A/34/PV.26 General Assembly

Mr. President, it is my privilege to convey to you and, through you, to the representatives assembled here the cordial greetings and the best wishes of my Sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, for the success of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. Please allow me, on behalfof my dele- gation and on my own behalf, to extend to you our warm felicitations on your election as President of the current session ofthe General Assembly. We are confi- dent that under your wise guidance, which is already evident in your organizational skill, the work of this session will be successfully concluded. Let me assure you ofour fullest co-operation in all your endeavours to this end during the present session. 2. Our appreciation is also due to Ambassador Lievano of Colombia for his able, firm and impartial conduct of the work of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. 3. I take this opportunity to compliment our Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, for his devotion to the work of the United Nations and for his untiring efforts in discbarging the onerous responsibilities en- trusted to him by this Assembly. 4. Mr. President, my delegation wishes to associate itselfwith your statement to this Assembly on the pass- ing away of the great Indian leader, Shri Jayaprakash Narayan [24th meeting]. 5. We welcome Saint Lucia as the newest Member of the United Nations; in our view the admission of Saint Lucia is a further step towards the universality of mem- bership of this Organization. 6. It is a great pleasure for me to address this Assem- Tuesday, 9 October /979. at 3./0 p.m. NEW YORK bly on our perception of international relations and events during the current year. The past year, as the Secretary-General has rightly observed in his report on the work of tbe Organization, has been a year full of "u~certainty,tension and conflict" [see Aj34j1, sect.l]. ThIS does not sound heartening as we are on the threshold of a new decade. As we are meeting in the wake of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, I which consti- tute tw~ thirds of the nations of the world, it may be appropnate for me to refer to that Conference and its c,?nclusions. No one--even many non-aligned coun- tnes-would expect us to agree fully with all those conclusions and recommendations, but it goes without saying that the Havana Conference, as the largest gathering ever ofthe world's Heads ofState or Govern- ment, and its final documents [see A/34{542] represent a great moral and political force in international affairs and a consensus of mankind in general on the state of the world situation. 7. The.areas ofconflict conti~ue to pose achallenge to lBternatlonaI peace and secunty. The progress, if any, in the process of detente is having very little effect on the course of international events in many corners of the world, events which have proved to be ofadubious, negative character. There may be no traditional bipolar division of the world, but there is no escaping the fact that sharp divisions, reinforced by armed conflicts, continue t<? characterize the relationships between and among natIOns ofthe world. Nowhere are these realities more evident than in southern Africa, the Middle East and South-East Asia. 8. Southern Africa continues to be one of the focal points of tension in international relations. The illegal minority regimes of southern Africa have persistently refused to recognize the right ofoppressed peoples, led by their national liberation movements, to self- detennination, national independence and majority rule. We have always condemned the hateful system of apartheid in South Africa as inhuman and an insult to the civilized world and joined the international commu- nity in urging the Security Council to impose on the racist regime all the sanctions provided for under Chap- ter VII of the Charter. 9. South Africa's refusal to co-operate with the United Nations in implementing the plan for free and fair elections in Namibia under the supervision of the United Nations 2 has delayed an early attainment of independence in that international Territory and thus frustrated the aspirations of the Namibian people to true national liberation. The so-called internal settle- I Held in Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979. 10. We reaffirm our position that, pending a genuine transfer ofpower under a negotiated settlement accept- able to all the parties concerned, which it is hoped may emerge from the ongoing constitutional conference in London-no recognition should be given to the so- called majority Government of Bishop Muzorewa, nor should the sanctions imposed by the United Nations against Rhodesia be lifted. 11. Consistently opposed as we are to colonialism, neo-colonialism, racism, apartheid and all other forms ofdomination and exploitation, we reiterate our firmest support for the struggle of the peoples of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Mrica, under the leadership of na- tional liberation movements recognized by this world body, by the Organization of Mrican Unity [OAU] and by the non-aligned movement, to achieve full indepen- dence and the total elimination ofracism and apartheid. We believe that the process of decolonization in south- ern Africa has reached a decisive stage. 12. The situation in the Middle East continues to be disquieting. In keeping with our well-known stand on the Middle East problem, we do not support occupation by Israel ofArab territories, and we view the increasing number of Israeli settlements in occupied territories as illegal and believe that they will hamper the peace pro- cess. We call upon Israel to withdraw completely from the territories occupied since 1967. We maintain the view that Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) form the basis for a lasting, just and compre- hensive settlement of the Middle East problem. While we support the right ofall States in the region, including Israel, to live within secure and recognized boundaries, for peace to be durable in the Middle East we consider it essential to recognize the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people and their right to a separate State. Failure to recognize this reality will not create condi- tions essential to peace initiatives. In this context, we view the Camp David agreements) and the Egypt- ~sraeli Treaty4 as a partial step which we hope, will not Impede ajust and comprehensive solution ofthe Middle East problem. It is, therefore, only logical that the ~al~stinia.npeople s~ou~d be fully involved in the nego- tiatIons aimed at bnngmg about peace in the Middle East. 13. The Middle East problem is further complicated by repeated attemptsto impair the integrity of Lebanon and weaken the unity of its people. We reaffirm our support for the territorial integrity of Lebanon. As a troop-contributor to UNIFIL, Nepal is concerned to se.e that UNIFIL carries out its mandate effectively and Without obstruction from any quarter. We are equally concerned to see the fullest restoration of Lebanese authority in the troubled area as early as possible. A strong.supporter of the United Nations peace-keeping operatIons, we urge all Member States to contribute in every. possible way to the strengthening of this useful machInery of the United Nations. } I:- Framework for Peace in the Middle East. Agreed at Camp Davld, and Framework for the Conclusion ofa Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed in Washington on 17 September 1978. S • Treaty of Peace Between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the tate of Israel, signed in Washington on 26 March 1979. ~orrns ofintemational behaviour. The political implica- tIOns of interference in the internal affairs of a State Member of the United Nations by the use of force or aggression can by no means be overlooked. Foreign aggression and external interference in the internal af- fairs of others, wherever they take place, be it South- East Asia, Africa or elsewhere, are simply unaccept- able to my country. It is our considered view that the more powerful countries should not encroach on the sovereign jurisdiction of the less powerful ones. My country' woul~ passionately call for the withdrawal of foreign forces from all occupied territories and the rec- ognition of the right ofall countries, without exception to chart their own destiny without pressure or interfer: ence from any quarter. 15. We fully share the concern that humanitarian problems should receive immediate attention, and we are pleased to note that the Geneva meeting convened by the Secretary-General to discuss the lndo-Chinese refugees S had some positive results. We hope that the international community, and in particular the indus- trialized countries of the world, will provide generous assistance in alleviating the plight of refugees, who are victims of injustice and oppression. We sincerely wish to see the peoples of Indo-China happily engaged once again in national reconstruction and all-round development. 16. It is a pity that, despite the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, it has not been possible to make progres~ on the Cyprus issue. We favour the resump- tIOn of mtercommunal talks under the auspices of the Secretary-General and support a political settlement based on strict respect for the independence sovereigntr, territorial integrity and non-alignment of t~e RepubliC ~f Cyprus'. In our view there is nojustifica- tIOn for contInued foreIgn occupation of Cyprus. 17. On the Korean question, we continue to hold the view that the aspirations of the Korean people to na- tio~al reunification should be fulfilled peacefully by theIr own efforts and without any outside interference whatsoever. 18. The escalating arms race in the world brings home to us the bitter fact that, despite the lessons we have all learned from destructive wars throughout the centu- ries, we still continue to seek security in annaments. Security does not depend on our arsenals of war, but rather on an atmosphere of peace, justice, mutual re- spect and confidence. The escalating race in armaments does not contribute to the building of that atmosphere, Peace cannot be maintained by a balance of terror and nuclear warheads-a balance which can be upset by any number of factors, including accidents. Addition- ally, the arms race represents the most glaring example of wasteful economy. Even a minuscule fraction of the resources wasted on armaments, if diverted for peace- ful pUllJoses and for the building of the economy of , Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia, held in Geneva from 20 to 21 July 1979. og~ are being increasingly used in the development of anti-values, even by those of us who can least afford it. 19. My delegation last year had welcomed the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly [resolution S-JO/2], adopted by consensus at the first special session ever devoted to disarmament, as having formed a sound basis for substantive negotia- tions in the field of disarmament. The reorganization of the Committee on Disannament as a negotiating body was another positive outcome of the special session. More than a year has elapsed since then and we have already begun discussing the next special session to be held in 1982. But little progress has been made in the n~gotiations on key issues relating to disarmament. It is Widely accepted that general and complete disanna- ment under effective international control is the ulti- mate goal to which we are all committed. 20. Like most delegations, we attach the highest im- portance to nuclear disarmament. We call upon all nuclear-weapon States, and in particular the two major nuclear Powers, to bear a special responsibility for achieving nuclear disannament. We have noted with satisfaction the conclusion of a Treaty at the second round of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT] between the United States and the Soviet Union.6 It is our hope that this Treaty, when ratified, will pave the way for another at the outcome of the third round of SALT. However, we regret that agreement has not yet been reached on a comprehensive test-ban treaty. 21. As a signatory to the Treaty on the Non-Prolif- eration of Nuclear Weapons [resolution 2373 (XXll), annex], Nepal has consistently opposed vertical and horizontal proliferation of nuclear weapons. We look forward to the 1980 Review Conference ofthe Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which, we hope, will contribute further to the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime. We are also aware of the importance of the limitation of international transfers of conventional weapons, for such transfers would create unstable conditions at the regional level. 22. An important as well as effective disannament measure, in our opinion, is the establishment of nUclear-weapon-free zones and zones of peace. We have supported the denuclearization of Africa and the establishment of such zones in the Middle East and South Asia. The 1971 Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] and the proposal made by the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] for a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality? have received our continued support. 23. As our own national contribution to peace and asa true expression of our ultimate desire for peace, my august sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra, has proposed that Nepal be declared a zone of peace. This proposal is eminently consistent not only with my country's age-old search for peace, but also with the 6 Treaty between the United States of America a.nd the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on Ihe Limitation of Strategic Oli'ensi ve Arms, signed in Vienna on 18 June 1979. 24. It is gratifying to note that, as a result of our conscious policy of friendship and peace and the open policy of good-neighbourliness pursued by other countries of the region, the general situation of South Asia is good, particularly when it is compared to the situation prevailing in other parts of Asia. With the formal admission of both Pakistan and Iran into the fold of the non-aligned movement, the whole South Asian region is fully non-aligned. This has added several new dimensions to the possibility of peaceful development of the entire region. Nepal will do its best to maintain and -promote this atmosphere of peace, friendship and co-operation in the region by pursuing a good-neigh- bour policy based on non-interference and understand- ing and accommodation of the legitimate aspirations of others. 25. Turning now to prospects for economic growth and stability, we are faced with a grim scenario. More than halfofthe people of the world languish in absolute poverty, while the rest of them indulge in luxury. and overconsumption. It is generally admitted that the In- ternational Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)] has failed to narrow the income gap between developed and developing countries. The gap, on the contrary, has further widened during the 1970s. Despite the repeated calls ofdeveloping countries for the imple- mentation of various resolutions, decisions and recom- mendations relating to the establishment of the New International Economic Order, insignificant progress has been made towards this end owing to the lack of political will on the part of those who have resources, technology and skill, and their reluctance to share their burden of responsibility for the establishment of a new order based on peace, justice and equality for all. 26. High rates of inflation, growing unemployment, a sharp decline in the terms of trade caused by fluctua- tions in the prices of primary products exported by developing countries, the constant instability of the international monetary system, sharp increases in the price ofoil and the drop to a mere 0.3 percent in the net flow of real resources to the developing countries are matters of deep concern to all developing countries. With a few exceptions, the international commitment by developed countries to transfer 0.7 per cent of their gross national product as official development assist- ance to developing countries remains unimplemented. 27. It is increasingly realized that the existing interna- tional economic system is unjust and incompatible with the development of developing countries. Developing countries are fuBy convinced that a lasting solution to their problems can be achieved by a fund~ental re- structuring of the New International EconomIc Order. 29. The international community is sufficiently aware of the difficult situation facing the least developed, land-locked and island developing as well as the most seriously affected countries. While the need to support vigorously the legitimate demands and aspirations of these countries in the organs, organizations and pro- grammes ofthe United Nations system has been recog- nized, the crisis facing the world economy has further aggravated the problems ofthese countries. Since most of the land-locked developing countries are ~so among the least developed, their problems are of a structural nature, and we have repeatedly called for special atten- tion to be given to the pressing problems of these countries and, as a matter of priority, special but urgent additional measures to be taken to overcome structural constraints impeding their rapid social and economic development. We have noted with satisfaction the com- prehensive new programm~of actiQIlJ~Qf thl:l le~~ de-_ veloped countries adopted at the fifth session of .UNCTAD8 and urge its immediate implementation. It is, however, regrettable that the United Nations Special Fund for Land-Locked Developing Countries, with woefully meagre resources at its disposal, has not been able to meet the resource requirements of land-locked developing countries. We appeal once again to all rich donor countries to contribute generously to this Fund. 30. In view of the ever more acute energy problem, we attach considerable importance to the United Na- tions Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy to be held in 1981. Similarly, the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly to be held to assess the l'rogress made in the various forums of the United NatIons system in the establishment ofthe New International Economic Order and, in the light of that assessment, to take appropriate action further to pro- mote the development of developing countries and in- ternational economic co-operation, and the adoption at that session of the international development strategy for the third United Nations development decade, will be of exceptional significance. We also recognize the importance ofthe Third General Conference ofUNIDO to be held in New Delhi in 1980. 31. In the light of what has been stated above, co- operation among developing countries is of paramount 8 See Proceedings ofthe Unitl'd Nations Conference on Trade und Development, Fijih Session, vo!. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.II.D.14l. part one A, resolution l22 (V). 32. The recently concluded eighth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea was not able to break the deadlock in the negotiations on issues affecting the rights of all developing coun- tries. We hope that the next session, to be held in 1980, will be able to resolve satisfactorily the issues which remain outstanding and obstruct the adoption ofacom~ prehensive convention on the law ofthe sea. It has been o,ur consistent position that a future convention on the '---law of the sea, if it is to be just, fair and equitable, should fully embody the "common heritage" principle for the benefit ofmankind as a whole. At the last session of that Conference my delegation had the honour of introducing a proposal! 0 relating to the establishmentof a common heritage fund. That proposal, sponsored by nine countries, is designed to ensure that some of the immense revenues accruing from the exploitation of non-living resources in the exclusive economic zone are regarded as the common heritage of mankind and are used to finance the development of developing countries. The fund could also be used to help in fight- ing ocean.pollution, to assist in the transfer of marine technology and to help the work ofthe United Nations. It is our conviction that acceptance ofthe idea ofgener- ous sharing in the vast ocean resources as envisaged in our proposal could make a most constructive contribu- tion to the realization of the objectives of the New International Economic Order. We earnestly hope that each delegation will give serious consideration at the next session of the Conference to the great potential of the common heritage fund. Finally, we stress the need for the Conference to give due recognition to the legiti- mate interests of land-locked countries, including their rights offree access to and from the sea and freedom of transit. 33. The United Nations is a unique instrument de- signed to maintain international peace and security, promote harmony, amity and goodwill, co-operation and understanding between and among nations. While we seek further to strengthen this Organization, its effectiveness depends on the positive will and asser- tiveness ofMember States in approaching international issues and solving global problems through the medium of this Organization. y Ihid., annex VI. 10 See Ojjicial Records ofthl' Third United Nations Conference on the Lull' of the Sea, vo!. IX (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.V.3), document A/CONF.62/65.

In the name of God, the merciful and compassionate. 36. On behalf of the delegation of the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, I should like, My President, to express our pleasure at your election" as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. 37. I should also like to pay a tribute to your predeces- sor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for his dedicated efforts in conducting the proceedings of the thirty-third session, and to extend our congratulations to the State of Saint Lucia on its accession to independence and to member- ship in our Organization. 38. In further commending the efforts made by the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, which have been unrelenting in the face of problems and their com- plexities, my country reiterates its support for his ef- forts as they are designed to strengthen the role of the Organization and to enhance its prestige and thus to bring about international peace and security, enabling the human race to enjoy the well-being it so desires. 39. Since we last met at the previous session of the General Assembly, the international community in gen- eral, and Africa in particular, have lost leaders whose role had been notable in the march of peace and the struggle against colonialism and racist regimes. The passing of the President of Algeria, Houari Boumediene and, more recently, the President of the People's Re- public ofAngola, Agostinho Neto, was a great loss both for Africa and for progressive and peace-loving forces in the world. 40. Despite the considerable efforts that have been, and are stilJ being, made by the United Nations to achieve internatjonal peace and security-peace based on justice and security based on the right of peoples to self-determination and to life and to freedom--one glance at the present international situation clearly shows us that we are stilJ far from realizing the purposes fgr which this Organization was established or the ob- 41. The present Charter was drafted under difficult international conditions, following a destructive war that had upset the balance ofpower. and at a time when independent States numbered no more than 51. Those conditions have changed, as has the international politi- cal and economic situation, and this necessitates the revision of the Charter and the elimination of the privileges which the great Powers conferred upon themselves under the aforementioned conditions. -42. At their recent Sixth Conference, held in Havana, the non-aligned countries, which represent the interna- tional human potential, unanimously adopted a resolu- tion submitted by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya with the aim ofeliminating the veto in the United Nations [A/34/ 542, annex VI A, resolution No. 7). 43. The achievement of iQtemational peace and se- curity will remain the aim of the human race; and the United Nations-which brings together all the peoples ofthe world-will continue to bear the responsibility of realizin~ that aim, which cannot be achieved without the attamment by the peoples of complete freedom, whether political or economic. One glance at the pres- ent international situation confirms that humanity, de- spite all the various efforts exerted, is still far from reaching its objective. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights still goes unheeded in many parts of the world. Heinous racism, in its various forms and with its inhuman practices, continues. Colonialist Powers still dominate and control the economies of developing countries both by direct monopolies and through their multinational corporations. More than three quarters of the population of the earth still lives in a state of dire poverty, and a minority still monopolizes the world economy and utilizes it to serve its own interests. Peace can never be achieved as long as the world remains divided into a majority that gets poorer every day and a minority thatgets richer at the expense ofthat majority. 44. The situation on the African continent is asource of concern to us all. That black continent, which suf- fered in the past from racial oppression-as demon- strated by the transportation as slaves ofmore than one third of Its inhabitants to the other continents, espe- cially to the North American continent-~tiU .ex~~­ ences, particularly in its southern part, raclaldlscnml- nation at the hands of a white colonialist minority. 45. The persistence of the racist regime in the south- ern part ofthe continent in its practice ofracial discrimi- 46. The persistence ofthe bigger colonialist Powers in arming the racist regimes in southern Africa and in supplying them with funds is a defiance of international will. Not content with their continued support of the racist regimes in southern Mrica in the face of the heroic stru~e of the people, especially in Zimbabwe and Namibia, the big colonialist Powers have resorted to nefarious methods to impede the struggle of those peoples and have attempted to give a new face or form to the racist regimes, as they did in Zimbabwe. 47. The problem of Zimbabwe will not be solved by ri~ging elections or falsifying the will of the people of ZImbabwe or by creating an internal racist puppet re- gime, but rather by enabling the majority to exercise self-detennination in accordance with the will of the people. The Patriotic Front, the sole legitimate rep- resentative of the people of Zimbabwe, cannot be hoodwinked by tricks. The solution to this problem will be found only in continued support for the Patriotic Front by all of us, just as support of the Namibian people's struggle, under the leadership of the South West AfricaPeople's Organization (SWAPO] is the sole solution to the problem ofNamibia and the sole means of enabling its people to attain independence. 48. The peoples ofAfrica have waged a bitter struggle for their independence and have achieved many glori- ous victories. The mere presence of49 Mrican States as Members of this Organization is proof of these vic- tories. However, the colonial Powers, which for many long years exploited and colonized the continent, are bent on changing the course of history in an attempt to perpetuate their exploitation and colonialism in Africa. They want to sneak back through the window after havmg been booted out through the door. 49. The colonial Powers which previously dominated the continent, particularly France, have resorted to acts which, to say the least, constitute a violation ofthe Charter of the United Nations and ofhuman rights. The French Government has resorted to the weapons of mercenaries and of assassination of African nationalist leaders to undermine the nationalist regimes and to liquidate them, as in the attacks on the sisterly republics of Benin and Sao Tome and Principe, as well as on other sisterly African States. The story of Bob Denard, the famous French terrorist, is well known to all of us. 50. The French policy initiated by the late President de GauUe and then pursued by the late President Pompidou of eliminating French colonialism from Af- rica, and the position taken by the French Government with regard to the just cause of the Palestinian people, were appreciated by us all. It was in acknowledgement ofthat policy that the Jamahiriya, after the great revolu- tion of I September 1969, promoted and maintained co-operation with France on an equal and fruitful basis. Regrettably, however, the French Government has be- gun to deviate from that policy during the past few years, and instead of the policy of friendship and co- operation it had pursued, it reverted to the colonial policy of France in the nineteenth century. 51. The French Government's invasion last month of 52. It is the right of any people to change and select its ~overnment. France, however, has no right to intetfere m the internal affairs of an independent State, regard- less ofthe humanitarian character it attempts to confer on its interference. 53. Consistent with the policy of non-alignment it pursues, and with its role as an active member of the non-aligned movement, the Jamahiriya condemns any intetference in the internal affairs of African or other States, irrespective of its source and regardless of its causes. However, in denouncing such intetference, and in particular France's colonial interference, we are only abiding by the principles of the OAU and those of the United Nations, and we would not attempt to defend untenable regimes or persons, even if we wanted to do so. 54. The French Government has officially admitted its invasion of and infringement of the territory of the Central African State, and this Organization should shoulder its responsibility in the face of such flagrant interference and such a clear violation of the United Nations Charter. 55. Should the policy at present being pursued by the French Government towards Africa continue, not only would it threaten the independence and security of the peoples ofthat continent but it could also be viewed as a new phase of colonialism that might ultimately lead to the downfall of this Organization, since the peoples of the African continent, faced with such acquiescence in the French aggression, might find it hard to place their trust in the Organization and might not feel honoured by their membership in it. The French Government must realize that the policy of murder, mercenaries and di- rect colonial interference would not serve, but would destroy, the interests ofthe French people. The French Government has to realize that history does not repeat itself, that independent Africa will fight this brutal new French invasion with all its might. The nineteenth century has ended, and there can be no return to it. The "big-stick policy" which French colonialism de- veloped in Africa when it conquered Algeria in 1830 seemed gone forever. In 1830 France invaded Algeria because the Dey ofAlgiers had humiliated the Consul of France. And in 1979, France invaded the Central Afri- can State because Emperor Bokassa had slammed dow!1 the rt:ceiver "YhiJe .talking on the telephone to PreSIdent Glscard d Estamg of France. History does seem to repeat itself. 56. The United Nations is called upon today to con- demn this French policy and not only to put an end to France's interference and military presence in Africa, but also to try to liberate the African continent from French colonialism in the island ofReunion, which is an 57. It was our hope that the French Government which justifies its military interference and invasion by claiming to protect Central African children, would put a stop to its arms shipments to the racist regime in South Africa and thus spare the lives ofthousands of African children. We would also have hoped that the French 90vemment would send its troops to Zimbabwe to help Its people put an end to the racist regime there and prev~nt the killing of thousands of innocent Africans, and It was our hope that those troops would be dis- patched to Palestine to stand in the defence of human rights and the rights of a people displaced from its land and home, so that the French Government could be true, for once at least, to the history of the French people, their struggle for human rights and their revolu- tion, which was the first in modern times to defend human rights. However, the French Government, by dispatching its troops to invade Africa and kiJJ innocent people and children in the Sahara, Chad and, most recently, the Central African State, has disavowed not only the principles of the GAU and the United Nations but also the very principles of the French Revolution. 58. The situation in the African continent cannot be isolated from the situation in the Arab world. Africa and the Arab world form one geographical, human and spiritual region. The racist regimes in Africa are of the same nature and are organically related to the racist regime in Palestine. The Arab nation's struggle against racist and colonialist zionism in Palestine is the same as the struggle led by Africa against the racist regimes in southern Africa. 59. .The so-called Middle East problem is, in fact, nothmg but that of a racist colonizing regime created and established by the imperialist Powers in the Arab re~ion, and that is the real problem. Attempts to resolve thiS problem without understanding the nature' of the racist Zionist regime would only provide partial and provisional solutions which cannot lead to any genuine peace in the area. The Arab nation and the Palestinian people have been drawn into long wars which began, I can say, during the First World War, when Britain promised to give-nay, grant-Palestine to the white racist Zionists emigrating from Europe, just as it had done in southern Africa, where it created the racist regimes. Those long wars the Arab nation engaged in were in defence of its existence in the face of a racist Zionist invasion supported by imperialism which recog- nized the cultural and economic potentialities of the Arab nation and, consequently, perceived the extent of the danger that Arab unity might pose to its interests in Africa and Asia. Yet, the Palestinian problem is that of a people not only uprooted and displaced from their land but also subject to an attempt to annihilate them, their land- having been given to alien colonizing im- migrants. Developments taking place today, the so- called peace initiatives by world imperialism, are but a further attempt to legitimize the usurpers and enable them to expand by occupyingand colonizing more Arab territories. The Arab nation is as appreciative of peace as anyone-ifnot more so-its various parts having had to endure centuries of annihilation and invasion at the hands of different kinds of colonialism, be it French, British or Italian. What the Arab nation wants, how- 60.. The United Nations, on which the colonial Pow- ers Imposed the acceptance of a bogus legitimacy with the admission of the racist State ofIsrael has a heavy and historic responsibility. The time has ~ow come to cOIT.ect that ~istake. The time has come for the United NatIOns to gIve true legal status to the legitimate rep- rese?tative of ~e J;>alestinian people, the Palestine Lib- eratIon OrganizatIon [PLO]. It is high time for the Unit~d Nations .to force t~e Zionist enemy to respect aJ;ld.lmplement Its resolutIOns, which that regime has VIOlated and continues to violate. 61. I. he~d ~e representative of the Zionist gangs spe~lOg m, thIS hap ,?f the automatic majority in the Umted NatIOns. ThIS IS an affront to this Organization. Does the representative of the Zionist gangs want us to go .back to, 1948, when a minority monopolized the Umted NatIOns? Does he call the will ofthe peoples of the w~rl9 an a';ltoma.tic majOljty? This is a challenge, and t~IS !s the mgratltude whIch the representative of !he ZIOO1St gang shows to the United Nations. 62. Allow me to clarify the nature of the so-called peace initiatives and what is now taking place in the ~rab re~on between the Zionist enemy and the Egyp- tIan regIme, on the one hand, and the United States of America, on the other. As a super-Power, the United States bears a great and dangerous responsibility for what are described as peace endeavours, but what are in reality plans for the liquidation of the Palestinian people and attempts to terminate their existence and frustrate their national aspirations. Theongoingactions of the United States of America create a dangerous precedent in international relations, one in which a super-Power is coercing a defeated State, Egypt, into signing an agreement whereby it relinquishes the rights of a people, the Palestinians, of whose affairs it has no right to dispose. The same super-Power is also forcing that State, Egypt, after its defeat, to yield its sovereignty and to separate itself from its nationality, its nation, its culture and its history. Under pressure from the United States ofAmerica, the Egyptian regime signed the Camp David agreements with the racist co- lonialist Zionist regime, abandoned the Palestinian cause-in which it has no right to interfere-and vio- lated the resolutions of the League of Arab States, the OAU, the Islamic Conference, and the non-aligned group. Rather, what the Egyptian regime has done by signing the Camp David agreements and the capitula- tion Treaty at Blair House was to enter into an un- natural and unholy alliance with the Zionist racist re- gime and the United States of America. By what right does the Egyptian regime sign on behalfof the Palestin- ian people and on behalfofSyria and Jordan? By what right does that same regime continue to negotiate with those who have no right over what they term "auton- omy" for the Palestinians? What right entitled the UOlted States of America to negotiate on behalf of the Palestinian people? The United States of America, by virtue of its partnership with the Zionist regime in the aggression against the Arab nations and the annihilation of the Palestinian people, can never be judge or mediator in this issue. The actions of the United States do not have any relation whatsoever to peace. The Arab nation rejected the Camp David agreements in the res- olutions adopted at the Ninth Arab Summit Confer- 63. If the United States wants to play its role as a super-Power and shoulder its responsibility as such, it has to be really neutral, and it would have to support those who are subject to injustice-the Palestinian people-and not sUJ?port the oppressor, that is, the racist Zionist minonty. Then the intervention of the United States of America would be acceptable and its interference would help peace. 64. What does "autonomy" mean? "Autonomy" means local and administrative procedures which are implemented in any country. Our recognition ofauton- omy and our support of the policy of autonomy would be ID contradiction with United Nations resolutions, whieh reQ.uest the Zionist enemy to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories. In other words, when the Egyptian regime signed this Treaty and when it negotiates about autonomy, it admits the legitimacy of the Israeli enemy's occupation of the Arab land-an occupation which has been rejected by this interna- tional Organization. 65. Even a cursory glance at the speeches by the representatives of the Egyptian regime and the racist zionist regime would suffice to provide us with an idea of the degree of importance and merit of such ~eements and reveal the great and apparent contra- diction in the respective positions of the two parties. 66. First, the representative of the Egyptian regime spoke of its country's support for the PLO and indi- cated that the agreements make that clearand cover the rights of the Palestinian people. However, the rep- resentative of the Zionists clearly stated the following: " ... it was, in fact, recognized by the parties at Camp David that the PLO could not be a partner to the peace process." [12th meeting, para. /83.] 67. Secondly, the representative of the Egyptian re- gime states that Egypt does not accept Israel's policy with re~ard to Jerusalem, whereas the Zionist rep- resentatIve speaks in all clarity of Jerusalem as "the eternal capital of Israel and of the Jewish people" [ibid., para. 190]. 68. Thirdly, the representative ofthe Egyptian regime says the question ofPalestine is the core ofthe problem and Egypt is not trying to solve this problem on be- half of the Palestinians; at the same time, his Govern- ment proceeds with negotiations over so-called ••autonomy." 11 See document A/33/400. 12 Tenth Islamic Conference ofForeilln Ministers. held at Fez from 8 to 12 May 1979. See document A/34/389. 70. The signing of the Camp David agreements and the capitulation treaty created a new state oftension in the area, which will not only hamper the march ofpeace in our region but could also lead to the deterioration of the situation and give rise to the danger of war. The Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Or- ganization referred to this situation ofcontroversy and division, as follows: •The dramatic developments which led to the con- clusion of a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel have created a new situation in the area. It is a meas- ure of the complexities of the Middle East problem that this event has given rise to controversy and division." [See A13411, sect. IlJ.] 71. I might also add that developments in southern Lebanon and the repeated Israeli acts of aggression against southern Lebanon are a direct result of those agreements signed between Egypt and Israel. Soare the concentrations of tens of thousands of the Egyptian regime's troops along the borders with the Jamahiriya, provocations against the Jamahiriya and other African countries by that regime and the dispatch of Egyptian forces to various parts of the continent and the Middle East. Moreover, the E$yptian President has on more than one occasion offiCially declared that he has been given a role in Africa. Indeed, this role is nothing but one of provocation and of attempting to create condi- tions of instability in Africa and the Arab States. 72. The situation in southern Lebanon, which is a direct result of the Camp David agreements and the continuing Israeli aggression against an independent State Member of this Organization, without any meas- ures being taken to put an end to that aggression, is a source ofconcern for us since it can endanger peace and security. The Jamahiriya expresses its support of the fraternal Lebanese people, its solidarity with them and its full backing of their unity, independence, Arabism and security. 73. The solution of the Middle East problem, includ- ing the achievement ofa just peace in the area, is of the utmost importance. However, it can be brought about, not by devious means, immoral methods. and illegal ways, but only by enabling the Palestinian people to liberate their land and exercise their rights to self- determination and to return to their homeland. The representative of the Egyptian regime, in his search for justification ofthe causes that led that regime to alienate Egypt from its Arabism and the Arab nation, claimed that the Arab nation could not provide any alternative solution. I should like to assure him and all others from this rostrum that there is a solution-in which he in fact personally believes-and that it is the only solution. The United States of America must first realize that it carries the onus of an historical responsibility and should, for once seek, the interests of the American people and not yield to pressure, terrorism and election-blackmail by Zionist forces within the United . 74. For the ears of the representative of the Egyptian regime in particular, here is the alternative solution proposed by the Arab nation: first, the further immigra- tion ofinvaders into Palestine must be halted; secondly, the settlers must return to their homelands, as did the Italian settlers who left Libya after more than 60 years, the French settlers who left Algeria after more than a century and the Portuguese settlers who left. Angol~ and Mozambique after more than four centunes; thirdly, arms shipments to the region ofthe Middle East, except to those countries whose territories are still occupied and who must, by right, defend themselves and liberate their territory, must be suspended; and, fourthly, a democratic Palestinian State comprising Arab, Jewish and Christian Palestinians must be established. 75. That is the only solution, whether it comes sooner or later. However, the policy of force, the policy of terrorism, will not cease. The history of Hitler and the history of empires and emperors should serve as a lesson to the racist, colonialist Zionists, who will not last long. Others stayed in the area longer than they did but were forced to leave forever under the pressure of resistance on the part of the Arab peoples. And the Zionists, like the others, will leave also. It is God's will. 76. The question of Western Sahara is still one of the main issues which confront our Organization and for which a radical and decisive solution has not yet been found. However, some positive developments in this respect have occurred this year, notably the agreement between Mauritania and the Frente POLISARIO D [see A/34/23/Rev.J, chap. X, annex, para. 38] and that be- tween the Jamahiriya and Mauritania [ibid., para. 28]. 77. I should also like to refer to the resolution adopted by the Assembly ofthe Heads ofState and C!ovemme~t of the OAD at its sixteenth regular seSSIOn, held In Monrovia last July, which reaffinned the right of the Saharan people to self-determination [A/34/552, pp. 90- 9J]. I hope that this session will find a quick and.durabl.e solution enabling the Saharan people to exercise their legitimate rights. 78. The problem ofCyprus is also far from a solution, despite the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General and this Or~anization to resolve it. We full¥ .support direct negotiations between the two co.mmu~]tIes--the Turkish Cypriots and the Greek Cypnots-lI~ accord- ance with the IO-point agreement for the achievement of a just solution to the problem that will guarantee .the independence and neutrality of Cyprus and the wlth- 13 Frente popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el-Hanlfa y de R(o de Ora. 79. The people of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya would like on this occasion to pay a tribute to the Government and people of the friendly State ofMaltaand to support them in their request for the withdrawal ofBritish bases from the island and for the safeguarding of the neutral- ity of Malta. We affirm our commitment to support the Maltese people in their commendable pursuit of the policy of neutrality. 80. Ever since 1973, when the developing oil-export- ing countries adjusted the prices of their petroleum and exercised control over their natural resources, Western capitalist circles have been engaged in an intensive media campaign against t}]~. SfaJ~.§_ memQers 5)f t.he -Organization of Petroleum-Exporting Countnes [OPEC] designed primarily to divert t~e attention.oft~e world in general and the developmg countnes m particular from the real causes .underlyi~g the ~Ul!,er­ ous problems which the economies ofthe mdustnahzed nations face as well as to shun their responsibility to provide assistance to the developing countries and to establish a new international economic order based on equity and justice rather than exploitation and domination. 81. The rectification by the OPEC States ?fthe unjust conditions in which the Western monopohes had sole control of their oil is considered to be an exercise of their legitimate right established in ~d ~nsured .by in- ternational instruments, namely, the mallenable nghtof countries to pennanent sovereignty over their natural resources and all their economic activities.. 82. The Western industrialized nations have ~orgot. ten, or pretended to forget, sever~facts co~ce!"I1ln~the adjustment by the OPEC countnes of their OIl pnces. Among those facts, we point out the following. 83. First, this action strengthened the.unity o~ ~he developing countries. ~d enhancC?d th~lr bar~am1Og power in their negotiations and diSCUSSions With the developed countries. 84. Secondly, it would have been extremely difficult to develop the oil wells ofthe North Seaand Alaska had the price of oil stayed at its pre-1973 levels. 85. Thirdly, the adjustment of oil prices has helpe~ the Western industrialized nations to concentrate their efforts on the question of taking the necessary meas- ures to reduce their over-consumption ofenergy and to use this vital commodity in a more rational and ~eas0!1­ able manner. This is exactly what the developmg 011- producing countries have ,?een ~emanding for year~. The oil-producing countnes arm to preserve. thiS limited non-renewable resource for as long as possI~le; yet available estimates indicate that if oil consuml?t~on continues at its presen~ annual level ~f nearly 7 billIon tons, all oil reserves Will be depleted m 15 to 20 years. 86. Fourthly, amending.the oil pri~es has pro~pted the international commumty to examme the questIOn of other sources of energy as an altemative to oil, sources 87. Fifthly, while the industrialized nations attack the OPEC countries for adjusting their oil prices, those same nations invariably waste no time in raising the price of their own oil. Their rates are always parallel with the price ceilings fIxed by OPEC. 88. Sixthly, it is a fact that the increases in oil prices were instituted to offset the previous effect of inflation and the decline in the exchange rate of the dollar. Dur- ing the first quarter of 1979, the rate of inflation in the United States reached 13 percent compared with 17.6 per cent in Italy, 12.4 per cent in Britain, IO per cent in France and 9.6 per cent in West Germany. Since the oil-producing developing countries are the main im- porters of the products of the industrialized nations, they are most affected by that exported inflation. The remedy lies in curtailing the current of the inflation being exported by the industrial countries, rather than in not raising the price of oil or of any other raw material. 89. Seventhly, there has been repeated talk ofenergy consumption in developing countries, as if they were the ones that consumed the greatest part of world oil production. Statistics show that energy consumption is concentrated with extreme density in the developed countries, which comprise nearly 30 per cent of the total world population yet consume more than 80 per cent ~the world's total energy, whereas the develop- ing countries, whose inhabitants constitute some 70 per cent of the world's population, consume less than 20 per cent of the world's energy production. Evidence shows that private vehicles in the United States of America and Western Europe consume as much energy as the total for all developing countries in their various uses of commercial energy. Britain alone consumes more energy than all the African States put together. Statistics indicate that the industrialized Western na- tions' consumption of energy at a rate of millions of barrels a day amounted to 74,470 billion barrels in 1976, while the consumption by the rest ofthe world, exclud- ing the socialist bloc countries, reached 18,297 billion barrels. 90. . Overlooking all these facts only proves that the media campaign ofthe Western industrialized countries directed against the OPEC countries is a concentrated political propaganda campaign, and not one based on facts. This campaign, which is often coupled with threats of overt or covert interference such as starva- tion, systematic increases in the prices ofmanufactured goods and threats to occupy the oil sources, clearly proves t~e extent to which hegemonism and the desire to explOIt dominates the thinking of those countries. The OPEC countries are fully aware of these ma- noeuvres and will, individually and collectively, strongly.re~ist all forms ofthreat or military, politiCal or economic Interference against their peoples. 91. It should be noted that this continuing campaign 92. Instead oftrying to make the necessary changes in their domestic economic policies and to shoulder their international responsibilities towards the developing countries as defined by the United Nations resolutions, the Western industrialized countries have been bent on sowing the seeds of sedition and discord between the oil-producing and non-oil-producing developing na- tions by emphasizing that oil prices are the cause of all the economic problems ofthe developing nations. They have even gone as far as to attempt to interfere in sovereign matters of the oil-producing States by ad- dressing themselves directly to the subject of limiting the prices and quantities of oil to be produced. The developing oil-producing countries, believing in the in- evitability of interdependence and of helping other de- veloping countries to overcome their economic prob- lems, have spared no efforts to provide the latter with the necessary assistance. Surveys indicate that the ap- propriations for OPEC's fund for assistance to develop- 109 countries had reached $1,229 million at the end of 1978. At OPEC's June 1979 meeting, it was also decided to raise member States' contributions to the fund by a further $800 million, thus increasing the fund's capital to $2.4 billion. 93. Surveys also indicate that, while the assistance provided by the OPEC countries has reached a ratio of 2.01 per cent of their gross national product, the ratio of the assistance provided by the industrialized countries to their gross national product had only reached 0.31 per cent in 1977, far below the target of0.7 per cent to be earmarked for official development assistance to the developing countries as stipulated in the International Development Strategy. 94. The oil-producing States, including my own, have provided this assistance, and other important assist- ance within the framework of bilateral co-operation or of regional institutions, such as the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Mrica, in Khartoum, and other institutions of Member States, to provide direct support and help to developing countries to enable them to overcome the unjust economic conditions they are at present experiencing. They do this because they believe that development is a joint venture in which each ofus must assume the responsibilities that interna- tional circumstances and domestic conditions impose. 95. The oil-producing States have provided this assistance despite the fact that they are experiencing abnormal economic situations which require that all their material capabilities be oriented towards 96. While we welcome any initiatives designed to deal with the development issues of the world and to strengthen the constructive dialogue based on equality and the principles and objectives of the new interna- tional economic order, we reject any attempt at stirring up dissension between the developing countries or at exerting any ~ressureson the OPEC countries because of their positions of principle. 97. The OPEC is part ofthe struggle ofthe third world to regain control of its natural resources from the av- aricious monopolistic corporations in the capitalist world. The struggle of the oil-producing countries is the same as the struggle ofthe third world, for what they are doing serves the causes of both the third world and of humanity as a whole. We have listened attentively to the address made by the President of Mexico [11th meeting] in which he proposed the adoption ofa world plan for energy. This proposal requires further consid- eration by our energy experts. However, we fear that certain groups might seize upon this opportunity to try and destabilize the countries of the third world. 98. We reject any attempts aimed at discussing the question ofenergy in isolationfrom the major economic issues and outside the purview of the United Nations. In our view, the proposal of the Group of 77 to hold comprehensive negotiations [see A/34/34, part three, annex 1], in accordance with the proposal of the recent Conference of non-aligned Countries in Havana, was expressive of the view of the overwhelming majority of the peoples of the world that world economic issues should be dealt with in a comprehensive manner within the framework of the United Nations. 99. For the developing States the road to develop- ment must begin from inside their countries, first by eradicating all fonns of the monpolistic practices ofthe transnational corporations against us and against them, then by proceeding to intensify their efforts in promot- ing and strengthening co-operation among themselves. 100. The declaration issued by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 on 29 September 1977 [A/34/533 and Corr.J, annex] was a clear reflection of the position of the developing countries with regard to the mternational endeavours aimed at establishing a 10 I. In the face of serious political and economic events confronting humanity suchas the alarming inter- national contest with its spiralling arms race and the many wars that have broken out during the past years as a result of direct colonial interference in the internal affairs of States, the peoples of the world have increas- ingly been looking to the non-aligned movement, a neutral, impartial group of States, as one able to play the role in achieving justice in the world, self- determination for peoples and peace and security for the human race. 102. In this connexion I cannot but praise the objec- tive results of the recent Conference of non-aligned countries held in Havana, Cuba, paying a special trib- ute to the major role which the Republic of Cuba and its President, Fidel Castro, played in the successful outcome of that Conference. The non-aligned group of nations has asserted its effectiveness as a viable bloc, confirmed its obligations to the struggle against im- perialism, zionism, racism and colonialism and for the achievement ofjustice and equality among States, and also reaffirmed its pledge to work relentlessly toward establishing a new international economic order that would take into account the interests of all humanity, particularly the interests of the developing countries and their right to raise the standards of living of their peoples and to achieve development in their territories. 103. That non-aligned movement is now strengthened by the admission of new States, such as Nicaragua, a revolutionary country to which I should like to pay a tribute for having freed itselffrom a Fascist regime that was an agent of imperialism. That movement has been strengthened also by the admission ofGrenada, another progressive revolutionary force. It has been strength- ened by the revolution in Iran that resulted in the depo- sition of the Shah and Iran's admission to the move- ment after having eliminated the last stronghold ofcolo- nialism in the region. It has been strengthened by the admission of Pakistan, now that that country is-and God willing, will long remain-not a party to any mili- tary pacts, which were used in the past against its peoples in that region of Asia. 104. Finally, I should like to express my appreciation and gratitude to all, hoping that this session will help us meet the aspirations of our peoples and achieve their hopes for justice, freedom and prosperity.

Mr. President, first of all I should like to associate myself with the previous speakers who have extended to you warm congratulations on your unani- mous election to preside over this session. The United Republic of Tanzania, which you so well and capably represent in our Organization, maintains with my country more than mere good-neighbourly relations. In fact close historical ties link OHr two peoples, and today many of the sons of the Comoros have become worthy and loyal citizens of your country. We are particularly proud that the Tanzanian people, under the enlightened 106. Permit me also to congratulate the outgoing Pres- ident, Mr. Lfevano of Colombia, on his competence and tireless devotion in carrying out his task. 107. ' We also express our admiration and gratitude to our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who has been so steadfast in the service of international justice and peace. 108. We should also like to bid welcome to Saint Lucia, the one hundred and fifty-second Memberofour Organization. Like Saint Lucia, the Comoros is an island State with a limited area and resources, and these, among other factors, have given rise to an exces- sive dependence on the outside world and have thus seriously hindered our economic development. 109. Permit me to take this opportunity to describe briefly the difficult, not to say tragic, situation of the developing island countries of which my own is one. Indeed, obvious and particular structural constraints connected with our isolation, our great distance from the major international markets, the extremely small size of our internal markets and also the total lack of natural resources coupled with an extraordinary shortage of qualified administrative and technical personnel, are a heavy burden for oureconomy to bear. This is a day-to-day reality, something which calls for specific measures to be taken not only by the interna- tional community, particularly the relevant bodies of the United Nations, but also by the developed countries, to help us to overcome as best we can the various economic fluctuations and the effects of infla- tion by which the developing island countries are particularly cruelly affected. 110. The Comorian islands are situated in a part of the Indian Ocean where floods and cyclones every year threaten to destroy crops, thus making even worse an economic situation that is already extremely precari- ous. So far the Comorian economy has been almost totally based on agriculture and we never have enough resources to diversify production. Perfume essences and vanilla still constitute the bulk of our exports, and the prices of these products, unfortunately, are subject to enormous fluctuations on the international market from one year to another. This is something which, as a consequence, serves to accentuate our state of depen- dence on the outside world and to reduce constantly the purchasing power of our people. The disaster which recently befell the West Indies reminds us again, if there were any need of this, how vulnerable are the economies of island countries. 111. We can only be gratified, therefore, at the in- creased measure ofconcern and the particular attention which our Organization, through its competent bodies, particularly UNCTAD, has been increasingly devoting 112. The Government of the Federal and Islamic Re- public ofthe Comoros is consequently fully aware both ofthe limits and ofthe real possibilities ofa small island country like our own and we are all the more able to understand the need to pursue a policy of intensive co-operation, open to our region and to the world at large, if we are to overcome our isolation and under- development. It is for this reason that we have chosen to pursue a policy of active co-operation with an countries, based on national sovereignty and equality among States, expressing in this way our sincere wish to establish and consolidate links of solidarity. in- terdependence and mutual interest. 113. Today, we have welcomed to our midst the one hundred and fifty-second Member ofour Organization. More than 100 sovereign States have thus joined the original signatories of the San Francisco Charter, and have committed themselves unanimously to working towards the establishment of international peace, and the bringing about of a more humane and a more just world. All types of regimes are represented in this As- sembly. Representatives of all political tendencies and all polItical and socio-economic systems are sitting side by side. It is our view that this diversity, instead of dividing us and pitting us against each other, can, on the contrary, constitute a factor for narrowing the differ- ences between men and nations, and thus enrich our exchan~es on the basis ofour respective experience. It is only In this way that our Organization can fully play its role as an organ serving international peace and co-operation. 114. Speaking of international peace and co- operation, if we simply look at the items listed on the agenda ofthis session, we will see that unfortunately we have not yet made any decisive progress towards the attainment of the objectives or the fulfilment of the aspirations of our Organization. We really must show a little more realism if we are to dare to express any justified optimism or even to attenuate to some extent the feeling of profound malaise which affects the whole world. Indeed, the problem of war and peace is still extremely acute. Economic turbulence, the prolifera- tion of hotbeds of tension as well as futile dialogues on questions which are none the less fundamental, are all evidence of the troubled and divided world in which we live. At the same time, poverty, hunger and disease are gaining ground while inflation is constantly growing, paralysing the efforts of the third-world countries and thus posing a threat to our economies. 115. It is now more necessary than ever, if we really want to bring about peace in the world, for our Organi- zation to acquire the means of putting an end to this situation in order to promote and increase co-operation between the industrialized world and the developing countries. Our peoples expect and call for the establish- ment and implementation of this new, more just and equitable international economic order, which will bring them a higher measure ofprosperity and freedom. There can be no doubt that such an objective, ifit is to be achieved, calls for a greater measure of cohesion among us, the development of horizontal and vertical co-operation and, above all, the genuine will on the part of the affiuent countries to make concessions so that the 117. These important meetings were an opportunity for our countries to pool their experiences and to take thought together as to the most appropriate measures to be adopted. 118. We must now put an end to, or at least limit, the proliferation and spread of weapons of mass destruc- tion, since the anns industry is something which swal- lows up colossal sums of money-money which could otherwise be used for the development of international economic co-operation. 119. The coastal States of the Indian Ocean are pro- foundly concerned by the proliferation of military strategic bases in the area. This is a serious threat to the sovereignty of the States of that region, as well as to international peace and security. 120. My Government therefore will support any in- itiative to make the Indian Ocean a zone of peace, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI). We $trongly favour the convening ofa regional conference on the demilitarization of that zone. There can be no true peace or real economic development until claims ofhegemony are eliminatedfrom the world. 121. One cannot on the one hand proclaim and welcome detente and the benefits of peaceful coexist- ence and co-operation while at the same time pursuing a policy involving the proliferation of destructive weapons, the establishment of military bases, the strengthening ofstrategic bases and the manipulation of armed conflicts-in fact, running the whole gamut of methods of economic domination. 122. True and lasting peace can be brought about only by establishing a climate of mutual confidence and in- creased international solidarity. 123. In this regard we believe that the agreements reached as a result of the second round of SALT are a step forward towards international peace. 124. I wish now to turn to some of the fundamental questions which rightly are of concern to the interna- tIOnal community and require urgent solutions. 125. We are convinced that these solutions can easily ,4 United Nations Conference on Technical Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Buenos Aires from 30 August to 12 September 1978. I S United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for De- velopment, held in Vienna from 20 to 31 August 1979. 16 World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development, held in Rome from 12 to 21 July 1979. 126. In southern Mrica, because we were unwilling to enforce and apply the decisions ofour Assembly and to have them complied with by the racists of southern Africa, our brothers have no other choice but to have recourse to anned struggle to bringdown the tyranny of the racists in Pretoriaand Salisbury. The odious system of apartheid continues to flourish in defiance of our Organization. 127. In Zimbabwe the combined action of the libera- tion movements, the OAU and our own Organization, finally won out over the racist minority Smith regime. In the face of victories by the Patriotic Front, the au- thentic representative of the people of Zimbabwe, the rebels had recourse to a monumental farce in the hope that we would believe that they were finally ready to give up their many advantages in favour ofthose whom so far they have despised and treated as sub-humans. 128. Let us hope that those who wanted to come to terms with Smith will understand that tney have al- lowed themselves to be taken in by illusory promises. 129. We for our part would like to believe that the Powers involved in seeking a solution to tbis problem will do so henceforth 011 the basis ofequity and equality . and in the desire to establisha new and just constitution on the basis of the principle of "one man one vote" which will ensure that the black majority effectively exercises power. We express the hope that the London conference will bring about positive results. 130. On the subject of Namibia, not only does the regime in Pretoria occupy the Territory illegally but, what is worse South Mrica uses it to launch murderous attacks against the front-line countries, causing casualties among the civilian population. 131. These daily crimes speak for themselves and should suffice to dispel once and for all the least possi- ble doubt as to the truly belligerent intentions of the Pretoria racists. 132. More than ever before, we mllst take the neces- sary measures to put an end to this barbarous regime and redouble our support for SWAPO, the legitimate representative of the Namibian people. 133. On the subject of the Middle East, my Govern- ment agrees with the consensus which emerged in Monrovia at the sixteenth ordinary session of the As- sembly ofHeads ofState and Govemmentofthe OAU. 134. However, we wish to repeat our unreserved sup- port for the Palestinian cause and its legitimate rep- resentative, the PLO. We also wish to reiterate our conviction that the question ofPalestine is the very core of the problem of the Middle East and that any solution with which the PLO is not associated will not be valid. Peace in this region, ifit is to bejust and lasting, must be global and must, above all, take account of the legiti- mate aspirations ofthe Palestinian people: namely, the restoratiOn of the national and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people; the right of the Palestinians to re- 135. With regard to Western Sahara, my Government is following developments with the closest attention. The Comoros maintains fraternal relations with all the parties to this conflict. The peoples in this part of the world have human and cultural ties which they should make use of in order to lay the foundations for economic and social development in their common in- terests. My country will support any initiative which could bring about peace and detente in that region. 136. The situation in Cyprus is another source ofcon- cern to my delegation. We hope that by means ofnego- tiations the two Cypriot communities will find ,<ommon ground and arrive at a solution which will respect the territorial integrity, the independence and the non- alignment of Cyprus and which will make possible the peaceful coexistence and the sodo-economic develop- ment of that country. 137. Another danger that threatens peace is the explo- sive situation in South-East Asia. There is a food crisis, an influx of refugees, and as a consequence tens of thousands of innocent people have undergone the greatest possible suffering. Our Organization must take "the necessary humanitarian measures and make the maximum effort to restore peace in this area. 138. I now turn to a problem which is of the greatest concern to my delegation, and indeed to the whole of Africa. I refer to the subject of the Comorian island of Mayotte. This is an item on our agenda [item 29], and when the time comes my delegation will describe the situation and will do its best to assist in the search for a satisfactory solution to the problem. 139. We have asked for the consideration of this item because the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a Member State are at stake. For the Government of the Comoros there can be no doubt that, as long as the island of Mayotte falls outside its effective control, efforts at economic development in the country will be doomed to failure. The Comoros is a small and. above all, an island country, which can make progress only with the commitment of all its citizens to the work of national reconstruction. 140. The search for a solution to the question of Mayotte remains a matter ofconstant and fundamental concern to the Comorian authorities. Therefore, the particularattention which this Assembly is accordingto the settlement of this question is a source of general satisfaction and encouragement for us. 141. Throughout the colonial period, the Comoros constituted a single political and economic entity. This is why the decolonization of that country cannot be brought about by dismembering it. Furthermore, it is a cherished principle of our Organization that peoples shall reach independence within frontiers inherited from the colonial period. 142. I do not want to begin a debate on this question, but I wish to recall that the General Assembly in resolu- 143. We, the Comoros, for our part are ready, and we have always been ready, to negotiate with France to pilt an end to this controversy and to lift the dark cloud hanging over the relations between our two countries. Therefore, it is with the aim of creating a climate favourable to these negotiations and of showing the open-mindedness of the Government of Comoros that we have so far been engaged in a number of specific actions. 144. We have, for example, agreed to resume rela- tions with France, which had been broken off over the last few years. We hope that this act will be properly apprec,iated and that the French side will recognize the efforts of the Comorian Government to create an ap- propriate atmosphere conducive to dialogue. 145. It was in the same desire to prepare the ground for negotiations that the Head of State of the Comoros requested a meeting with his French counterpart to talk about the situation in Mayotte. On that occasion, the two parties agreed to re-examine the question and to look for a satisfactory solution. 146. Pending the return of Mayotte to the Comoros, my Government has also decided to provide a new, federal-type constitution for our State which will pro- vide a large measure of administrative autonomy for each island, while respecting the unity of the Republic. 147. That important measure is aimed not only at establishing a decentralized administration, better adapted to the island nature of my country, but also, and above all, at fulfilling the wishes of the inhabitants of Mayotte truly to have the management oftheir politi- cal and economic affairs in their own hands. 148. The Constitution of the Federal and Islamic Re- pUblic of the Comoros, adopted by the Comorian people in October 1978, ensures for the inhabitants of Mayotte, once that island is integrated into the Repub- lic of the Comoros, the enjoyment of the same rights and guarantees as the three other islands of Anjouan, Grande-Comore and Motieli. 149. By these measures, the Comorian Government has demonstrated its active wish, within the limits ofits resources and means, to contribute to progress on this question and to provide further momentum to it in order to hasten the advent of a satisfactory solution. All av- enues have certainly not been explored and we thus welcome any initiative which would really help us to break the present deadlock. 150. We have kept the OAU and the United Nations, as well as all other international bodies, constantly informed of the development of the situation in the Comoros as well as of the measures adopted by the Government to hasten the achievement ofa solution to the Mayotte question. 151. We shall continue to do this in all objectivity, and in a desire to exclude any spirit of contention, so that France and we ourselves can, as soon as is humanly possible, enter into the decisive phase of the negotiations. 153. Finally, I should like to conclude my statement by expressing the sincere hope that this session will mark a decisive turning-point in tenns of concrete ac- tion and practical understandings, and that it will be an important contribution to bringing about peace in the world.

Allow me, Mr. Presi- dent, first to join the representatives who have spoken before me, in wannly congratulating you on your elec- tion to the presidency of this Assembly. This year's session will be marked by momentous decisions, which the Assembly will be called upon to take on matters of importance both to the Organization as such and, in- deed, to the future development ofits Members. Need- less to say, you are aware, through the experience you have acquired during your tenn of office at Turtle Bay, of the extent to which patience and impartiality are required in the high office which you have assumed. I am quite certain that no better person could have been chosen to ~uide the Assembly in its deliberations at such a crucial time. For my part, I should like to assure you, Sir, of my delegation's fullest co-operation. 155. Secondly, let me take this opporwnity to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, for the able manner in which he presided over the last session when, as we all know, the Assembly had no less difficult a task to perfonn. Mr. Lievano was not found lacking in the qualities that are required of a person in that position. 156. Last but not least, I should be failing in my duty if I did not say a word ofcommendation for the enonnous dedication with which the Secretary General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, has always carried out his onerous duties. His total commitment to the cause of the United Na- tions has gone beyond the call of duty. Thus, we are beguiled by the enchanting thought that, through his personal initiative, some of the problems that beset the world community will continue to be tackled peacefully during the coming year, with prospects of fruitful re- sults. We wish Mr. Waldheim success. 157. A good deal of effort has been exerted during the past 12 months in an endeavour to bring about peace and security among nations, as well as to improve their social and economic status. Similar efforts have been made towards the achievement of self-detennination for those ofour brothers and sisters still under political domination. Some measure of progress has been made in some areas but, unfortunately, not in others. 158. None the less, my delegation is encouraged by recent developments that may lead to a lessening of tension in international relations. In that regard, we congratulate the Governments of the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the conclu- sion of a second SALT Treaty, which was signed be- tween them early this year. We applaud the spirit of co-operation and the willingness to compromise that characterized the long and difficult negotiations which ----.resulted in the signing ofthe Treaty. We believe that the 159. That is not to imply that the responsibility for ensuring international peace devolves on the big Pow- ers alone; the smaller nations, too, have similar re- sponsibilities in that respect. I should like, therefore, to recommend to the smaller nations that they keep peace with one another. I know only too well, of course, that in some cases the conflicts and disagreements among us smaller nations are not always entirely ofour own mak- ing; they are at times instigated by outside forces. To repel the influence of such forces, we, the smaller na- tions, must stick to the principles ofnon-interference in each other's affairs and maintaingood-neighbourliness. 160. I should like to take this opportunity to restate 'my Government's commitment to the principlesofnon- interference and good neighbourliness. We strongly hold that international peace can best be assured by such an approach. 16l. It is very pleasing to note that a further step forward has been achieved in the process ofdecoloniza- tion by the emergence ofSolomon Islands, Saint Lucia and Kiribati as independent, sovereign States. I should like to take this opportunity to extend to them my Government's sincere congratulations and to welcome them to the club of sovereign States. 162. While on the subject, may I be allowed to express the hope that it will not be long before we welcome Belize and East Timor to this Assembly. 163. This Assembly has been seized of the question of Western:,Sahara for the past few years. My delegation welcomes recent developments which indicate that a solution is now possible. My Government maintains that any solution of the issue of Western Sahara must take into account the wishes of the people of Western Sahara. In this connexion, I wish to record Malawi's support for the recommendation of the OAU Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State on Western Sahara, the so-called committee ofwise men, which was adopted in Monrovia, Liberia, in July this year, callingfor a refer- endum in order to detennine the real wishes of the people of the Territory [see A/34/552, pp. 90-91]. It is my delegation's sincere hope that this Assembly will lend its support to this realistic proposal. It is also our hope that all parties involved in the Western Sahara problem will co-operate in facilitating the implementa- tion of the proposal. In this connexion my delegation also welcomes the recent decision by the Government ofMauritania to renounce any claims to the Territory of Western Sahara and to respect the aspirations of the Saharan people [see A/34/23/Rev.I, chap. X. annex, para. 38]. This courageous step will go a long way towards facilitating the resolution of the matter. [64. When we assembled here about a year ago, there were high hopes that the Namibia question might at last be resolved following the South African Government's acceptance' of the proposals presented to it and to SWAPO by the five Western members of the Security 165. When the Western initiative on Namibia was launched two years ago, my.Government welcomed it, and subsequently endorsed the formula which the con- tact group proposed. That was because my Govern- ment believed that that formula offered the most peace- ful wa~ of achieving a genuine transfer of power to Namiblans through the participation of all the political groups in the Territory, including SWAPO. 166. My Government is convinced that this is still the way that offers the most hope of leading to a just and internationally acceptable solution to the Namibia question. It is therefore encouraging to note that efforts are under way to pursue the Western initiative, and I would appeal for good faith among all the parties con- cerned so as not to lose again an opportunity to bring this problem to a successful conclusion. 167. As with Namibia, the problem of Rhodesia has been the cause ofmuch anxiety and concern. Hope has, however, been revived by the developments ofthe past few weeks, and a peaceful settlement of the constitu- tional deadlock in that country now looks possible once again. 168. My Government has stated before that to choose the leadership and Government ofRhodesia is the pre- rogative of the people of Rhodesia themselves; we do not believe that any solution which seeks to impose a certain leader or type of government can bring about a meaningful settlement of the constitutional dispute in that country. At the same time, however, my Govern- ment has also stated that any settlement ofthe problem must ensure a peaceful and genuine transferofpower to the majority. I should like to reiterate that pOSition and declare the Malawi Government's readiness to support any efforts aimed at achieving a peaceful settlement of the issue of Rhodesia. 169. My delegation, therefore, welcomes the Com- monwealth plan adopted at the Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries, held at Lusaka in August, for the settlement of the problem of Rhodesia (see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 15]. We are convinced that the plan offers an opportunity for the people of Rhodesia to participate fully in the choice of their own Government, just as it guarantees the genuine transfer of power to the majority. My delegation is encouraged by the positive response of all the parties concerned to the invitation by the Government of the United Kingdom to participate in the constitutional conference which opened in London recently as the first stage in the implementation of that plan. We are also encouraged by the progress which has been achieved so far at the conference, and it is our sincere hope that nothing will be allowed to hamper further progress. 170. The Commonwealth plan was born outofconsul- 171. The signs ofpossible change in the political situa- tion in South Africa are less perceptible than they are in the cases of Namibia and Rhodesia. There are, how- ever, clear indications of an awakening, both within Government circles and outside them, to the need for change in the racial policies that the Government pursues. There is evidence of an open debate going on 10 that country, which represents a self-examination of conscience on the part of the people. We believe that change in South Africa is inevitable and that the open debate to which I havejust referred points to its advent. 172. My Government remains resolutely averse to the policies of apartheid and the methods used to enforce It, including the establishment of "homelands". This is a stance that is well known to the Government of the day in South Africa. But my Government remains equally convinced that the best way to induce the white people to the south of us to change is by contact and example, by engaging in a dialogue with them. That is why my Government does not support boycotts and ostracism; neither does it support confrontation. Con- sequently, my delegation urges the international com- munity to create the necessary condition that will in- duce change in South Africa sooner. 173. My Government has followed closely the de- velopments in the Middle East which culminated in the Camp David agreements of September 1978 and the Treaty ofPeace concluded between Egypt and Israel in March this year. My Government regards these de- velopments as a step in the right direction in the con- tinuing search for a just settlement of the Middle East problem. I have already given my Government's view on ,.confrontation" as a means of resolving differences among nations. I can only add that, while war may sometimes bring quick results, it animates hatred to such an extent that in the end it destroys both the victor and the vanquished. I dare say the history ofthe Middle East problem bears out this contention. 174. I must, however, emphasize that in supporting the Camp David agreements and the Egypt-Israel Treaty, we are not implying that the ultimate objective has been achieved. We are simply acknowledging that the first step towards the desired goal has been taken. I am saying this because there are, as everyone knows, a number of crucial issues still outstanding which call for further attention. And the sooner they receive it the better. Thank goodness that this is being actively pursued by the parties to the Egypt-Israel Treaty, The problem of the Middle East is not between Israel and Egypt alone. We therefore believe that a meaningful and lasting solution can be achieved only through the full participation of all parties in the search for it. 175. Another problem which has been before the As- sembly for some time and to which no solution has yet been found is that of Cyprus. My delegation still be- lieves that a solution can be achieved only through direct negotiations between the Greek and Turkish 176.. We note and support the efforts of the United Nations in search of a formula to facilitate the resump- tion of intercommunal dialogue on this problem. I should like to express my Government's hope that the Secretary-General will continue these efforts. 177. My delegation has also noted the proposal made by the President of Cyprus to the General Assembly in October lastyear that the island should be demilitarized and the security of the island should be ensured by a combined Greek and Turkish Cypriot police force un- der the guidance of a United Nations force. IS It is my delegation's view that the withdrawal of all foreign troops, except those ofthe United Nations, would con- tribute to a greater sense ofsecurity among the Cypriot communities and thus create an atmosphere conducive to maximum co-operation and compromise between the two sides in reaching a settlement. We therefore consider the President's proposal to be worthy of seri- ous consideration and hope that this Assembly will examine it in greater detail. 178. Another issue which is a source of equally grave concern is that of disarmament. My Government is concerned not only about the threat that the escalation of the arms race poses to international peace and secu- rity but also about its drain on economic resources which would be better used in promoting the social and economic development of the peoples of Member States. In this respect, my delegation has noted with disappointment the failure of the recent meetings of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva to produce any positive results. It is our hope, however, that the As- sembly will address itself to this important matter and consider ways of resolving it. 179. Permit me to express the hope also that, follow- ing the conclusion of the SALT Treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union, the bigger Powers will consider utilizing the experience gained in the ne- ~otiations for that Treaty in the efforts aimed at achiev- 109 general disarmament in the world. 180. My delegation considers it a matter of deep re- gret that narrow sectional interests continue to hamper progress towards the establishment of a new interna- tional economic order. We had hoped that current de- velopments in the economic field would have amply demonstrated the interdependence of the developed and the developing countries and the need for closer co-operation. We have noted with appreciation, though, the moves 1!lade by the developed donor countries to reduce the indebtedness of developing re- cipient States by converting loans into grants. This will greatly improve the solvency of the developing countries. 181. My delegation has also noted with satisfaction that, following the fifth session of UNCTAD, held in Manila in May, substantial contributions to the recently established Common Fund have begun. This is im- portant, because the economic stability and growth of developing countries can be ensured only to the extent that the necessary_conditions are established to enable 183. It is a matter for regret that, despite all the high hopes which preceded the last session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea, lack of compromise has once again blocked the successful completion of the task of establishing a new interna- tional maritime regime. Nevertheless, we are con- vinced that, given goodwill on all sides, the obstacles which remain can be overcome. My Government be- lieves that the equitable share of marine resources is relevant to, and has an important role to play in, the creation of the new international economic order. It is therefore my delegation's hope that the spirit ofconsid- eration and compromise will prevail when the Confer- ence is resumed in order that the long awaited agreement can be concluded. 184. My delegation wishes to express its appreciation for the work carried out directly by the United Nations through its various agencies in the promotion of the welfare of its Member States. Of equal importance is the awareness which this Assembly has brought, through the observance of the special International Years, to the various ills and problems that afflict the different sections of our world community. 185. We are drawing to the close of the International Year of the Child. My country has participated fully in the programmes marking this special year, as my Gov- ernment believes strongly in the security and welfare of the young. They are, after all, the future citizens ofour world. My Government is therefore convinced that pro- grammes such as those which have been observed in the course of 1979 are a most beneficial contribution to the future well-being of mankind. 186. While appreciating the usefulness of these spe- cial international years, my delegation is compelled to point out that having too many of them at once could easily destroy their value. Thus, the Secretary-Gener- al's initiative in requesting this Assembly to consider ways of rationalizing them is a~preciat~d. It.is our sincere hope that the Assembly will conSIder thIS mat- ter carefully and come up with objective recom- mendations. l87. My delegation has had occasion in the past to express the Malawi Government's concern a~ the un- wieldy proliferation of the organs of the Umted Na- tions. We note with pleasure, therefore, that the Secretary-General has requested ~his body to c~ns!der ways of reducing the costs of runmng the Organlzatl0f,l. It is our hope that, in addressing themselves to thIS issue, representatives will consider. also ways of streamlining the size of the OrganizatIon. 189. It gives me great pleasure to convey to this As- sembly best wishes from my President, the Govern- ment and the people of Malawi for success in its deliberations. 191. It gives me particular pleasure to express my delegation's congratulations to you, Sir, on your well- deserved and unanimous election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. We are particu- larly delighted that this Assembly has shown its confi- dence in you, an illustrious, dedicated diplomat and son of Africa. Your well-known commitment to the eradica- tion of colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid is a clear testimony that you will guide the deliberations of this Assembly to a successful conclusion. 192. In addition to expressing my congratulations to the other officers of the Assembly on their unanimous election, I wish to convey my delegation's profound gratitude to the outgoing President and his fellow offi- cers for the successful manner in which they conducted the work of the thirty-third session. Our words of thanks are also extended to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our hard-working Secretary-General. His deOlcation to our problems deserves our commendation. 193. The Lesotho Government finnly believes in the principle of the universality of our Organization. We ther.efore w~lcome Saint Luc.ia to membership in our famIly.of na~IOns. yve are particularly happy to see it in Our midst smce, hke Lesotho, Saint Lucia belongs to the Commonwealth of Nations. The increase in the ~embership ?f our Organization, though it is proceed- mg sl~wly, IS a~ assurance and guarantee that the sov~relgnty and mdependence of Member countries, part1cularly the small States, will be jealously pro- te<;:ted, cherished and nurtured. But the absence from th1S hall of the many Territories now still under colonial and alien rule is a painful reminder that for millions of people the liberation process remains incomplete. These are th.e Te~to~es of which the Special Commit- tee on the Sltu~tIOn w1th regard to the Implementation of the ,DeclaratI<?n on the Granting of Independence to Colomal Countnes and Peoples is seized annually, We do,. how~ver, lookf~~ard to the day when these Terri- tones wlll take their nghtful seats in our midst. Only t~en ca~ we take pride in the fact that the United Na- tIOns w1!1 h~ve successfully completed the process of decolomzatIOn. 195. So far the response of the developed countries to ourjust demand for the establishment ofa New Interna- tional E;conomic Order has been nothing but rejection and, at best, utter indifference. We call upon the de- veloped countries to recognize their obligations and pledge their commitment to the realization of a New International Economic Order. Without doubt the de- veloped countries have vast amounts of capital, high levels of income and large numbers of trained person- nel. Their control of access to technology is indispu- table. The characteristic of the prevailing international economic system is that the poor countries lack all these elements. The existing terms of trade militate against the interests of the poor nations. Even though the North-South dialogue is at a standstill and the fifth session of UNCTAD has scored no positive results, we continue to entertain hopes that better counsel will eventually prevail. We therefore look forward to the holding ofa special session in 1980 which will accord us an opportunity to re-examine the numerous vital global economic problems. 196. We call upon the United Nations and its Mem- b~rs to address themselves seriously to the economic phght of the least developed, land-locked and island States. Unless this is done urgently, we see a serious danger in the apparent creation of a so-called fourth world. In the ongoing negotiations in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea, we urge the ~embers of the Assembly to ensure that our rights and tntere.sts a~ land-locked countries are incorporated and enshnned III the proposed convention. We urge that the proposal of Nepal for the establishment of the common he!"1tage fund [see,above, pa~a. 32J be embraced by all. It 1S our expectatlOn that th1S fund will benefit all the developing countries, particularly the poorest among them. 197. The proble.ms confronting this Organization are numerous and dIverse. We witness with horror the ever-increasing pace of the arms race, the proliferation of nuclear weapons, the production and perfection of n~w w~apons ofmas~destruction and the stockpilingof blOlog1cal and che~lcal weapons. Despite the numer- ous relev~t resol~tlons and decisions ofthis Assembly an~ other mternatlonal forums, war budgets continue to ~e mflate~ and the arms trade has assumed vast propor- tions. While these p.roblems affect mainly the big Pow- ers, they pose ~ seno~s threat to the very existence of our planet. Their solut1On must therefore be considered a matter of priority for the survival of the world. 1.98.. One of the most frightening aspects of the situa- tion IS t~e transfe~ of ~s ?y developed countries to developmg.countnes. Th.ls 1S being carried out to the extent that It by far outstnps the transfer ofcommercial 199. My Government welcomes the results of the re- cent Meeting of the Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean. We hope that the results of that Meeting will prove to be a successful basis for the convening of a United Nations conference for the im- plementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. We must, however, observe that the great disparity between moral commitments and real action continues, regrettably, to contribute to an ac- cumulation of volumes of resolutions, declarations and programmes of action which are never implemented. Since 1971, when the United Nations declared the In- dian Ocean a zone of peace, no meaningful action has been taken towards dismantling military bases in the Indian Ocean area. This situation continues to pose a serious threat to the security of the littoral and hinter- land States ofthe area. We therefore appeal to the great Powers and other maritime users of the Indian Ocean not only to associate themselves with the 1971 Declara- tion but also to implement its provisions faithfully. 200. The phrase "human rights" has become an inter- national cliche. Various perceptions of human rights have been voiced with varying emphasis from this very rostrum. Nations have been grouped into various categories on the basis of such perceptions of human rights. The concept of human rights has therefore be- come a tool easily manipulated to serve man's innate desire to subject to servitude all those who do not in word and deed agree with him. Lesotho is gravely con- cerned at the disparity between the lofty ideals en- shrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the sad reality of man's existence. 20 I. The question of human rights is ofgreat concern to Africa. Indeed, during the sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, held recently in Monrovia, the leaders of Africa expressed concern over the question of human rights. Representing as we do one of the poorest countries in the world and a former colony, we legiti- mately and with due sensitivity wish to discuss the questIOn of the human rights of millions of people throughout the world. A great part of humanity is still subjected to foreign occupation, colonization and the most atrocious violation of human rights. The develop- ing world represents nations that suffer from gaping wounds in the form of varying degrees ofcivil, political, social, cultural and economic deprivation. 202. We therefore call upon the Members of the United Nations individually and collectively to contrib- ute their fair share to the uplift of the ideals upon which our Or~anizationwas founded. For our part, we pledge to contlDue to respect the basic rights of human beings, which are guaranteed in our laws and legal machinery. We accord equality to all people regardless of race, colour, sex, age or religion. Our participation in the 203. Lesotho's concern at the persistence ofthe pesti- lential system ofapartheid heightens as the obduracy of the architects ofthe systemgains momentum. Ido refer to apartheid as a pestilence, which struck that great part of Mrica in 1652 with the arrival of Jan VaJl Riebeeck at the Cape of Good Hope and has persisted with great fury and unabating ruthlessness for the last 300 years. While apartheid has gone under different names at different times for the purpose of camouflage, its philosophy has always remained the same. It is a negative philosophy which denies equality between whites and Africans. It advocates the supremacy ofthe white man. 204. The apartheid philosophy is deeply embedded in a mentality of white domination, a mentality which transcends all logic. The architects ofthe system exude a strong desire to maintain their dominant position over the African and all other racial groups which are not dassified as white. All efforts at dismantling the system of apartheid must be geared towards a psychological campaign to explode the myth of racial superiority. Therefore, I see it as a primary focus of the interna- tional outrage against apartheid to launch a strong campaign to dislodge the mentality which has bred the system. The need for a psychological warfare against apartheid becomes more glaring, seenagainst the back- ground of the system's entrenchment and its insolent defiance of the mternational community. The psycho- logical campaign I envisage will weaken the system's credibility to its proponents and resuscitate the de- termination of the opponents of apartheid. 205. The callousness of this philosophy is evidenced by the fact that 20 million Africans in South Africa are denied their basic human rights and dignity by a small clique of white racists. The basic right to self- detennination is denied our people in South Africa. The history of the struggle in this region has gone through several stages. It started with peaceful negotiation, moved to passive resistance and has finally come to armed struggle. Our African brother in South Africa was forced to go through these stages because he had been denied the right and the opportunity to organize himself and to have a political platform from which he could express his basic right to participate in the politi- cal organs of his Government. He is not onlydenied the opportunity to participate in the Government of his country, but a white-controlled Parliament in Cape Town detennines all his activities and his very future. All the bizarre laws passed by that parliament are geared towards the maintenance of the status quo. The people of South Africa are corralled into compartments and the white racists put themselves into a special privileged class as a "chosen race of God". 206. It has never been our intention to augment and complicate further the problems the peoples of South Africa are facing, nor has it ever been our desire to add to the already long list of the serious racial items on the agenda of this Assembly arising out of apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa. We were, and still are prepared to avoid confrontation and to seek peaceful solutions to our problems as neighbours, de- spite our most basic differences. We cannot stand by 207. The establishment ofa ski resort on our territory at Khoptjoane, to which I referred from this rostrum two years ago, continues to constitute a further action ofalienating more of our land. The refusal by our neigh- bour to negotiate with my Government about our joint boundaries and its insistence on establishing and main- taining bantustans on our lands are a source oftension. South Africa's defiance of the United Nations decisions continues and its maintenance of such racial mon- strosities as the Transkei, Bophuthatswana, V~n~a, Qwaqwa and other bantustans is clearly an irresponsi- ble act. South Africa's obstinacy and persistence in refusing to reconsider these questions has already soured our relations and will continue to do so in view of wanton shootings and killings ofmy people along our common borders and within South Africa. 208. The anachronistic and archaic maxim that "might makes right" was discredited and rejected long ago with the founding of the United Nations. The persistence of regimes of chosen races, whether in southern Africa or the Middle East, is an affront to and negation of what the Charter of the United Nations stands for. It is a violation ofnumerous decisions ofthis world body and a further challenge to this Organiza- tion's effectiveness in carrying out its mandate and responsibility for world peace and security. 209. All States Members of this Organization have a right to existence and to freedom from external interfer- ence. However, this confers no right whatsoever on anyone to occupy other people's lands by force or conquest. Lands acquired in battle cannot be penna- nently alienated. This underlines the urgency of and immediate need for a lasting Middle East settlement. Efforts at such a settlement are doomed to failure ifthey ignore or deny the rights of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland and to establish a State oftheir own. The PLO must always be involved in any efforts to bring about peace and a settlement of the Middle East question. Excluding the Palestinians would only amount to perpetuation of decades of misery in the region. 210. The instability of the political situation in south- ern Africa has often been seen against the background of three distinct areas of conflict-South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe. It is the contention of the Lesotho Government that the problem of southern Af- rica is one and has its roots in the apartheid system of South Africa. It is in the interests of that system to create puppet bantustans in South Africa and to main- tain the status quo in Namibia and Zimbabwe. There- fore, we welcomed the decision of the United Kingdom Government, the colonial Power in Zimbabwe, to call an all-party conference, currently under way in London. It is to be hoped that the constitutional confer- ence will bring a new era of genuine independence, peace and stability in Zimbabwe. While we believe that violent confrontation should be avoided, it is our con- tention that the alternatives should not be reduced by the United Kingdom's tacit approval of illegal ma- noeuvres by Ian Smith and Bishop Muzorewa. No last- ing settlement can be achieved unless serious account is taken ofthe legitimate concerns of the PatJiotic Front. 212. Lesotho has followed with disappointment, yet not with despair, the continuing conflict and local skirmishes involving non-aligned developingcountries. These conflicts must be resolved without recourse to the use of force. In this connexion Lesotho wishes to congratulate the Republic of Mauritania for withdraw- ing its forces from the Territory ofWestern Sahara, and for concluding an agreement with the Frente POLISARIO on the self-detennination and indepen- dence of the people of Western Sahara. We appeal to Morocco to follow the example of Mauritaniaand enter into negotiations with the Frente POLISARIO. It is with great pleasure that I infonn this Assembly that today, 9 October 1979, the Government ofthe Kingdom of Lesotho announced in Maseru that it recognized the Frente POLISARIO as the sovereign government of the Territory and people of Western Sahara. 213. With regard to the situation in Cyprus, we cannot fail to express our concern at the attempts being made to divide and encourage divisions in the island. Cypriot sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment have my country's support. To this end we view as mandatory the withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from the island. We hope that the Cypriot people will be assisted to discuss amicably and arrive at a lasting peaceful solution to the problem they have faced for some years. 214. The peaceful reunification of the Korean penin- sula still remains elusive. We finnly believe that unifica- tion can be achieved only through direct North-South dialogue without external interference. Such dialogue should not be prejudiced by prior demands that may threaten the security ofthe parties concerned. We call on the parties to resume their dialogue, on the basis of the joint communique of 4 July 1972. 19 215. We are gratified that the co-operation that has been going on between the United Nations and the OAU is being intensified. Early this year, under the auspices of the ECA and the OAU, African States had a chance to consider in detail the transport problems of the continent. We appeal to Members of this Organiza- tion to view favourably the declaration of the United Nations Transport and Communications Decade in Af- rica. For us in Lesotho, a land-locked country corn· pletely surrounded by South Africa, the comingdecade should enable us to break our isolation from the rest of Africa. 216. Finally, I wish to register my country's gratitude and appreciation to the United Nations, its specialized 217. As Lesotho prepares to act as host to a donors' conference in Maseru and to launch its third five-year economic development plan, I find it imperative to mention the peculiar problems my country has had to face. Acute oil problems have dealt a shattering blow to our efforts at development. To date Lesotho has been paying the highest oil prices in the world, simply be- cause we are land-locked within apartheid South Af- rica. While our peculiar position should not be made an excuse for modifying the world community's punitive measures against those who violate the Charter of the United Nations, we should like to address an appeal to the oil-producing Members of the United Nations to render Lesotho special assistance to offset its predica- ment with regard to oil. We are grateful for the good example and acts ofsolidarity already displayed in this connexion by the People's Republic of Mozambique, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria and the Federal Republic of Germany. This assistance when put into effect will help us to meet the present high prices ofoil and shore up our small budding economy.

Upper Volta, through me, wishes to express its great satisfaction, Mr. President, at seeing you presiding over this thirty-fourth session ofthe Gen- eral Assembly. In your capacity as Pennanent Rep- resentative of the United Republic of Tanzania, you have ably defended the cause of the liberation of peoples and the establishment of a new international economic order. We have no doubt that, as Presidentof the General Assembly, you will prove able to conduct our debates with equity and justice. 219. Allow me to associate in this tribute the Presi- dent of the thirty-third session, who conducted our proceedings to the satisfaction of all. 220. I also wish to pay a tribute to the work of our Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, who has shown he is able to dedicate himself with equal success both to the protection ofpeace and international security and to the many-faceted cause ofthe third world. Upper Volta wishes to convey to him its full appreciation of the fact that he is so constantly available and to thank him for the courageous decisions he has taken. 221. Our Assembly has just been enriched by the ad- mission ofSaint Lucia as a Member. I wish to welcome 222. In my statement last year20 I described my country's anxiety about the crises through which the world was passing: the economic crisis, the political crisis, the moral crisis. Those who, like us, persist in believing that evolution should bring progress are obliged to note that the worsening ofthe world situation in the past year is capable of endangering the very existence of the international community. The economic crisis is reaching such a level of sensitivity that anything could happen unless we move without delay to deal the cards again on a basis that is more reasonable, if not more just. 223. The present session is of particular importance, because it coincides with the end ofthe Second United Nations Development Decade. This is therefore more than ever the time for stock-taking. We must say this clearly and distinctly: by comparison with the objec- tives set by the International Development Strategy for the Second Development Decade [resolution .2626 (XXV)], we have recorded little progress which would justify satisfaction, and we have little reason for hope. The world economy is just drifting. According to United Nations statistics, in 1978 the growth in world production slowed down very markedly, particularly in the developing countries whose global gross domestic product advanced by only 4 per cent. There is a very striking difference between this rate and the 6 per cent which was recorded in the period 1971 to 1975. At any rate, we are very far from the objective of 6 per cent stipulated by the current Development Decade. 224. The slow pace of economic growth of the least advanced countries is even more dramatic and disturb- ing. In the case ofmost of these countries, the average rate ofgrowth of the per capita gross domestic product was below I per cent during the period 1976 to 1978. This is indeed a gloomy picture, which makes one even more pessimistic about efforts now beingundertaken to formulate a strategy for the third development decade, particularly when one witnesses more and more nega- tive manifestations of international co-operation. In fact the developing countries have had bitter experi- enc~ of the lack of understanding and disillusionment that accompany the various negotiations between the North and the South-or, to paraphrase an eminent modem economist, between the centre and the periphery. 225. It was the same story at the recent United Na- tions Conference on Science and Technology for De- velopment, and again at th~ fifth s~ssion of UN<;:TAI?, which was held last May In ManIla. That seSSIOn, m which millions ofhuman beings had placed their hopes, constituted crystal-clear proof of what one might call the deterioration of the terms of negotiation. The eva- sions, almost amounting to outright rejection, em- ployed by our partners, the developed countries, in systematically opposing virtually all ourproposals lead us to wonderwhether there is still any will to co-operate and, in particular, what future there mar be fo~ the attainment of an agreement on a new mternatlOnal economic order. 20 ibid., Thirty-third Session, PlellQry Meetings, 26th meeting. paras. 99-141. 227. What we are asking for is not the generosity of the richer countries. What we are calling for forcefully is a more just and more equitable distribution of the surplus wealth which the developed countries squander every day in vain pleasures and the frenzied pursuit of futile desires, in the purchase of weapons and other sophisticated arsenals. We are not opposed to the great- er growth of the countries which are already economi- cally powerful. We simply ask that this should not have as its consequence further setbacks for peoples that live in conditions on the fringe of the benefits of progress. 228. Need I remind members that the most glaring fact at the close of this century is that more than a quarter of mankind still suffers hunger, malnutrition, illiteracy and disease? Need I emphasize more force- fully that for 800 million people the first priority con- tinues to be the satisfaction ofthe elementary needs for food and drink, and that for them development is a matter of sheer survival? 229, The food production ofthe developing countries is growing only at a rate of about 2 per cent, which is half the objective set by the World Food Conference. 21 At the same time, those countries have a population growth ofabout 2.4 per cent. Statistics show that each year the world's population increases by 70 million. This means that thefopulation of the world will total 6 billion by the end 0 the century. 230. Even if, as we have seen, the results obtained by world food policy do not yet meet the needs of the developing countries, we must pay a tribute to FAO for its tireless efforts in the field offoOO aid, and also for its assistance in the sector of agricultural development. These efforts were made notwithstanding its very limited resources. A food strategy should be worked out under the auspices of FAO so that the developing countries will by the end of the century achieve self- sufficiency in food. Such a strategy, in our opinion at least, invalves the transfer ofagricultural technology to the developing countries and far-reaching action in the sphere of reforestation, environmental planning and development and the rehabilitation of arable land. 231. Anticipating this vast programme, Upper Volta has suggested at previous sessions of the General As- sembly the establishment ofthe United Nations decade of the tree. At the risk of repeating myself, let me reiterate this proposal which, iffollowed up, as I hope it will be, would help to resolve one ofthe most awesome pro,blems of the modem age-hunger, the scourge which degrades mankind and causes the degeneration of our society. 21 See Report of the World Food Conference, Rome, 5-16 November 1974 (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.75.rr.A.3), chap. H. high1i~ted. Yet the developed world could do even more if it simply agrees to convert a part of the amount allocated for the purchase of weapons to official de- velopment assistance. It is estimated that $400 billion are spent annually by the countries of the world on armaments and military expenditure. This is 150 times the total budget of the eight countries of the Sahel, whereas all that would be needed would be one fifth of that amount in order to replant the Sahel area, establish a reforestation programme, provide for the irrigation needs of the eight Sahelian countries in the framework of a policy of food self-sufficiency, bring literacy to all the populations of that subregion, which contains 25 million illiterates, provide for the publiC-health needs of these countries as a whole, and virtually wipe out unemployment. 234. As for the qualitative level, the forthcoming United Nations development decade should to the ex- tent possible ensure that aid really will promote de- velopment. This means that the donors should allow the beneficiaries to set their own priorities because what is good for one is not necessarily good for another. The return on an investment should be measured above all in terms of the well-being ofthe population concerned. 235. In regard to the third United Nations develop- ment decade, since we are at the important stage of preparation for it, I appeal to all those involved in this new gamble on the future, whether they are rich orpoor sovereign States, or regional groups or international organizations. Before we embark on this new phase we must learn the lessons ofthe last two decades-in other words, to draw a moral from history, as it were. Twenty years ago the international community decided to man- age its future and to try to reduce the gap between rich and poor. The objective still remains valid and it must be the basis for the coming decade. 236. In 20 years much has been done and some results are beginning to appear. For example, in the area of public debt in the developing countries there has been a certain amount of relief. At present 11 countries have already converted their debts into grants. Other deci- sions are expected in this sphere. On the subject of commodity agreements, negotiations have been suc- cessful in respect ofsugar, olive oil and rubber. Similar results are expected for cocoa and jute. A most en- couraging development in this respect was the agreement reached last March on the basic features of the Common Fund, but only after, it is true, some long 22 See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Second Session, vol. I and CurLl and3 and Add.l and 2, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.68.II.D.14). 237. Protectionism is re-emerging at a period which is characterized by major economic groupings which claim to be open. Protectionism itself is then added to economic recession to create harmful consequences for the exports ofcountries with weak markets. The indus- trial output of the third world, which is already inade- quate compared with the objectives agreed upon, is handicapped because it lacks outlets. 245. At the national level, my Government, relying on the dynamic forces of the nation and with the help of friendly countries and organs, has drawn up a pro- gramme of agricultural development the primary objec- tive ofwhich is self-sufficiency in food by the year2000. The chief means to be used for that purpose are the combat against desertification, the recovery of land in zones infected by onchocerciasis, the improvement of the quality of water and progressive mechanization. 238. Trade-balance deficits grow worse from one year to the next. Between 1977 and 1978, for example, the developin~ countries suffered a further loss of $10 bil- lion in their trade balances, the deficit increasing from $23..5 billion to $34 billion. 246. To this priority of priorities we have added a policy of breaking out of our land-locked situation by the' construction of roads and rai1roads. Finally, we have embarked upon a process ofeconomic diversifica- tion through the explOItation of our mining resources and the processing of both agricultural and mineral products. 239. This is the common lot of the developing countries. But what is one to say when one turns to the fate of the least advantaged among them? There are countries, such as mine, which have gravegeographical disadvantages: they are land-locked; they also suffer from the handicaps of history; they were colonized to serve essentially as reservoirs oflabour; they have been hard hit by nature; they have suffered natural disasters which are all the more difficult to control in the sense that one does not know within what cycle they belong. 247. All ofthese efforts stand a chanceofsuccess only if they have the benefit of an atmosphere of peace and security, which is the very basis of the United Nations Charter. Yet in that respect we have to note that we have not observed a significant improvement in the international situation and that our world today con- tinues to be marked by the interplay ofrelations offorce and ideological conflicts. 240. The whole world is aware of the situation of the Sahelian countries which have been gravely hit since 1973 by the most severe drought ever, the repercus- sions of which continue to keep their economy and development in a precarious balance. 248. The situation in southern Mrica, which has fre- quently been condemned from this rostrum by peoples who cherish justice; the disturbing situation which is developing in the northwest part of the African conti- nent; the internal struggles which are sustained with such damaging effect in certain States-these, inter alia, count among the most disturbing problems for my country, Upper Volta. 241. Our country, Upper Volta, thus expects a great deal from co-operation, both international and regional, 242. We had the good fortune to have the benefit of this flow of solidarity from the international commu- nity, whether it be in our capacity as a country of the Sahel or within the framework of efforts made for the benefit of the least developed or geographically disad- vantaged countries. 249. The Tenth Meeting of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countries at Lusakaattempted a last- min,ute rescue of Zimbabwe. We have been following with the greatest interest the proceedings ofthe London conference which has assembled-around the United Kingdom, the administering Power responsible for the rebel colony-Rhodesia, the representatives ofthe ra- cist minority system of the illegal Salisbury Govern- ment, and the legitimate representatives ofthe people of Zimbabwe grouped in the Patriotic Front. 243. The most positive result of these two Decades is the interdependence of inter-State relations which has become evident. Regardless of their political choices, their size or power, whatever their divergence of in- terests, all States without exception are obliged to co- operate. 244. This coming together of peoples can take place only through fruitful dialogue, a dialogue which takes into account above all the multidimensional nature of man-his background, his ethics and his social and cultural values, It is only thus that we shall succeed in transfonning our national selfishness into world-wide solidarity, a transformation which must, of course, be accompanied by moral uplift. Having understood the need for real solidarity among peoples, Upper Volta, ever since its independence, has resolutely turned to its 250. We hope that the London conference will make it possible to achieve the ground for understanding among the parties involved so that Zimbabwe will at long last be able to enjoy internal peace in full and complete independence. 251. The situation in Namibia has become intolerable in more than one sense: because the illegal South Afri- can occupation is continuing; because the Territory has 252. We can say that at long last there is a glimmer of hope now that Namibia, with its proud, intrepid and persevering people, will be able to take its legitimate place in the assembly of nations. 253. We call upon the Western Powers members of the Security Council to show greater political will in finding a definitive solution of this question. We call upon them, in particular, to drop their opposition to the application of Chapter VII of the Charter since all means which have been tried outside that framework have proved to be futile. The Western countries, the main economic and military partners of Pretoria, by refusing to apply sanctions against the racist regime, have enabled it to develop, under the cover of their protection, a military potential which can eventually be used only against independent Mrica. The time has come for us to confront them with their responsibilities, because it is thanks to their indulgence that South M- rica has always mocked our Organization. 254. All negotiations to bring Pretoria to its senses having failed, what can the international community now do except to apply the relevant sanctions provided for in the Charter? We must denounce any collusion with the system of apartheid, which, despite many resolutions ofthe General Assembly and ofthe Security Council, continues arrogantly to prosper and to in- tensify its repressive efforts against the black popula- tion which has now become a foreign population in its own territory and in its own country. 255. The peoples of the Middle East, who endured more than their fair share during the last world war, have since that time known neither peace nor security. 256. The creation ofthe State ofIsrael and the armed conflicts which have pitted it against its neighbours are less the source ofthe ills which have ravaged that region than is the disregard of the rights of the Palestinian people. 257. We believe that all the States of the region have the right to existence and to secure and recognized frontiers. 258. We also feel that the people ofPalestine have the right to set up a viable national State. That is the condi- tion essential to the establishment of a lasting peace in the region, just as no just and valid peace can be achieved without the direct involvement of the Pales- tinian people. 259. Since the end of the Viet Nam war, we have witnessed a redealing of the cards in South-East Asia. This process is all the more disturbing in that it involves to the utmost the two neighbouring great Powers. 260. While the political objectives of successive armed interventions, offensives and counter-offensives in that area will be left for the future to reveal, their consequences are already apparent: the dislocation of 261. These wanderers, involuntary stars in an unex- citing rear, provide through their tragedy a striking symbo of the moral crisis of our age. 262. The conscience of mankind cannot fail to be dis- turbed by the multitude of questions which must be asked, even if few answers are found. And it is here in this forum that these questions must be raised; it is here also that they must be answered. 263. After a third of a century of existence for the United Nations, must we conclude that our Organiza- tion has failed in confrontation with the sovereignty of Member States? That sovereignty seems to know no limits, either internally when it brings its weight to bear upon the citizens of the State or abroad, beyond its boundaries, for today, countries large and small set themselves up one by one as policemen, and whetherin Asia, Africa or elsewhere, we have helplessly wit- nessed these interventions which dare not speak their names. 264. Here again we must reaffinn the principles ofthe Charter and adhere to them tenaciously ifwe truly want to bring about the triumph ofthe noble objectives ofthe United Nations. We must condemn without reservation all Member States which are guilty of subversion and armed aggression against other States. 265. The two super-Powers have just signed theTreaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms. At the same time, they have planned negotiations with a view to concluding an agreement as the outcome ofthe third round ofSALT. Allow a small, peace-loving country to rejoice that a new step forward has been taken in the quest for disarmament. We in Upper Volta believe that the great Powers, in the light of their position in the world and the excessive powers conferred upon them by the United Nations Charter, are accountable to the international community with regard· to the achieve- ment ofgeneral and complete disarmament. However, in this precise sphere of international peace and secur- ity, we of Upper Volta believe in all sincerity that all decisions, to the extent that they concern the existence of mankind as a whole, must be made on the basis of mutual agreement between the great and the small countries, for it is true that the value or credibility ofan initiative, suggestion or proposition does not depend solely on the size or economic power ofa nation, but on its ability fully to meet the responsibilities that go with its international sovereignty. 266. In Upper Volta, we firmly believe in the need for a common strategy to resolve our common problems. It seems essential, then, that all countries should be fully associated with all discussions which have a bearing on the fate of the world. In view ofits practical mission in the search for peace and its multidimensional nature, the United Nations should be the appropriate frame- work for this. 267. Still on the subject of disarmament, we wish to repeat our position that our Mrican continent must be free of nuclear bases. This is the appropriate place yet again to draw the attention of the countries that co- 268. As responsible people of conscience, we have wanted our continent to be protected from nuclear bar- gaining. What could be more natural than for us to consider any aid to racist South Africa in the nuclear sphere as an unfriendly ~esture to the peoples of ~he continent? We deplore thIs all the more as the countnes concerned are friendly countries which are helping us in our efforts towards economic development. 269. May we dream, may we imagine a better world, in which the selfish interests which now engender the desire for power will yield to the commoriquest for the well-being of the greatest number? 270. Let me reply on behalf of President Lamizana and of all of Upper Volta, that it would have been impossible to cherish such dreams if it had not been for the wise and edifying words that the Holy Father, His Holiness Pope John Paul 11, spoke here before us only a few days ago [J7th meeting], words which I am surewill strike a favourable chord with all men of goodwill. 271. As the United Nations advances up the hill, it is our duty to keep it always inclined towards justice and peace: justice for the disinherited and the hungry; Justice for the weak; justice for the oppressed and the exploited; and justice for all those who are stiUfighting for their dignity as free men; peace for our age and for future generations; peace for the rich and for the poor; peace for the suffering; peace in Mrica; peace in the Middle East; peace in South-East Asia; and peace for all those who have faith in the future and in the progress of mankind.

Sir, on behalfofthe delega- tion of Democratic Kampuchea, I wish first to extend my warmest congratulations to you upon your unani- mous election to the high office of President of this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. It is a well-deserved tribute to your intense and fruitful ac- tivities as Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation ofthe Dec- laration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples--a tribute to your wisdom and experience, as well as to your great country, the United Republic of Tanzania, with which my country, ~mo­ cratic Kampuchea, maintains friendly relations; My delegation wishes to assure you of our complete co- operation in ensuring that this session may prove most fruitful. 273. I also wish to pay an enthusiastic tribute to Mr. Indalecio Lievano, the.President ofthe thirty-third ses- sion ofthe General Assembly, who guided our work last year with wisdom and perspicacity, thus contributingto the strengthening of the United Nations Charter and enabling our Organization to fulfil its role in defence of world peace and the independence of States. 274. May I further pay a special tribute to the. Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, who during the past year has spared no effort in the search for ways to ensure peace and security in the world, particularly in South-East Asia, where the situation has been stead- 276. Lastly, I am pleased to convey to all the rep- resentatives here of countries that cherish peace, justice and independence the cordial greetings and pro- found gratitude .of the people and Government of Democratic Kampuchea. We shall never forget the sympathy, encouragement and support which their pe0l>les and Governments have given and will continue to gIve, both within the United Nations and elsewhere at· the international level, to the just struggle of the Kampuchean people to ensure that an independent, united, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea shall live forever. 277. The past year has seen the struggle ofthe peoples committed to peace, justice and independence in the world win new political and economic victories despite the armed interventions, threats, pressures and ma- noeuvres ofall kinds to which they have been subjected by the forces of expansionism, imperialism, colo- malism, neo-colonialism, zionism, racism and apartheid. 278'. The role of those peoples who are devoted to peace, justice and independence is asserting itselfmore and more on all five continents. 279. The countries of South-East Asia are taking a growing part in intemational affairs as a new factor for world peace, stability and security in the face ofmount- ing perils threatening the entire region, particularly since the warofaggression and genocide perpetrated by Viet Nam against Democratic Kampuchea. We are gratified that the .c~mcept of a zone of peace, f~eed0':Jl and neutrality inItIated by the ASEAN countnes23 IS gaining ground. 280. In East Asia the just struggle of the valiant K<;>r- ean people to achieve the independent, peaceful reunifi- cation of their country in accordance with the three principles and five-point guidelines formulated by Pres- Ident Kim Il Sung is enjoying ever-broader support throughout the world. We are most pleased with the progress achieved in the cause of the reunification of Korea. We are pleased also to see the countries of the Pacific facing up finnly and successfully to the ex- pansionist aims of hegeD;lonism. 281. Most of the countries of South-East Asia are vigorously defending their independence and are look- ing to their security with!ncreased vigilll!lce. ,!he coast- al countries of the IndIan Ocean, theIr eXIstence as independent countries threatened by the presence of foreIgn military bases and by great-~ower nvalry, have succeeded, through their persevenng and UnIted ef- forts, in gaining support for their just appeal for the transformation of that region into a zone of peace. ·282. The People's Republic of China is more devoted 2J See document A/C.I/IOI9. 283. In the Middle East, peace and security must of necessity be preceded by the exercise ofthe inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, whose valiant strug~e under the leadership of the PLO, its sole au- thentic representative, remains in the last analysis the decisive factor for victory. The people of Kampuchea, themselves the victims of a war of aggression and genocide, feel deeply the tragedy of the Palestinian people. Our Government and people are against the Israeli fait accompli and against Israel's illegal occupa- tion of Arab territories since 1%7. This is a matter of principle. 284. In southern Mrica, the indomitable struggle of the peoples ofZimbabwe, Namibia and Azaniafor their independence and freedom, under the respective lead- ership of the Patriotic Front, SWAPO, the Mrican Na- tional Congress of South Africa and the Pan-Mricanist Congress of Azania, is dealing powerful blows at the puppet Salisbury regime and the Fascist apartheid re- gime of Pretoria. We are convinced that, whatever trials may have to be sunnounted, the peoples ofsouth- ern Mrica will most certainly win final VictOry. 285. In Latin America, the countries ofthat continent and of the Caribbean region are waging a determined, united struggle to strengthen their political and economic independence and preserve their natural resources. 286. In America and in Europe the peoples are reso- lutely pursuing their struggle for peace and indepen- dence, increasing more and more their opposition to recourse to the use of armed force for the purpose of interfering in the internal affairs of other States, and refusing to play the dangerous game of the super- Powers. 287. But, alongside this positive record, important political events have marked the international scene during the past year and continue today to arouse pro- found concern in the international community and in the United Nations itself. Two painful tragedies domi· nate these events in South-East Asia: on the one hand, the war of aggression and genocide, of which Demo- cratic Kampuchea and its people are the victims; and, on the other hand, the tragic fate ofmore than a million people from Kampuchea, from Viet Nam and from Laos who are the victims of persecution by the Hanoi authorities, who by their inhuman policy have com- pelled them at the risk of their Jives to seek refuge in the countries of South-East Asia and throughout the world. 288. There is one irrefutable fact known to all the world. On 25 December 1978. Christmas Day, the Hanoi authorities sent 120.000 soldiers, supported by several hundred tanks, heavy artillery and many planes and warships, to attack Kampuchea from all sides. to put it to fire and sword and thus to trample underfoot the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of a sovereign, non-aligned State and Member of the United Nations, in flagrant violation ofthe fundamental principles of non-alignment and of the United Nations Charter. 290. Concurrently with this policy of genocide, the Hanoi authorities have chased hundreds of thousands of our fellow citizens from their homes, from their ancestral lands, reducing them to the status of miser- able refugees in Thailand. In so doing, the Hanoi au- thorities have unmasked before international public opinion their true annexationist and expansionist aims in Kampuchea, in whose eastern regions, maritime prov- inces in the south-east and the area of the Great Lakes they have implanted, in place of our compatriots who ,were massacred or chased from their homes, more than 250,000 Vietnamese settlers brought directly from North Viet Nam. 291. Today, all of Kampuchea is the scene of plunder by the Vietnamese hordes who have carried away to Viet Nam whatever they could find: objets d'art ofgold or silver, precious stones, rare pieces from our museums, from the Silver Pagoda and from the Royal Palace, our stocks of rice and textiles, machinery dis- mantled from our factories, cars and trucks. and S9 forth. As for the sculptured and bas-reliefmasterpieces at Angkor, high points ofthe Khmercivilization and the cultural and artistic heritage of all mankind, the Hanoi aggressors have concealed them in coffins so as to carry them off to Viet Nam. 292. This war ofaggression has caused immense dev- astation in Kampuchea and immeasurable suffering and grief to a degree never known before in the 2,OOO-year history of our people. It has brought to nought all the economic and social achievements ofour peoples. This genocidal war is intended to extenninate the nation and people of Kampuchea by famine and massacre, and to 293. All these undeniable facts prove that the words of the Hanoi authorities, which seemed so charitable, about the suffering and misfortunes ofour people, are in the last analysis nothing but political hypocrisy and slogans in the service of their criminal design. 294. In their vain attempts to justify their aggression against Democratic Kampuchea, the Hanoi authorities have not hesitated to resort to the most vile and out- rageous lies, slander and half-truths. Nevertheless, they we.re no longer able to camouflage their regional expansionist ambition, the reality of which is no longer debated. Everyone is aware of the danger it poses to world peace and security. 30 I. In the course of the Paris negotiations with the United States, the Hanoi leaders arrogated to .themselves the right to decide on the destiny of Kam- puchea instead of leaving it to its legal and legitimate Government. They openly revealed to their opposite 'partners their desire to annul the independence and neutrality of Kampuchea and to make it their satellite. By the Paris agreements of 27 January 1973, they sought to force the people of Kampuchea to abandon their struggle for national liberation and place their destiny in their hands. But our people, moved by an ardc:mt patriotism and an unswerving will for indepen- dence, decided to pursue the struggle alone and made the heaviest sacrifices until the total liberation ofKam- puchea on 17 April 1975. This liberation of Phnom Penh, before that ofSaigon which occurred only on 30 April 1975, prevented the Hanoi authorities from send- ing their divisions in order to "liberate" our capital as they put it, and at the same time annex Kampuchea under cover of that "special solidarity" and that "spe- cial friendship". But immediately after the liberation of Kampuchea, the Vietnamese expansionists, redoubled and intensified their criminal activities in an attempt to overthrow the Government of Democratic Kampuchea from within. Without let-up the agents of the Viet- namese fifth column proceeded clandestinely and sys- tematically to sabotage the work of reconstruction and national defence and then publicly laid the responsibil- ity for that on numerous independence-loving patriots whom they ferociously repressed with the black design of casting discredit on the Government of Democratic Kampuchea and fomenting revolts. At the same time, from outside they carried out aggressive attacks against Democratic Kampuchea. In May 1975 they occupied the island ofPoulo Way and, while refusing to leave the sanctuaries established on Kampuchean territory since 1965, they constantly carried out attacks in violation of our frontiers. 295. This Vietnamese expansionism is not something recent. Already in the seventeenth century, the Viet- namese, coming down from Tonkin, which is present- day North Viet Nam, annexed and completely ab- sorbed the Islamic Kingdom of Champa, which is nQw central Viet Nam, so that at present there is no longer any Cham citizen. 296. After the absorption of Champa the Vietnamese expansionists went even farther south and, up to very recently, annexed 65,000 square kilometres of Kampuchean territory formed by the western bank· of the Donai River and the Mekong Delta, and which constitutes present-day South Viet Nam. 297. The Vietnamese Communist Party has, since 1930-when it came into being (it was then called the Indo-Chinese Communist Party)-set for itself as a target the establishment of an ., lndo-Chinese Federa- tion", made up of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea, and placed under the domination of Viet Nam. This "Indo-Chinese Federation" was but a way-station to- wards the total absorption ofKampuchea and Laos by Viet Nam, as it had already done in the case of the Islamic Kingdom of Champa and the Cham people. It is also to serve as a spring-board for the expansion of Viet Nam throughout South-East Asia. 298. That is the hidden meaning behind the official slogan "special Vietnam-Laos-Kampuchea solidarity and friendship". That slogan has for us throughout our long years of struggle for national liberation and until after our national liberation meant a policy of division and of subversion of our internal affairs. The so-(;alled "special Vietnam-Kampuchea solidarity" is in fact nothing other than a long series ofcrimes and betrayals committed by the Hanoi authorities against the people of Karnpuchea. 302. Recognizing at last that they could never absorb Kampuchea unnoticed, the Hanoi authorities in De- cember 1977 launched their first undeclared large-scale war ofaggression, which was at once totally crushed by our revolutionary army on 6 January 1978. In May 1978 there was yet another failure in their manoeuvres to destabilize Karnpuchea through their fifth column. It was after these failures that the Hanoi authorities signed the military treaty with Moscow on 3November 1978,24 and it was with vast military assistance from the 299. The objective of the Vietnamese expansionists was to absorb Kampuchea on the quiet without arous- ing international attention, as they succeeded in doing with Laos through the so-called Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation, which was signed on 18 July 1977. To do that, from the time of our first struggle for national liberation in 1947, they infiltrated numerous agents one by one into Kampuchea to carry out underground ac- tivities of sabotage and subversion, attempts at coups d'etat and assassinations of Kampuchean leaders who showed themselves to be independent of the Viet- namese. They obstinately carried on all these treacher- ,. Treaty of Friendship and Co-operation between the Soci~list Republic of Viet Nam and the Union of Soviet Socialist RepublIcs. signed in Moscow on 3 November 1978, 303. No longer being able to make use of the slogans of "special solidarity" and "special friendship" to an- nex Kampuchea, the Hanoi leaders are today pursuing their interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea through what they call "genocide" in Kampuchea in order to justify and carry out their aggression against Kampuchea. All peoples throughout the world that love peace, justice and independence have by their unani- mous condemnation of Vietnamese aggression against Kampuchea clearly shown that under international law no pretext can justify this Vietnamese aggression. By committing aggression against Kampuchea Viet Nam sought to overthrow the Government of Democratic Kamfuchea which had emerged from the heroic strug- gle 0 the people of Kampuchea, a legal and legitimate Government recognized by the entire international community and by our Organization. But to justify its aggression in Kampuchea the Hanoi regime did not fear to defy world public opinion and the United Nations. 304. It is obvious that international public opinion has not foq~iven the Hanoi authorities, as they had hoped, for theIr crimes of aggression against Kampuchea. At the outset the Hanoi leaders tried to exonerate them- selves by denying that they had troops on the territory of Kampuchea. However, when they were caught red- handed engaging in flagrant aggression with more than 100,000 soldiers in Kampuchea, the Hanoi authorities then hastened to invoke the so-called Treaty of Friend- ship and Co-operation signed with the Phnom Penh puppets on 18 February 1979,2s two months after their aggression. It is obvious to world public opinion that the Hanoi authorities will stop at nothing to justify their invasion and occupation of Kampuchea and that they continue to trample underfoot the fundamental princi- ples of the Charter. 305. History and events show that the real cause of Vietnamese aggression against Kampuchea is the pol- icy of expansion, domination and blocs of the Hanoi authorities, who have always opposed the constant pol- icy of independence, peace, neutrality and non- alignment of Democratic Kampuchea. Furthermore an independent Kampuchea, refusing to align itself with the bloc of the so-called "natural allies of the non- aligned countries" represents a major obstacle to the strategic aims of the Hanoi authorities' regional ex- pansionism and of world expansionism which seek both dominance in South-East Asia and then control of the strategic maritime waterways, particularly the Straits of Malacca, which link Asia with Europe and Africa. 306. The war of national resistance of the Kampu- chean people against Vietnamese aggression is an inte- gral part ofthe struggle in which the desire for indepen- dence and the right to self-determination of all people and nations that love peace and justice is pitted against the determination of regional and international ex- pansionists to subdue peoples and nations. It is an active part of the struggle to gain respect for the funda- mental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the rules which govern international relations. 2S Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co-operation between the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and the People's Republic of Karn- puchea. done in Phnom Penh on 18 February 1979. 308. The vote of the United Nations General Assem- bly on 21 September last [4th meeting] was the expres- sion of the firm and resolute opposition ofthe interna- tional community to the violation ofthe United Nations Charter by the Hanoi authorities with their ex- pansionist aims. That expansionism constitutes a grave danger as it threatens the independence ofall countries throughout the world, particularly the small and medium-sized countries. That vote was also a striking rebuttal of the so-called "consensus" by which was adopted the unilateral and arbitrary decision of the 110st country at the Havana Conference two weeks earlier. 309. Ten months have already passed since the Viet- namese aggression, but the people's war of national resistance, far from being extinguished, intensifies daily. The revolutionary Kampuchean Army, reorgan- ized into a large number of guerrilla units, is attacking the Vietnamese occupiers throughout the country. Each day they inflict upon the invaders heavy losses of both men and materieL. The Army organizes and gives impetus to the struggle of the people against the Viet~ narnese enemy. They are liberating new villages and enlarging the liberated zones. The Vietnamese aggres- sors, hiding behind the puppets whom they have in- stalled in Phnom Penh, at present control barely a quar- ter of our national territory, which includes the cities and certain parts of the main roads, with bands of territory between two and three kilometres wide on each side. The rest of the country is made up of zones controlled by the Government of Democratic Kam- puchea and by the zones and bases of our guerrilla army. The enemy cannot move easily in these areas. 310. It has become obvious to everyone that the Viet- namese aggressors are becoming increasingly bogged down in the popular war of national resistance being waged by the Army and all the people of Kampuchea under the leadership of the Government ofDemocratic Kampuchea. It has also become obvious to world pub- lic opinion that if, as the Vietnamese expansionists claim, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea had really so maltreated its people, it would not have en- joyed such strong support from them. Nor would the people have agreed to further sacrifices in the difficult war ofnational resistance against the Vietnamese inva- sion to the point where they are overcoming 200,000 North Vietnamese soldiers. Only a Government that represented the genuine aspirations ofits people could enjoy such support. As for the puppet regime in Phnom Penh, imported lock, stock and barrel from Viet Nam, it has no roots in our society and is but the shadowy reflection cast by 200,000 soldiers ofoccupation. All the decisions are taken and all the affairs are administered from Saigon under the personal direction of two mem- 311. The situation created by the Vietnamese aggres- sion in Kampuchea is not irreversible, as Hanoi claims. History has proved that in no case can foreign aggres- sion create a fait accompli. And yet despite being bogged down in Kampuchea, despite its immense polit- ical, economic and social difficulties in Viet Nam itself and despite world condemnation ofits policy of aggres- sion and expansion, the Hanoi regime is obstinately pursuing and intensifying its policy ofaggression and its crimes ofgenocide against Kampuchea and its people. 312. In the course of these last months the Hanoi authorities sent to Kampuchea several additional divi- . sions and large amounts of modem military equipment as part of their preparations for new ofIensives during the dry season which is beginning. A dozen or so Viet- namese divisions have been deployed along the border with Thailand. Far from improving the situation in South-East Asia, such an action makes it worse. Peace, security and the stability of the region are seriously threatened because of the continuation and intensifica- tion of the Vietnamese aggression in Democratic Kam- puchea. With the constant reinforcement of Viet- namese troops and the establishment ofnew colonies of Vietnamese nationals in Kampuchea, the Vietnamese war of aggression is assuming new proportions. At any moment the whole ofthe South-East Asian region runs the risk of being engulfed in the flames ofthis war. The independence and territorial integrity of all the countries in the region are directly threatened. 313. In order to break the stubborn resistance of the people and anny of Kampuchea the Hanoi authorities are disseminating from aircraft toxic chemical products which, on contact with the skin, cause death after 24 hours. The Vietnamese hordes have for three weeks been carrying out military operations to destroy all the rice, corn, potato and other crops planted during the rainy season under the leadership ofthe Government of 314. The famine deliberately created by the Viet- namese aggressors in Karnpuchea is aimed on the one hand at breaking the resistance of the Karnpuchean people and on the other at obtaining recognition for the puppet regime of Phnom Penh by the international or- gap,lzations through th.eir supplies of humanitarian aid. 315. The Government of Democratic Karnpuchea draws the attention of the international community to the monstrous crimes of the Vietnamese expansionists and calls on all international organizations and all friendly countries that wish to provide urgent human- itarian aid in the form offoodstufIs, medicines, clothing and so on to the people of Kampuchea to do so in such a way that this assistance may directly reach our people and not be diverted by the Vietnamese invaders and their puppets to serve their war ofaggression. It is. now known to all that the Vietnamese invaders who have received this aid have resold it io the population for payment in gold, as they do in the case of the Vietna- mese refugees, the "boat people". It has also be dis- tributed to some of their soldiers, so that certain humanitarian aid has unintentionally served to strengthen the troops of aggression in massacring the Kampuchean population. 316. The Government of Democratic Kampuchea. the only legal and legitimate representative of the people of Karnpuchea, concerned to ensure the survi- val of the nation and people of Kampuchea, calls on all international organizations and all countries that cherish peace, justice and independence to provide their humanitarian aid to the Kampuchean people. Such aid will constitute an effective weapon against the attempts by the Vietnamese aggressors to exterminate the people and nation of Kampuchea. The Government ofDemocratic Kampuchea and the Red Cross ofDemo- cratic Kampuchea are grateful for all such humanitarian aid and will make every effort to co-operate in ensuring that all this aid will directly benefit the people of Kampuchea. 317. This humanitarian aid and assistance will cer- tainly lessen the immeasurable misfortunes and suffer- ings ofour people threatened with extermination by the Hanoi authorities. But it certainly cannot put an end to them. The dangerof extension ofthe Vietnamese war of aggression to the whole of South-East Asia wilI exist until there is a final solution of the problem. 318. At all times, in conformity with its desire to main- tain close relations of friendship with all countries and particularly with those that have common borders with us, on the basis ofequality and strict mutual respect for independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, Democratic Kampuchea has sought to solve its prob- lem with Viet Narn peacefully. From 1970 to 1976 we held about 100 negotiations with Viet Narn at the high- est level and innumerable other negotiations at other levels. 319. In June 1975, despite the many urgent and im- portant post-war problems to be solved on the spot, 320. Today, faced with the escalation of the Viet- namese war of aggression in Kampuchea, it behoves the United Nations and all countries that cherish peace, justice and independence and are devoted to the sacred principles of the Charter to exercise the necessary economic and diplomatic pressures to prevent the Viet- namese expansionists from intensifying their war of aggression in Kampuchea during this dry season. 321. In this regard, it should be recalled that on 15 January and 16 March in the Security Council there were 13 votes in favour ofand 2 votes against two draft resolutions26 one submitted by the non-aligned mem- bers and the other by the five ASEAN countries, calling on Viet Nam to halt its aggression against Kampuchea and withdraw all its forces from Kampuchea. Only the veto of a great Power, a permanent member of the Security Council, prevented the adoption of those res- olutions. Today, more than ever, it behoves the United Nations to take the necessary measures so that the people of Kampuchea may live in peace and in security within their boundaries, with honour and national dignity, in an independent, united, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea, and so that peace, secur- ity and stability in South-East Asia may be restored. To that end it is essential and urgent that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam put an end to its aggression against Kampuchea and immediately and uncondition- ~ly withdraw all its armed forces ofoccupation and all Its settlements from Kampuchea, in strict compliance with the United Nations Charter. In a word, it is essen- tial and urgent that the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam respect the independence and sovereignty and territo- rial integrity ofDemocratic Kampuchea and the right of the people of Kampuchea to self-determination, free from foreign intetference. The internal problem of ~ampucheawill be solved in accordance with the polit- Ical programme of the Front ofGreat National Patriotic and Democratic Union of Kampuchea, which means that the social and political regime of Kampuchea will be decided by the people of Kampuchea themselves through general and free elections, by direct and secret ballot, elections to be supervised by the Secretary- General of the United Nations. 322. In that regard, it is important to point out that in the Secretary-General's report on the work of the Or- ganization, dated 11 September 1979, Mr. Waldheim stressed: ":rhe United Nations has been especially preoc- cupIed this year with developments in Indo-China- The Secretary-General added that: 11. • • the long and cruel war in Indo-China . . . not only threatens the peace and stability of South-East Asia; it could very well also become a threat to world peace." [Ibid.] Finally he concludes: "In this as in other situations that have recently arisen, it is imperative that all efforts be directed towards finding a settlement in conformity with the principles ,of the Charter of the United Nations, in particular respect for the territorial integrity and political indep~ndence ofall States, non-intetference m mternal affaIrs and the non-use of force". [Ibid.] 323. In this connexion, the initiative taken by the five members of ASEAN to have our General Assembly adopt agenda item 123 entitled "The situation in Kam- puchea" [A/34//91] is praiseworthy. We once again express our most sincere gratitude to its sponsors for their support for the just struggle of the Kampuchean people and their efforts to restore peace, security and stability in South-East Asia. My delegation would like to express its firm hope that we might see the debate in our Assembly on this agenda item crowned by success with the adoption of a resolution compelling the Hanoi authorities to put an end to the war of aggression in Kampuchea and to withdraw from Kampuchea all their armed forces and their settlers. In doing so, ourGeneral Assembly will certainly be making its contribution to the defence of peace, security and stability in South- East Asia and in the world, as well as to the defence of the United Nations Charter. 324. Our people, for their part, however great their sacrifices, are resolutely determined, together with our army, under the leadership of the Government of Democratic Kampuchea to continue their battle to chase out all Vietnamese aggressors from our country. They are convinced that with the active aid and support of the international community, and ofall countries and peoples who love peace, justice and independence, vic- tory will be theirs. 325. On behalfofour people and our Government, we wish solemnly to reaffirm here our unswerving devo- tion to the cause of peace, independence and freedom for all peoples and countries throughout the world. We would particularly like to stress our commitment to our traditional friendship with neighbouring peoples and countries. Towards all of them, including Viet Nam, when the Hanoi authorities have ceased their aggres- sion and withdrawn all their forces from Kampuchea, we shall without delay pursue our policy which is based on the five principles of peaceful coexistence. As a founder member of the non-aligned movement and a Member of the United Nations, Democratic Karn- puchea remains ever faithful to the ideals and principles of non-alignment and of the United Nations Charter.

We have heard the last speaker for this afternoon. Several representatives have asked to be allowed to exercise their right ofreply.

Since I am taking the floor now for the first time in this Assembly, allow me to convey to the President the very warm and sincere congratulations of my delegation on the occasion ofhis election to the presidency ofthe Assembly. I assure him that he can count on the full co-operation of the delega- tion of the Central African Republic as he guides our work towards meaningful and successful results. 328. The head of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya saw fit in his statement to refer to an alleged French invasion ofthe Central African Republic. I shall be very briefin my remarks. The head ofthe delegation of the Central African Republic, who will shortly be addressing the Assembly in the general debate, will have an opportunity, with all the authority vested in him, to explain at length the fundamental reasons for the appeal made by the Government of the Central Mrican Republic to France to help it rid itselfof one of the most bloodthirsty and barbarous regimes of modern times. 329. In the meantime, however, allow me to make clear that the Central African Republic has never been invaded by any State Member of this Organization or any member of the Security Council except in the fertile imagination of the Libyan delegation. 330. The Government of the Central African Repub- lic, in keeping with agreements concerning co- operation and assistance signed with friendly countries, and strictly in the context of its full and complete sovereignty, appealed to France to help ensure the safety of the civilian population when they were con- fronted with a police-State and with soldiers armed to the teeth. The appeal was made in order to protect the achievements of the people of the Central African Re- public in their struggle against the bloodthirsty Bokassa regime, and in order to avoid a fratricidal war which could well have plunged the country into chaos. 33 I. My delegation wishes to declare here that France intervened in the Central African Republic at the ex- plicit request of the Central African authorities. We consider that the aid received from France on 20 September was wholly regular, especially since it is provided for in the agreements linking my country and France. 332. Many countries represented here are bound to others by agreements or treaties. It was aid that was regular politically because it was prescribed by Central African patriots and democrats. And finally it was regu- lar morally because it constituted the only means of a verting useless bloodshed for a people which had al- ready suffered too much. What is more normal than for a country, in resisting a regime which has violated its very conscience, to have recourse to every means a vailable to it to rid itself of a regime of executioners and assassins? Hence I would say to the international community represented by the Member States here that 333. This Assembly will recall that at the time of the rout of Idi Amin's army many Libyan soldiers were taken prisoner and owed their survival and their free- dom, following lengthy bargaining, to the generosity of the Ugandan liberationforces. What were these Libyan soldiers doing in Uganda anyway-these soldiers of l'An ll, straight out of the works of Victor Hugo, and with nothing of the soldier about them save their sophisticated arms and equipment? This Assembly will recall that for many years now Libya has been illegally occupying the tenitory of an Mrican State, a member of the GAU and of the non-aligned movement, in flagrant violation of the fundamental principles and purposes of the charters of those bodies. There was mtervention by Libya in Uganda; in Chad there was aggression, invasion and encroachment on national in- tegrity. In those two countries, let no one forget, there was unquestionably Libyan intervention, invasion and aggression. In the light of those unacceptable and un- justifiable acts committed in flagrant violation of tile purposes and principles enshrined in the Charters oftlle United Nations and the OAU, Libya, the aggressor, has not been condemned by tile international community. And it is Libya that today is talking of invasion, in- tervention and aggression. ' '

I regret to have to interrupt the representative ofthe Central African Republic, but I must tell him that he has exhausted the lO-minute period allotted to him. Therefore, I ask him to be kind enough to conclude his statement.

I wish to thank you, Mr. President, for allowing me to continue my statement. As I was saying-

I must interrupt once again. I requested the representative of the Central African Re- public to conclude his statement, not to continue it. He has about half a minute to conclude his remarks.

I am afraid I had not heard you, Mr. President, because the interpretation, it seems, is a little late coming through to me. The delega- tion ofthe Central African Republic would like to facili- tate your task and the task of the officers of the Assem- bly. But for three or four days Libya has persisted in speaking about my country. That is why, with your special permission, I would like two or three minutes, and no more, to conclude my remarks.

I am sorry, but I cannotallow the representative of the Central African Republic any extension of the to-minute time-limit which the General Assembly has agreed to impose on every representative who speaks in exercise of the right of reply. The 10- minute period allotted to the representative ofthe Cen- tral African Republic has expired, and I now call on the representative of Egypt. 340. First, we consider that for the most part the statement made by the Libyan representative really deserves no comment. None the less, I wish to declare our support for what the representative of Libya said when he acknowledged the existence of a deep-seated and flagrant contradiction between Egypt's position and the Israeli declarations, a matter that has been explained by the head of the Egyptian delegation in detail in his statement to the General Assembly on I October [l5th meeting]. 341. Secondly, it does not seem to our delegation that the Libyan distortions require a detailed reply. It suffices for me to say here once more that Egypt is seriously seeking to bring about a just and over-all peace in the Middle East, and that the dimensions of that peace have been defined by Security Council res- olutions 242 (967) and 338 (1973), the implementation of which will result in the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all the occupied Arab territories. 342. Furthermore, Egypt is deeply convinced that a just and comprehensive peace cannot be achieved until the Palestinian people have regained their legitimate rights, including their right to self-detennination, free from all foreign intervention. 343. In order to achieve those lofty objectives, Egypt has repeatedly indicated that it will leave no stone un- turned to bring about peace. As always, Egypt under- stands exactly what it is saying; there is no contradic- tion between its words and its deeds. 344. Thirdly, Libya's constant use ofpolemics cannot prejudice Egypt's position or diminish the importance of the genuine, concrete efforts it has been making for a third of a century now on behalf of the Palestinian cause. It is not my intention to compare the contribu- tion made by Egypt over the years in that respect with what has not been by Libya, which confines itselfto the art of verbal fighting. 345. In the light of the statement by the representative of the Central Mrican Republic, the Egyptian delega- tion will not refer to the flagrant interventions by Libya in the domestic affairs of other countries, in contradic- tion with the basic principles of the United Nations. 346. In conclusion I would say this. The Libyan rep- resentative spoke of what he called "defeated Egypt". What a noble choice of words. If the representative of Libya is referring to the fact that Egypt has had the honour repeatedly to bear arms in the cause of indi- vidual and collective self-defence, in keeping with Arti- cle 51 of the Charter, then I would reply that this is indeed a fact, and one which is a source of true pride to

The Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya saw flUo devote a long-indeed, very long-part ofhis speech to the policy ofFrance in respect ofMrica. Those remarks contained a whole series ofdistortions andfalsifications which are too gross for there to be any point in correct- ing them here, at the present late hour. In fact everyone knows the policy of France with respect to the African continent. President Giscard d'Estaing has defined it on many occasions. It is a policy of mutual respect, of friendship and co-operation. It has not changed since the time of General de Gaulle. 348. It is ridiculous to speak of aggression in Central Africa and to suggest, by the convenient process of confusing the issue, that France was responsible for the death ofinnocent victims when, in fact, there was not a single victim when a French unit-and quite a small one-arrived at Bangui at the request of the Central African authorities. 349. I leave to the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya the responsibility for the alle- gations which he felt it appropriate to makti before this Assembly concerning the relations of France with M- rica. Possibly all that stage-setting was simply intended as a cover-up for Libyan operations on foreign soil. We all have those events in mind. We know what to think of them. At the time of the fall of Bokassa-who was himself then in Libya-the latest of those operations was no doubt being carried out in Central Africa itself, where there were more than 30 Libyan instructors along with several thousand weapons which had been brought in for their use. 350. France has always maintained good relations of co-operation with the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. I won- der whether the exercise in oratory which we have witnessed this afternoon is likely to improve the future of those relations. 351.. Mr. MUNTASSER (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (interpretation from Arabic): My delegation has heard the attacks made against my country by three speakers, and we should like to reserve our right to reply to them after we have been able to read their remarks in the verbatim record of the meeting. We should therefore like to be allotted at a later date enough time to reply to the three speakers in question. The meeting rose at 8.15 p.m.