hope and confidence in the future have helped them to transcend the consequences of their recent past and has strengthened their natum] faith in a common vision that national reconciliation unity and security will be restored. Thus the desire ot' the Lebanese to make progress along the path of under- standing and unity has become more solid. 12. Nevertheless, despite the support and the praiseworthy initiatives undertaken by some brotherly and friendly States, this objective is beset by obstacles which are ofconcern to us because they are alien to ou~ aspirations and our will and which give rise to forebod- ings, and even the certainty, on our part that we the Lebanese both as individuals and as a group of com- mU!1iti~s have fa.llen victim to something external to us which IS far and away beyond our possibilities and our means of action. 14. Ofcourse we bear the responsibility because it is our country and our calise. The Lebanese people and their leaders are in duty bound to take the appropriate initiatives and make the necessary sacrifices to extri- cate themselves from this ordeal, rehabilitate the country and restore security and prosperity every- where and for everyone. 15. However, the problems which we have been fac- ing for nve years have cel1ain causes and ramifications which we must point out here frankly and clearly since they extend far beyond the borders of Lebanon and its possibilities and energies and require the international community to come togrips with its real responsibilities. 16. Yes, Lebanon is the victim of international poli- tics and it is important for us here to review. even if only briefly, those factors that are threatening the very ex- istence of a people and a nation which certainly does not deserve their perpetuation. 17. Lebanon is not only a victim of the violation ofthe Charter of the Vnitel! Nations and this Organization's inability to find ajust solution to a problem it has helped to create. but it is also as a member of the international community a victim of the exploitation of its unique structure and its democratic regime. 18. Indeed. Lebanon is the victim of the Israeli usur- !Jation of the Arab land ofPalestine, the expulsion ofthe Palestinian people and the tense crisis that has con- stantly held the region in its glip following that aggression. 19. Lebanon is the victim of vicissitudes in the inter- national balance of forces in the Middle East which have touched off the crisis prevailing in the region and this clisis has. in turn, constantly exacerbated the inter- national play of forces, unleashing active international currents which have disrupted the country and placed the cohesiveness and unity of our people 10 jeopardy. 20. Lebanon is a victim ofattempts at partial solutions of the Middle East crisis, which we cannot endorse, eS,(>ecially since the principles on which they are based faIl completely to take account of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and in particular their right to self-determination in their own countly. 21. Lebanon is the victim of contradictions in the Arab world of which it is a part. These contradictions have exploded on our territory in different ways. with- out counting irregular activities that sometimes use the Palestinian cause as a pretext for pressing dubious goals havin~ nothing to do with the legitimate rights of the Palestmians. 22. Lebanon is the victim of the burden imJX)sed upon it by the ever increasing presence on its soil of hundreds ofthousands of Palestinians. The ideologies adopted by 23. Lebanon is the victim of interference by various States and groups in its intemal affairs; this is a viola~ tion ofthe Charter ofthe United Nations and ofintema- tionallaw and is a serious derogationfrom sound princi- ples and objectives. 24. Lebanon is the victim of the Israeli aggression, particularly in the south, and its strategy of preventive attack for political and military objectives, a strategy which we finnly repudiate as prejudicial to the Lebanese State. 25. Lebanon is the victim of its unique structure as a point of convergence of many religious and spiritual communities which live together in complete freedom under a regime which ensures that each may play an active role in the national life. The events as perpetrated by their instigators have tended to make this particular feature ofourcountry, which is in itselfa source of national and human richness, a factor making for conflict and discord. . 26. Lebanon has since its accession to independence been the victim of its selection of a liberal democratic system based on the recognition offundamental human nghts, respect for the sanctity ofthe human person and a total openness to all civilizations and peoples. Several foreign parties have abused the advantages of this sys- tem to infiltrate the city and, by taking advantage ofthis freedom, to try to destroy the Lebanese State by under- mining its very foundations. 27. Before our destiny became the plaything of foreigners, we were able in a spirit of co-operation, dialogue and compromise to solve all our problems within the framework of our democratic institutions. That is why in the light of what I have said I can state that there is no reason to hold Lebanon responsible for everything it is undergoing and suffering today, unless we consider a spirit of tolerance and open-mindedness, allegiance to feelings of brotherhood, generosity in hu- man relations, faith in right and justice, compassion for the op{'ressed and a desire to preserve the unity and sovereignty of the country as weaknesses for which we can be politically blamed to such a point that Lebanon has become the victim of them and is rapidly becoming the main one. Friendly and brotherly States as well as the world Organization apparently forget this fact or pretend to forget it. Let us beware of creating in the Middle East a cause in the development and complica- tions of the Lebanese tragedy that will eclipse and overshadow the Palestinian cause in all its gravity and dimensions. 28. The best illustration of the current phase of the continuing Lebanese tragedy is the violence and de- struction that is occurring in the south. That cherished part ofour country has for months been the scene ofthe devastating war that is being waged there. Its innocent civilians, if they are not killed by the hundreds, are scattered by in their tens of thousands and deprived of their means ofearning a livelihood, They have become 29. The grave situation prevailing in the south of Lebanon, which has been caused by Israel's failure to withdraw completely, by the fact that the United Na- tions Force has been prevented from carrying out the mission assigned to it by the Security Council, and by continuous Israeli aggression, is of concern to our Or- ganization for more than one reason. 30. A year ago, Lebanon was in a state of great turmoil. The decisive role played in that turmoil was played not only by internal elements but also by the senous repercussions of the Israeli-Egyptian negotia- tions. Hardly had we emerged from that period when we were confronted with constantly and increasingly deep-seated and serious problems concerning the country's security and its future as well as the role to be played by the United Nations in the region, to say nothing of the role of the great Powers. These grave problems bring the Security Council face to face with its responsibilities and pose a challenge to the interna- tional community. 31. As everyone knows, there is no more serious threat to international peace than the situation in the Middle Eas1. And there is no more immediate or direct threat to peace in the Middle East than the situation in southern Lebanon, where UNIFIL has been operating under Security Council resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978). 32. We can hardly fail to stress the vital role played by these forces and to express our appreciation and gratitude to all the Force's officers and men. We should like once again to express our p'rofound thanks and gratitude to the Security Council, to the States con- tributing forces to UNIFIL, to the members of the United Nations Secretariat and especially to the Secretary-General himself. 33. To best bring out the vital importance of the UNIFIL presence in southern Lebanon and its decisive role there, I shall merely quote the very lucid words of the Secretary-General himself in his report on the work of the Organization: "I am firmly convinced that UNIFIL has performed, and is performing, an absolutely essential task of conflict control in one of the most sensitive and explosive parts of the world. This seems to me to be an overriding argument for maintaining it in spite of all difficulties and disagreements. While I shall persist in my efforts to achieve the objectives set for UNIFIL by the Security Council, I think it is im- portant that the current value of the operation, in all Its difficulty, should be more fully recognized. The easiest way to prove the value of the task UNIFIL is now performing would be to withdraw the Force. In present circumstances this would undoubtedly be a highly irresponsible and almost certainly disastrous experiment, and I do not believe that anyone prop- erly informed of the situation would seriously advo- cate it." [See A/34!J, sect. N.] 34. However, the extraordinary difficulties en- countered by UNIFIL in canying out its mandate call 35. There can be no doubt that the task ofUNIFIL in southern Lebanon differs from the mandates given to such forces in other regions of the world. In view ofthe circumstances in which the Force must operate and the purpose for which it was created, the Security Council saw fit to give it a role which was not limited merely to supervising the disengagement of the belligerent!> and maintaining an observation mission. In Lebanon the Force is required to playa much more active role than that of mere mediator. The proof is that UNIFIL was ordered to ensure the withdrawal of military forces and to assist in the restoration of Lebanese sovereignty throughout the region, and was assigned a theatre of operations in the true meaning of the term. FUJ1her- more. when the Security Council adopted resolution 425 (1978) it was fully aware of the situation prevailing in southern Lebanon. Accordingly, the idea arose to empower UNIFIL to defend itself and to overcome by force anything that might constitute an obstacle to the accomplishment of its mission. 36. UNIFIL is an embodiment of the unanimous in- ternational will and carries with it the prestige of the United Nations. We must therefore spare no effort to equip it to carry out its obligations in a mannercompati- ble with the objectives for which it was created so as to avoid compromisin~ the credibility of the Security Council, and thus dIminishing its effectiveness and its ability to deal with threats to the peace both now and in the future. Any failure of UNIFIL would, we believe, become a totally unacceptable precedent for the inter~ national community. 37. I should like, in thb connexion, to emphasize that Lebanon has fully co-opemted with UNIFIL since its inception. Lebanon is making progress in the direction of revamping its anned forces; thus, despite all obsta- cles, it was able, in co-ordination with UNIFIL, to dispatch a Lebanese army batallion to the south on 18 April 1979; moreover, it already operates most of the administrative services .in the theatre of operations. The Lebanese Government is prepared progressively to take over its share ofthe responsibilities in the south of the country. 38. The main factor enlarging the dimensions of the danger and instability in the south is the policy officially proclaimed by Israel to the effect that it arrogates to Itself the right to make preventive military strikes any- where in Lebanon on the pretext of checkmating the Palestinian resistance. 39. As a preliminary to its intentions and policy with regard to southern Lebanon, Israel opposed thedeploy~ ment of the Arab Peace-keeping Force, which performed so well in other regions ofLebanon , south of the line which became known as the "red line". 40. Now Israel is constantly launching murderous military operations by land, sea and air against Lebanese towns and villages. I shall confine myself to mentioning the operations initiated on 23 January. 11 AJ?ril, 30 May, 10 and 23 July, and 4 and 22 August of thiS year, all ofwhich caused m1UlY casualties and have 42, I honestly wonder what would become of the principles of the Charter if Israel's point of view was accepted. What would remain of the standards of inter- national public law which prohibit aggression and tyranny'? What would be left of the Security Council resolutions relating to southern Lebanon, which were included between resolution 425 (1978) and resolution 450 (1979)'? What would become of all the hopes which the peoples have placed in our Organization as the comer~stone of a new, healthy and just international order whose mission is to prevent international rela- tions from being governed by the law of the jungle? Israel's claims that infiltrations sometimes take place across UNIFIL lines is devoid of foundation but, even assuming it were true for the sake of argument, what has that got to do with Lebanon? 43. UNIFIL comes under the orders of the Security Council, not Lebanon. Lebanon proclaims from this rostrum that it is determined to regain its sovereignty and authority in the south up to its international frontiers not only in relation to Ismel but also to all other furces present in the theatre ofoperdtions. Leba- non has frequently made this claim and has expressed this view in its correspondence with the Secretary- Geneml and in its notes to the Security Council. 44. The continuance of military operations in south- ern Lebanon is likely to create a climate of instability which might have negative rerercussions on any at· tempt to control the situation 10 the region and bring about a peaceful settlement of the Middle East crisis. 45. In this connexion suffice it for me to quote what was said by the President of our Assembly, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, in his address: "The tragic situation in Lebanon continues to Cause serious concern to the international commu· nity. The senseless bombing ofcivilian targets, caus- ing considerable loss of life and destruction, further threaten the peace and security of the region. The world community must redouble its efforts to bring an end to this tragedy, so that the freedom, indepen· dence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Leba· non are respected." [is! meeting. para. 49.] 46. It is neitherjust nor logical that ourcountry should be prey to factors of disintegration because the Pales- tinian people wish to recover their legitimate rights and their nght to self-determination. which Israel refuses to grant them. Similarly it is neither just nor lo·gical that Lebanon should be the pl-incipal victim to undergo the martyrdom imposed upon it by the oppressor without, however, being spared by the oppressed. whose cause, though just, pushes him to excesses that are sometimes I See Ojlidal Records oj the Security CIII/nd/. Tlur/l-.!ourt}, )·'rar. S,.IPplel/l"11f .Iill" lll/lIl11ry. February alld MardI 1'J7V. Jocument SI D051; ibid.. SlIpplt!l/Il!l/t.lor April. Muy tJlId lUll,' 1'i79. llocurnenls S/l3242 ;tilL! 5/13356; anll ihid.• Suppl"lIwlI( .!o,. lllty. AUJ!ust and S"ptemb..,. 1970, documenls 5/13452. SI13464. S/13486. SflJ488. S/I3509 and S/l351O. 47. It is high time that southern Lebanon, and conse- quently Lebanon as a whole, should with the help ofthe international family be removed from the toils of the infernal game of war and peace and that its own case should be given absolute priority, so that it will no longer be a hostage in the Middle East turmoil or a football tossed about by the parties according to their desires and interests. Its sons have spilled too much blood and shed too many tears and lost too much of their property and have paid too great a price for faults and injustices committed elsewherefor which they bear no responsibility. Lebanon has reached a threshold beyond which it is no longer able to carry on without risking the loss of its own identity. 48. Before concluding my statement, I should like to reply to a question which, I imagine, all present are asking themselves, namely, what is Lebanon asking of the United Nations at this stage and what can the United Nations do? 49. Lebanon's requests are addressed not solely to the United Nations but also to each of its Members and especially to the most powerful among them. These requests are the following. 50. Because ofits geographical location, its Arab obli- gations and commitments and its faith in the principles of right and justice in international relations, Lebanon believes that the United Nations must in its search for a radical solution to the Middle East crisis deal with the substance ofthe Palestinian question, so that the Pales- tinian people may be able to exercise their legitimate and inalienable rights, the first of which is their right to self-determination and to the establishment of a Pales- tinian State on Palestinian soil. This naturally implies the total and unconditional evacuation of all occupied Arab tenitory in accordance with United Nations resolutions. 51. Furthermore, it is equally self-evident that the idea must be finally and definitively rejected that the Palestinians can be settled anywhere outside their own land, and in particular Lebanon's categorical refusal to ~gree to their settlement in our country, in the interest ofboth Lebanon and the Palestinians themselves, must be regarded as the final word. 52. Lebanon has often stated, through its President, on behalf of the Lebanese people as a whole that it absolutely refuses to agree to the settlement of the Palestinians on its territory and rejects any attempt which would in one way or another effect such a settle- mf:nt or impair its sovereignty or the independence and unity of its tenitory and people. Lebanon rejects any solution to the Middle East crisis that may be made at its expense. 53. Until such a radical solution is found, agreed upon and implemented, we believe we are within our rights in asking the United Nations and all its Member States to consider that they must deal also with the Lebanese crisis in its own terms and not as part ofthe Middle East crisis. Because of what our country represents geographically and politically as well as in human terms, it deserves to be a focus of the attention of the 54. We ask that a speedy, definitive and firm stop should be put to all Israeli aggression against Lebanon whatever the form it may take, particularly the form ofa preventive attack against Lebanese territory. We also demand the full reintegration of southern Lebanon into the Lebanese State, which should be given the means of recovering its full sovereignty and authority throughout that area with respect to all individuals and groups without exception, ofrestoring security and ofprevent- ing, any subversive activities on its tenitory. 55. Apart from the diplomatic activity that must be exercised by our Organization and the Member States concerned, the best means ofachieving that goal is first ofall to strengthen the role ofthe United Nations Force in the south of the country so as to enable it to carry out its task in a comprehensive way. UNIFIL can then prevent any military activities of whatever origin in the south, control the situation and, inconjunction with the Lebanese forces, ensure the progressive pacification of the territory apd the exercise of the jurisdiction of the State over the area in accordance with the letter and spirit of Security Council resolutions, without fear or favour. It would then become necessary to provide the Force with the means of action and the directives it needs to give effect to that goal, and the Lebanese authorities are ready and willing to work with UNIFIL for that purpose. 56. We ask that with your support and in the interests of international peace an area of stability and calm should be established in southern Lebanon where the provisions of the Lebanese-Israeli General Armistice Agreement,2 which is still fuUy in force and which has been ratified by the Security Council and reconfirmed again in its last resolution 450 (1979), should be scrupu- lously observed in the interval before a radical and just solution is found for the Palestinian cause in the framework of a global peace. 57. The Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO], the sole representative ofthe Palestinian people, which has through its spirit of combativeness and its just cause been able to breach the diplomatic isolation in which it was sought to be kept, is urgently called upon in the present circumstances to prepare to shoulder the heavy responsibility that has been conferred upon it, to live up to the hopes that it embodies and to channel its vitality and its activities in southern Lebanon into political and diplomatic action. In this regard it should undertake positive initiatives which would be likely to reassure the Lebanese people and which would be in keeping with the exigencies of the rights of Lebanon and the security ofits territory. It would thus prove its capacity for self-control in all circumstances and would demon- strate its absolute respect for the resolutions of the Security Council and its concern to safeguard both its higher interests and its relations with the Lebanese people, who have suffered more for the Palestinian cause than any other Arab people. Such an attitude is dictated by a spirit of true brotherhood, a sense of r~sponsibility and a clear-sighted long-range political VISion. 59. I am in duty bound to point out that this business has aroused dismay in international political circles. particularly within the United States. where many re- sponsible officials have expressed their interest and concern at the fact that the use of American- manufactured weapons in southern Lebanon is a viola- tion of American law and the undertakings entered into by Israel on the subject. Thus the United States must bear a heavy burden of political and moral responsibility. 60. In conclusion, we are convinced that the United Nations commitment to us does not exonerate us from undertaking our own diplomatic initiatives in another framework with a view to helping to achieve the goals we have set. And I must point out that this type of action is fully consistent with our thinking and is being taken up. 61. Since we are convinced of the need for a frank dialogue with ou r friends and brothers and since we are firmly convinced that our country should not be the prey of anyone's greed, we have pursued such dip- lomatic actIon within the framework of the Arab com- munity and we have requested its highest bodies 10 work out with us a plan ofaction that would take due account of the obligations of that community and ofour own possibilities now that Lebanon has become what is unacceptable to us: the only battlefield in the Middle East. 62. Last year the General Assembly adopted a resolu- tion [resolution 33/146J to which we attach great im- portance and which deals with economic and humanita- rian assistance to Lebanon, as well as with the co- ordination of international and local activities with a view to its reconstruction and development. 63. If I have deliberately left aside the question of the assistance unfallingly provided by the United Nations and the specialized agencies, as well as by various States, it IS not because we underestimate the impor- tance and usefulness of such assistance nor the gratitude which we owe to its donors. But in view ofthe urgency of executing the demands which we have put forward and the wholesome impact this would have on the situation in Lebanon as a whole we decided we had to give priority to them. 64. The satisfaction of these demands would contrib- ute to the establishment ofa political and psychological climate in Lebanon that would help to strengthen the common goals of all the Lebanese, namely national understanding, which, in tum, would have a positive effect on the situation we have described. Similarly, the 65. Both because ofits system and the way oflife ofits people, Lebanon has been and could again become an example of the noble principles that lie at the basis of the United Nations, of which Lebanon has the honour to be one of the founders. Thus preserving this achieve- ment, which embodies all of mankind's aspirations to live in tolerance, brotherhood and love, by helping it to overcome this crisis is a necessity not only for it and for its region but also for all mankind and for the interna- tional community's mission. 66. Our history, which goes back thousands of years, includes many pages of black tragedy as well as just as many pages of dazzling splendors. Our mountains and our rivers have looked on throughout the centuries as whole processions of conquerors and usurpers have descended upon the country, but have also seen them invariably beaten back, as the inscriptions on the rocky walls not far from our capital proclaim. Thus Lebanon endures. 67. The people ofLebanon, resolved to preserve their land, to defend their rights and to repel all dangers from whatever quarter, as well as the greeds which surround them and which seek to break their unity, is strong with its oWn force and with a consciousness of its own pow- ers and its sacred right to live in freedom and dignity. Let our Organization, through the ways and means given to it by the Charter, not begrudge us its aid and support.

It is with a sense of both pride and satisfaction that I congratulate you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Your unanimous election is not only a timely recognition of your personal qualities as an able and experienced diplomat, but also a fitting tribute to your country, the United Republic of Tanzania, and mdeed to its eminent leader, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere. 69. The constructive role you have played [n the vari- ous international forums, especially in the efforts ofthe United Nations in the decolonization process, is a mat- ter of record and needs no elaboration on my part. The United Republic of Tanzania, which you so ably repre- sent, is well known for its championship of the just cause of the oppressed peoples everywhere, especially in southern Afnca. It is in awareness of these facts that we embark upon our task at the current session of the General Assembly, confident that the explosive and dangerous situation currently obtaining in the southern part of the continent of Africa will receive a thorough examination that wiU lead to substantial progress in the eradication of the evil systems ofapartheid and settler colonialism. 70. I should also like to take this opportunity to con· vey to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the warm sentiments and appreciation ofmy delegation for the able manner in which he presided over the work of the last session of the General Assembly. Our gr.atitude and appreciation go also to the Secretary-General ofthe United Nations, Mr. Kurt WaJdheim, for the dedicated and competent manner in which he has guidea the Sec- retariat of our Organization. His sagacity and persever- 72. Africa, the motherland of one third of the mem- bership of the United Nations, has been the scene ofthe worst forms of racial degradation, economic expJoita- tion and political oppression. Much has been sacrificed by preceding generations so that we might reach the stage at which we find ourselves today in the continuing struggle for continental liberation. It is true that much of colonial Africa has gained political independence. The last two decades, however, have demonstrated to us that the independence we enjoy today will soon become empty of substance if Africa continues to be divided and exploited for the benefit of a handful of multinational corporations. So will the dignity ofAfri- cans remain incomplete as long as the deprivation, deg- radation and subjugation of the masses in southern Africa is allowed to persist. 73. A gallant and able leader in the struggle for conti- nental unity and liberation has been Mr. Agostinho Neto, the first President of the People's Republic of Angola. The untimely death ofthis revolutionary leader and eminent statesman is mourned by the stnLggJing masses of Africa with a deep sense of loss and a stronger commitment to his life-long objective of total African liberation. 74. The total liberation of Africa is the responsibility not only ofthe present generation ofAfricans, but also of humanity at large. The current situation in southern Africa is marked by the escalation and intensification of the struggle for liberation, on the one hand, and the war ofrepression and aggression, on the other. The national liberation movements ofZimbabwe and Namibia, with the full backing and support oftheAfrican populationof those Territories, are actively engaged in demolishing the colonial and racist edifice ofSalisbury and Pretoria. In a desperate attempt to arrest the march of history, the racist and illegal regimes in southern Africa are for their part intensifying the repression of the African masses in all territories. The cold-blooded murder of freedom fighters as "terrorists" and the arrest and in- carceration of the innocent civilian population as "guerrilla sympathizers", as well as the blatant armed aggression carried out against neighbouring indepen- dent African States, are becoming daily occurrences. 75. While the South West Africa People's Organiza- tion [SWAPO] and the Patriotic Front, the sole and legitimate representatives of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe respectively, as well as the national liberation movement of South Africa, are gaining in- creasing support and assistance from peoples all over the world that love freedom and peace, the collusion and collaboration of certain Western Powers with the racist regimes in Pretoria and Salisbury are also being strengthened. Despite the imposition ofmandatory and comprehensive sanctions against Rhodesia and a total arms embargo against South Africa, economic and military collaboration between certain Western countries and the racist regimes continues unabated. 77. The independence of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the emancipatIOn oftne African masses from the shack- Jes ofapartheid has been for far too long on the agenda ofthe General Assembly of the Uoited Nations. Now is the time for more concrete and meaningful actions by the international community. To this end, the leaders of independent Africa, at their last summit meeting in Monrovia,3 resolved further to intensify their assist- ance to the liberatioll struggle in southern Africa. 78. In this connexion, I should like to reaffirm rev- olutionary Ethiopia's unswerving commitment to the just cause of the suffering masses of southern Africa. While saluting all those who have contributed to that liberation struggle, Ethiopia would like to call upon all freedom-loving peoples and Governments to increase material and financial assistance to the liberation move- ments and to the front-line States, so as to hasten the day of liberation. 79. It is a well-known fact that, without the racist regime of South Africa, settler colonialism in Rhodesia would have long been eradicated. It is equally true that, without Western collaboration and collusion, the illegal occupation of Namibia and racial subjugation in South Africa would also have long been closed chapters of history. When tackling the situation in southern Africa, we should therefore not Jose sight ofthese facts, and the measures we take should be commensurate with the problems posed. 80. As regards Namibia, the United Nations has a special responsibility. South Africa has slammed the door on all attempts at the peaceful decoJonization of Namibia. Abusing the goodwill of the international community, South Africa has indeed attempted to use the negotiating period of the last two years to evolve and establish illegal and puppet institutions to ensure a neo-colonial hold over the economic resources and fu- ture developments in Namibia. Though the United Na- tions has condemned and rejected Pretoria's ma- noeuvres, these measures by themselves have not al- tered the situation. It is thus incumbent upon the United Nations to take the necessary measures to implement its decisions so as to ensure the speedy emergence ofa free and united Namibia. My delegation therefore reit- erates its call to the Security Council to convene im- mediately and consider the imposition of mandatory and comprehensive sanctions on the racist regime of Pretoria. We hope that the Western permanent mem- bers of the Council, namely, the United States, the United Kingdom and France, will heed this call of the overwhelming majority of mankind for the immediate imposition of sanctions. 8 I. Inasmuch as permanent membership of the Council entails greater responsibility, we had hoped that some of the permanent members of the Security ) Sixteenth ordinary,ession ufthe Assembly ofHeads ofStateand Government of the Organiz:ation of African Unity, held at Monrovia from 17 to 20 July 1979, 82. If that final victory could be achieved through peaceful means, we would be among the first to welcome it. It is in view of this that socialist Ethiopia and indeed the whole ofAfrica follows closely the cur- rent London Constitutional Conference on Rhodesia. Despite our bitter experience with the series of ma- noeuvres which have served more to prolong than to expedite the process of liberation, we earnestly hope that the results of the London Conference will lead to a speedy transfer ofeffective power to the African major- ity in Zimbabwe. 83. The achievement of majority rule in Zimbabwe and progress in the elimination ofracism and apartheid in southern Africa require immediate and determined action by the intemational community. It is therefore imperative that the decision of the Security Council with regard to the arms embargo on South Africa be fully implemented. In view ofthe grave threat posed by South Africa's nuclear weapons capability, the Secu- rity Council is in duty bound to pronounce itselfon the mandatory cessation of all types of nuclear collabora- tion with South Africa. 84. While discussing the total liberation of Africa, I cannot fail to reiterate my Government's full support for the heroic struggle ofthe people ofWestern Sahara for self-detennination and independence in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and the recent decision ofthe sixteenth sessionofthe Assembly of Heads of State and Government ofthe Organization ofMrican Unity [OAU] [see A!34!552, annex II, AHG! Dec. 114 (XVI)]. 85. In this connexion, Ethiopia lauds the wise and courageous stand taken by Mauritania in renouncing its claim over, and relinquishing i~s occupation of, apartof Western Sahara. It is our hope that Morocco will also reconsider its present positIon and follow the com- mendable example of Mauritania so that the people of Western Sahara will regain their independence and peace, and security in the region will thereby be ensured. 86. Turning now to the general intemational scene, we note that the year has been marked by rising ten- sions and conflicts in Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin America, each gravely endan¥ering global peace and security. The world has also wItnessed the end of one tyrannical regime after another, a further testimony, ifone were needed, to the fact that nothing can stand in the way of a detennined people struggling for freedom, equality, justice, democracy and peace. 87. We also support fully the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean in their just struggle to attain their legitimate rights over their natural resources and to conduct their political life without foreign in- terference so as to establish just and equitable social and economic systems. 88. The Middle East situation continues to make the maintenance of international peace and security in- creasingly difficult. The cleverly orchestrated ma- noeuvres and betrayals which we have witnessed oflate have succeeded only in highlighting the fact that the question of the rights of the Palestinian people is at the core of the Middle East problem. 89. The Camp David agreements4 and the subsequent treaty between Egypt and Israel5 have not only ignored and circumvented this important and central issue but have also made Israel more arrogant and intransigent. This has been amply demonstrated by the continued establishment of illegal settlements in occupied Arab territories and has increased Israeli aggression against the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. 90. Furthermore, the separate deals between Egypt and Israel have increased tension and conflict among the States of the region. For these reasons, socialist Ethiopia rejects these separate deals and maintains that there can be no lasting solution to the Middle East problem unless it is sought within the framework of the Charter ofthe United Nations and relevant United Na- tions resolutions which require the complete with· drawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories and the full exercise by the Palestinian people of their ina- lienable rights to self-determination and the establish- ment of their own independent State. To this end, the participation ofthe PLO in all negotiations on the ques- tion is also of crucial significance. Therefore, Ethiopia extends its full support to the just cause ofthe Palestin- ian people and the Arab States whose territories have long been occupied. 91. Socialist Ethiopia also urges all the parties con- cerned to exert the efforts necessary for the resumption ofthe intercommunal talks among the people ofCyprus with a view to arriving at a mutually acceptable solution on the basis of the principles and resolutions of the United Nations. Once again we reiterate our support for the struggle ofthe people ofCyprus to maintain and consolidate the sovereignty, independence, territorial 4 A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, and Framework for the Conclusion ofa Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 92. The situation in South-East Asia is no less grave today than it was last year. The heroic Vietnamese people have been subjected to yet another foreign armed aggression, but once again they have success- fully repulsed the aggressor. However, the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Viet Nam and Laos continue to be under imminent threat. 93. Having overthrown the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary genoci- dal regime, the Kampuchean people, who are currently engaged in the arduous task of reconstructing their devastated country, are facing the concerted ma- noeuvres of international reaction and imperialism, which are trying again to impose on the people that discredited and murderous regime. 94. In this regard, I cannot fail to express our deep dismay at the decision by the General Assembly to seat in the United Nations, as representatives of the Kampuchean people, individuals who have been dis- owned by their own people and discredited by their very actions. This decision will neither contribute to the maIntenance ofpeace and security in the region norwill it enhance the prestige of our Organization. Such an outright denial of reality and justice will rather, in the long run, jeopardize the credibility of the United Na- tions, an organization which certainly deserves a better fate than that ofits predecessor, the League ofNations. 95. It has been repeatedly confirmed that the cessa- tion of the arms race and progress towards genuine disarmament constitute the most urgent and pressing problem in contemporary world politics. It cannot be over-emphasized that the early cessation of the arms race, particularly in the nuclear field, and the collective realization of the long-cherished objective of general and complete disannament under effective interna- tional control would not only strengthen international peace, security and co-operation, but would also re- lease substantial resources which would benefit the peaceful development of mankind. 96. The newly re-established Disarmament Commis- sion and the Committee on Disarmament have held and concluded their 1979 sessions with some degree ofsuc- cess. Yet the arms race is increasing at a pace which outstrips by far all the efforts to put an end to it. It is, therefore, Imperative that all States should muster the necessary political will and strive to use with greater efficiency the newly-established deliberating and nego- tiating bodies which provide the basis for promoting the programme of disarmament as adopted by the tenth special session of the General Assembly [resolution S-lO/2]. 97. Last year the General Assembly stressed the ur.. gency of conduding agreements on a comprehensiv/~ ban of nuclear tests and chemical weapons [see resol(i- lions 33/71 C and 33/59 A]. Regrettably, not much pro- gress has been achieved during the year and, once again, we wish to underline the responsibility of the Gommittee on I?isarmament for completing negotia- tIOns on these Important matters. It should also be underlined that any failure on the part of the nuclear- weapon States to meet their responsibility and obliga- tion to halt the arms race and to proceed to ge'nuine 98. Obviously, this trend is ominous and it hatS been further highlighted at the recent Meeting ofthe Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean. Aware of the dangers of the extension of the nuclear arms race into the Indian Ocean region, the littoral and himterland States have long striven, individually and col71ectively, to promote conditions t.hat will ensure the preservation of their independence, sovereignty and teo'itorial in- tegrity, and also enable them to resolve their political, economic and social. problems in conditions of peace and tranquillity. 99. The Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, which was convened pursuant to the Declaration adopted by the General Assembly in 1971 [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], clearly demonstrated the urgent need for the elimination from the area ofthe competitive escalation in the military presence of the nuclear-weapon States. Regrettably, and despite the expressed wishes of the littoral and hinterland States, recent developments in the region poill1t in the direction of expanding existing military bases and the deploy- ment of more naval units, which indicates the intensifi- cation of the nuclear arms race an.d thereby gravely endangers the-independence, security and stability of the States of the region. 100. At this juncture, I should like to emphasize that the clarion call by the OAU for the denuclearization of Africa can have no effect so long as certain imperialist Powers continue to collaborate in the nuclear field with the apartheid regime of Pretoria. 101. A significant deve10pmem that has taken place this year in the field ofdisarmament was the signing, at the condusion of the second round of the Strategic Anns Limitation Talks [SALTj, of a treaty6 by the leaders of the USSR and of the United States of America. There is no doubt that tl1is Treaty is a step in the ri&J1t direction inasmu(;h as it contributes to strategIC stability and to the; reduction of the risk of nuclear war. Since the main t'hrustoftheSALT negotia- tions is the limitation ofthe levels ofstrategic weapons of the two major nuclear flowers, the Treaty can as- sume global importance 0I111y if it constitutes a step in halting, and eventually reversing, the nuclear arms race. 102. It is obvious that any progress in the field of disarmament and the maintenance of global peace and security would essentially require international co- operation, confidence between and among States, and strict compliance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. We are therefore satisfied to note that two of the new proposals submitted to the current session of the General Assembly are of direct relevance to the furtherance ofthe objectives ofdisarm- ament and the str:engthening of international security. We refer here to the proposals submitted by Czechoslovakia 'and the USSR and entitled, respec- tively, "Adoption of a declaration on intemational co- operation for ~Iisarmament"[A/34/14lJ, and "Inadmis- 6 Treaty betwf;en the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 103. I should like to turn now to a subject which is no less vital and pressing: that of economic co-operation and development. 104. As we are all aware, the inlernational community finds itself at present in the midst of important negotia- tions in the economic tield, which will have a critical bearing 011 our endeavour to create ajust and equitable world economic order. The demand for equity and justice requires fundamental changes in the interna- tional economic system to assure tO,a11 nations a fuller participation' in intelllational economic life anu an equi- table share of benefits accruing thei'efrom. Although this perception founu its expression in the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order which was adopted at the sixth spe~ial session of the General Assembly [resolutions 31D:! (S-VI) and 1202 (S-VI)j, the results obtained so far "~ave much to be desired, 105. The negoti,uions conducted until now between developed and developing countries in various interna- tional forums to bring about structura.l changes have reached a stalemate. This lack of progft~SS is due, evi- dently, to the absence of a genuine politi,cal will on the part of the large majority of developed countries to engage in meaningful dialogue. That was apparent dur- ing the fifth session ofUNCfAD held last May in Manila, in the meetin~s of the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy, and at the recently concluded s,~ssion of the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolu- tion 32/174, where the industrialized countries demon- strated increasingly im~exible positions towards the legitimate demands of tile developing countries. 106. The inward-looking policies adopteu by the de- veloped countries have not only rendered the process of negotiation more difficuh but have also made elusive the attainment ofthe goals !iet out at the seventh spedal session of the General Assembly [see resolutiull 13;62 (S-VlJ)]. We are not simply concerned at the lack of political will to expedite those negotiations. If the diat- logue between North and South is to succeed, a politi.. cal vision is required, a visio,n which is inspired by the promise of ajust future, ratht~r than one marred by the desire to cling to the short-term privileges of the pres- ent. So long as the developed I~ountries persist in their old ways. no realistic solution can be worked out for the major issues which affect the developing world. !O7. My delegation firmly believes that the interna- tional community should seek a new initiative and a dynamic approach to achieving concrete results which would enhance the establishment of the New Intellla- tional Economic Order, In that regard, we subscribe fully to the proposal of the Group of 77 that global negotiations on international co-operatil)n for develop- ment be launched at the special session ,pf the General Assembly in 1980. We believe that this approach, which was initiated at Havana by the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned chan~e in attitude and to embark on a new approach to bringmg an end to the present climate of uncertainty and disenchantment in international economic rela- tions. It is thus the view of my delegation that interna- tional economic relations built on the status quo will produce an adverse trend in the international economic situation which, in our opinion, will not augur well for peace and security. 109. My dele~ation is of the view that the interna- tional community should share a vision of the world in which justice and equality prevail. It is equally of the view that an equitable world economic oruer can and must be based on an equitable economic system within each nation. Being strongly committed to the achieve- ment of social justice at the national level, we are at present carrying out basic and fundamental structural changes in our country in all socio-economic fields. 110. The Government of socialist Ethiopia has em- barked upon a genuine economic development pro- gramme in a determined effort to raise the standard of living of the masses which for centuries languished under an archaic feudal system. In that regard, a procla- mation has been issued prov iding for the establishment of a national revolutionary development campaign and a central planning supreme council. the main objective ofwhich IS the reconstruction of the national economy, which has been ravaged by wars of aggression, re- peated natural calamities, and by acts of sabotage in- stigated and assisted by the forces of reaction and anarchy. III. In his address to the nation on 3 February 1979, on the occasion of the inauguration of the short-term plan of the national revolutionary campaign, Comrade Chairman Mengistu stated the following about the op- tions open to our people: " ... it is a historical day on which a choice has to be made between a country where the broad masses of Ethiopia would forever remain hungry. deprived, alms-seekers. illiterate, etc., or a country, a socialist one, proud and strong. in which equality, justice, peace, happiness and collective prosperity prevail". 112. The Provisional Military Government ofsocialist Ethiopia. cognizant of the fact that the nation's economic destiny lies first and foremost in the hands of its own people and resources. has mobilized the country's human and natural resources to increase the productive capacity of the nation, primarily in the ag- ricultural and industrial sectors. 113. Stressing the expedience of improving the food supply of the nation during the campaign, Comrade Chainnan Mengistu also said: "Our campaign will chiefly concentrate on the ag- ricultural. industrial. commercial and social fields, with special emphasis on the question of finding a solution to the current food-shortage problems. Our first and foremost task. therefore. is to save our fel- low countrymen from the scourge of hunger, to , which they had been subjected for so long." 114. This undertaking has beyond any doubt put a heavy strain on our meagre resources. The financial burden has been shouldered so far by all Ethiopians who look on the campaign as a part of their sacred duty to help their less fortunate brothers and sisters. Since the sacrifice and contribution ofour people alone would not be sufficient, we believe that the intemational com- munity, which made a worthy contribution towards our relief efforts in the past, will equally demonstrate its humanitarian concern in the resettlement and rehabili- tation effort currently under way, by coming forward with generous contributions. 115. My delegatioll-and, indeed, the great majority of this Assembly-is guided by the thorough analysis of the international situation and the historic decisions adopted at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Non-Aligned Countries [see A/34/ 542], which was held in Havana, Cuba, only a few weeks ago. It would therefore be appropriate to make a brief reference to that historic Conference, if only in order to refute the self-appointed critics of our move- ment who, for their OWn selfish ends, are desperately trying to divide the non-aligned countries. 116. It is to be recalled that, prior to the Havana Conference, imperialism and international reaction were feverishly engaged in a well-orchestrated campaign of vilification directed against the host country of the Conference with the aim of thwarting its proceedings. Nevertheless, their efforts failed and the movement emerged stronger and more united than ever. Cuba, as the host country, and its revolutionary leader, Comrade Fidel Castro Ruz, therefore deserve our deepest gratitude and appreciation for the im- portant role they played in making the Conference a great success. 117. The pronouncements made at the Conference by most of our leaders, the Final Declaration, the Pro- gramme of Action, and the resolutions that were unani- mously adopted were not only indisputable evidence of the outstanding success achieved at Havana but also a clear demonstration of the solidarity and the unity of purpose of the non-aligned countries. At Havana, the movement strongly reaffirmed its vigorous opposition to imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, apart- heid and racism and charted a viable programme of action for the years ahead. 118. It is precisely because of this fact that im- perialism and big-country chauvinists with ex- pansionist and hegemonistic ambitions persist in their concerted efforts to hamper the implementation of the decisions adopted at Havana and to undermine the unity of the non-aligned countries. These devious at- tempts should be condemned and rejected with the contempt they deserve. I t9. As we enter the new decade of the 1980s, we see the world faced with new challenges while existing problems still remain to be solved. It is recorded in history that each decade and each century has posed its own challenges, and more often than not humanit~ has t~rmm~tlOn. We are also confident that the United Na- tIons WIll playa more constructive and active role in the creation of ~ world order based on peace, justice, free- dom, equality and prosperit.y. 1~0. Prince A.L-FAISAL (Saudi Arabia) (interpreta- tlOnjrom ArabiC): In the name ofGod the merciful and compassionate. 121. Allow me, Mr. President, to preface my address by extending to you, on behalf of my delegation, my sincere felicitations upon your election as President of the General Assembly at its CUITent session. Your elec- tiory reflects your great comp~tence and the esteem in whIch you are held and underlmes t.he importance ofthe post that you occupy in the fulfilml~nt of the hopes and aspirations of mankind. 122. I would also like to thank your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for having proficiently presided over the preceding session. 123. It also gives me great pleasure to express, on behalf of the Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, our deep gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt WaJdheim, for his sincere endeavours in promoting the effectiveness of the United Nations and in furthering its lofty objectives and principles. 124. I wish to seize this opportunity to associate my- selfwith other heads ofdelegations who preceded me in welcoming Saint Lucia to the United Nations as a new Member that will take part with all other MemberStates in attaining the noble aims of the Organization. 125. While it would be exceedingly optimistic and idealistic to maintain that the United Nations has ful- filled all the hopes and aspirations ofthe world, it is only realistic to acknowledge and recognize the accomplish- ments that have been made, and those that are being made, by this Organization. It has provided a world rostrum for the peoples from which they could express their aspirations and expectations. It has been able to attain for those peoples many of the rights which they had always striven for. It has succeeded in admitting a number of new Members to the family of sovereign nations. (t has allocated considerable financial and hu- man resources for economic and social development in various corners ofthe globe. It has endeavoured to ease world tensions and to prevent, to t.he best of its ability, regional crises from developing into multilateral conflicts. 126. Probably the biggest problem that confronts this Organization and in many instances renders it unable to discharge its great responsibilities is r.he fact .that it.is functioning in a world that still fails to subscnbe to Its objectives and is d0n:'inll;ted by the grem\ Po,:¥e~s. None the less, this OrganIZatIOn and other stl'eclah~ed .and affiliated agencies, including regional organIzations such as the Islamic Conference, the League of Arab States and the OAU, endeavour to achkve common objectives and are considered indispens.able bodies whose activities should be encouraged anal developed 128. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia takes great pride in its membership in this Organization. Islam is the Kingdom's religion, and the Holy Koran is tantamount to its constitution and law. The well-established princi- ples and genuine precepts of Islam have displayed their adaptability to the changing conditions of modem life, with all its complex economic aspects and its scientific and technological variables in a human and social framework that preserves the dignity of the human being and establishes justice and equality for society. 129. In the sphere of international relations, we, as Moslems, entertain no enmity or hatred for other peoples, whether in the East, West, North or South. In fact, our religion importunes us to build bridges of friendship and cordiality among various peoples. God the Almighty says: "Say: Unto Allah belong the East and the West. He guideth whom He will unto a straight path. .'Thus we have appointed you a middle nation, that ye may be witnesses against mankind, and that the messenger may be a witness against you." [The Ko- ran, Sura II Baqara 142-14].] 130. In calling us "a middle nation", the Koran urges upon us to be moderate and to shun prejudice and hatred; to surmount the myths of racial and cultural superiority and to advocate the sphere of social and international relations, the concepts ofmercy, charity, ju~tice and ~quality'. which constitute the essence of fmth. Islam IS a relIgIOn that addresses the mind, fights backwardness in all its forms, promotes freedom of thought, and allows for t.he assimilation of modem ac- complishments. The Islamic civilization has been a source of inspiration, in the dissemination of its knowledge in various branches, for the nations of the world. 13 I. Similarly, and in confOlmity with the aims and principles of the United Nations, the League of Arab States has played 3d1 effective and constructive role in promoting political, economic, social, and cultural co- opt:ration ~ong i,ts ~ember States with a view to pro- vldmg stabIlIty secunty and prosperity for the nations ~fthe region. Yet, these endeavours by the League and Its m.ember Star.es have.always been confronted by a fonm~able obstacle whIch not only has impeded the establIshment rJf peace, stability, and prosperity in the Middle East region, but also has threatened world peace ~d security, By this, I mean the unrelenting agg,resslve role played,bx Israel and its pernicious racist p5Jhcy of setller colonIalIsm. Israel's continued aggres- sion IS the core of the Palestinian cause and in fact runs counter to all those who subscribe to the right of self- determination for all peoples. 133. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is convinced that, notwithstanding the inadequate attempts and initiatives taking place in the Arab and international arenas and allegedly aimed at resolving the Palestinian problem Israeli aggression continues unabated, in one fonn 0; another, notwithstanding the notion entertained by the optimistic advocates of Camp David that Israel will respond to legitimate demands ifit feels that its security is guaranteed. On the contrary, realities demonstrate the opposite, for the practices of Israel still show that it is bent on territorial aggrandizement and is not in- terested in peace. The Israeli aggression has not ended, and it will not come to an end until Israel recognizes and accepts all the basic elements which constitute a solid foundation for a just peace that will ensure complete Israeli withdrawal from all the occupied Arab teni· tories, beginning with the Holy City ofJerusalem, and that will recognize the legitimate right of self- determination for the Palestinian people in their home· land. One of the most impOltlillt of these ingredients is the necessity of the participation of the original and legitimate party to the conflict-to wit, the Palestinian people, represented by the PLO as their sole legitimate representative. 134. If we review the various resolutions adopted by the United Nations General Assembly that condemn Israeli a~ressive practices and support the right of the Palestimlill people to a homellilld in Palestine as well as affirm the Arab character ofJerusalem, we will find that none of these resolutions condone the untenable Israeli allegations-including that of the "secure borders" myth propagated by Israel-and that they fail to ad- vance any logical justification for Israel's continued occul?ation ofthe Arab tenitories. Israel is accordingly utilizmg the idea of "secure borders" as a pretext for the continuation of its occupation of Arab lands, even though actual facts demonstrate that it is the Arabs and not Israel who require security. Israel has consistently been the aggressor. It is Israel which possesses more arms than the Arabs, and it is Israel whose security and integrity is guaranteed by both the East and West. 135. We are all aware that this Organization in its various organs has been seized of this problem for well ~ver 30 years, during which it adopted many resolu- tIOns that were consistently ignored by an intransigent Israel. 136. For these reasons, it is our judgement that there is at this juncture not so much a need for new resolu- tions as an imperative requirement for serious ae,tion and measures to promote the implementation of the resolutions that have been adopted. We hope that in- creasing international awareness of the justice of this cause will encourage the adoption ofsuch measures and help expose the colonial expansionist intentions of the Zi~nist entity that threaten security and stability in the MIddle East lilld in the world at large. At this point I should like to commend the significant development with regard to the position of the members ofthe Euro- pean Economic Community vis-a-vis the Palestinian 137. We also believe that the time has come for the Security Council to change its concept of the Palestin- ian problem as one concerning homeless refugees. The Council should reconsider this attitude. as the General Assembly did. from the standpoint that this isacase ofa people whose rights, homeland, and properties have been usurped. 138. I am not infonning you of anything new when I say that the Arabs are not the cause of the Middle East conflict; rather. this conflict has been thrust upon them. The Palestinian people have never been the aggressors or usurpers of other people's land: rather, history shows that they have been victims whose rights have been violated and whose land and property has been usurped. 139. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reiterates its firm conviction that peace, security and stability will not be attained in the Middle East region or in the whole world unless there is a just and comprehensive resolution of the Palestinian problem that ensures the recognition of all the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. in- cluding their right to establish their own State in their own land; and unless there is a complete and uncondi- tional Israeli withdrawal from all the occupied Amb 'territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem. 140. It also reiterates that any settlement ofthe Pales- tinian problem that does not lead to the return ofJerusa- lem to Arab sovereignty and the guarantee of freedom of worship for Arab and non-Arab Moslems. Christians and Jews, is totally unacceptable. Jerusalem, with its religious significance and its geographic and demo- 8raphic importance, is the main test of Israel's designs IIlsofar as the implementation of the United Nations' resolutions is concerned. 141. Israel's expansionist and aggressive intentions require no proof. Its practices are clear evidence of these intentions; otherwise, how can we interpret the establishment of new settlements in the West Bank, Gaza. Jerusalem and the Golan Heights? How can we interpret the latest Israeli decision to allow its citizens to occupy privately owned land in the West Bank and Gaza? And how can we interpret the Israeli Prime Minister's statements that autonomy only applies to the inhabitants and not to the territories, meaning that the Palestinians have no rights to their lands, or to self- determination? 142. I should like to recall the historic speech de- livered by His Holiness Pope John Paull! at the Gen- eral Assembly on 2 October l/7rh meeting], and particularly to his emphasis on the spiritual ideals and values that should be espoused by the world in facing the various facets of materialism. in order to attain peace, justice and freedom. What the Pontiffadvocated III his address is in keeping with what Islam and the Moslems call for. From this perspective, the followers of the three monotheistic religions must enjoy their rights of freedom of worship in the Holy City ofJerusa- lem. In order to meet this objective, we believe that Jerusalem must revert to Arab sovereignty so that all r~actlOns III defence of their dignity and legitimate rights, Th~ Arab S.tates may ditl'er in their attitudes with regard to IOternallonal endeavours and initiatives, but they .never differ in their desire for a just and compre- henSive peace. 144. On the other hand, the Kingdom ofSaulii Arabia denounces and condemns in no uncertain terms the continued barbaric Israeli aggression on southern Lebanvn .. In an attempt to mislead public opinion. Israel c1m,ms.that the aim of its aggression in southern Lebanon IS to protect itself from the Palestinian pres- t:nce there. Needless to say, this is a distortion offacts. for the presence of Palestinians in southern Lebanon was. in the first place. a result of the Israeli aggression that displaced the Palestinian people from their original homeland. The Kingdom ofSaudi Arabia calls upon the international community in general. and the United Nations in particUlar. to take decisive measures to put an end to these acts ofaggression in view ofthe dangers and threats they entail and their violation of the princi- ples of internatioflallaw as well as onofty human values and ideals. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia also urges those countries which provide Israel with manpower and military and economic support to cease such sup- port, and to help put an end to the Israeli aggression and achieve peace and security. 145. The role played by the OAU in enhancing and strengthening co-operation among the African peoples, and in eliminating the causes of differences among those peoples. is also in conformity with the aims and principles of the United Nations. 146. The similarity between the economic and social problems faced by the Arab and the African peoples, who are both peoples of developing countries, helps bring them closer together in their objectives and ap- proaches. It also reflects a firm desire on both sides for consolidation and understanding that has its roots in the mists of history. In addition. their political approaches in most cases have the same bases and similm sources emanating from their lofty ideals and common heritage. It is not surprising. therefore, that their policies are congruous and their positions similar in enhancing the precepts of justice. equality, and the right of self.. determination and independence. as well as being in opposition to injustice. aggression, racism and imperialism. 147. In this respect. the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia reiterates its support of the just causes of liberation in Africa and the need to assist the African territories and peoples that are still under the yoke of colonialism and racism and in their legitimate struggle for gaining their independence and their inalienable rights. Saudi Arabia reaffirms its support ofall international action aimed at meeting the legitimate aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe and in seeking recognition ofthe right ofthe national majority to govern their country. l49. As the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia establishes its economic system on rational Islamic bases, it works diligently to incorporate these concepts in its interna- tional economic policies. It therefore endors~s the sys- tem offree and just enterprise and rejects intimidation, exploitation and blackmail in all their forms. 150. In its diligent endeavour to contribute to any international effort towards achieving stability, Saudi Arabia reiterates its hope and desire for the establish- ment of a new international economic order more con- ducive to bringing about equity and respect for the rights of both the developed and developing countries, and to provide the necessary means of establishing a dynamic and balanced relationship between economic srowth and political stability in all nations, particularly in the developing countries. Accordingly, my country has spared no effort in order to achieve this objective. In all international forums, it has pursued and is still pursuing this objective, hoping that the dialogue would be in the same constructive spirit that prevailed in the previous special sessions ofthe General Assembly, and the Conference on International Economic Co- operation,1 as well as at the fifth session of UNCTAD held recently at Manila. At this point, I would like to emphasize that my country is prepared to take part in any international effort to resume the dialogue in these areas in accordance with the aspirations of the Mem- bers of this Organization. 151. In adopting those objectives we fully believe in some established facts which indicate that the peoples of the world no lorrger live in isolation, but rather have come a long way towards increased and intensified mutual interdependence, and are no longer satisfied with subsistence living but aspire to a better life and higher standards of living. The realization of those two objectives has become the constant preoccupation of mankind. 152. These considerations are also manifested in some given factors that call for objectivity on our part and commit us to honesty and truth when we look at these issues. To conceal these facts from international public opinion does not serve the interests of humanity. In a similar vein, it is in the interest of no one if each imputes his failures to another. On the contrary, our interests demand that we should evolve a formula that aims at co-operation and succeeds in breaking the vi- cious circle. They call upon us to acknowledge that the achievement of the desired economic goal of progress and prosperity for the international community, and justice and equity for the developing countries in particular, is a joint responsibility involving everyone. 153. In this light it should be admitted that the voices which are raised from time to time accusing the mem- bers of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries ofresponsibility for fluctuations and disarray in the international economy are far removed from the truth. As a matter offact, energy constitutes only a part of the world economic system, and even so the countries members of the Organization of Petroleum 154. Notwithstanding the fact that the issues we are considering this session are not new and have been discussed before, we still hope that our Organization will diligently press forward with the implementation of the resolutions we have previously adopted. We trust that this may be achieved, granted the existence of goodwill and determination. ISS. Mr. DONALDSON (Trinidad and Tobago): On behalfof the Government and people ofthe Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, and on my own behalf, I take great pleasure in extending to you, Sir, our sincere congratulations on your election as President of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. My delegation pledges its fullest co- operation to you in the firm conviction that, through your efficient and distinguished guidance, our delibera- tions will have the very best chances for success. 156. It gives me great pleasure also to express our appreciation and gratitude to Mr. Lievano for the skilful and able manner in which he discharged the arduous responsibilities which fell to him as President of the thirty-third session ofthe General Assembly, and to our Secretary-General and his staff I wish to convey. through you, our thanks for their untiring efforts to enhance the quality of life for us all. 157. My delegation joins with those who have pre- ceded me to this rostrum in extending a warm and sincere welcome to our sister Caribbean nation, Saint Lucia, as the one hundred and fifty-second Member of the United Nations family. In so doing, I should like to express the hope that this thirty-foUl1h session of the General Assembly. the last ofthis decade, will usher in a new era of co-operation among nations, and that the people of Saint Lucia and of new Member States will in future be spared the frustrating experiences of many of our peoples who have looked to the United Nations with high aspirations, but who, in the words of the Secretary-General, have been shackled "to an [interna- tional] economic system which no longer meets the requirements of an interdependent world of free na- tions" [see Af34fJ, sect. 1]. 158. Since last we met, the attentions of the world have been increasingly focused on events in the Carib- bean. One of the active volcanoes in the region, La Soufriere in Guadeloupe, resumed activity with dev- astating effect; and in recent months, two tropical hurricanes of unprecedented ferocity, David and Fred- eric, swept through the region, leaving in their wake a trail of death and destruction. This accumulation of disasters causes me to recall proposals made by the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago some 10 years ago that there should be instituted at the regional level a system of special insurance protection which would facilitate an early return to normalcy after such inevi- table disasters. There was no positive response to those proposals at the regional level. However, in the light of the recent disasters the Government of Trinidad and Tobago has taken the initiative ofestablishing a fund to assist the less developed countries in the Caribbean 159. We are poised today on the brink of the 1980s. What hopes can we take with us across this threshold? Before the reports of this General Assembly are circulated, we will have entered the new decade, un- happily still carrying with us all or nearly all of the short-comings of the 1970s. The very worst of these wrongs is the lack of urgency or concern on the part of some for the plight of countries in the third world. It is the plight of developing countries struggling to negotiate new rules for the conduct of international economic relations. The rules we seek will provide a climate conducive to fairer and more equitable in- tercourse so that, through our own efforts, we can ensure a better quality of life for our people. 160. The experiences ofthe 1970s lead me to question seriously the integrity of those who continue to pay lip service to the desirability of a strong world economy founded on the logic of interdependence between rich and poor, but who at the same time cling tenaciously to every facet of privilege they command through the ex- isting world economic order. The effect of this posture is to stifle any advantage, real or imagined, that might accrue to developing countries. It is clear, as we enter the 1980s, that many Governments are not prepared even now to make the political commitment required to translate the ideals ofthe 1970s into realities. Economic growth in developing countries still seems to be re- garded as a threat. Economic co-operation therefore must be selective, the argument continues, reserved only for those areas that would complement further growth in developed countries, and even then meted out in small, ineffectual doses. 161. Where we as developing countries have been able through our own efforts to wrest a comparative advantage in a few industries, some ofour major trading partners-who alone are capable of undertaking structural adjustment measures-have responded harshly with new, protectionist measures. 162. I should like to identify for the record specific areas where the efforts ofthe 1970s have fallen far short ofthe desired goals and where it is my hope the interna- tional community wiil concentrate all efforts in the 1980s to ensure that the real issues are confronted with the determination necessary to surmount them. 163. What are these real issues? The first is trade. Looked at from the point ofview oftrade as an engine of growth in developing countries, the decade ofthe 1970s has not given much cause for celebration. Man- ufactures still account for only a small percentage ofthe export trade from developing countries, while primary commodities, excluding petroleum, account for the bulk of merchandise exports from the third world. 164. This situation is part ofan interesting, albeit very frustrating, mosaic. The role as purveyors of raw mate- rials that has been traditionally reserved for the de- veloping countries has been encouraged through the creation of institutional machinery and the provision of financial assistance to ensure adequate supplies, and even surpluses. Falling prices have characterized the trade in primary commodities during the middlfl and 165. In many instances, the choices open to develop- ing countries have been l;gidly circumscribed. Oppor- tunities for alleviating unemployment and ensuring economic growth through industrialization have been frustrated by the new protectionism. Exports of man- ufactured products, including processed foods, tex- tiles, clothing and foot-wear-all natural outlets for developing countries, particularly the least developed-have been the subject of voluntary re- straints, export restraint agreements, orderly market- ing arrangements, non-tariff measures, and in some cases even subjected to increased competition through the granting of subsidies to declining industries in de- veloped countries. These are the facts of the new pro- tectionism. The Assembly will understand the concern of a small developing country like Trinidad and Tobago in this area, when much of our development thrust for the future will depend on gaining access to international markets for our steel and aluminium products. 166. The role oflower prices as a disincentive for new investment in primary commodities is paralleled by the granting of smaller, totally unviable quotas for man- ufactured goods to the smaller or least-developed among the developing countries, thus forcing the weakest economies into defensive, inward-looking trade strategies that in themselves limit flexibility and heighten the incidence of burdens on those least capa- ble of bearing them. Without the assurance of export markets, the economies of the third-world countries will continue to stagnate, with all the attendant social ills and consequences that go hand in hand with such stagnation. 167. In the face of this dilemma, we have witnessed the failure of the fifth sesson of UNCTAD and the remission of all substantive issues to the permanent machinery of that organ. We have witnessed, after long and expensive negotiations, the conclusion of an Inter- national Sugar Agreement that has had no impact what- soever on the depressed market conditions. Mean- while, and perhaps not without significance, two of the most important traders in sugar remain outside the con- fines of this Agreement. 168. After long and arduous negotiations spanning several years, we have witnessed the creation of a Common Fund, which is the key instrument of the Integrated Programme for Commodities. & The wars of attrition have taken their toll on this Fund and have reduced it to its mere price-stabilization functions, with the real problem offunds for industrialization still being left to voluntary efforts. 169. We have witnessed also the failure of the multilateral trade negotiations to respond to the major trade interests of the developing countries. Far from according special and differential treatment to develop- ing countries, our developed trading partners have re- 8 See Proc~edings offh~ VI/ited Natiolls Ccmference all Trade and Developml!nl, Fourth SessiolI, vol. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.11.0.10 and corrigendum), part une A. resolution 93 (IV). 171. To the extent that a shift towards indus- trialization is crucial to the development of countries heavily dependent on a few primary commodities, to that extent is it fair to say that the international commu- nity has failed to provide the type of assistance neces- sary to facilitate that shift. Funds disbursed by interna- tional institutions for industrialization and for research and development in that field in developing countries still constitute no more than 5 per cent of the total development assistance to those countries. This is an indictment of the system, which appears consciously and deliberately to address the wrong problem. 172. My delegation is encouraged, however, by one reason for optimism in this area of industrial co- operation. I refer to the conversion of UNIDO into a specialized agency. It is the hope of the Government of Trinidad and Tobago that this agency will prove to be responsive to the needs of developing countries and stronger and more effective in assisting industrial de- velopment in those countries. ' 173. The importance ofthis new institution within the United Nations family cannot be over-emphasized. However, it cannot be a success unless all nations work towards the strengthening of its role and capacity and assist it in its efforts to promote inqustrialization and to foster industrial co-operation among all nations. 174. The transfer of technology from developed to developing countries is one further area in which the efforts of the 1970s have not been crowned with suc- cess. My delegation continues to be concerned over the lack of progress towards the adoption of an interna- tional legally binding instrument that would facilitate and increase the international flow of all forms of tech- nology from developed to developing countries under favourable terms and conditions. 175. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago con- tinues to maintain the view that the code of conduct on the transfer of technology, when adopted, should serve as a vehicle to eliminate restrictive and unfair practices affecting technology transactions and that it should help to strengthen the national technological capabilities of the developing countries. 176. With regard to the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, I dare to express the hope that this Assembly will succeed in establishing effective machinery for the completion of ne~otiations on the Vienna Programme of Action on SCience and Technology for Development.9 It will then be incumbent on Member States to muster the neces- sary political will to finalize the programme so as to bring the Conference to a successful conclusion. This is 9Report ofthe United Natiolls Conference on Sdellce and Tedl- n%gy for Development, VienllU (2U-3/ August /979) (United Na- tions publication. Sales No. E.79.1.21). 177. The closing years of this decade have seen in Trinidad and Tobago an acceleration of our efforts to industrialize, using our hydrocarbon resources to feed and to fuel those efforts. Problems of trade, indus- trialization, research and development, and the transfer of technology have ail been brought into sharp focus during this process of accelerated industrialization. There has been no easy solution. The problems in- volved in the transfer oftechnology have, however, by and large proved to be among the most intractable. 178. The Government ofTrinidad and Tobago has had to devise mechanisms, including Government-to- Government arrangements, to ensure that technology transfers take place. In this fonn of international co- operation, Governments undertake to guarantee per- fonnance in respect of projects and contracts. Provi- sion is also made for the transfer oftechnology involved in projects. Further, the Goverrunent of Trinidad and Tobago has, through this mechanism, a reliable point of reference for establishing the bona fides of companies participating in such projects. One interesting develop- ment has emerged from this experience. It is that some Governments are able to ensure that transfers of tech- nology take place, notwithstanding the fact that the technology involved may be privately owned. 179. This form of co-operation has also been useful to the Government of Trinidad and Tobago since it has facilitated joint-venture participation with companies in the public and the private sector from both developed and developing countries in a variety of projects. It has made it possible to tackle real problems, whether they are of a financial, export, marketing or technological nature or involve ongoing maintenance. In each case, through negotiation it has been possible to reach ac- commodations acceptable to all parties. 180. Economic stability, growth and a better quality of life cannot be enjoyed if vast areas of the world continue to be engaged in political conflict and warfare or subjected to the dehumanizing practices of racism and apartheid. In this regard, the record of the 1970s is unenviable. 181. We, the peoples of the United Nations, must indicate in no uncertain terms our resolve to face the common problems that affect us individually as nations or collectlvely as States Members ofthis body. The goal of global peace cannot be achieved unless the major areas of tension throughout the world are eliminated and disputes settled in a fair and equitable manner. 182. Several issues still remain for resolution in the coming decade. The questions of peace in the Middle East and in Cyprus and of peaceful change in southern Africa have been on our agenda for decades and have preoccupied Governments because of their adverse ef- fects on the maintenance of intemationaJ peace and security. Despite the continuing concern ofthe interna- tional community, there has been little progress to- wards universally accepted solutions. What are needed now are bold new initiatives to be taken by ail interested parties in order to achieve in the Middle East acompre- 184. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago has noted the stand taken by the OAU on the question ofthe inalienable right of the people of Western Sahara to self-determination [A/34/552, pp. 90-91]. My delegation maintains the view that the international community has a duty to see that this question is resolved through peaceful means and within the context of General As- sembly resolution 1514 (XV). 185. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago reit- erates its support for the people ofBelize in the exercise of their right to self-determination leading to a secure independence and condemns all attempts to inhibit the exercise of that peremptory right of the people of Be- lize. The administering Powerand all those nations with a real capability should take measures withil) their com- petence to implement speedily General Assembly res- olutions 1514(XV) and 33/36 with respect to Belize, and to guarantee by all credible means strict respect by all States for the inviolability of the frontiers and for the territorial integrity of an independent Belize. 186. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago ap- peals to States Members of the United Nations to abide by the principles laid down in the Charter, and to refrain from breachmg those principles on the basis of short- term expediency. In this regard, and as an extension of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs ofStates and non-intervention in the domestic affairs of States, Members of this Organization should take particular care to ensure that their territories are not used as bases for subversion of the legal Governments of other Member States. 187. There are other tasks facing us in the new dec- ade. Besides the resolution of the issues affecting economic development and international peace and se- curity, we cannot expect to maximize the use of human resources or improve the quality of life until Govern- ments are prepared to tackle in a comprehensive and integrated manner the basic social ills that confront OUT national societies. 188. Full and equal participation of women is crucial to world development and peace. It is essential that the World Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Objectives ofthe International Women's Year, adopted at Mexico City, 10 be implemented at the national, re- gional and international levels. In this context, I should observe that Trinidad and Tobago has an established National Commission on the Status of Women. My 10 Report ofthe World Conferellce of rhe Inlemarlonal Women's Year (United Nations pUblication, Sales No. E,76.IV.I), chap. II, sect. A. 189. The United Nations and the intergovernmental organizations associated with it must, within the com- ing decade, launch and maintain a concerted attack on these problem areas. It is hoped that with the hannoni- zation of medium-term plans, the Secretariat of the United Nations and the various specialized agencies will be able better to co-ordinate their activities in the implementation ofpolicy directives from their principal legislative organs in these fields of activity. Part and parcel of their future activities must be the provision of training to nationals of developing countries and the creation ofinstitutions in developing countries that can help Governments to deal on a continuous basis with these crucial social problems. 190. My delegation welcomes the preparations for the 1981 Untted Nations Conference on New and Renew- able Sources of Energy which should lead to greater global co-operation in the development and transfer of technology relating to these forms of energy for the benefit of all countries and in particular for those de- veloping countPies which do not possess vast amounts of conventional energy resources such as coal, nuclear energy and hydrocarbon deposits, and which will re- quire cost-effective energy resources for the continued economic and social development of their peoples. 191. We move into the new decade of the 1980s with a comprehensive catalogue of grievances that need to be settled. The Government of Trinidad and Tobago is conscious of, and also deeply concerned about, the proliferation of institutions to which the Secretary- General alluded, and the extent to which this institu- tional escapism is being used to obfuscate real issues or to relegate thejust demands of the developing countries to the cobwebs of international institutional networks. 192. If the international community wishes to identify the real problems and assist the development of de- veloping countries, then the perspective of genuine in- terdependence rather than that of narrow nationalistic goals must infonn the attitudes of those countries with the capacity to assist in the solution of these problems. 193. If the international community really wishes to optimize the utilization of the limited natural resources of this planet, all nations must strive towards forms of co-operation that will not involve exploitation of the poor by the wealthy, or the subjugation of the weak by the strong. 194. TI1ese are some of the tasks that will continue to face us in the 1980s. We must have the courage to recognize them. We must have the political will and conviction to acknowledge them. We do have a duty to overcome them.

11 "0 believers, we created you male and female and II Mr. Yazdi spoke in Persian. The English version ofhis statement was supplied by the delegation. 196. Mr. President, I should like to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. The unanimous vote of this body in your support is a tribute to Africa, to your country and to you personally. 197. I should also like to express my respect for Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim. whose continuous search for world peace ought to be an exrunple for all peace-loving nations. 198. Pennit me to convey to this Assembly the greet- ings of the Iranian people. of Prime Minister Mehdi Bazargan, and of the great leader of our revolution, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. 199. I should also like to note that this is not the first time I have addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations, although this is the first time the As- sembly is actually hearing me. As an Iranian who has come here from out of the ranks of a 30-year-old rev- olutionary movement, I have enjoyed the satisfaction ofscreaming the outrage of my people at you on several occasions from the sidewalks in front of this building. While from the outside, the walls of this complex seemed difficult to penetrate, I never questioned the necessity ofappealing to the conscience of the world in our struggle against tyranny. 200. Now that we have penetrated the walls and this Assembly can hear me loud and clear, I should like to state categorically that this is the first time since the coup engineered in Iran by the Central Intelligence Agency in 1953 that the Iranian delegation to the United Nations has represented the true preference of the Iran- ian people. It is an undeniable fact that during the past 25Jears the Shah of Iran was a puppet of imperialism an zionism. While our people identified with the lib- eration movements of the third world, the Iranian dele- ~ation to the General Assembly sided with the racist or Imperialist oppressors. While the Iranians felt a deep sense ofsolidarity with the people ofPalestine and theIr sole and legitimate representatIve, the PLO l the Iranian delegation voted with the Zionists, whose repression of the Palestinians and the Lebanese has become compar- able to Nazi criminal acts. 201. It is a source of immense pleasure for me to announce to this session of the General Assembly that from now on the Iranian delegation to the United Na- tions will act and vote on the basis of the true prefer- ences and aspirations of the Iranian people. It is in- trinsic to the Islamic Republic of Iran that our rep- resentatives in the world Organization should always side with the victims of colonialism. imperialism, ex- ploitation, racism and zionism. 202. The Iranian revolution is committed to a funda- mental transformation of Iranian society. on the basis ofthe Koranic pIinciples ofjustice, equality and partici- pation. Revolution is a quest for freedom and, from the perspective of Islam, freedom involves the unchaining 203. The goal of the Islamic revolution is to create a society in which all people may fulfil their potential, regardless ofrace, religion or sex. The end ofthe Shah's regime was the first step towards thisgO'll by the Iranian revolution. Needless to say, the destruction of the Pahlavi rule was the less ditlkult part of lJUr task; the more complex revo!utltlllary ....\Jrk is ahead of us. For example, we have to restructure thc society at a time whert our a~ricu1ture. by reaSllll nf the neglect and irresponsioihty ofthe old regime, can feed no more than 30 per cent of Iran's populatioll. 204. The moral explosion of the Iranian masses in 1978 was greatly inspired by the doctrines of the Koran and the efforts of Prophet Mohammed to transform the wealthy and class-dominated ~ot..:ietit:s of his time into egalitarinn and democratic communities uf the Islamic faithful. The doctrines of the Kl)('an amI the Prophet's tradition will continue to guide allll inspire our revolu- tion. One of the most popular slugans llf the demon- strators during the last phase of the revolutionary strug- gle was "Neither East nor West: only Islamic Republic". 205. It is indeed true that buth the Western and the Eastern worlds have difficulty understanding the nature of the Iranian revolution. The ditlkulties or the West are rooted in a number llf mispel'ceptions. 206. In the tJrst place. in the West r\.lligiun is del1ned as a relationship between man and the supernatural. There is no room in that definition fur political, economic and social considerations_ Islam. however. cunsis(s of a set of doctrines based on a wmId \'iew. The Islamic doctrines deflne and conceptualilc hnth Ill<m and the ~ocial universe with the purpose llf transfonning them In accordance with the Islamic workl view. Seen in this light, t~e reIi~ion l)f Islam has it:-. own political, economIC, SOCIal and cultural perspet:tives. It is the imI?os ition of the Western definitilln L)freligion on Islam which prevents most Western l)h'i~r\'l~n, from com- prehending our revolution. 207. Secondly, the development ~.lf secular sdentitk culture in Europe was lJPlXlSt:u hy the organized Church. This was not the case in the Islamic societies simply because Islam has no organized amI ccntraJly contwlled Church. The Western intellectuals. as a class, developed their dbtinction in opposition to the Chur~h, particularly. the Catholic Church. They were percelVed to be ratlOnal rather than cmOlional. LUld committed to the doctrine that kllllWkdgc is the pn..xi- uct ~~pure reason. During the dark ages, which, in the speclhc sense, were exclusively a Western phenome- non, the Churc~ rejected the existence of nun-religious or non-theologIcal knowledge. The Christi,Ul clergy's 208. In pre-Renais~a~ce ;Europe, the papal system had transformed religion Into a stagnant institution cl9se!y connec~ed with the ruling classes of the time. A pnnclpal functIon of theology and religious literature was to comfort t~e oppressed ~asses with the promise of /;leaven. With the Renalssance, science and pl1~los~p~y broke away from the bondage of papal to- tal~tanan!sm and began their free and independent in- qUiry. \ylth the P!iss~geoftime, this sense ofliberation, along. With the sCientific reasoning brought about by the RenaIssance, became the weapon of the intellectuals against organized religion, which fought back with all its resources. . 209. In such a situation, it was logical for the scientists and secular thinkers to distinguish their activities as separate from, or opposed to, religious doctrines. Whe~ the clock, ~hich was invented by the Moslems, was Int~oduced mto the French Court, the priests deemed It to be the work of the devil and ordered their servants to destroy it. Thus when the Western in- tellectuals began to advocate the separation of Church and. State they were actually choosing freedom over the arbitrary power of organized religion. They were against superstition and denial of natural joy, not against ethics or morality. Consequently the an- tagonism of the intellectuals to the Church i~ the West made a significant contribution to social and scientific advancement. However, when Western secularism was transmitted to the colonized societies, particularly Islamic societies, and popularized a..lIlong the educated elements of the people, the results were not social and scientific advancement but the alienation of the in- tellectuals from themselves as well as from the masses. 210. The West moved toward secularism as a way of solving this problem. The separation of Church and State was the outcome of this movement, which served the progressive interests of science and society. The Islamic world has never had such an experience. Those Western observers who assume their experience with religion has universal application are often confused when they see a religious leader has become the leader of a great political revolution. 21 I. Thirdly, the Western experience with religion also contributed to the development of philosophical materialism. When Karl Marx described religion as the "opium of the people", he had the history of Western Europe in mind. He knew very little about Islam or the African or Asian societies. In the Islamic societies, when the intellectuals opposed religion and religious values, echoing either Marxism or Western liberalism, the result was the destruction or weakening ofthe moral force capable of confronting colonial aggression and imperialism, particularly in its cultural form. 212. The prejudice of the colonial scholars was, and continues to be, heavily influenced by the imperialist interests, while the misperception of the Marxist writ- ers has been a logical extension of the assumption that "religion is the opium of the people" , a contention that could have been true in one society or region but not necessarily in other societies and regions of the world. Instead of using Marxism as a tool of analysis, many Western and Eastern thinkers have substituted the 213. The fourth factor in understanding the Iranian revolution is that the works of the so-called Western orientalists on Islam are, for the most part, so prej- udiced that even those who wish to learn about the reality of Islam as a revolutionary ideology have diffi- culty finding adequate literature. Most students of Mid- dIe Eastern affairs in Westem universities study with teachers who have a built-in antipathy towards Islamic cultures. 214. Finally, the fifth factor: for a quarter ofa century the deposed Shah spent millions of dollars in order to present a progressive image of himself to the Western world. A component of this undertaking was to present his opponents as either Marxists or religious extremists opposed to his modernization programs. 215. Given such pre-conceived notions and preju- dices, it is no wonder that many observers of socialist and liberal persuasion have as much trouble appreciat- ing the radIcal and progressive nature of the Iranian revolution as do the apologists for imperialism. 216. All societies have their own organic develop- ment, regardless of what the ethnocentric social theoreticians would like to believe. It was the conse- quence of this reality that, in February 1979 after 100 years of struggle, enabled the Iranian people to force their illegitimate monarch into permanent exile and to welcome home their most popular leader, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Those events were a culmination of more than a year of nation-wide demonstrations, protests and strikes against the Pahlavi regime and United States imperialism. The dominant slogans ofthe protest demonstrations and mass marches were: "Death to the Shah", "Independence, Freedom and Islamic Republic" and "Neither East, Nor West, only Islamic Republic". 217. The swiftness with which the Islamic Republic of Iran acted against Zionist Israel and South Africa exem- plifies the ideals embodied in the international stand taken by our revolution. It demonstrated our une- quivocal commitment to the right of aU peoples to a sovereign and independent life free of oppression, domination and exploitation in all their manifestations. 218. We are committed to the view that the mainte- nance and propagation of bloc alliances based on a military network serves only the cause of imperialism and tyranny. The policy of dismantling military bases and diSSOCiating Iran from military alliances, which cater to the imperialistic game-plan, was one of the initial foreign policy decisions of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It was also a logical step for revolutionary Iran to join the ranks of the non·aligned States. The ideals represented by the non-aligned movement reflect many of our own. Our recent participation in the Havana Conference of the Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries signalled the beginning ofwhat we hope will be a very active membership in the non- aligned movement. Our beloved national hero, and n~~-alignIIl;ent, exemplified by his refusal to join the mlhtary alliance sponsored by the United States which came to be known as the Baghdad Pact. 219. Weare all too familiar with the facts of the Mid- dle East conflict. For us, the most important fact is the displacement and suffering of the Palestinian people. Three million human beings either have been expelled from their ancestral homes or live under the Nazified terror of the Israeli military occupation simply because they are not Jews. I know such a formulation of the problem may sound over-simplified, but it is neverthe- less the naked truth. This is why zionism has to be regarded as one of the most vicious forms of racism in recorded history; it displaces and terrorizes human be- ings simply because they do not belong to a particular race and religion. 220. Poor people have always used less sophisticated means of killing their enemies than have the rich. This inequality of means in warfare, which is tremendously intensified by the industrial and technological advances of the past century, has enabled the rich to distort the reality of their actions and intentions. When the Israeli bombers rain death on the impoverished Palestinians and Lebanese, their media apologists in the Western countries, particularly in the United States, describe their genOCidal aggression as defensive aerial attacks on Palestinian military bases. No correspondent goes to the Palestinian refugee camps or to the Lebanese vil- lages to report on the plight ofthe victims. But when the Palestinians blow up a bus in occupied Jerusalem or assassinate an Israeli secret agent, they are described as terrorists. This hypocrisy is characteristic ofsystems of oppression that deny the rights and human dignity of their victims. 221. My Government is proud to have taken concrete steps in contributing to international efforts aimed at unmasking such deceptions and at undoing the viola- tions and criminal acts committed by Israel. 222. Nowhere are the vestiges and remnants of co- lonialism and imperialism more apparent and stark than in southern Africa. In keeping with our conviction that we must seek for others the same dignities and free- doms that we have sought for ourselves, the Iranian Government took prompt action regarding the abhor- rent policies of apartheid and racial discrimination on the Afr!can continent. This action resulted, among other thm~s,in the total cut-offofIranian oil shipped to ~outh Afnca: That measl;lre was adopted with the inten- tIOn of applymg economic pressure on the Pretoria re- gime and, indirectly, upon the equally racist and illegal regime in Southern Rhodesia. 223. Five months ago the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation ofthe Dec- laration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial 224. In the case of South Africa, our policy is pred- icated on the same tenets of anti-imperialism and anti· colonialism that combined to fonn the moral underpin- nings of our position on Southern Rhodesia. As mentioned earlier, the existing racist nature of the apartheid regime of South Africa remains in direct op- position to Iran's policy of supporting efforts aimed at creating an international society free from the evils of colonialism, neo-colonialism and racial discrimination in all their forms. As such, South Africa has done little to ameliorate its present posture in either style or sub- stance, as witnessed by its continuing discriminatory, exploitative and provocative policies in Namibia, all pursued in defiance of the unanimous call by the inter- national community for a peaceful and just settlement in that Territory. We believe, then, that it is high time that the United Nations adopted more effective economic and other measures, including the applica- tion of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations against the Government of South Africa. 225. Although the revolutionary government is only eight months old, the Provisional Government of Bazargan, under the moral guidance of Ayatollah Kho- meini, has made it abundantly clear that Iran has pro.ud!y joined the anti-colonial, anti-imperialist and ant;-zlOllIst forces. However, what is distinct about our revolutionary posture, in both the domestic and inter- nati.on8;l re~ms, lies in our conviction that the struggle f<?rJustIce, I~dependence and freedom should in part be dlrec!ed agamst our own habits and perceptions. It is certam that the racists and exploiters of this world will not treat the nations and peoples of the third world any better than the way we treat our own people and relate to one another across national boundaries. 226. Until recent decades the rulers in the official or u!,\official colonies of Africa, Asia and Latin America dId not .need the assistance of colonial or imperialist Powers morder to maintain their privileged position. In fac!, III many cases the traditional rulers attempted to resist the Western penetration of their societies not only for political but also for cultural and ideological reasons. Until the outbreak of the Second World War, the ~'fltural a1}-d ideological orientation of the typical traditIOnal ruh~g class in the under-developed world was not too different from that of its own general population. 228. Thus as the economic gap between the privileged few and the wretched many increases, so does the cultural gap. The enclaves ofwealth and power in many under-developed countries are also enclaves of im- ported cultures and life-styles. The rapid growth of mternational finance, the movement of goods and services travel and communication have led to aglobal standardization of values, goals and aspirations among those who benefit from these activities. Since the tech- nology and the ideology of this dramatic phenomenon are the product oforganic socio-economic growth in the West the standardization of values, goals and aspira- tions among the ruling classes ofthe world has added a new dimension of cultural domination to the evolving character of imperialism in the contemporary world. Today, even the liberal education, the ~anners, the dress fashion, the fads and the consumptive norms of the ruling classes in the subordinated societies are simi- lar to those of their counterparts in the advanced indus- trial world. 229. In our time imperialism has produced an unprec- edented amount of resentment among the populace in the subordinated societies. This resentment, which is a response to exploitation, coercion and consumption- oriented manipulation, has resulted in an intensified and expanded revolutionary challenge from ~elow. Thus installation of repressive technology In the dominated society and militarization of its state have become necessary in order to maintain the status '(uo. And yet it is a mistake to think ofthe exportofmampu- lation, repression and militarism to the developing countries as a reaction to the resentment of the wretched. Since the resentment itself is a product of imperialism, the response to it is also a product of imperialism. Seen in this light, manipulation, repres- sion and militarism are the organic commodities of im- perialism in search of global markets. 230. Sad to say, too many of us are eager customers for the latest commodities of imperialism. Too many of us spend the precious resources of our people in a parasitic and paranoia-producing arms race. Too many of us are more responsive to the greed of the few for luxury goods than to the essential needs of the many. The arms race and the insatiable hunger for luxury goods are integral parts ofthe imperialist design for the contemporary world. Too many of us are ~he unc,?n- scious victims of imperialism. The per~eI!tIOns wh!ch were imposed on our fathers by coloOlalism and un- perialism have gradually become so internalize~ b~ us that we think they are the productofour own thinking. Cultural imperialism has penetrated the deepest levels ofour psyches. Too many ofus use the imported instru- ments of repression and oppression against our own peoples more effectively than their producers intended for us. Too many of us spend more of our resources ~n the institutions of coercion than on education or public health. The deposed Shah oCIran was perhaps the most 232. The rebeIlion in Mghanistan has produced thousands ofdeaths and tens ofthousands of refugees, who are pouring into the Iranian and Pakistani terri- tories. Irrational and alienated elements justify such actions in the name of an imported I 'ism". It does not matter if the natives reject the imported formula or do not wish to be represented by those who arrogate to themselves a scientific mission. 233. We will betray our own commitment to peace, justice, independence and fr~edom if. our answers. to these questions are superfiCIal, evasIve, self-servIng and one-dimensional. It was not class struggle or economic considerations which caused the latest tragedies in Indo-China. And it is not enough to claim that subjective factors are at work without pursuing the question of what we mean by "subjective factors" and what should be done to remove them. It is our responsi- bility to analyze these conflicts with as much vig\?urand commitment to truth as we apply to unmaskIng the nature and consequences of traditional imperialism. 234. The Marxist theory of conflict falls short.ofex- plaining all the problems of our time; and when It does explain a particular conflict ~ituation, it is a mista;ke to perceive such an explanatto!' as final. There I~ ~ abundance of historical eVIdence that matenahst categories of explanations or prescriptions, whether rooted in Marxism or capitalism, neither fully com- prehend the nature of human conflict, nor sufficiently satisfy human aspirations. 235. The revolutionary experiences of this century are once again demonstrating the ancient truth that the struggle for justice, freedom, peace and independence requires a moral dimension which is separate from and· beyond the material structure. Nuclear we~ns.and the real possibility ofa global holocaust have mtensified the need for this recognition in.3ft unprecedented m~­ neT. Nineteenth century condItions of ~owth and I1~­ dustrialization made morality subservient to maten- alism in social theories and political actions. Con- temporary ,revolutionary. mo.vements can no longer continue thiS unnatural sItuation. They have to recog- nize that imperialism, war and oppression cannot be defeated by materialism alone. 236. The problem in the third-world ~ountries is ~ot just the pohtical and economic domination by the allen forces of super-Powers, but also their cultural domination. 237. Many ofthe third-world countries are dominated by the !deologic~, philosop~cal an? ~ultural tenden- cies which are allen to the native SOCieties. As a result; many intellectuals in the third world are alienated nol only from themselves, but also from their own peop'l~. This situation has produced an unprecedented cnsis 238. Many of the educated elements in the third world speak ~he native language; they might even dress ~ike the nat~ves. But they think, feel, taste, see and hear 10 a Western or Eastern way. In other words, their sense perceptions are taken over by alien forces. This is the worst kind ofslavery human beings can be subjected to. This mental slavery is the most distinct consequence of imperialism in the contemporary world, and it seems to be a cheap and effective tool for perpetuating im- perialist domination. 239. The global problems diversely analysed from this podium during the past 10 days have a cultural dimen- sion the comprehension ofwhich is at least as crucial as their economic, political, commercial and military com- ponents. The multifaceted crisis confronting us all can be reversed if our attention is not limited to the objec- tive conditions of oppression and exploitation. We must also confront the habits and perceptions which we have inherited and internalized without thought or re- flection. The problems of development, poverty, in- equality, insecurity and violence in the third world can be effectively dealt with only in native socio-cultural contexts, othelWise we will continue to be, however unwittingly, the tools of the super-Powers. 240. The producers and sellers of arms live in a few advanced industrial societies, but increasingly those who use the ever more sophisticated weapons are the impoverished peoples of the third world. This is a new but less visible fonn of domination and exploitation to which the wretched ofthe earth are subjected. The poor have become the fighters of the proxy wars of the rich, and this is why the militarization ofpolitics in the third world has reached a sor'1' stage. In the name ofsecurity and with the dubious claIm ofknowing what is good for their .people, many rulers ofthird-world countries have substltuted forced submission for civil society and vol- untary association. Nationalism, once a source of sol- idarity against imperialism, is now becoming an excuse for militarized societies to engage in civil and regional wars. Both the East and the West are exploiting the misperceptions and militarization of the third-world countries in accordance with their imperialistic game- plans, which include the expansion of their own self- serving arms race. 241. It is the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran that the United Nations should be as active in combat- ing the new fonns ofimperialismas it was in the struggle against colonialism. The cultural domination and militarization ofthe third world can be as destructive of the rights and humanity of nations as violation of their sovereignty. The confrontation between the oppressed natives and the rulers whose alienated consciousness has placed them at the service of imperialism is as ineVitable as was the confrontation between the natives and their colonial masters. Whenever the United Na- tions has had an opportunity to playa constructive role in the confrontation between colonial oppressors and the forces of national self-detennination, it has been instrumental in reducing the violence of the confrontation. 242. In the past decade the United Nations has played a significant role in unmasking the deceptiveness of 243. For a quarter ofa century half a million Iranians served time in prison; more than 65,000 of them were killed by the Shah's armed men; over 2,000 ofthem, all young men and women, were publicly executed and an unknown number were tortured to death; yet not a word about these hideous crimes was uttered in this Assembly. There are otherpeoples in the world who are being killed, imprisoned and tortured by other shahs. The United Nations should heed their cries and reflect them in its public deliberations. 244. The crimes of the shahs cannot be ignored by the world Organization simply because they take place within national boundaries. If the oppressors have to get their arms, ammunition, spies, advisers, and repres- sion technology from outside their national boundaries, then concern over their crimes cannot be confined within their national boundaries either. 245. The legitimacy of the United Nations can be deepened if tbis challenge is taken seriously. The op- pressors, the monopolists ofinfonnation and communi- cations facilities, those who benefit from proxy wars and cultural domination, whether they live inside or outside certain national boundaries, will certainly ad- vise the United Nations to tolerate the crimes of those who rule by coercion alone. But if we are to serve the cause of peace and justice in the world, we cannot ignore the plight of the oppressed without losing our legitimacy. The Islamic Republic of Iran is committed to thejroposition that the most sacred mission of the Unite Nations is to support, within a realistic framework, the rights and human dignity of the op- pressed at all times and under all circumstances.

It is a great pleasure for me to join the previous speakers in congratulating Pres- ident Salim most warmly on his election to the high office he now occupies. As I wish him well in the dis- charge of his heavy responsibilities, I should like to emphasize that my delegation and I are confident that the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly will carry out its work effectively and efficiently under his able guidance. May I be pennitted to pay a tribute to the country he represents and stress that my Government attaches SpeCial importance to promoting its relations with the United Republic of Tanzania in all fields. 247.·· I should also like to take this opportunity to pay homage to Mr. Salim's predecessor, Mr. Lievano of Colombia for the efficient and skilful manner in which he performed his duties during the last session of the General Assembly. 248. I wish to recall once more the eminent qualities of our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and to reiterate our sincere appreciation for his dedicated and untiring efforts in the attainment of our common goals. 250.. Each session of the General Assembly provides us with the opportunity of taking stock of the situation in the world and of the trends affecting the course of events in international relations. In line with this practice, the speakers who have taken the floor before me have analysed in detail the present world develop- ments. I should like to stress briefly the conclusion that was reached by many and which I fully share. 257. Detente is indivisible. It should not be confined to Europe alone. Serious thought should be given to encouraging such a process in other regions through constructive initiatives and positive actions. We see no other way of ensuring peace, security and stability throughout the world. 251. In spite of the determined efforts deployed dur- in$ the past year in all international forums, particularly Within the United Nations system, and through bilateral contacts, the international scene continues to be characterized by tensions and conflicts. 258. Another crucial matter that interests us all is anns control and disarmament. General and complete disannament under effective international control is and will continue to be the ultimate goal of the interna- tional community. World public opinion is becoming increasingly aware of the need for stopping the anns race and allocating the material and human resources thus released to economic and social development. 252. In the search for solutions to these tensions and conflicts, the correct approach should be to discern their real causes. Whatever may be their nature, politi· cal or military, the underlying causes are often economic and social. Therefore, while tackling some of the urgent international issues separately, this interre- lationship should always be kept in mind. 259. Arms control and disarmament is a long process that will require purposeful and constant efforts by all countries. Progress towards this objective will have to be achieved gradually but effectively, and our primary aim should be to stop the arms race and reduce the danger of nuclear war. Reduction of the level of anna- ments is an equally important task. Our method should be a step-by-step approach. We should aim at specific, feasible measures. Therefore, we are of the view that steps at present being undertaken willplay an important role in the attainment of the over-all objective. 253. Our major concern in international relations is the establishment and maintenance of peace, security and stability among nations. 254. Much has been done in the quest for a better world, and a more congenial international setting for peace and security. In this quest it is our belief that detente represents the guiding factor for present-day international relations. In present world conditions there is no alternative to detente. As I stated last year, from this very rostrum, 14 every country, big or small, develol'ed or developing, has a stake in the relaxation of tensIOn and should, on the basis of equality partici~ pate actively in the efforts to promote peace and secu- rity. Detente must therefore become universal, en- compassing all regions of the world and all aspects of international life. 260. Let me add that Turkey welcomed the second SALT Treaty recently signed between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America as a major step in this context. It is our hope that this important development will have a positive bearing on other arms control and disarmament negoti- ations in Europe and in the world in general. 261. Another significant initiative is the Vienna talks on force reductions in Central Europe and associated measures. The successful conclusion of these negotia- tions will contribute to peace and security in Europe and to conditions conducive to a more stable military relationship based on reduced force-levels. While back- ing the current efforts in that direction, we believe that the measures to be undertaken should not adversely affect security and stability in other regions of Europe. 255. Detente is in conformity with the principles that guide Turkish foreign policy, which is aimed at de- veloping relations with all the countries in the world, particularly with neighbouring countries, on the basis of non-interference in internal affairs and mutual re- spect for independence, sovereignty, territorial in- tegrity and the equality of rights. 256. Inspired by AtatUrk's motto, "Peace at home, Peace abroad," Turkey has played an active role in fostering the process of detente and has consistently contributed to the work leading to the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe15 and to its follow-up. It is true that we should not expect spectacular achievements in the relatively short time 262. I should now like to turn to the situation in the Middle East, which continues to be one of the m~or areas of tension in the world. Turkey, as a country of the re~ion, follows the developments there with close attentIOn. ~hat has elapsed since the Conference. Yet it is gratify- mg that the process of detente in Europe is continuing and even acquiring new dimensions. The Madrid re- view session to be held next year will, in our view, constitute a crucial step in this evolutionary process. 263. As we have stated on several previous occa- sions, a comprehensive, just and lasting solution of the Middle East problem can be achieved only through Israel's withdrawal from all the Arab territories and from the Arab sector ofJerusalem occupied in 1967and through the recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to establish their own independent State. That is why we consider the 264. Another source of deep concern in the Middle East is the situation in Lebanon. The events of recent years have caused great sufferings in that country and have put in jeopardy its territorial integrity. The situa- tion in Lebanon is in itself inextricably linked with the over-all problem of the Middle East. Repeated attacks by Israel further aggravate the situation. and constitute another serious impediment in the way of bringing about peace in the area. 265. The acute problems awaiting solutions in south- ern Africa continue to be another source ofdisappoint- ment to the international community. 266. The Turkish people have always rejected all forms of oppression, exploitation and discrimination. The active and determined stand we have taken against racist policies is a natural consequence of this tradi- tional position. 267. Indeed, having led the way for liberation move- ments earlier in the century under the leadership of Kemal Ataturk, the Turkish people are following the situation now prevailing in Mrica with deep concern. 268. The Government of South Africa, which has in- stitutionalized the policy of apartheid, has remained undeterred by and insensitive to the repeated demands of the international community. It has stepped up its oppressive measures and has continued·its policy of bantustanization. These developments have further ag- gravated the prevailing situation in southern Africa. The Government ofTurkey strongly condemns the pol- icy of apartheid and advocates continued United Na- tions efforts to eliminate this policy. We are firmly convinced that further effective measures should be adopted against South Africa. 269. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibiafrom its inception, we maintain, as before, that the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa is unacceptable. We fully support the people of Namibia and their sole legitimate representative, SWAPO, in their rightful stru~e to achieve self-determination, freedom and genume national independence. We re- main convinced that the United Nations plan 16 for the establishment of an independent and democratic Namibia through elections to be held in accordance with Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) is the only feasible way to achieve a peaceful solution of the Namibian problem. 270. As regards the question of Zimbabwe, I should also like to reaffirm my Government's support for the legitimate struggle of the Zimbabwean people, led by the Patriotic Front, against the vestiges of racism and towards the achievement ofa solution based on genuine majority rule. We believe that any solution concerning 271. In this connexion I should like to note that the Meetin~ of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countnes, held at Lusaka last August, has brought about a new stage concerning the solution of the ques- tion ofZimbabwe. We welcome the constructiveefforts of the front-line African States in this regard, as well as the initiative taken by the United Kingdom to hold a conference in London with the participation of all parties concerned. We hope that this Conference will contribute to the solution of the Zimbabwean question, taking into account the aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. 272. The African nations are facing particularly diffi- cult problems. The security and stability of the conti- nent will depend on finding urgent and effective solu- tions to these problems. The eradication ofcolonialism, racism and apartheid and the acceleration of develop- ment are the pressing tasks ofthe world community as a whole. It can easily be said that in the coming years Africa will constitute the testing-ground for interna- tional solidarity and true co-operation. 273. In their efforts for development primarily based on national and collective self-reliance, African countries will certainly be in need of and benefit from the positive contributions of the international commu- nity as a whole and of the developed countries in particular. 274. However, while providing such support and as- sistance, non-African countries should refrain from in- tervening in inter-African disputes and interferingin the internal affairs of African States. Turkey firmly be- lieves that inter-African disputes can and should be resolved by the African countries themselves. 275. As a developing country, Turkey is well aware of the obstacles facing the developing countries in our age. This is why we are ready to make available our own experience and capabilities in contributing to the efforts the African nations make towards development and self-reliance. 276. In recent years, we have increased our contacts with many Mrican countries in order to promote economic, cultural and technical co-operation. 277. Traditionally, peace has been considered as a product of an equilibrium based on security and the political independence ofStates. Today there is a grow- mg awareness that this equilibrium has, in fact, economic and social dimensions. Political indepen- dence, in this context, is a necessary but not a sufficient condition to remedy the ills of under-development. There can be no stability in an international environ- ment where disparity between rich and poor nations attains such disquieting proportions. 278. Unfortunately the record ofour activities within the United Nations system is not yet very promising in this respect. Expectations raised by the consensus on the establishment of the New International Economic Order have not been met. Rather a dismal picture is the result so far of many endeavours. 280. To our mind, one of the main reasons for this bleak picture is the absence of the necessary political will on the part of the industrialized countries. Only with such will can one overcome short-term, narrow and even parochial interests which have hitherto im- peded progress in a North-South dialogue. Only through significant progress on substantive issues can a new impetus be given to the dialogue. 281. Since the collapse of the Bretton Woods system, we have been passing through a transitory stage characterized by a set of modi vivendi reached temporarily by the major industrial Powers with respect to international monetary and trade issues, as well as economic policy concertation among them. Neverthe- less, in the present climate of uncertainty implicit in transition, it is no longer possible to preserve the old international order by minor adjustments or short-term counter-cyclical measures. 282. What we need is to aim at a new international order conducive to the development in a truly interde- pendent world of the developing countries with their full and active participation. Only in such a new interna- tional order can the inflation and unemployment beset- ting the world economy be tackled and global economic growth be resumed on a sustained basis. 283. I should like to bring to the attention of the Gen- eral Assembly two points that I consider particularly important. 284. First, in our view the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/ 174 should allocate its remaining time, until the 1980 special session of the General Assembly, to determin- ing how best it can launch the new phase of global negotiations. We should accordingly modify, at this session of the General Assembly, the mandate of the Committee so as to enable it to discharge this major task until the convening of the special session. Turkey is ready to contribute actively to such an initiative. 285. We are convinced that the incorporation of''en- ergy" in the dialogue is of tremendous importance for all countries, developed and developing alike. Inciden- tally, since the industrialized countries had in the past fully recognized and even ardently defended the need for mcorporating the question ofenergy in the dialogue, we expect that they WIll support the initiative now taken in this respect by developing countries. 286. In fact, there are many reasons justifying the inclusion ofenergy in the dialogue. Indeed, the pricing ofoil, its interaction with world inflation, and conserva- tion measures to be adopted by developed countries, as well as the problem of meeting the primary energy requirements of developing countries on a sustained basis are some of the short-term and long-term issues related to energy which can be usefully discussed within this dialogue. ~88. I must make it clear that collective self-reliance lIes at the core of this problem. It is a promising sign t~eref,?re, that this crucial point has been fully recog: mzed In the resolution adopted at the Havana Confer- ence of non-aligned countries [A/34/542 annex VI B resolution No. 7]. " 289. W~ carefully listened to Mr. Jose Lopez Portilld, !he Pre~ldent of. M~xico, and greatly appreciated his mnovatIve contnbutIon to a better understanding ofthe world'sproblems which await urgent solution. We fully share hiS conviction that the energy issue should be tackled within a "more complex whole: a new world ~conomic orde( pIth meeting, para. 62] with all its l~nkages, and wlthm the framework of the new intema- tIon~ development strategy as a means of imple- mentmg the necessary measures. • 290. It is also our considered view that the United Nations system is the most appropriate, indeed the only "fully instituted forum" [ibid., para. 65], in which to handle global energy questions. We are convinced that the )?roposed energy plan could best be approached withm global negotiatIons which, we earnestly hope, will be launched at this General Assembly session, and will be fully open to all countries, not only during nego- tiations, but also during the preparatory stages. 291. I now come to the second point which is the rampant trend of protectionism in international trade. The development ofdeveloping countries depends to a considerable extenton continued growth in their export earnings. And yet, protectionist practices in indus- trialized countries are rapidly increasing. This poses not only a great danger to the economies ofdeveloping countries butalso a threat to the very foundations ofthe liberal and interdependent world order advocated by the industrialized countries themselves. There is an urgent need for determined international action to stop this trend. Such action would be to the benefit of both sides. The growth of the economies of the developing countries through increased access to the markets of developed countries would in the long run have benefi- cial effects on the industrialized countries by enabling them to sustain their own level of growth and welfare. 292. We live at a very cIitical period in history. While developing countries are determined to realize economic development, the international economy plunges from one recession intoanotherwithaprospect of long-term slow growth. 293. At this juncture, the New International Economic Order appears as an historic opportunity and a challenge both for those who have been blessed with the bounties of the industrial age and for those who are disadvantaged. We should welcome this challenge without further delay. Negotiations on the New Inter- national Economic Order must be pursued uninter- ruptedly and persistently. We must mobilize all our 294. Before concluding I would like to touch briefly upon the question of Cyprus. 295. .The Secretary-General in his rep0:t t<? the Gen- eral Assembly on the wor~ of the O~gantz:atlon makes the following observation III conneXlOn with the ques- tion of Cyprus: "It seems to me, however, that a far-sighted and determined approach, based on the e~ist.ing guidelines and accords, could lead to a rapid un- provement of the situation in the island that would serve the interests of all concerned and would be vastly preferable to continuing to cling to an un- satisfactory and potentially unstable status quo." [See A/34/1, sect. iII.] 296. The Turkish Government fully agrees with the Secretary-General's observation. In the view of my Government, the key to improying the pr~sent.sit~ation in the island and even to findmg a solutlOn lIes III the process of negotiations between the two Cypriot com- munities, to be conducted on an equal footmg. 297. The Turkish community of Cyprus pursues the sole objective of ensuring its security as well as i~s fundamental and legitimate rights as an equal partner m an independent, sovereign, non-aligned, bi-communal, bi-zonal, federal Republic, closing the doors to any possible repetition of oppression by the other partner. This noble aim must be supported by all those who respect human dignity and justice. Turkey, for one, fully supports it. 298. In the view of the Turkish Government, the 19 May agreement provides the necessary framewor~for the solution of the Cyprus problem on the baSIS of fundamental and legitimate rights of the two com- munities as equal partners. It cannot and should not be seen as an escape from commitments undertaken on the basis of the Denkta~-Makarios four-point guidelines of 12 February 1977. 17 299. The Cyprus question has today reached a stage where the common purpose of the international com- munity, as well as that oft~e partie? directly concerned, is to encourage the purSUit of the Intercommunal talks in a continued and sustained manner. To that end, my Government is deteITI1ined to support the serious inten- sive efforts that are under way thanks to the good offices of the Secretary-General in order to reactivate the intercommunal talks. In our view, ifthe momentum ofthe break-through of 19 May 1979 is to be maintained and if the negotiating process is to be given a chance.to make substantial progress, it is essential that the p~les should refrain from violating the letter and spint of point 6 of the 19 May agreement 18 which provid~~ for the improvement of the atmosphere so as to facilitate negotiations. 17 Ibid., Thirty-second Year. Supplement for April, May and JUlie /977, document 5/12323, paras. 4 and 5. 18 Ibid., Thirty-fourth Year, Supplement for April, May and June /979, document S/13369. resumption of those intercommunal talks, which IS, In fact, the only valid ~~ercise in clearing the way for a comprehensive polItical settlement of the Cyprus question.

Mr. President, it gives me personally, and th~ enti~e Botswana delega- tion, great pleasure an~ sahsfactlO~ that you, a. rep- resentative of the Umted RepublIc of Tanzania, a country with which Botswana has .the most cordi~ of relations have been elected PreSident of the thlrty- fourth se~sion of the General Assembly. Your election speaks eloquently of your dipl<?matic experienc~ and attests to your competenl?e. It IS a source. of pnde to Africa. While congratulatmg you, I also Wish to th~ your predecessor, whose presidency of the last session was impeccable. To the ,Secretary-Ge1"!eral, Mr. KUJ.1 Waldheirn, goes our special commen~atIon ~or the dedi- cation with which he has devoted hunself In the past, and continues to devote himselfat present, to grappling with the many world problems that face o.ur Org~­ tion, His faith in the role played by the Umted NatIons, his vision of its capabilities in the p,?litical, e70n?mic, social and humanitarian fields, and hiS determmatlon to translate that faith and vision into a fulfilment of the objectives for which this Organization was created, have been a source of inspiration to many of us. We wish him continued strength and good health. 302. From the outset I wish to reaffiITI1 Botswana's unswerving commitm~nt to th~ ideals of our Org~iza­ tion. Although the Umted Nations has not always lIved up to our highest expectations, it has proved itselfto be the best forum yet, where all nations, regardless of size or economic circumstances, can meet to seek ways of resolving the various burning issues of our time. 303. The United Nations has always aspired to uni- versality in its membership in order to enhance the world-wide exchange of ideas. We are pleased, there- fore, to welcome Saint Lucia into this comity of na- tions. We congratulate the Government and people of that State on the occasion of the admission of their country to the United Nations. 304. The Good Book tells us that in the midstoflife we are in death, and we therefore remember with affection our esteemed friend and neighbour Mr. Agostinho Neto the President ofthe People's Republic ofAngola, a gre~t freedom fighter and statesman. His passing is a loss not only to Angola but to all of us, especially to those in southern Africa who are still struggling to lib- erate their countries from racism and minority rule, for he was totally committed to their cause. Our condo- lences go to the family of the late President and to the Goverrunent and people of Angola. 305. Multiple aspects of building the New Intema- 306. We are happy that an agreement has been reached on the fundamental elements of the Common Fund. We earnestly hope that final negotiations for making this institution operative will not be prolonged by divergent views on the utilization ofthe facility. The decision that the Common Fund would extend the use ofits finances, through its second window, to measures other than for stocking commodities, is a major development. 307. The Second General Conference ofUNIDO held in Lima, Peru, in 1975 recognized the low share contrib- uted by developing countries to total world industrial production and declared that efforts should be made to mcrease their share to the maximum extent possible. Later in the same year, the General Assembly endorsed the Lima Declaration and Plan of Action on Industrial Development and Co-operation I9 and asked UNIDO to organize consultations in the industrial field between developed and developing countries. Consultations on leather and leather products were held at Innsbruck, Austria and interested countries, including Botswana, have since sou~ht assistance from UNIDO in keeping with the deciSIOn to encourage participation by de- veloping countries in industrial production. Such ef- forts to put into practice the intentions of international forums should be appreciated and encouraged. 308. Botswana welcomes the establishment of UNIDO as a specialized agency of the United Nations and hopes it will be provided with sufficient resources to enable it to perform its task. 309. The Second United Nations Development Dec- ade and its International Development Strategy [resolu- tion 2626 (XXV)] are drawing to a disappointing close. My delegation is rather concerned that thatfact has not sufficiently aroused in us, as an international commu- nity, a sense both of urgency and seriousness of purpose. We are still talking about protectionism. We are churnin~ out more strategies with an even higher degree of disagreement. In the meantime, the special session of the General Assembly to establish the new international development strategy"for the 1980s, to be held in 1980, is fast approaching. 310. Botswana is a land-locked country. Among its serious disadvantages is its geographical position in southern Africa. It is almost entirely surrounded by racist, minority-ruled States which face actual or con- templated economic sanctions and boycotts, the effects of which Botswana cannot escape. We look forward to the forthcoming United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries at which we hope that measures will be taken to lay down rational and equita- 311. Botswana is greatly encouraged by the growing awareness on the part of developing countries of the vital importance of developing our collective seLf- reliance. Our varied resources should go to meet our varied needs. Regional and interregional co-operation should be fostered much more actively, with interna- tional support. 312. Fifteen years ago when the first session of UNCTAD was held, shock, dismay and resistance were displayed at the then tentative discussion ofrevis- . ing tenns oftrade, ofidentifying a resource gap and ofa proposal for a generalized system of preferences. One could take the position after 15 years and endless con- ferences, when these are still agenda items, that little has been achieved. It is certainly true that, given the needs ofmy people and ofthe rest ofthe world, too little has been accomplished. It gives one some comfort, however, that there is now virtually universal recogni- tion that the international economic arrangements which have evolved over generations are inadequate for everyone, and that modification alone is not what we seek. Those arrangements must be reformed, re- structured, recreated and revolutionized. Both the will and the method to regroup are as yet inadequate, but both developed and developing countries are gradually recognizing that they have some interests which con· verge and that even their divergent interests need not be completely irreconcilable. Nothing much has yet been accomplished, save the basis for accomplishment. 313. Almost two decades ago, the General Assembly adopted resolution 1514 (XV) which heralded the ac- cession of many countries, including Botswana, to in- dependence, That was one ofthe greatestachievements of the United Nations. It is a sad commentary on our times to have to acknowledge that there remain a few colonial situations where the oppressed are still strug- gling to free themselves from domination and where oppression still clings desperately to power in a last- ditch but futile stand against the inexorable march of history and inevitable change. 314. The question of Western Sahara remains on our agenda despite the numerous General Assembly resolu- tions affirming the inalienable right of the Saharan people to self-determination and independence. Bots- wana has always supported the cause of the Saharan people because we hold sacred the right of any people to determine their own destiny. At its recent sixteenth ordinary session ofthe Assembly ofHeads of State and Government at Monrovia, the OAD emphasized the urgent need to enable the Saharan people to exercise that right [A/34/552, pp. 90-91]. We oppose Morocco's expansionism while we applaud the Government of Mauritania for abandoning its claim to Western Sahara and its recognition of the right of the people of that Territory to self-determination and independence. We urge the General Assembly to pronounce itself un- equivocally on that issue. 315. We support the efforts being made by the Repub- lic of the Comoros to achieve its territorial integrity and political unity through the reintegration of the island of Mayotte with the rest of the archipelago. 317. My country recognizes the Palestinian question as the core ofthe Middle East problem and believes that any agreement which fails to take full cognizanceofthat reality cannot hope to achieve the desired lasting solu- tion to the problem. The question of Palestine should not be seen merely as a refugee problem, but as a question of the recognition of the legitimate right ofthe Palestinian people to determine their own future and to establish their own State. Due recognition should be given to the need for the PLO, as the representative of the Palestinian people, to participate in any dialogue designed to secure peace in the Middle East. Very stron~ concern should be expressed regarding the pro- vocattve act of the establishment of settlements in oc- cupied areas. 318. Botswana affirms the right of all States in the Middle East to live in peace within secure and recog- nized boundaries. The search for an acceptable solution is an ongoing process and none can claim to have com- pleted it yet. Botswana therefore urges all the parties mvolved to continue together to seek a settlement on a comprehensive and durable peace in the Middle East. 319. The aspiration of the Korean people to unite their divided country deserves the continued and objective support and encouragement of this Organization. We respect their expressed desire to have the discussion of the problem left to the Korean people themselves since only by that means can the hegemonistic support ofone side or the other be eliminated. We urge the big Powers involved in the Korean issue to remove all the obstacles to the peace and security of the peninsula and exhort the Koreans of North and South to resume, without further delay, the dialogue aimed at unification of their country. 320. Another area of concern to Botswana as hinter- land State of the Indian Ocean is the creation ofa zone of peace over those waters. We have observed with great concern the increasing military presence of the great Powers in the Indian Ocean over the past few years. Botswana supports the creation of peace zones wherever and whenever feasible, for we believe that the existence of such zones reduces the number of flash- points and contributes towards disarmament. We therefore call upon the great Powers and other users of the Indian Ocean to co-operate in creating a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean, in accordance with the 1971 United Nations Declaration [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. 321. The United Nations Territory of Namibia is still illegally occupied by South Africa despite the numer- ous United Nations resolutions calling upon it to with- draw from that Territory. The General Assembly is aware of the fact that progress in the Namibia issue came to a virtual halt when South Africa disputed the accuracy of the Secretary-General's report,20 and that 322. Attacks launched against Angola and Zambia from this international Territory are a direct challenge to international peace as well as to the United Nations itself. Ifall these policies do not add up to an attempt to obstruct progress-despite the assurances ofthe "open door''-it is difficult to say what would. 323. The international community should resist any attempt by South Africa to side-track the issue and should continue to support both the struggle of the people of Namibia for self-detennination and the initia- tives to bring that struggle to a successful end. The Namibian problem must be resolved without further delay if we are to arrest the impending disaster. 324. Botswana congratulates SWAPO on its readi- ness to co-operate in advancing the course ofa peaceful settlement. We welcome the resumption of negotia- tions to resolve the problem. We hope that the con- structive proposal of a demilitarized zone along the Namibian border will be seen as a genuine effort to reassure South Africa ofthe continued determinationof the front-line States to secure honourable indepen- dence for Namibia. 325. The war of liberation in Rhodesia continues to exact a heavy toll on the inhabitants of that country. In August the Rhodesia regime conceded that 600 people had been killed that month. This was the highest figure reported for any given month throughout the entire history of the war. On 27 September, the Rand Daily Mail, a South African newspaper, reported that 569 people had been killed thus far in the month of September. Attacks against the neighbouring States of Angola, Botswana, Mozambique and Zambia have also increased not only in frequency but also in intensity and in the degree of adventurism with which they are car- ried out. In early September military headquarters in Rhodesia reported their having made land and air at- tacks against troops of the Mozambican army in addi- tion to guerrilla bases. A week ago the rebel regime mounted a five-day incursion into Mozambique as a so-called self-defence operation. 327. A~ a Commonw.ealth country, Botswana is party to the Fmal Commumque of the Meeting of Heads of Goverm:nent of Commonwealth Countries, held at Lusaka 10 AU!!lus! [A/34/439-S/13515, annex], which led to the ConstitutIOnal Conference on Zimbabwe now being held in London. We reaffirm our commitment to genuine majority rule for the people of Zimbabwe and to all the neces.sary.internationally acceptable steps to be taken to achieve mdependence for the Territory. We note the optimism for progress expressed by Lord Car- ringt~n, the United Kingdom Secretary of State for Fore.lgn and. Com~onwealth Affairs, while we ap- precIate the difficulties which still remain. Weare hope- ful that the hardships, killings, destruction of property a~d homelessness suffered by the people of Rhodesia will strengthen the resolve of all those involved in the discussions to reach a settlement acceptable to all. In the meantimC?, and in the interest ofprogress and peace, Botswana wIshes to urge those who are not directly involved in the Rhodesia issue to refrain from making such pronouncements or initiating such actions as can only ~mder ~d frustrate these delicate negotiations. I refer 10 particular to any talk of the lifting of sanctions either to facilitate trade or for any other reason what- S J.ever. O!Jr best service to the people of Rhodesia at thiS stage IS to encourage them to continue negotiations to resolve the dispute and achieve an internationally acceptable settlement. 328. Fundamental to the political problems of south- ern Africa i~ the. practice of apartheid, a system of human relatIOnships based on a theory of racial ine- qualities which has been given institutionalized ex- pression in the policy of separate development and which has been entrenched in law. 329. New realities, which even South Africa must acknowledge, have been brought to bear by the United Nations General Assembly and its Charterand commit- tees, the accession of colonial territories to indepen- dence, the OAU and its principles and objectives, which are aimed at the liberation of peoples still under racist minority domination and, more recently, by the defeat of Portuguese imperialism in Africa. 330. As a logical extension of its policy of apartheid, South Africa created the so-called independent bantustans for separate and vertical development. In our view, these divisions-this separation ofpeople-is designed to arouse and foment ethnic animosities, and to destroy the unity ofnationalism. Botswana, with the rest ofthe international community, does not recognize those bantustans. We wish that our brothers in those bantustans could understand the reasons for our posi- tion. It is not that we begrudge them independence while we enjoy ours-no. Nor is it for any reason other than that we are opposed to racism, apartheid and the ethnic separation ofpeople which denies them theshar- ing of political power in their own country. The people of South Africa themselves, whether as liberation movements or even as Soweto schoolchildren, have begun much more actively to challenge the status quo. 331. We are aware ofthe reported expression ofcon- cern by some rulers ofSouth Africa on subjects ranging 332. Unrest and bloodshed could be rendered un- necessary ~nlyrt:South Africa w~uld engage indialogue among a1llts natIOnals to end racism and apartheid and acknowledge the inalienable right of all its people to citizenship. 333. The Secretary-General, in his report on the work of the Organi,zation, pointed, as indeed you yourself did, Mr.. PreSident, to the human tragedy of displaced per~,!ns and refug~es [A/34/I, sect. VIlIj and to tHe positive results achieved at the Arusha meeting on Afri- can refugees and the Geneva meeting on South-East Asian refugees and displaced persons held on 20 and 21 July 1979. We note with gratitude the commitment of additional assistance to refugees made by States Mem- bers of this Organization. 334. With over 10 million refugees in the world 4 million ofwhom are in AfricaaJone, we have a probl~m of g~eat ~a~itude which calls for bold, co-operative and ImagmatIve measures. Our first task as Members of the Un!ted Nation~, and one that lies within our compe- tence, IS to create 10 our own States such conditions as will ensure the security of all our citizens and even guarantee a safe return to those willing to go back to their homes. 335. In countries still suffering from minority rule and racism, refugees must be viewed as part of the libera- tion process, a result of the people's struggle for the right to self-determination. States Members of the United Nations should therefore match their commit- ment to the emancipation and liberation of oppressed peoples with the acceptance of their answerability, and therefore responsibility, for their welfare. The burden should not be left solely to the countries offirst asylum, among which are the world's poor. Distance from the centres of war and strife should provide no excuse for non-participation. 336. Botswana is grateful for the assistance it has received from individual States, non-governmental or- ganizations and the United Nations High Commission- er for Refugees. For its part, Botswana will continue, to the extent ofits limited resources and in fulfilment of its internationalist duty, to give asylum and care to our fellow-men from the minority-ruled countries of south- ern Africa. 337. In the final analysis, however, the only lasting solution to this problem is the removal of its root- causes: colonialism, oppression, the denial of basic human rights, and conflicts among nations. 338. It may sound strange that an arid, land-locked country such as Botswana should show interest in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Yet it is true not only that we attach great impor- tance to it but that we hope and urge that the interests of developing and disadvantaged States like Botswana will be taken into account in the fonnulation of the envisaged convention on the law of the sea. 340. The bilateral and international relations of the Republic of Botswana are governed by its respect for the sovereign equality of States. We recognize that the diversity of ideological orientations among States stems, 10 many ways, from their varied colonial and historical experience and the means and methods of their liberation-a development from a prevailing set of circumstances at a given time and place. 341. We respect the uniqueness ofthe circumstances in which political philosophies have evolved and con- tinue to evolve in different countries. We seek and expect respect for the integrity of our own peculiar history and independence as we do for those ofothers. We value our political and economic system but we do not assume that it should be imposed on others, or theirs on us. We are non-aligned and we uphold the principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of others, and peaceful coexistence among States. 342. All too often the historical and cultural differ- ences from which a diversity ofpolitical, economic and social systems has developed and is still developing are perceived and used as bases for division, and not for the strensthening of the international community. This, in the view of Botswana, is an unfortunate development, for to choose one's position, whether for or against another's ideology, is to risk losing one's own integrity, one's own independence and the opportunity to build on diversity. 343. It is in the light of these principles that the posi- tion of Botswana in international affairs should be understood.

I shall now calIon those rep- resentatives who have asked to be allowed to exercise their riJ;tht of reply. May I once again recall that the General Assembly, at the 4th plenary meeting of this session, decided that statements in exercise ofthe right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes on anyone item and should be made by delegations from their seats. In the interests oforderly procedure, I intend to apply that decision strictly.

I am obliged to exercise the United Kingdom delegation's right ofreply to answer certain statements made by the Foreign Minister of Guatemala in his speech to the General Assembly yesterday [19th meeting]. 346. The Foreign Minister of Guatemala described my country as an "imperialist and colonialist power" and attempted to cast doubts on the sincerity of the United Kingdom's commitment to self-determination. We reject the description and the allegation. Since the Second World War, nearly 50 countries under United Kin~dom administration have attained independence, preCisely because we respect the right to self- determination. 348. Equally, I can confirm that, like Guatemala, the United Kingdom wishes to find a negotiated solution to the obstacles which impede Belize's accession to inde- pendence. But for such a solution to be acceptable to my Government, it must above all be acceptable to the people of Belize.

I have asked to be allowed to speak to make certain clarifications follow- in~ the reference made by Mr. Yazdi, the Foreign Mmister of Iran, this afternoon. 350. Let me state at the outset that Afghanistan and Iran belong to the samegeographical plateau, and speak the same beautiful language of Sadi, Afez, Samari and Farukhi; we have a common faith, culture and history; and we in Mghanistan have always wanted to maintain peaceful and friendly relations with Iran. 351. The working people of Afghanistan have always cherished the highest feelings offriendship and brother- hood for the noble working people of Iran. It is on the basis ofthis policy and these feelings that the leader of our delegation, in the course ofhis policy statement last Friday before this Assembly, stated: "With regard to Iran also, we have the same desire for friendly relations and mutually beneficial co- operation on the basis of peaceful coexistence and non-interference in each other's internal affairs." [14th meeting, para. 72.] He further added: "This sincere desire emanates from the feelings of brotherhood and solidarity maintained by our work- ing people towards the noble working people of Iran." [Ibid.] This feeling and this policy are the comer-stones ofour relations with all our neighbours, and particularly with the noble Iranian people and workers. 352. The reference of the leader of the Iranian delega- tion to the so-called "thousands of deaths and tens of thousands of refugees" [see above, para. 232] is not only incorrect and ex~erated, but also an interven- tion in the domestic affaIrs of a friendly and brotherly neighbour. If he terms our great Saur or April revolu- tion a "rebellion", he is making a grave mistake. In- deed, it is well known that our great Saur revolution, achieved by our noble working people, was a victorious workers' revolution on behalf of the toiling people of Afghanistan, and not the product of some "ism" im- ported from elsewhere. It was a revolutionary actofour people on behalf of our toiling masses and against a minority of exploiters and the feudal class who might, as a result of losing their privileged position, become a tool in the hands of the enemies of our revolution. 354. The allegation about "thousands of deaths" is untrue, and we are quite surprised to hear it. Perhaps my Iranian friend was thinking about all the deaths and killings which take place in his own country and about which we read daily in the news allover the world. 355. I am sorry that it was the Foreign Minister oflran who provoked us to make these clarifications for the sake of the record. May I say that the reference was somewhat unexpected, in the light of the wann and friendly sentiments expressed towards Iran by the leader of our delegation on Friday in the course of the general debate. Our Iranian friends should have re- 357. However, [ have to add that the outpouring of thousands of Afghan refugees into my country is a reality which cannot be denied. We believe that it is incumbent on all States to act in a responsible manner so as not to create difficulties and problems for their neighbours. The meeting rose at 8 p.m.