A/34/PV.28 General Assembly

First and foremost, may I be allowed to ex- press here the feelings ofdeep sadness ofmy delegation at the cruel loss of two of the most courageous sons of Africa; the sudden premature demise of President Houan Boumediene of Algeria and President Antonio Agostinho Neto of Angola, two great leaders of the present-day fight for freedom, two statesmen who placed their lives at the service ofthe freedom, indepen- dence and dignity of the oppressed peoples of the world. Their passing will long be mourned as an ines- timable loss. They have left us with a shining example which will give us the courage and determination neces- sary to press on with the work which they began. 44. I wish to extend to you, Mr. President, the warm, fraternal congratulations of the delegation of the 45. My delegation also wishes to express its great satisfaction and its appreciation regarding the admir- able and praiseworthy manner in which the outgoing President of our Assembly. Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, organized and conducted the work of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly. 46. Benin would also like to pay a tributeonce again to the outstanding administrative and diplomatic qualities of our Organization's chief official, Mr, Kurt Waldheim, whose activities over the past year have been devoted to the accomplishment ofthe goals set by our Organization. The delegation of Benin wishes to take this opportunity to express its confidence to him once again and to assure him of the support and friendly assistance of the People's Republic of Benin in his onerous but uplifting tasks in the service of mankind. 47. My delegation would also like to extend a very warm welcome to Saint Lucia on its accession to inter- national sovereignty and its entry into the United Na- tions. We assure the representative ofthat new State of our active solidarity and fraternal co-operation. 48. This session of the United Nations General As- sembly. the thirty-fourth since the founding ofour Or- ganization, provides a:Il Member States with an excep- tional opportunity and setting for discussion and debate devoted to an analysis of the world situation and for an examination of the course of history that we may the better perceive the outlines of the profound changes in the structure ofsocieties, for our session is being held at a particularly tumultuous juncture, one fraught with open conflicts and wi~h stilll~tent explosio~s and re.v- olutionary upheavals 10 the hIstOry ofmankmd and Its societies. 49. The unequal and shocking distribution of wealth and technology, the cynical scientific exploitation, in- ternational imperialism, the pitiless sway of multina- tional corporations, are all characteristics of our era, maintaining and aggravating as they do poverty, the backwardness caused by blockades of every sort and the oppression to which our peoples are subjected, an oppression that has many aspects and assumes many forms. 50. Let no one expect that we will tire of speaking out and denouncing, from every available rostrum and in the strikingcircumstances ofpresent-day history, those 51. Following all my colleagues wh? have pr~ceded me at this rostrum and have spoken With such faIth and eloquence, and before t~ose. who wi~l come after me, I also wish to state my rejection of thiS scandal ~d my demand for truth and justice, for today the massive and stubborn truth of events can be denied only by the determined intellectual dishonesty and shoddy logic of evil propaganda for evil purposes. 52. The former and present state of affairs is ther~by being perpetuated in the world economy. The accesSIon ofdozens offonner colonial countries to independence over the past 20 years has done little to alterthe.world's economic landscape. Unbalanced trade, colomal-style exploitation, primitive and ,un,disguised, the.subtlet!es and disguises of neo-colomahsm, .the ever-mcrea~mg technological dependence of the thIrd-world coun~nes. all bear witness to our poverty and to the handicaps from which we suffer on every level. The heavy and constantly increasing indebtedness of our countries is destroying our budgets and dangerously limiting-ifnot completely annihilating-our chances for harmonious and mdependent development. The decrease in aid to our countries or the creation of assistance machinery that is often designed solely to facilitate recolonization, are serious new forms of debt that lead us to fear lest they seriously compromise our fragile independence. 53. Monetary disorder, evidenced by wild fluctua- tions in the price of gold and the unworkability of cer- tain international monetary regulations set up in the post-war period, is increasing and strengthening the position of the imperialist strongholds in their attempts to preserve their ill-gotten privileges. And as if to perpetuate such imbalances and give permanent status to the institutions and to an unjust morality, based on the law of the strongest in the most savage of jungles, the environment is being destroyed and the seas, the oceans and the continents are being polluted; billions in hard currency, millions more than the sums being de- voted to aid to our countries and our economies, are being spent to stockpile atomic weapons and highly sophisticated conventional weapons for blackmail and terror in order to impose the rule of injustice and in- equality on us, the eternal victims. 54. This general picture fairly describes the many conferences and symposia that we have attended in this Organization and various institutions within its family, meetings of the Organization for Economic Co- operation and Development, UNCTAD and many others. Those organizations have produced facts, figures and statistics which the most sophisticated com- puters confirm and refine. I shall spare representatives a long and tedious list of them. They will allow me to eschew certain oratorical devices and not rehearse them once again, as I am sure that they are even more familiar with this list than 1. 55. What needs to be denounced is the scandalous evils of a world and an economic and moral order-or, rather, disorder-where the wealth of some dominates and maintains the poverty of others. 57. We must reject the smugness and arrogance ofthe rulers of empires, of banks or of financial consortiums which have been bending over backwards to put the stamp oflegitimacy on the status of peoples in bondage to which they would relegate us. 58. What must be denounced also, in this Interna- tional Year of the Child, is the fact that thousands of children of the third world are doomed to a life ex- pectancy so short that their intellectual and physical potential will never be fully developed, precisely be- cause of this non-egalitarian, unjust international economic order. 59. That is what my delegation proclaims with convic- tion, with a sense of our responsibility and with a keen awareness of the need to act in accordance with the dictates ofjustice and dignity shared with us by all the peoples of the third world. 60. This is not a sweeping indictment where hatred and passion are intended to replace truth and objectiv- ity. We are not saying anything that has not already been analysed, discussed, commented on and adopted by our Organization. The new international economic order has, since 1974, been a demand of history. It contains a programme which, by overhauling interna- tional economic relations, would establish norms of justice and equity among our countries and peoples, and would establish a new balance, which would benefit peace and friendship among peoples, of the present system of trade and exchange in the world. 61. In Manila in 1978 and in Havana at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, the creation of that new order- after so many other regional, continental and world meetings-was considered as the only lasting path to fruitful and peaceful international co-operation among States and nations. 62. The solutions to what has been commonly called the crisis are thus well known. The responses to the inhuman and illegal frustration of our countries and peoples, whose resources and development are stagnating, are also well known, but no start whatever has been made on applying them seriously because of the blocking tactics ofthe imperialistcountries. Indeed only through solidarity and fighting and through organi~ zatlOn at the regional and international levels will the "damned of the earth" be able to establish a new economic order and bring pressure· to bear on those who deliberately shy away from the reasonable and equitable actions called for by mankind today. 63. In the third world and within the non-aligned movement, horizontal solidarity must be asserted in- creasingly ifwe are to improve our means offighting for equity and development and defeat certain forms of blac~ail.In the area ofenergy, for example, while the great Oil cartels have been increasing their profits at an extraordinary rate, all forms of propaganda have been used by the Western Powers to make people believe that the members of OPEC are solely responsible for 65. Ofcourse, it must be recognized that the interven- tion of the various Arab funds, OPEC assistance and financial aid from the Mro-Arab bank organizations such as the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa provide a growing supply of capital and give us the benefit of a not inconsiderable portion of the oil earnings of the producers of the precious black gold. But the tendency to invest money in the wealthy countries ofthe West must be combated and, inversely, there must be additional financial flows in our direction to enhance horizontal co-operation. 66. We have just pointed the finger at the parties primarily responsible for international poverty, exploi- tation and the plundering of our peoples, as well as at those who have taken from our peoples their resources and the fruits of their labour. With all the revolutionary lucidity and dignity now characteristic of our country, the People's Republic of Benin, we have courageously stated our principles and proposed a remedy, from which we expect not so much miracles as direct effects on the established injustices and disorder in the world economic order. The new order, to whose historic crea- tion we wish to contribute, would bring about qualita- tive changes and a gradual transformation of the situa- tion throughout the world in the interests of dozens of developing countries which are on the periphery ofthe int~rnati0l'!al capitalist system. But the economy ofthe nations Will see real development and enjoy stable growth only when the freedom of peoples and the full sovereignty of nations are no longer restricted, threatened or questioned. 67. It is very difficult for international imperialism to conceal its ambition of colonial reconquest and neocolonialist subjugation. Its acts of aggression take the most subtle and brutal forms. Its permanent strat- egy of selfish exploitation and oppression develops and build~ up the ~ost diabolical and bloody means of re- pressmg the resistance ofour peoples and ofassassinat- 109great leaders ofthe revolutionary struggle. None the less, the national conscience of the peoples of the op- pressed countries continues to develop and their mobilization grows in the struggle against the age-old enemy, at the same time a wheedler and a pitiless ex- ecutioner, as its hypocritical nature and its own logic make it. 68. Therefore, since the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, the political complexion of the world has changed and taken on new colours. The faJl a~d final. c~shing of th~ Fascist pro-imperialist dictatorships 10 Iran and Nicaragua bear this out. 69. In spite of the barbarous crimes of imperialism and in spite of its plots and manoeuvres, in our great, rich .ap~ beautiful cont~nent, Mri~a, the peoples are moblltzmg and strugghng. Colomalism, racism and 70. The constitutional ruses and chicanery of the white racist minority in Zimbabwe and Muzorewa's treason have not succeeded in making Africa accept an illegal regime irremediably condemned by history. 71. The so-called internal settlement in Southern Rhodesia, where African renegades, traitors to the sa- cred cause of their oppressed people, have been used, in no way responds to the profound aspirations of the working masses who are suffering in their flesh and blood and in their dignity. 72. The administering Power, the Government of the United Kingdom, must assume full responsibility for the massacres of children, women and old men carried out by the white racists of Southern Rhodesia in the front-line States in order to spread terror there and to dissuade them from showing their active solidarity wit.h the heroic armed struggle ofthe Patriotic Front, the sole representative of the people of Zimbabwe. In spite of the mandatory sactions which are still imposed. on the illegal regime in Salisbury, the weapons which the white settler army uses come from the arsenals of the Western countries. 73. A tremendous challenge to the international com- munity and to all our Organization's recom~endati,?ns and decisions therefore renders those sanctions, which should have brought the Fascists ofSouthern Rhodesia to see the reason of our time and of history, cruelly derisory and fictitious. Those who thus get around the compulsory embargo ordered by th~ Security Council in its resolution 253 (1%8) and gally trample on our resolutions become accomplices in the crimes commit- ted daily by the Ian Smith-Muzorewa cliqu~ in ~ambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Angola. Their dlr~ct re- sponsibility will not escape the judgement of h.lsto;y. They are also responsibl<? for t~e plans of extenn~natlon and aggression hatched 10 Salisbury and Pretona. The blood of the glorious martyrs of Zimbabwe, Kassinga, Maputo and Lusaka will also inevitably spatter them, whatever may be their shameful conscience, their sub- terfuge or their academic and legal arguments. 74. The plan of the imperialists and ofall those w~rk­ ing for the international recognition of the .SmIth- Muzorewa regime is well known. They are makmg use of all sorts ofconstitutional trickery and electoral ger- rymandering, convening conference after conference, meeting after meeting, with ulterior motives which can- not escape the watchful vigilance of our peoples: We remain convinced that all these manoeuvres Will be doomed to failure, as the international community will not allow itself to be tricked and bemused. 75. Any conference or meeting, if it is to succeed, must essentially aim at bringing the so-called Rhode- sian rebellion to heel and bringing the true representa- tives of the Zimbabwean people, the Patriotic Front, to power. I proud and free voice of the imm~nse majority of ~he peoples of our very rich and beautiful world, the vOice of the oppressed and of the future of the world. 78. The problem ofZimbabwe goes h~d in hand with that of Namibia. The correct strate¥ic view oftheprob. lem of southern Africa, on the baSIS of the elementary analysis ofcertain geopolitical realities in fact indicates as clearly as possible that the independence.of th?se two Territories will inevitably promote the liberatIOn process within the very territory of the so-called Re- public of South Africa, where the most ignoble co- lonialist and racist regime imposes fierce and exclusive domination over the indigenous peoples, who are slaves on the land of their ancestors. 79. The tactics used over the past two years by the imperialist Powers is thus to lull the international com- munity and to demobilize the liberation forces by mak- ing them believe that negotiations, meetings and end- less diplomatic talks organized in one ~apit~ after another will solve the problem of the liberation of Zimbabwe and of Namibia. 80. My country, the People's Republic of Beni~, has denounced all these manoeuvres, right from their first appearance. The plan for Namibia of the Five Western Powers and what is known as "the Anglo-American plan for Zimbabwe"s represent the same strategy, set up in order to lull the international community and demobilize the liberation movements. We shall never stop denouncing these Machiavellian manoeuvres and stating that only the courageous and resolute armed struggle will free the peoples of those two Territories. Of course a peaceful settlement is possible, but that must be only on the basis ofthe strict application ofthe pertinent resolutions of the United Nations and of the Organization of Afric:an Unity. [OA U], whi,ch the ra,cist pUp'pets in South Afnca and Zimbabwe, WIth the thmly veiled support of their imperialist masters, refuse to implement. 81. The Muzorewa-Smith regime in Southern Rhod7- sia and that of the Democratic Tumhalle Alliance In Namibia are twins for which the imperialists, by vari- ous means, are astutely trying to g~n recognition at t~e international level. At its last meetmg held at MonrOVIa in July, the Assembly of Heads of State and qovem- ment ofthe DAD vigorously denounced thatpohcy ~d those imperialist plan.s which flout the pr.ofound !n- terests of Africa and Its peoples and are aImed at In- stitutionalizing what is felt by some to be a clever solu- tion but is, in fact, nothing more than a gross and debased form of neo-colonialism. 82. The international community must also vigor- ously denounce apartheid and take action to put an end to it once and for all. Neither the present generation of 84. It is strange and indeed curious that those who feel that nazism is one of the most criminal perversities of history and who fought it at the cost ofmillions oflives today act with such benevolence towards the most faithful imitation of Hit/erite fascism in the contempo- rary world, behaving towards it with such a scandalous complicity as they not only invoke all sorts of pretexts and false reasons for refusing to isolate South Africa and Rhodesia through application of the embargo, but also lavish economic, diplomatic and, above all, mili- tary support on those countries. 85. We shall go no further in ourexpression ofoutrage than this sober language because, today and tomorrow in Africa, the implacable struggle and the innumerable sacrifices of the Patriotic Front, the South West Mrica People's Organization [SWAPO] and the African Na- tional Congress of South Africa will inevitably bring about the triumph offreedom, justice and dignity for the peoples of southern Africa. 86. Decolonization is still an unfinished business. In. Zimbabwe, the strategy of the colonialists and im- perialists is too clear and transparent for us to be mista- ken regarding their aggressive plans. Ajoumalist ofthe French weekly Nouvel Observateur reported in the issue dated 17 September 1979 on something that we all know and perceive when stressed that' 'in fact a belt of satellite States is being created where proconsuls prop- ped up by bayonets will rule, protected by jets, radar, missiles and the whole military panoply of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] that South Africa has at its disposal. " 87. The creation of bantustans, those new reserva- tions for blacks, arid and poor, are similar to those that we have seen in other countries in other historical con- texts. They are part of a more cunning organization of the colonial, racist and Fascist system ofSouth Mrica, where the white minority has secured for itselfthe best lands and the basic wealth and maintained in the bantustans at the same time a very cheap working force that they can keep poor, repressed and humiliated and can kill at will. 88. We could engage for many hours to come in this general indictment of apartheid. Its misdeeds, crimes and belligerent arrogance are growing, but the freedom 89. The path is undoubtedly still long, hard and bloody that leads to the liberation of southern Africa but the harsher the struggle the greater will be ou; sacrifices and our acts of solidarity so that one day there in that immensely rich southern part of our conti: nent, as in its north-western part, the acts ofaggression will come to an end and the right to self-determination and independence and sovereign freedom will be exer- cised without restriction or military blackmail. 90. I now come to another colonial and expansionist scandal which an African Government is desperately trying to conceal by its lies and give some legitimacy to through the use of arms and aggression. 91. First, though, I should like to repeat that for my country, the People's Republic of Benin, the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic is a de jure reality that history and nine new States have just recognized and that the Frente POLISARIO is the sole and legitimate representative of a proud and heroic people, which the Moroccan regime, contrary to the wisdom and under- standing of history and in pursuit of a wild dream, intends to subject to colonial law. 92. At Monrovia, in July 1979, and at Havana a few weeks ago, the OAD and the great movement of non- aligned countries respectively reaffirmed that in Western Sahara there remained but one fundamental historical problem, namely, the inalienable right to in- dependence and self-determination of the Saharan people. Now, our brothers in Mauritania have decided to renounce all claims over Western Sahara and to withdraw their troops from that Territory and have enshrined that courageous determination in an agreement with the Frente POLISARlO [A/34/427-S/ 13503, annex 1]. As far as Morocco is concerned, how- ever, it is threatening, terrorizing, bombing and trying to create armed diversions with certain neighbouring countries, but it·has not been able to stave off bitter . defeats on the battlefield and the capture of thousands of soldiers by the Saharan Liberation Army. What a disgrace! We would repeat that Morocco is stubbornly squandering its resources and leading its army to suicide in an effort to conquer a Territory whose sole master is the great Saharan people. The arms and muni- tions of the Moroccan army will continue to enrich and reinforce the military potential of the fighting units of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic. 93. It is up to our Organization once again to proclaim loud and clear the right of the Saharan people to inde- pendence and self-determination, and to demand that Morocco renounce its annexationist ambitions. 94. If we do not show such determination to support one of the basic principles on which we act and which justify.the existence of our Organization, we shall be favounng Morocco's adventure of territorial annexa- tio~, and we shall be putting ourstamp ofapproval upon unjust acts of aggression against the Saharan people. 95. The world situation is characterized by the rising ange.r !Jf I?eoples, who reject oppression, humiliation and IDJustlce. The upsurge in the struggle of the Pales- 96. War and peace in the Middle East and, conse- quently war and peace throughout the· world is the alternative facing imperialism and zionism as a resultof the separate Camp David agreements, the torture of Arab patriots and the expropriation and confiscation of Palestinian land. In spite of legalistic innovations and the creation of machinery to crush· Palestinian resistance-the bloody tragedy of southern Lebanon being one more terrible example---'the three-Power Camp David coalition will inevitably encounter dignified and collective resistance and rejection frbin all peoples throughout the world who love peac~' arid JUstice. . ' 97. The PLO has broughtabout unity amongthe Pal- estinian people. It is that people's sole legit,imaterep- resentative, Its international recognition. is.increasing, even in certain countries in which Western and Zionist propaganda endeavours to present it as a gang of ter- rorists and common-law criminals. ThePLO alone rep- resents the future ofthe Palestinian people, and it is the most lively, militant and noble· expression of that people, Egypt's capitulation and betrayal will fail, for they do not take into account the determination of the PLO to fight until victory has been achieved, notwith- standing the billions of dollars, the arsenal of weapons and the great amount of technical assistance and means of ~spionageand intelligence being provided by interna- tional imperialism. .. 98. In Palestine, where fraternal relations and respect among the great universal religions once f1ourished~ zionism cannot achieve its goal of.oppres~ing, exploit- ing and expropriating an entire people by arousing the unjust and unworthy hatred of the brothers and sons.of the victims of the Nazi holocaust. The Zionist State of Israel must withdraw from the occupied Arab terri- tories; ISrael-must cease bombing and killing innocent populations in Southern Lebanon:·Theterro... from the air, the daily round-ups and new plotshatched with its new ally and with international imperialism will only strengthen the determination of the PLO and serve to speed up the mobilization of the people ofthe area and of the entire world and tum them against Israel's arro- gance, oppression and permanent aggression. 99. I might say that this Assembly is meeting today to hear yet another speech on world peace, because, as we move somewhat to the east of the explosive situation in the Middle East, we see that in South-East Asia blood and tears are flowing and the sound of guns may be heard every day. That is taking place in a region where there has been one of ttl,e most glorious revolutions of our era, the Indo-Chinese revolution, whichhas taught us all so much and provided us with so much inljpira- tion. It is a part of the world in which, notwithstanding all the tension and the regreltable'ambitiorisof certain powers, the people have maintained their un,ity and solidarity and have been able'to overcome one of,the most powerful imperialist countries of our day and to ~ive the oppressed nations ofthe world alegend that is 10 keeping with their genius, invincibility and respect for the dignity and worth of the human person. , 100. That is why my delegation condemns the Pol pot-Ieng Sary regime, which is guilty ofgenocide in the 10 I. In Korea as well peace and unification must be brought about. That can happen if the wise, realistic and positive proposals of the People's Democratic Re- public of Korea are taken into account, studied objec- tively and supported by the international community. 102. In East Timor, as has been demanded for several years. now by the fighters ofFRETILIN,6 in their heroic popular struggle, the right of self-detennination and mdependence must also, be exercised. ' 103. Great Latin America.-;..which has so many glori- ous traditions in the anti-imperialist struggle, including the revolutionary flame of Simon Boli'var and Jose Martf, which is made to bum ever brighter by the heroes of the Moncada Barracks-has continued to fight against imperialism in that continent. 104. The Benin revolution supports the socialist Re- public of Cuba in its legitimate claim that the base in Guantanamo Bay, which is occupied by the United States against Cuba's will, should be restored to it and that an end should be put to the unconstitutional economic blockade that has been unjustly imposed upon Cuba. It is not proper that the Government ofthe United States should do everything in its power to exert pressures of all kinds to deprive the Cuban people of their inalienable right to choose the path of develop- ment that suits them. 105. the People's Republic ofBenin fully supports the people ofPuerto Rico in their just struggle for self- determmation and independence, and we support the legitimate claim of the people of Panama to regain full sovereignty over the Canal that passes through th!s national territory. We support all the peoples of Latm America who are fighting against Fascist dictators and their imperialist masters. 106. In the. various oceans of our planet there exist huge bases and nuclear testing sites, which are being strengthened. In particular, in the Indian Ocean, which laves the shores of a significant part of our continent, there must be a completely denuclearized and de- militarized zone ifour countries are to develop in peace and are freely to choose their paths to progress and justice. 107. World peace is, after all, necessa!"i1y. global ~nd . indivisible. And while we welcome the slghmg at Vien- na on 18 June 1979 of the Treaty between the United States and tb~ USSR on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms,concluded as a result of the second round of Strategic Amls Limitation Talks [SAL1] in which we see the beginning ofa world offraternity and friendship among peoples, which we ar~ently desire,.it must be recognized that any anned conflict anywhere m the world and any imperialist intervention, regardless of where it may occur in the world, undermines and jeopardizes the benefits ensuing from the difficult nego- L08. International imperialism constitutes, for our countries, which are still weak, and for our people, who are still to a very large extent subject to its colonial laws or its neo-colonialist domination, the prime danger to our security. Thus, it has elaborated a programm~ in which the full panoply of the means of aggressIOn, intervention and subversion are refined and enhanced daily by the addition of new instruments of death and terror. Various means of blackmail, subjugation and destabilization are being used against the progressive regimes which have chosen the anti-imperialist, socialist path to development, and now mercenaries are being employed. This is an ignoble, hypocritical and repugnant means of armed intervention, of which my country was cruelly made the victim on 16 January 1977. The mercenaries who attacked my country, killed heroic fighters, both civilians and those in uniform, and caused terrible material damage are no longer the phantoms and privateers that certain countries took pleasure in discovering a short time ago in our reports on aggression. Today, the barbaric aggression of 16 January 1977 is no longer a mystery to anyone, even to the most hypocritical and cynical mercenaries of the pen in the service of imperialism. 109. In accepting complaints of certain family mem- bers of the victims against the evil Bob Denard and his gang, the lower court in Paris has corroborated once again the fact that aggression did take place and that heinous crimes were committed by the new, faithless and lawless crusaders for imperialism. 110. Scarcely a few weeks ago, there was a wide-scale military intervention organized by a certain European Power in an African country. One puppet was replaced by another crowned valet. All of this makes us realize the searing reality ofthe problem ofmilitary aggression, whether overt or disguised, which is being directed against our countries. In the face ofthese new threats to international security, to peace, stability and indepen- dence, the conclusions of the historic Week of Solidar- ity with the Colonial Peoples of Southern Africa Fight- ing for Freedom, Independence and Equal Rights and of the International Conference on Mercenaries which was held at Cotonou from 9 to 16 January 1978 deserve the careful consideration of our Organization and the complete support of the international community. And, as our great comrade-in-arms, President Mathieu Kerekou, said at the Conference: .'The mobilization of international opinion against mercenaries, intervention and imperialist aggression is the only way to ensure that a latter-day gunboat policy will not be institutionalized and enforced in an atmosphere of general and unpardonable indifference. " III. Forgive me for having overlooked or dealt rather summarily with certain conflicts or clashes which have been the features of international life. But there are many signs of hope today and there are many additional reasons to fight when we see, for example, the rep- 112. The many difficulties, traps and pitfalls which have been planted by international imperialism, their fundamental hostility-which is, after all, logical-will not divert us from our heroic and just course. We know that we are the majority of the peoples of the earth and of the men ofprogress, as was proved at the last Confer- ence of non-aligned countries at Havana, as exalted a gathering as one is ever likely to see in history. 113. I hope that I have explained the position of my country in as clear a manner as Members would wish. 114. For us in the People's Republic of Benin, the si~hs offrustration, the procrastination and the wishful thmking, must cease if historic policy and the force of action are to make ofour Organization a genuine instru- ment for the liberation of peoples and free understand- ing among nations and a great cross-roads of peace and friendship which the drafters of the Charter wished to create. 115. We are ready for revolution. The fight goes on.

Mr. Presi- dent, first ofall, permit me, on behalfof the Mongolian delegation, to extend to you our most sincere congratu- lations on your well-deserved election as President of the thirty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly. Like previous speakers, we consider this unanimous elec- tion a worthy tribute to your outstanding personal qual- ities and at the same time a recognition of the important and growing role ofyour country and the African conti- nent in furthering the cause ofpeace, national indepen- dence and social progress. We are confident that your vast experience, skill and long association with this world body will certainly contribute to making this session yet another successful world meeting for the good of mankind, and we wish you every success in discharging your responsibilities. [17. I should like to take this opportunity also to express on behalf of the Government and people ofthe Mongolian People's Republic our deepest condolences to the delegation ofthe People's Republic ofAngolaand the Angolan people on the untimely demise ofPresident Agostinho Neto. He will be remembered and cherished as a great son ofthe Angolan people, the founder of the glorious People's Republic of Angola and an outstand- ing leader of the national liberation and revolutionary movements of Africa. [The speaker continued in Russian (interpretation from Russian).] 118. A review of the events of recent years, and in particular of the decade of the 1970s now drawing to a close, convinces us that the world situation has sub- stantially improved. This has become possible thanks to the steady growth and further strengthening of the forces of peace, national independence and social pro- gress, and to the consolidation of their decisive link, that is, real socialism. 119. Evidence of the fresh successes of the national 120. Today we welcome Saint Lucia, another young State which has joined the family ofthe United Nations. 12 I. The non-aligned movement plays an ever-more positive role in world affairs. The Sixth Conference of the non-aligned countries recently held in Havana was an event of great international significan~e. It will.un- doubtedly occupy an important place in the struggle of peoples for the deepening of detente, for disann~ent and for their national and social liberation, and agaInst imperialism, racism and neo-colonialism. 122. Thanks to the initiatives and efforts of the socialist countries, a substantial shift has taken place in the relations among the States of Europe, which was reaffirmed in the Final Act of the Conference on Secu- rity and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki on I August 1975, in the corresponding bila;eral treaties of the USSR the Polish People's Repubhc, the Gennan Democratic Republic and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic with the Federal Republic of Gennany. 123. An increasing role in the vital cause of strengthening peace and developing int~rnational ~o­ operation is played by the Umted Nations..,\n II?- portant step has been taken towards harmomzIng Its activities with the world movement of the peoples for the prevention of a nuclear world war and for disanna- ment, a movement which is growing in strength. 124. In the 1970s a series of treaties and agreements on limiting the arms race and on disarmament has been concluded. Among them, the new Treaty on the.Limita- tion of Strategic Offensive Annaments, which was signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979 between the USSR and the United States of America, is of exceptio?al importance. This Treaty lays the necessary foun?at~on for subsequent substantive steps on .the quantitatIve and qualitative limitation and. reduction o~ the most destructive types ofweapons, gives afurtheflmpetus to the ongoing disarmament negotiations and favourably influences the international climate as a.who~e. We at:e convinced that the earliest possible ratIficatIOn of thiS Treaty would be responsive to the vital interests of the peoples of the world. The Treaty i.s ,too imp?rtan~ for mankind to become a subject of polItical mampulatlons by groups in a particular country. 125. Steady change in the correlation of fo~ces in favour of peace, national independence and SoCIal pro- 126. At the same time, we cannot and should not fail to take into account the fact that the opponents of detente have not laid down their arms. On the contrary, their actions of late have been intensified through the alarming collusion of the reactionary forces of im- perialism and great Power chauvinism and ex- pansionism. Plans to station in Europe new nuclear armaments, the creation of various expeditionary forces, the intensification ofthe military presence ofthe United States in the Indian Ocean and the Far East and the attempts to set up new military blocs in the Middle East, in Africa and in some other regions, as well as other similar actions by imperialist and reactionary forces, seriously vitiate the international atmosphere. Heavy responsibility rests with those forces which are to blame for the escalation of the arms race, the aggra- vation of existing hotbeds of international tension and the emergence of new ones. 127. The arms race and the anti-socialist and anti- Soviet campaign go hand in hand, as one is meant to justify the other. The essence of this policy lies in ensuring military superiority over the socialist world. The extreme danger ofsuch a policy lies in the fact that in the world of today it verges on recklessness and adventurism. 128. The policy based on positions of strength stems from expansionist and hegemonistic ambitions. The essence of hegemonism is the violation of what is most sacred to all peoples, for it denies and encroaches on the undeniable right ofothers to live independently and freely. I believe that the serious concern of~he ~on~o­ Han people regarding the policy ofhegemomsm IS qlllte understandable. On the southern border ofthe Mongo- lian People's Republic is a country w.hich in v~rious ways continuously encroaches upon Its sovereIgnty. On the other hand, we fully understand the hostile reaction of the Chinese representative here to the pro- posal of the Soviet Union to include on the agenda of the present session ofthe General Assembly the i~em ~n the "Inadmissibility of the policy of hegemomsm m international relations" [Af34f243]. Those at whom the finger points always resort to deception and slander. 129. The Government of the Mongolian People's Re- public welcomes the new S~viet initi,ative ~s a time~y and crucial one. Constructive consideratIOn of thls question, condemnation of ~egemonismand the adop- tion of an appropriate declslo~ base~ on ~h~ draft res- olution submitted by the Soviet Umon [Ibid., annex] would be an important step in the reaffi~~tion and the strengthening of the fundamental pnn~~ples of ~he United Nations Charter, and would faCIlItate the Im- provement of the international situation as a whole. 130. We consider it logical that t~is quest!on should be dealt with in the Security C.ol;lnc~l, the m~m organ of the United Nations for maintammg Inte~natlO~all?ea~e, with a view to the subsequent el~borat.lOn of a b~ndl~g rule that States renounce any pohcy of hegemomsm In all its forms and manifestations. 132. The Government of the Mongolian People's Re- public considers that the main step to be taken in stop- ping the nuclear arms race is to reach an agreement on the cessation of the production of all types of nuclear weapons and the gradual reduction of their stockpiles until they have been completely destroyed. A specific proposal on this question was put forward by the socIalist countries in the Committee on Disarmament in February this year [see A/34/27j. We deem it necessary that the General Assembly lend its authority to this important initiative and recommend that the Commit- tee on Disarmament expedite its work on this problem. 133. A general and complete prohibition of nuclear- weapon tests would prevent what is called the tech- nological nuclear anns race, the most dangerous ofall·. The progress so far achieved at the tripartite negotia- tions should be furthered in order to reach a positive solution to this vitally important issue in the near future. 134. The strengthening of the regime of non- proliferation of nuclear weapons assumes ever greater urgency, particularly in the light of reports on the inten- tion of additional States to acquire nuclear weapons. The second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation ofNuclear Weapons to be convened next year faces an urgent task, that of elaborating further effective measures aimed at pro- moting international co-operation in strengthening the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons.... 135. Adoption of measures for the practical imple- mentation of General Assembly resolution 33/72 en- titled "Conclusion of an international convention on the strengthening of guarantees of the security of non- nuclear States" , and for the achievement of an interna- tional agreement on the non-stationing of nuclear weapons on territories of States where there are no such weapons at present, would facilitate the strengthening of the regime of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. 136. An agreement as early as possible on the text ofa treaty on the prohibition of radiological weapons on the basis of the proposed USSR-United States joint docu- ment [see A/34/27, para. 56] would represent a concrete step in prohibiting another type of weapon of mass destructIon. 137. The Mongolian People's Republic is in favour. of accelerating the negotiations on the prohibition of chemical "veapons as well as on the reduction of con- ventional weapons. 138. A concrete programme of international action to put an end to the anns race and to bring about disarma- ment through the creation offavourable conditions for this purpose was put forward by the socialist States members of the Warsaw Treaty in the documents of the Moscow 1978 meeting of the Political Consultative Committee of that Organization7 and of the Budapest posa,lofthe socialist countries is acquiring ever greater urgency in the light of the further build-up of NATO forces In Europe. 140... In this connexion the delegation of the Mongo- lian People's Republic,· on behalf of its Government, warmly welcomes the new initiative ofthe Government of the Soviet Union aimed at reducing military confron- tation in Europe, that is, its decision to withdraw from the territory ofthe German Democratic Republic within .the nex.t 12 months up to 20,000 Soviet servicemen and 1000 .tanks, and its readiness to reduce the number of nuclear systems deployed in the western part of the USSR provided that the other side renounces the de- ployment of additional nuclear-missile weapons on the territories ofthe Eurppean States members of NATO. My delegation hopes that this new act ofgoodwill on the part of the socialist countries, which meets the interest of strengthening peace and security in Europe and the world, will find a positive response on the part of the Western countries. lshould further like to point out that this ~sitive st~p by the socialist countries offers new pOSSIbilities for furthering the Vienna talks on the re- duction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. Progress in these talks clearly depends on the readiness of the Western countries to abide by the principle of equal security. 141. The delegation of the Mongolian People's Re- public is convinced that the consideration of the whole complex of disarmament problems in the widest and most authoritative international forum-the World Dis- armament Conference--could facilitate the adoption of effective disarmament measures, in particular in imple- menting the main provisions of the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly [resolution S.~1012], devoted to disarmament. We are in favour of the early·convening ofsuch a Conference at a level sufficiently high tei permit the adoption ofpractical decisiolts. 142.. ; The M~ngolian People's Republic, like many other States, favours the speediest elaboration and con- clusion of a world treaty on the non-use of force in international relations which would represent an im- portant political guarantee of the security ofStates, and would. considerably strengthen mutual trust among them, thus creating a favourable political climate for furthering disarmament objectives. 143. The disarmament talks would be greatly en- hanced by the adoption, at this session of the General Assembly, of a declaration on international co- operation for disannament, the draft of which has been presented by the delegation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic [A/34/141/Add.l]. Such a declata- 144. The Mongolian People's Republic naturally attaches particular importance to the problems of strengthening peace and security in Asia. In many parts of the vast continent people are still suffering from continual armed conflicts provoked by the forces of international reaction. Dangerous focal-point of ten- sion continue to exist in Asia and even new ones are being created, threatening world peace and security. Moreover, there is evidence of the intensification of co-ordinated actions of the forces of imperialism, hegemonism and militarism in the Far East and in Asia as a whole. Iffurther development of such events is not prevented, Asia could become a source of real danger to the cause of peace, national independence and the social progress ofpeoples. The Mongolian people, who 40 years ago, experienced the harmful consequences of the policy of connivance with the forces of war and reaction, cannot remain aloof in the face of the present trend, when the policy of hegemonism, spearheaded primarily against the socialist countries, is being en- couraged in every way. In May 1939, militaristic Japan, which served as the Far Eastern bastion of the then "anti-Comintern pact", attacked the Mongolian People's Republic ingreat strength in order to convert it into a springboard of its further aggression against the Soviet Union. On the basis of the 1936 agreement be- tween the two countries, the Soviet Union came to Mongolia's aid. The joint victory ofthe members ofthe new socialist world over one of the vanguards of im- perialism in a fierce war, which was waged until 31 August 1939, that is to say, until the very beginning of the Second World War, remains of historical import- ance in the struggle of peoples against the forces ofwar and reaction. 145. Events occurring on the Indochinese Peninsula demonstrate the great danger posed by the hegemonistic, expansionist actions of forces which consider that it is their right to "teach a lesson" to other peoples and countries by the use of armed force. 146. The Mongolian People's Republic, like the rest of the world community, has resolutely condemned the armed aggression and continuing intrigues of the Chinese authorities against the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam and fully supports the struggle of the Viet- namese people in defence of its revolutionary gains, independence and the territorial integrity ofits country. 147. Our people also strongly condemns Peking's en- croachments on the national independence, territorial integrity and revolutionary gains of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea. We express our warm solidarity with the peoples of Laos and Kampuchea. l48. In this connexion, I should like to note that the decision of the General Assembly to recognize the "credentials" of the representative of the bloodthirsty regime of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary, rejected by the Kampuchean people, is a black mark against this Or- ganization and is in flagrant contradiction of the aims and principles of its Charter. 149. We wish to state once again that only the rep- ISO. The events in Mghanistan reveal that the reac- tionary forces are not willing to accept the fact that the new Government of Afghanistan is carrying out radical progressive transformations, having opted for the road towards building a society free from man's exploitation of man. We express our solidarity with the friendly Afghan people in their struggle in defence ofthe fruits of the people's democratic revolution from the encroach- ments of international reaction and their accomplices. lSI. The Mongolian People's Republic holds the view that the Camp David deal and the so-called peace treaty between Egypt and Israel have betrayed the vital in- terests of the Arab peoples, in particular those of the people of Palestine, have created new obstacles to the achievement ofajust peace in the Middle East and help to strengthen the position ofimperialism and its allies in this region. The expansion of the Israeli aggression against Lebanon and the incitement of the separatist forces in the country is clear evidence of this. The Mongolian people stands on the side of the long- suffering Lebanese people in their struggle for the de- fence of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country. 152. The Mongolian People's Republic upholds the well-known position on the comprehensive and just settlement of the Middle East problems which is sup- ported by the peace-loving world community. 153. The Mongolian People's Republic consistently supports the struggle of the Korean people for the peaceful and democratic reunification of their country and is in favour of the immediate implementation of resolution 3390 B(XXX), which provides for the with- drawal of foreign troops from the southern part of Korea and the dissolution of the so-called United Na- tions Command. l54. We advocate the strict implementation of rele- vant resolutions of the United Nations which reaffirm respect for the independence, sovereignty and territo- rial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus and its non- aligned status. In the opinion of the Mongolian delega- tion, the most appropriate instrument for the settlement of the Cyprus problem would be the convening of an international conference under the aegis of the United Nations. ' 155. The present situation in Asia urgently requires from the Asian States active jointefforts for the preven- tion of dangerous developments on that continent, for the strengthening of mutual understanding, trust and co-operation as the basic prerequisite for ensuring peace and security. 156. The Mongolian People's Republic, which consis- tently advocates the improvement of relations and the development of mutually advantageous co-operation among all States, welcomes the beginning of negotia- tions between the USSR and the People's Republic of China on the normalization of their relations. The pro- gress of these negotiations would help to improve the political climate not only in Asia, but in the ~orld at 158. The Government of the Mongolian People's Re- public believes that a genuine solution to the problem of southern Africa should be found through the elimina- tion ofthe racist and colonialist regimes and the system of apartheid, and through the transfer offull power to the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe in the person of their legitimate representatives-SWAPO and the Patriotic Front of Zimbabwe. In this connexion my delegation attaches great importance to the decisions taken by the OAlT [see A/34/552j and the Sixth Confer- ence of Heads ofStates or Government ofNon-Aligned Countries [see A/34/542] on the question of southern Africa. The Mongolian People's Republic also advo- cates strict implementation of the relevant decisions and resolutions ofthe Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations in this area as one of the main rrerequisites facilitating the struggle of the peoples 0 this region. 159. Thirty years have elapsed since the establish- ment ofthe Council for Mutual Economic Assistance- the organization of equal co-operation of the socialist States. This co-operation is an important factor for the dynamic development of their economies, the in- creased well-being of their peoples and for bringing the economies of all the members of the Council to the same level. 160. The share ofthe socialist community in the world production of national income and industrial output, as well as in other important economic indicators, has steadily increased. Today the countries members of The Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, whose population constitutes 10.4percent ofthe world's total, account for one third of the world's industrial output and 25 per cent of the world's national income, as against 18 and 15 per cent, respectively, 30 years ago. 161. The ties between the socialist countries develop the new type of international relations based on the principles of equality, respect for sovereignty and mutual assistance. This new type of relations, in its essence, represents that very new international economic order which the developing countries are striving to have universally established. 162. The democratization of international economic relations on the basis ofequality, mutual advantage and mutual support has an important role to play in over- coming the economic backwardness young States have inherited from their colonial past. 163. At this session, we have heard repeated appeals by the representatives ofthe Western Powers to display solidar;ity and to recognize the need for interdepen- dence III order to overcome economic difficulties. It is axiomatic, certainly, that no country, however econo- 164. My delegation would like to point out that within the framework of the United Nations much has been done with regard to the elaboration of principles and programmes ofaction aimed at promoting the establish- ment of the new international economic order. In particular, we have in mind the Declaration and Pro- gramme ofAction on the Establishment ofa New Inter- national Economic Order adopted at the sixth special session of the United Nations General Assembly [res-' olutions 3201 (5-VI) and3202 (5-VI)] and the Charterof Economic Rights and Duties of States [resolution 328/ (XXIX)]. It is now imperative that practical measures be taken in the 1980s. In our opinion, this places a great responsibility upon the major conferences on economic matters that will be held at the beginning of the 1980s such ~s the special s~ssion of the General Assembly o~ questlOn~ ofeconomIC development and co-operation. PreparatIOns for these conferences should have as their aim the elaboration of concrete measures for the normalization and democratization of international economic relations. 165. My delegation expresses the hope that the pres- ent session will see the adoption of decisions that will promote the cause of deepening detente, strengthening mternational peace and developing co-operation. It is precisely along these lines that the Mongolian delega- tion will make every effort to contribute to the success- ful conclusion of the work of this session.

I wish at the outset, on behalfof my Government and my delega- tiOI~, to extend to Ambassador Salim, a great son of Afnca, my warm congratulations on his election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. Owing to his long experience in the many facets of United Nations affairs, I am confident that our deliberations during the current session will produce fruitful results under his wise guidance. The delegation of Thailand pledges its full co-operation and support in making this session ofthe General Assembly a success- fulone. 1.67. I should also like to express my sincere apprecia- tIOn to the outgoing President, Ambassador Lievano of Columbia, for his contribution to the success ofthe last session. 168. We should also like to thank the Secretary- General for his dedicated efforts towards the mainte- nance of peace and the promotion of international un- derstanding and co-operation. 169. The African continent remains in the forefront of the struggle for just and equal treatment of all peoples, regardless of race or colour. My delegation maintai~s ItS steadfast support of this historic struggle and IS firmly oppose~ to the racist policies and practices bl:ing emp}oyed agamst the black majority in southern Mnca, particularly the abominable crime of apartheid. We are 170. In the Middle East, my delegation fully recog- nizes the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Pales- tinian people that have repeatedly been upheld by the United Nations. Israel must relinquish its illegal occu- pation of Arab territory forthwith and, in the meantime, It must respect the rights of the Arab people in the occupied territories. Thailand thus joins the over- whelming majority of world public opinion in deploring the establishment of Israeli settlements, as well as all efforts to transfer ownership of Arab lands in such territories. At the same time, my delegation is con- vinced that all States in the area have the right to exist in security and with freedom from external aggression or armed intervention. 171. In South-East Asia, as a result of ,Vietnamese armed intervention, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea was toppled and replaced by the so-called United Front for the National Salvation ofKampuchea. The members of the Association of South East Asian Nations [ASEAN], concerned by this turn of events, and in particular by its security implications and its possible impact on the delicate political equilibrium.in the region, quickly convened a meeting oftheir Foreign Ministers at Bangkok. In the Joint Statement 8 issued at Bangkok on 12 January 1979, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers strongly deplored the armed intervention against the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea and called for the immediate and total withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampu- chean territory. Further, they reaffirmed the right ofthe Kampuchean people to determine their own future, free from interference or influence by outside Powers. These points were later incorporated into the draft res- olution presented to the Security Council several days later by all of its non-aligned members,9 Unhappily, despite the support of 13 of the 15 members of the Council, this draft resolution was not adopted because of the negative vote cast by a permanent member. 172. The prospects for peace and stability in South- East Asia were further dimmed when, on 17 February 1979, Chinese troops made an armed incur~ion into Vietnamese territory. The ASEAN countnes were gravely concerned that the fighting would escalate into a larger conflagration involving other Powers f~om out- side the region. They therefore sought yet agam to end the fighting by m,aking th.eir appe~s to the parties con- cerned in the Umted Nations. Their efforts were finally expressed in the form ofad~aft resolu~ion submitted for consideration by the Secunty Counctl on 16 March of this year. 10 The operative paragraphs of that draft res- olution called on the parties to the c0ll:fllcts to cease ~I hostilities forthwith to withdraw their forces to their own countries and to settle their disputes by peaceful means. The draft also appealed to Powers outside t~e region to exercise the utmost restraint and to refram 8 Ibid., Thirly-jollrlh Year, SlipplemenljilrJallllary. Febmaryand March 1979, document Sf 13025. 9 Ibid.. document Sf 13027. 173. As a result of the inability ofthe Security Council to take any action on the Kampuchean issue, the fight- ing in Kampuchea raged on and, indeed, expanded westward. Many divisions of Vietnamese forces de- ployed along the Thai-Kampuchean border have created tension and the situation there is fraught with grave danger. Any renewed fighting-and the figh ting is most likely to escalate with the end of the rainy season-could have serious repercussions on regional and international peace and security. '174. It has nevertheless been and will continue to be my Government's unswerving policy to remain neutral and not involved in the conflict between the two socialist States, with both of which Thailand maintains diplomatic relations, However, we are also determined to protect our independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. In this regard, Thailand is most gratified that our ASEAN partners, as well as many other friendly countries, have shown their willingness to support us. This was evident in the communique and statements of the Twelfth ASEAN Ministers Meeting held on 29 June 1979 in Bali, Indonesia. 175. The decision taken by a vast majority of the membership of this Assembly on 21 September [4th meeting] to maintain the status quo on the question of the Kampuchean seat very clearly reflected the follow- ing facts. 176. First, the majority felt that to alter the status quo at this point and in the present circumstances would imply a sanctioning of international behaviour not in conformity with the provisions of the United Nations Charter, 177. Secondly, although a country may disagree with the internal conduct ofanother sovereign State, that by no means gives it ajustification for resorting to armed intervention against that State-an act which is in flagrant violation of the principles of independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. 178. Thirdly, the right of self-determination must be upheld and all States, whether large or small, should be able to continue to look to the United Nations as an Organization based on internationally recognized legal and moral principles. 179. For Thailand's part, our firm position o? this question of the Kampuchean seat ,was, motivated neither by any outside power nor by ammoslty towards any countr~. However, we st.rongly believe that princi- ples govern109 peaceful r~latIOns among ~tates and the self-determinatIOn of natIOns must be stnctly adhered to. This is vital not only for Thailand but also for the future ofthe So~th-EastAsian region and the world as a whole. 181. One of the unfortunate results of the conflict in Kampuchea is the prevailing large-scale famine and starvation in that war-tom country. That is a serious humanitarian issue which requires urgent attention by and immediate assistance from the world community. If nothing is done to alleviate the situation, it will produce a new exodus ofKampuchean people into neighbouring countries, thus creating further tension as well as threatening regional peace and stability. 182. In this regard, the Thai Government welcomes the efforts being made by international organizations and interested donor countries to send food relief to Kampuchea and will continue to render its full co- operation in those relief efforts. It is only logical to expect that the food should reach the Kampuchean civilian population, for whom it is intended, directly on a non-discriminatory basis, and that such relief aid should not serve to prolong the fighting and bloodshed in Kampuchea. 183. The effort at this Assembly ofThailand and other countries members of ASEAN with regard to the Kampuchean situation is to call for continued world efforts to arrive at a political and not a military solution to this problem. Continuation ofa military solution will only add to the untold misery and deprivation already suffered by the Kampuchean people and it could lead to grave consequences for the region and for the world as a whole. We therefore continue to support any peaceful political solution to the conflict that is acceptable to the Kampuchean people themselves and that will ensure the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of that war-ravaged country. In pursuit of these aims, we believe that this world Organization would be in a unique position to make a lasting contribution if it were entrusted with a peace-keeping role in the area of con- flict. Furthermore, under the auspices of the United Nations or of its Secretary-General, an appropriate op- portunity could be found and facilities provided for the parties concerned to engage in a dialogue with a view to finding a durable peaceful solution to the conflict. In any event, the demands of the situation require that all peace-loving nations here in this Assembly should work together for the cause of peace in South-East Asia, as well as for the right to self-determination for Kampu- cheans and all peoples in the region. A positive solution to the Kampuchean problem will no doubt contribute significantly to the efforts of South-East Asian countries in the realization of the concept of the establishment of a zone of peace, freedom and neutral- ity in the region. 184. The establishment of a zone of peace in South- East Asia remains one ofthe goals to which the ASEAN countries are committed. We continue to look forward to the day when that region will be free from major Power rivalry and interlerence, and all the nations in the area can live in peaceful coexistence with one another. Although it is the main responsibility of the 185. Let me now tum to one of the grave problems facin~ mankind today, a problem closely linked to the confllcts in Indo-China, that is, the Indo-Chinese refugees. 186. Since the end of the tragic Viet Nam warin 1975, hundreds of thousands of displaced persons have left Laos, Kampuchea and Vietnam for new opportunities elsewhere. Recently the plight of the boat people from Viet Nam has attracted much publicity and captured the world's attention. However I from 1975 on displaced persons from Laos and Kampuchea have trekked over- land into Thailand and the influx continues unabated. Today there are approximately 200,000 such "land cases" in Thailand who are being given temporary shel- ter, food, clothing and medical care in additional to another 7,000 boat cases from Viet Nam and Kam- puchea. My country, purely for humanitarian reasons, has agreed to give temporary refuge to them, pending permanent resettlement in third countries. But this large and continuing influx has created a multitude of security, political and socio-economic problems for Thailand and has imposed on the Thai Government and people a heavy financial and administrative burden, which is only partially alleviated by assistance from the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, as well as from other international sources. Many of these displaced persons have been in Thailand for over three years, and so far only one in every 10 displaced Laotians and Kampucheans has been re- patriated for resettlement elsewhere. We in Thailand became convinced that the heavy burden involving the Indo-Chinese refugees, both the land and the boat cases, must be shouldered by the whole international community, and not just left to the transit countries in South-East Asia alone. This conviction of ours was further reinforced when over 80,000 Kampucheans came over into Thailand by land in the aftennath of Vietnamese armed intervention against Kampuchea, thus imposing an extraordinary burden on Thailand and creating grave dangers to its security and stability. 187. When the Prime Minister of the United King- dom, Mrs. Margaret Thatcher, proposed that an inter- national conference be convened under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to con- sider the problem of refugees and displaced persons in South-East Asia, my Government strongly supported it. The Thai delegation subsequently took an active part in the Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons con- vened by the Secretary-General in Geneva on 20 to 21 July of this year. The international community at long last showed a greater willingness to share the heavy humanitarian burden with countries of first transit in concrete and. meaningf~l Y:'ays. The resettlement places offered by third countnes mcreased to 260,000 and $US 190 million in cash and kind were pledged. The Govern- ment of Japan generously offered to cover half of the budget for the High Commissioner's operations in South-East Asia. My delegation would like to express once again our deep appreciation to the Secretary- General for his personal efforts in convening the Geneva Meeting to deal with the humanitarian aspects ofthe problem. While the results were encouraging, we 188.. I wish .to reiterat.e here the principles which the ThaI del~g~tIon submitted. at the Geneva meeting. These pnnc~plesmust be stnctly adhered to if we are to have an eqUItable and successful humanitarian solution to the problem of Indo-C.hinese refugees and displaced persons. They are: first, III any effort to solve the prob- lem, equality must be given to both land and boat cases' secondly, more processing centres must be established' p~rti<;:ularly i!l Viet N~m and other countries of origin: WIth mternatlOnai assIstance and under the High Com- missioner's auspices, for both land and boat cases' thirdly, those who have been the longest in temporary camps or processing centres must be given prior oppor- tunities for resettlement in third countries. 189. At Geneva, regrettably, it was deemed politically advantageous not to examine the root-cause of the de- parture ofso many refugees and displaced persons from the three Indo-Chinese States. It was pointed out that this was better left to another appropriate meeting at a later stage. Subsequently, however, political consid- erations seemed to paralyse further initiatives, and the idea of a follow-up meeting dissipated. In this connex- ion, the Thai Government is of the opinion that no durable solution of the land cases emanatingfrom Kam- puchea and Laos is possible unless and until we tackle the problem at its root. During the Geneva Meeting, Viet Nam undertook "for a reasonable period of time" to stem the illegal outflow of "boat people". Thailand and its partners in ASEAN welcomed this commitment on the part of Viet Nam. In this respect, it is the fervent hope of the Thai Government that a similar agreement reached recently between Thailand and Laos will help stem the illegal flow of people from Laos into Thailand. In Kampuchea, the root-cause of the problem is the foreign armed intervention and the continued fighting there. Another factor is the widespread famine in that war-ravaged country. Unless fighting stops and a peaceful condition returns, with due recognition of the political and other rights of the Kampuchean people, there will be no lasting solution to the refugee problem. 190. As for the future, my Government would support the conveningof an appropriate international forum to deal comprehensively with the land cases in South-East Asia in order to find effective solutions to this serious problem confronting all of us in the international community. 191. Another grave problem confronting the interna- tional community, especially the youth of today, is that ofnarcotics. Thailand has been engaged in major efforts with the United Nations and like-minded nations to eradicate the illegal production of narcotics and to dis- rupt drug trafficking via Thailand. The many significant seIzures ofopium and heroin inThailand during the past year, as well as the arrest of major drug traffickers, testify to the strong determination of my Government to expurgate this evil. Meanwhile, the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control has, for the past five years, been performing commendable services through ItS programme to encourage hill-tribe farmers in my country to change from poppy cultivation to other crops. It has, furthermore, been helping to develop 192. I tum now to economic problems. During the past 12 months the world has been faced with increas- mgly grave economic difficulties. Inflation and unem- ployment have reached a new high in many countries. Protectionism has unfortunately increased, foreign trade has slowed down and the rate ofeconomic growth has been slow and erratic. The developing countries have found it more and more difficult to finance reason- able rates of development. This universal problem has been further exacerbated by recent substantial in- creases in the prices ofenergy-related products. There have been some improvements here and there, such as the recent trade negotiations undertaken by parties to GATT and the agreement on the fundamental elements of a common fund for commodities, the employment of quotas and the increase in special drawing rights in September 1978. But, on the whole, those ongoing multilateral negotiations have failed to achieve ade- quate results commensurate with the existing magni- tude of the need. 193. A new impetus in the North-South negotiations is needed. This could be achieved only through the exhibition by all parties concerned ofa real political will to reach practical solutions. The international commu- nity needs to move vigorously in two areas specifically. First, negotiations on the implementation of the New International Economic Order need to be stimulated and brought out ofthe present stalemate. Secondly, the world energy problem needs to be solved by a co- ordinated and imaginative effort on the part of the whole international community. Thailand supports the view of the Group of 77 that the international energy problem should be discussed in the context of global negotiations within the United Nations, with the parti- cipation of all countries and in relation to such other issues as the problems of development, financial and monetary reforms and international trade and com- modities, all of which have an important bearing on the establishment of the New International Economic Or- der. My delegation believes that the United Nations, which is well equipped with machinery for intergovern- mental discussions and negotiations, is the ideal forum where all these efforts could best be carried out. 194. I should also like to take this opportunity to offer my delegation's warm welcome to Saint Lucia, the newest and one hundred fifty-second Member of our world Organization, admitted at the beginning of this session. 195. Lastly, I tum to the role of the United Nations itself. To the oft-heard question whether this world Organization is in a position today to contribute effec- tively to the solution of the problems confronting the international community, in my delegation's opinion the answer is an unreserved "yes". One ofthe principal roles of this Organization, through its various organs, is to help form world opinion on some ofthe most pressing issues, to create an awareness of the problems con- fronting individual countries or the world community as a whole and then to find constructive and durable solu- tions for them. It is with such faith in the continuing usefulness of the United Nations that my country 197. I take this opportunity also to thank his predeces- sor, Ambassador Lievano, for the manner in which he conducted the previous session of the General Assembly. 198. Early this year I had the honour and pleasure of representing my country at the independence celebra- tions in Saint Lucia. It is therefore a matter ofparticular pleasure for me to welcome it to our Organization and to extend our co-operation to it. 199. Nine years ago today, Fiji became a Member of the United Nations. The intervening nine years have for us been full of excitement in our endeavours to build a nation based on tolerance and mutual understanding. We have had our successes, and our disappointments also. However, the experience ofbeing independent, of being able to decide things for ourselves, has been exhilarating and challenging. 200. We have during this same period enlarged our circle of friends, first within the region. We have witnessed the emergence of new nations in the South Pacific-Papua New Guinea, Tuvalu, the Solomons, and Kiribati. We look forward to the New Hebrides next year assuming its rightful place, and we also hope that others too in the South Pacific will join the expand- ing group of independent States in the region. 201. Since becoming independent we have tried to foster regional co-operation because we believe that for us in the South Pacific, scattered, as we are, over a large expanse of ocean, there are pmblems that are best resolved on a regional basis. Arising out of this belief, we have encouraged and participated very actively in the establishment and development of several regional institutions: the University of the South Pacific, the South Pacific Forum and its executive arm the South Pacific Bureau for Economic Co-operation, the South Pacific Commission and, the most recently created the South Pacific Fishery Agency. ' 202. Speaking of widening our circle of friends, we have been more than encouraged by the wide range of assistance we have received from many since we be- came independent. In particular, we are grateful to our near neighbours Australia and New Zealand to the ~nited Kingdom and the European Economic Commu- mty, among others, and, finally, to the United Nations itselfand its specialized agencies. The fact that we are a party to the Lome Convention II has provided us with a unique opportunity to forge new links with Africa. It has ~so giv~n us a ~etter per~pective and insight con- cernmg.t\fnca and its aspiratIOns to social, economic and political betterme.nt. Moreover, this membership has enabled us to contmue our contacts with the Carib- II ACP-EEC Convention of Lome, signed on 28 February 1975 at Lome. For the text, see document A/AC.176/7. 204. Equally, another most important advantage of being a Member ofthe United Nations is the opportun- ity it affords us to participate in the discussion ofa wide ran~e of issues many of which affect us nationally, regIOnally and on the international level. Again, Our participation on an equal footing with many others who are better endowed with resources is an advantage that we value very greatly. In this regard we have attempted to play an active role, especially through our member- ship of the Special Committee on decolonization, UNDP and, of course, the Third United Nations Con- ference on the Law of the Sea, to name but a few areas. These are very positive elements in our experience as a Member. 205. An area in which we have always had great in- terest and concern is that of human rights. We are concerned because our own society is a multiracial, multicultural and multireligious one, and, in our view in such a society great care and sensitivity are needed t~ ensure that no segment ofthe community is deprived in any way. 206. We are of course saddened and discouraged by the continued violations of human rights in many parts of the world. We feel that violations, especially those t~at. t~e place under the pretext of national security, dimimsh and lower the esteem in which our Organiza- tion should be held. 207. What makes it more disconcerting is that there are some who are ready to stand on the prosecutor's chair and point at others when their own record will not stand up to close scrutiny. At times, elements within our Organization have taken it upon themselves to be both judge and jury at the same time. Furthermore, the disparities and the wide gulf existing between the rhetoric uttered in the conference halls and what takes place on the ground has led many of those who are well disposed towards our Organization to lose their sense of equanimity. We also find a tendency for some to go by the letter of the law, so to speak, and to ignore certain realities. Speaking from this rostrum on 2I Oc- tober 1970, our Prime Minister, the Rt. Hon. Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, observed that: "the setting of standards must not assume that there are universal solutions to problems in all parts of the world. There must be particular diagnoses of the problems and special treatment for special cases. "12 208. We have followed with interest and concern the anguish of the boat people. We are encouraged by the 209. While major international political difficulties re- main unresolved, we are encouraged by some actions and movements oflate. On Zimbabwe, for instance, we hope that the meeting now being held in London will lead to a happy and satisfactory conclusion for all concerned. 210. The resolution of the complex Middle East issue is urgent because genuine peace has remained elusive for the last 32 years. Speaking from this rostrum last year, 13 the representative of my delegation welcomed the bold initiatives that led to the Camp David agreements 14 and the signing of the peace' treaty be'· tween Egypt and Israel. IS We have continued to follow closely the turn ofevents, including such developments as the recent Israeli withdrawal from some occupied territories, such as the Egyptian Sinai. But much re- mains to be done, for there are still Arab areas under Israeli occupation. If a just and enduring solution is to emerge in this long-troubled region, it is imperative that continued efforts be directed towards the attainment of a comprehensive solution, embracing all aspects of the question, including the national rights of the Palestinian people. 211. There is a wide consensus that the matter of Palestinian rights is at the heart of the Middle East question. It would therefore seem important to bring the Palestinian representatives into the negotiating pro- cesses. Recently, there have been some signs ofcontact and dialogue. We believe that such dialogue and discus- sions offer encouraging prospects for the peaceful.solu- tion of the entire problem. However, it needs to be reiterated that ajust and lasting peace in the area could result from the recognition of the inalienable right ofthe Palestinian people to their national homeland, as well as the acceptance of the rights of all States in the region, including that of Israel, to exist within secure and rec- ognized borders. 212. While we have been encouraged by the Camp David initiative and the subsequent discussions be- tween the parties involved, we have nevertheless noted with dismay the recent decisions concerning Israeli settlements and the sale of occupied Arab lands. We view these actions as counter-productive to the ongoing negotiations. 213. We continue to note with concern the inevitable effects on Lebanon of events in the Middle East only too often with tragic consequences. For Lebanon's 13 Ibid. Thirty-third Session, Plenary Meetings, 28th meeting, paras. 34-67. 14 A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David and Framework for the Conclusion ofa Peace Treaty between Egypt'and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 15 Treaty of Peace between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel, signed at Washington on 26 March 1979. 214. Following a spate of violence, from which the practice of the so-called pre-emptive strikes cannot be divorced, a fragile peace appears to exist in Lebanon today. We are concerned at the continued attacks on targets in southern Lebanon, particularly when these affect civilian populations. We therefore appeal to all to exercise maximum restraint and thereby allow full nor- mality to return to the area. 215. It was because of our firm commitment to inter- national peace and security that we decided to contrib- ute to the United Nations peace-keeping efforts in Lebanon. I need not dweH on the importance of the United Nations efforts in this regard, for the Secretary- General has treated this subject with his usual elo- quence in his annual report to this Organization [A/34/ I],. What must be recalled, though, is that peace- keeping responsibilities need not be the exclusive do- main of some. For, after all, the maintenance ofglobal peace and security remains the dominant preoccupa- tion of this world Organization, and our practical con- tributions towards this end should, we believe, cor- respond with the solemn pledges that we undertook in accepting the provisions ofthe United Nations Charter. 216. Fiji remains committed to its participation in the United Nations peace-keeping operations in Lebanon. However, it would be less than honest of me not to mention the drain on our limited financial resources as a result of our participation. We are sure that other troop contributors to this most difficult peace-keeping opera- tion, especially those from developing countries, also feel the financial strain. Yet, this would not be the situation ifMember States adhered to their obligation to contribute to the peace-keeping operations of the United Nations. We call on the General Assembly to make a bold decision on this question during this ses- sion. The responsibility of peace-keeping is an interna- tional one and should not be left to the few. We hope that the rhetoric displayed by most ofus on the question of peace will be matched by positive action, The Secretary-General, who is carrying out the direction of the Security Council in this regard, is placed in an impossible position when some refuse to honour their obligations. 217. We are encouraged to note that the formal adop- tion of a convention by the Third United Nations Con- ference on the Law of the Sea is envisaged for August 1980. Such an accomplishment would give a tremen- dous uplift to international co-operation within the United Nations system at a time when other multilat- eral negotiations now taking place within the framework of the United Nations are clearly facing difficulties. It is essential that all States should take urgent heed of the dangers of any further delay and reassess their positions to complete the long-sought convention. Any delay will not only jeopardize a ra- tional use of the seas and its resources but will also ca~t a dark cloud on the ability of the United Nations to act as a forum for multilateral negotiations. mg countries, such as my own, which are small islands. Under the protection of the newly recognized jurisdic- tions, fishing has become a significant export industry for my country. There is promise of substantial growth ofthis industry. However,like many others, we require assistance to develop these resources and co-operation in their rational use. 219. The most important species of fish that our fish- ing industry is dependent upon is tuna, and we call upon all States to recognize our sovereign rights over that species and other migratory species in our 2oo-mile exclusive economic zone. Such a recognition by all would be in accordance with the accepted norms ofthe law of the sea and is vital to our new industry. No form of assistance can be a substitute for the legitimate rec- ognition of our sovereign rights over our own re- sources. In this respect, we look forward to the co- operation of distant-water fishing countries which have fleets in the region. We hope that it will not be necessary to ask the General Assembly to request an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on this issue. 220. In order to secure an orderly development ofnew jurisdictions over the living resources of our seas, Fiji has joined in regional co-operation with other South Pacific countries to set up the South Pacific Fishery Agency, whose main function is to harmonize fisheries policies in the region and to adopt a co-ordinated ap- proach in their negotiations with distant-fishing countries. Although the South Pacific Fishery Agency is restricted to the countries members of the South Pacific Forum, a study is being made of the desirability of setting up a wider organization to include countries from outside the South Pacific with fishing fleets in the region to co-ordinate the conservation of highly migra- tory species such as tuna. It is our hope that our aspira- tions to develop a rational regime for the living re- sources of our region will acquire the full support and co-operation of all the countries concerned. 221. It would be superfluous and time-consuming were I to repeat the litany of outstanding economic issues which remain unresolved. Suffice to say that my delegation is hopeful that the ongoing international ne- gotiations, some of which unhappily have come to a dead stop, will eventually lead to mutually satisfactory conclusions between the developed and developing countries_ 222. Yet, one problem remains to be singled out be- cause of the heavy burden it has imposed on economies such as ours. I refer to the ever-increasing cost of imported fuel. 223. Apart from the immediate needs of finding the necessary funds to pay for imported fuel, the long-term effects of this on development can be catastrophic. As we area non-producer of oil, the high cost of imported fuel has severely eroded our slender balance of pay- ments. This, we believe, is an area which requires ur- 225. Within the Pacific Islands, the South Pacific Bureau of Economic Co-operation is being asked to establish a regional alternative energy programme and to monitor the terms under which we buy oil. On the global level, we feel that the international community will need to deal vigorously with the energy issue and launch a co-ordinated and imaginative effort in this field and, in particular, to address itself to the urgent prob- lems of the oil-importing developing countries. In this regard, we also look forward to participating actively in the preparatory work ofthe United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy scheduled for 1981. 226. We also wish fully to associate ourselves with the declaration of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 [A/34/533 and Corr. 1, annex] calling for specific action to overcome economic problems arising from the handicaps facing the land-locked and island developing countIies as well as the economic problems facing the most seriously affected countries. 227. Consistent with the need to overcome the impact ofour special problems, Fiji actively participated in the negotiation of the new Lome Convention between the European Economic Community and African, Carib- bean and Pacific States. We have, of course, received relieffrom its STABEX scheme 16 and, despite its many short-comings, the scheme is tangible and operational. For countries such as Fiji, which depend greatly on their export earnings, the establishment of a scheme of stabilization of earnings will help the achievement of our development goals. Under its Sugar Protocol, Fiji, like other ACP sugar producers, has benefited greatly from the guarantee of a stable and reasonably re- munerative market. 228. The Lome agreement is an important beginning. It is a model of compromise and accommodation. It is, we think, a symbol of what can be achieved by positive and purposeful negotiations. But above all, it is a tangi- ble instrument for the reordering of the economic rela- tions of more than one-third of the Members of the United Nations. 229. This session marks the end of a decade and foreshadows what the world is likely to meet in the 1980s. It is so easy to become discouraged or to be complacent. Though no major war took place, proxy wars continue to be fought in many parts of the world. And in many parts of the world also, peace often re- 230. We believe that, in the coming decade, the United Nations itself must redouble its efforts in order to break what Pope John Paul II described as ••...the cycles of despair in which are imprisoned all those that lack food, shelter or employment; the cycles of under-development that are the conse- quences of international mechanisms that subordi- nate the human existence to the domination of par- tially conceived economic progress; and finally the inhuman cycles of war that spring from the violation of man's fundamental rights and produces still graver violations of them."

On behalf of my Government, and also on my own behalf, I should like to convey to Ambas- sador Salim A. Salim our warm congratulations upon his unanimous election to the presidency of this ses- sion. That election is the eloquent testimony of the international community to his competence, his sense of responsibility, and his dedication not only to the cause of Africa but also to that of our Organization. Today more than ever we need those qualities in order to find the right path that will lead us towards the proper solutions to the problems of our world, which has been shaken by so many upheavals. 232. We also extend our congratulations to the former President, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, who guided the work of the thirty-third session with so much skill and efficiency. 233. Finally, we address our congratulations to the Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his tireless efforts to maintain the credi- bility and effectiveness of our Organization. 234. I should also like to take this opportunity to welcome Saint Lucia to the international community and to assure it of our co-operation. 235. Our Organization was born of the will of the States which are its Members to be the guarantor ofthe peace justice and well-being of the whole of mankind. My c~untry has been and remains firmly attached to these principles. 236. .. Mauritania is a peaceful country and has always aspired to be an element in bringing countries closer together and not an element of division, an element of balance and not one of discord or confrontation. 237. In keeping with this tradition, we wished to put an end once and for all, at least for our part, to the war which has been raging in our region for four years..In signing the Algiers Agreement of 10 August 1979 WIth the Frente POLISARIO [A/34/427-S/13503, annex 1], my country has clearly indicated its intention to end the 238. The question of the Western Sahara is only one of the numerous and painful problems which our conti- nent of Africa is facing, particularly in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. 239. In mentioning the scourge of southem Africa, I should like here to pay a tribute to one of the greatest sons of our continent, Agostinho Neto. The premature death of President Neto is an irreparable loss for An- gola, for Africa and for the whole ofmankind. It further accentuates the drama of the peoples who live in this part of our continent and who are bravely fighting for their independence and dignity. 240. In Zimbabwe, formerly Rhodesia, the rebellion which has tried to assume legal forms has only further strengthened the determination of the freedom fighters, who consider, as we do also, the so-called elections which have taken place in the Territory as a disguised form of colonization and domination. In its ma- noeuvres, the Rhodesian regime is still continuing to pit Africans against Africans and to interfere in the affairs of the States which border on Zimbabwe by sowing destruction and death there. 241. It is therefore time that our Organization went beyond the stage of theoretical sanctions against the Salisbury rebels in order to adopt measures recom- mended by the Charter so as to impose the rule of law and justice in this part of Africa. 242. We are greatly gratified to see that the United Kingdom, the administering Power, and the other mem- bers ofthe Commonwealth decided during the course of the Meeting of Heads of Government of Common- wealth Countries, held at Lusaka last August to carry out further examination ofthe question in order to find a satisfactory solution to it [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex. para. 15]. We think that the support given to this plan by the front-line countries of Africa, and also the fact that the Patriotic Front has committed itself to the dynamic initiative thus launched, will create an auspi- CIOUS occasion which the United Nations can exploit to help all parties reach a final negotiated solution to the drama of the people of Zimbabwe. The Mauritanian Government, for its part, will continue to give its active and unreserved support to the Patriotic Front until the advent of true and total independence in Zimbabwe. 243. In Namibia, despite the resolutions of the Gen- eral Assembly and the Security Council, and despite the final opinion of the International Court ofJustice, 17 the South African administration continues to impose its presence in a Territory which the United Nations was mandated to lead to independence. 17 Legal Consequences jilr States of tile Continued Presence of South Africa ill Namibia (South West Africa) /I{).tl~it"slanding Secu- rity COIlIlci! Resolutioll276 (1970). AdVISOry OpmllJl1. I,C,J. Reports 245. The degradation ofhuman dignity has in this part ofthe world today reached its nadir. The strengthening of apartheid has led, despite the warnings of our Or- ganization to bantustanization, which today repre- sents a ch~lIenge to the international community. 246. The Immorality Act, the Colour Bar Act, the Native Land Act, the Group Areas Act; in every re- spect, these weapons in the arsenal of laws and rules imposed on the South Mrican people constitute an insult to ethics, justice and right. The paradox is that over the past years, we have been helpless witnesses of this policy of faits accomplis and of the escalation of violence as a consequence of the domination and ex- ploitation of the South Mrican people by the Pretoria administration. 247. The bloody crushing of the Soweto uprisings, and the murder on 12 September 1977 of the leader of the Black Consciousness movement, Steve Biko, have brought about a now irreversible situation of resistance and permanent struggle. 248. But the drama of southern Africa is unfortu- nately not the only one to pose a threat to international peace and security. In the Middle East, Israel continues to defy the international community and to act in viola- tion of the Charter of our Organization and of the res- olutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Se- curity Council. 249. The peoples of Palestine and Lebanon continue to endure occupation, exactions, repression and murderous bombardments to which they are daily sub- jected by the Israeli army. 250. All the attempts undertaken in our Organization or in other forums to find a just and lasting solution to this l problem have been balked by Israeli intransigence and Its determination to continue its policy of occupa- tion and of creeping colonization by occupying the Arab territories. 25 I. However, our Assembly has, in various resolu- tions, worked out the basis of ajust and lasting solution to the problem of the Middle East; it has in fact perceived that the whole solution rests on the recogni- tion of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. In this .connexion, I should like to pay a tribute to the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, and to its President, Ambas- sador Med?une Fall, for the outstanding efforts they have made In respect ofthe recognition ofthe legitimate rights ofthe Palestinian people. The General Assembly endorsed the recommendations of the Committee [res- olution 33/28 A], which represent an important con- tribution to the sincere efforts already made to resolve this problem. 253. Any attempt to ignore the PLO in the quest for a settlement of the Middle East conflict could only delay a solution to this conflict. My Government will continue to give its steadfast support to the Palestinian people and to their legitimate representative, the FLO, and to the brotl}er Arab States in their bid to liberate their occupied territories; and we should also like to assure our Lebanese brothers of our unyielding support in their struggle for independence and national integrity. 254. Another problem which is still causing great anxiety to the international community is that of ref- ugees. The flow of refugees in Mrica and in South-East Asia is a source of deep concern to the international community. 255. My Government would like to pay tribute to the Secretary-General and to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees for the laudable efforts that they have made in order to improve the situation and the living conditions of those refugees. 256. My Government believes that the application of various conventions, covenants and other rules of law governing the conduct and responsibility of Govern- ments in this matter will greatly assist in improving the situation of the refugees and will help to alleviate their situation. 257. We nevertheless remain convinced that a final solution to this problem lies in respect by all States for the principles contained in the Charter ofour Organiza- tion and, in particular, the principles concerning the settlement of disputes through peaceful means. 258. One of the causes of the exodus of refugees in South-East Asia is the conflict raging in that area. My country has never spared its efforts to try to help the countnes of South-East Asia, and we do indeed hope that understanding, co-operation and solidarity will re- turn to this part of the world, which a long and loyal friendship with the People's Republic of China and other States in this region has taught us to know and appreciate. 259, Colonization, the exploitation of man by man, racism and apartheid, are scourges of our times with which we have unfortunately become too familiar and against which we have been struggling with some suc- cess. But there is another scourge which is an equally dangerous threat to peace and stability in the world, the scourge ofhunger. More than two thirds ofmankind are threatened by famine. A minority ofStates continues to become richer; the remainder of mankind becomes more impoverished year by year. This must change. A frank and fruitful dialogue must be established between rich and poor, between industrialized and under- developed countries; in a word, a new economic order must be established. 261. Since we last met here, the situation which has now come to be known as the North-South dialogue does not seem to have undergone any improvement sufficient to enable the international community to em- ~ark with justified optimism on the third United Na- hons development decade, the framework and objec- tives of which we are now trying to define. 262. This stagnation in a field which comprises ques- tions ofcapital importance and predominates more and more, within our Organization, over all others, what- ever their nature, is even more regrettable since, over the past 12 months, several meetings have been held to discuss such important problems as international trade, science and technology for development, agrarian re- form, rural development and many others. 263. My country, which on many occasions has as- serted and proved its faith in the United Nations as the sole appropriate framework within which world prob- lems such as those that are now arising at the level of international economic relations can be usefullydiscus- sed, placed great hopes in the work of those various meetmgs held under the auspices of the United Nations. 264. These hopes were, we thought, even more well founded since the daily increasing imbalance in trade relations between North and South, the structural deficit characteristicofthe balance ofpayments ofmost developing countries and the hunger and malnutrition to which hundreds of millions ofhuman beings seemed to be condemned for ever constitute just some of the problems which continue to threaten the very survival of mankind. The urgency of the need to find adequate and over-all solutions to these problems no longer needs to be demonstrated, for it is becoming more and more clear that such aneffort is not just in the interests of the developing countries.alone, but in the interests of the international community as a whole. 265. To be sure, it proved possible to arrive at a con- sensus on a certain number of questions such as the programme of assistance to the least advanced countries. But without denying its importance, the re- sults of the fifth session of UNCTAD, held at Manila this summer, seem quite scant ifwe considerthe crucial problems which were included in its agenda-the trans- fer of technology, the indebtedness of developing countries, the international monetary system-for which not even the beginnings of a solution was produced. 266. However, we remain confident that the compe- tent organs of UNCTAD, to which the questions that were not solved in Manila, have been referred, will be able to make headway in studying them. It would in- deed be inadmissible and even dangerous ifthese prob- lems were to remain intact until the sixth session of 267. It is to be hoped that the special session which is to be devoted next year to economic development prob- lems will enable us to remove some of the obstacles which still exist on the long and difficult path towards the establishment of the new international economic order. 268. That is why it is necessary to prepare its work very carefully. The Committee of the Whole Es- tablished under General Assembly Resolution 32/174 has been working on this for more than two years. Born out of the awareness ofthe international community of the need to have within the United Nations itself a central organ entrusted with following and monitoring at the very highest level the implementation of the measures decided on for the establishment of a new, more just and more equitable world order, that Com- mittee should, in our view, given the predominantly political role entrusted to it, constitute the ideal framework for substantial action-oriented negotiations in which precise commitments should be undertaken and precise measures established. 269. The pace of work of the Committee and the re- sults obtained so far, which we can only term as mod- est, unfortunately do not encourage much optimism. However, we are convinced that with greater political will from the developed countries the Committee could successfully complete the task entrusted to it. 270. In conjunction with the preparation for the spe- cial session of the United Nations General Assembly, preparation is under way also for the third United Na- tions development decade. The work ofthe Committee entrusted With detennining the outline of the strategy and defining its objectives 20 does not seem to be going ahead at a pace which would make possible the adop- tion of the strategy at the special session. It is to be hoped that, on a question of such importance for the future ofmankind, solidarity and co-operation will pre- vail in the end. 271. As acountry which is essentiallyagricultural and pastoral, Mauritania attaches special importance to the measures which will be established in the strategy in order to remedy the lag ofthe developing countries in the a~riculturalsector. In this connexion. our participa- tion 10 the work of the World Conference on Agrarian Reform and Rural Development, held recently in Rome, clearly reflects our interest in this question. At its twentieth session, to be held in 1981, the General Conference of FAa should take the measures recom- mended to it by that World Conference, which were designed to help Member States in the implementation of the programme of action. 272. In view of the preponderant role of the ag- ricultural sector in our economy, its evolution and di- 19 Report ofthe United Nations Coriference on Science and Tech- nolofYfor Development, Vienna, 20-31 August 1979(United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.I.21), chaps. VI and VII. 20 Preparatory Committee for the New Intemational Developmenl Strategy. 273. In Africa, this decline is due in part to particu- larly unfavourable climatic conditions, evidenced by a prolonged drought in the countries in the Sudano- Sahelian region. In Mauritania, the effects of this terri- ble scourge are still being felt in all sectors of the na- tional economy, despite the pooling of efforts on the national and international levels. 274. In this connexion, I should like to express once again the gratitude ofthe Mauritanian Government and people to the countries and to the governmental or private organizations that have so generously re- sponded to the appeals made on behalf of our popula- tions, so sorely afflicted by 10 consecutive years of drought. 275. I have come to the end of my statement. On behalf of my Government, I have attempted to em- phasize certain matters that, in our view, affect peace, stability and co-operation in our world, that peace and stability for which our Organization was created.

Mr. President, your ac- complishments are well known to the world body, and your personal competence as a diplomat has been so amply demonstrated that there is no need for me to elaborate further. I would merely wish to congratulate you and to express my delegation's deep satisfaction at your election to the presidency of the General Assem- bly. The honour is not only personally deserved, but it is highly appropriate that it should fall to your country, the UOited Republic of Tanzania. 277. I should also like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation ofthe leadership given the last session ofthe General Assembly by your predecessor, Ambassador Lievano, and to extend ourgood wishes to our Secretary-General as he continues to serve this Organization and its objectives with the dedication and integrity that we know so well. 278. We are extremely pleased to welcome Saint Lucia, a fellow Commonwealth country, as our new neighbour in this Assembly. We were honoured to be present at its.recent independence celebrations, and we are now dehghted to be sitting beside its delegation here. 279. ~aJ!I0~ is in a very tranquil part of the world. T~anqU11hty IS so much a part of our life that we view With deep sympathy the situation of those who live !lnder condi!ions that do not afford them the opportun- Ity to do so I~ peace and dignity. From this viewpoint, ~so we find It not only reprehensible but often even difficult to comprehend the actions and attitudes of those who stand in the way of peace or who fail to embrace opportunities to fashion peace. 281. The international community has been wrestling with the problem of Rhodesia for a long time. The people ofthat unfortunate country have suffered far too long. My country was heartened at the recent Lusaka Meetin~ of Heads of Government of Commonwealth Countnes by the obvious desire of those closest to this issue to work for a lasting solution, once and for all. There must be genuine majority rule in Zimbabwe. We sincerely hope that the London talks that flowed from the Lusaka meeting will pave the way for ajust and free Zimbabwe wherein an atmosphere of confidence and security will prevail for all its citizens. 282. Namibia has also been on the agenda of this world body for far too long. It is a blot on the record of the United Nations that South Africa has been able to defy not only the basic principles of human decency in its affairs, but also the clearly expressed views of the international community, by continuing its illegal occu- pation of Namibia. It is the obligation of the interna- tional community to use every means in its power-be it dialogue or, if that fails, then fully effective sanctions-to convince that country of the folly of its intransigence and isolationism and to persuade it to emancipate the Namibians, to dismantle its in- stitutionalized and abhorrent practices and policies and to return to the community of nations to play the con- structive role it is capable of fulfilling in regional and world development. 283. The Middle East region continues to remain a trouble-spot in the world. We open this session of the General Assembly at a time ofdifficult ongoing dialogue following the signing of the Middle East peace treaty. Samoa is pleased with the positive elements in this major breakthrough and with other initiatives to urge the parties towards a solution. Samoa's position on the Middle East question is clear. Just as our support for Israel's right to exist as a sovereign State within secure and recognized boundaries is fundamental to our ap- proach to the dispute, so, too, is our conviction that the Palestinian people have a right to a homeland and to whatever national status they desire through the exer- cise of self-detennination. 284. The Israelis and the Palestinians, through their legitimate representatives, must recognize these basic principles and must face them squarely. They mustno longer keep each other at arm's length, but both must refrain from terrorism and violence, for such atrocities only serve to keep peace out ofreach and to prolong the agony and suffering of the people of the region. The only justification for any national action or any political stand is the extent to which it achieves the welfare of the people involved. The people of the region deserve peace and an end to antagonism. 285. The courage shown by the leaders of Egypt and ~srae.I in re~e~t months deserves praise and support. It IS dlsappomtmg, however, to see the continuing establishment of Israeli settlements in the occupied 286. The situation in Indochina gives my country cause for deep concern. We feel for the innocent vic- tims. The desperate actions that they have had to take the risks to life, and the hardships they have had t~ endure are fortunately receiving sympathetic response and assistance from the world community. We also feel for the neighbouring countries in the region. 287. It is difficult enough fOr developing countries to build up their economies and improve the well-being of their people without having to cope with the problems imposed by the troubles in Viet Nam and Kampuchea- troubles that are not of their own making but which threaten their security and distract them from the pursuit of the legitimate goals of prosperity and harmony in South-East Asia. Those in and outside the region who are causing or contributing to tension and uncertainty in South-East Asia must refrain from policies and actions which prevent the people of the area from living together in peace and harmony and which violate the basic principles of this Organization. 288. I cannot pass on without expressing our horror at the unspeakable atrocities inflicted on the Kampuchean people by the Pol Pot regime. We hope that it will not be long before the people of Kampuchea and, indeed, the entire region will be free from abuse and harassment. 289. A satisfactory resolution of the situation in Cyprus is still not within sight. The intercommunal talks provide the soundest opportunity for the achieve- ment of a mutually acceptable solution and must be given every encouragement. The Secretary-General's role in reconvening those talks is to be applauded, and we urge all concerned, both Cypriot and non-Cypriot, to respect above all the right of both elements of the CYfriot population to devise together a solution that wil guarantee the rights and freedom of all. 290. My Government has become increasingly alarmed at the seemingly endless reports ofgross, even grotesque, violations of human rights from many areas ofthe world. These practices not only subject people to intolerable indignities but also, as we have seen, upset the peace and stability ofthe regions where they oc~ur. In the United Nations we have procedures and institu- tions to assist in the promotion of human rights, but we feel that these must be strengthened. The United Na- tions must be in a position to take action-and take it speedily-so that these blots on the record of the hu- man race do not continue unchecked, We therefore sUPJ?ort the proposal to establish an office o~ a United NatIOns High Commissioner for Human Rights. No country-unless it has something to hide-shouldfear such a proposal. But if the world body is not yet ready for such an office, then we would support the proposal made by Canada that a person widely accepted by the United Nations membership might be installed as under-secretary-general for human rights [8th meeting, para. 92J. A person of recognized proJ!linence i!1 t,he area of humanitarian causes could help give the pnonty to human rights that we feel is, es.sential to th.e mainte- nance and protection of the digmty of mankmd. 292. It is of great concern to Samoa that, despite all the rhetoric, very little has been achieved in the negoti- ations of the serious economic issues confronting the world as a whole. The North-South dialogue has met neither the aspirations of the developing countries nor even the expectations of the developed countries. 293, The state of the world economy today has reached crisis proportions. This crisis stems in part from the deterioration in the terms of trade, mounting protectionism, soaring inflation, recession, the failure of some developed countries to meet the agreed target for official development assistance, the energy crisis and, most unfortunately, the lack of genuine political will on the part of some developed countries to make the necessary concessions and to engage in meaningful negotiations. The admittedly grim economic experi- ence of the developed countries seems to have so paralysed political wiJl in those countries that the de- mands of those whose circumstances are a great deal more desperate for basic reforms are not even con- sidered but merely parried with recitations of the economic ditliculties of the times. The over-all situa- tion, however, demands courage and boldness ofaction by the developed countries. 294. The world economic crisis has its severest effect on the developing countries, and particularly the poorest or least developed among them. The need for a Just and rational economic system is more urgent now than ever before in view ofthe ever-growing disparities between the economies of the developed and develop- ing countries. In the face of those adverse economic trends, the international community must address and find urgent solutions to remedy the situation, because in the final analysis the ultimate guarantee for interna- tional security and lasting peace and prosperity is the economic well-being of all nations. 295. We are now on the threshold of the third United Nations development decade covering the 1980s and of the special session of the United Nations which will be held next year. We must strive to break the present impasse and seek new initiatives and approaches in order to achieve concrete results on the fundamental issues relating to economic reform. We should like to see emerge out of the special session an innovative and bold response to the challenges of the 1980s. That re- sponse must be realistic, practical and effective. 296. We see the new international development strat- egy for the next decade as an undertaking involving the entire international community. with the specific aim of achieving step by step the objectives ofthe new interna- tional economic order. We are heartened by the posi- tive response so far shown by some developed countries to the proposal by the Group of77 to launch a round of global and sustained negotiations on interna- tional co-operation for development [A/34/34, part three, annex 1]. We hope other developed countries genuinely interested in improving the lot ofthe develop- 298. Discussion of the so-called new economic order in its entirety as a concept, and in an atmosphere of confrontation, too readily conjures up visions of ab- rupt, wide-scale changes and tends to create more ap- prehension and frustration than co-operation. The de- veloping countries are seen to demand these changes in their totality with undisguised impatience. The de- veloped countries, on the other hand, feel threatened by this zealous onslaught and tend to resist instinctively. 299. The continued growth of the developed economies is vital to the economic health of the world, but the growth of developing countries and the utiliza- tion of untapped potential in their economies are also vital and, in the long term, quite essential for the sustained growth of the developed economies. In- terdependence, which is a reality of economic ex- istence today, must be utilized to achieve dynamism in economic relations and thereby global expansion. 300. To bring the discussion of these matters within the framework of the United Nations need not mean abandoning attempts already started in other forums to tackle aspects ofthe problem. The challenge facing the international community is so important and so urgent that every avenue should be explored to find solutions and agreement. 301. I began this statement with a reference to the peacefulness of our rather remote region of the world and the good fortune we generally share in being able to follow the way of life we choose. We have seen in recent years steady progress in the decolonization of the Pacific region. The past 12 months have seen new additions to the ranks of independent countries in the South Pacific. Last year we welcomed the Solomon Islands to this body and noted the newly achieved inde- pendence ofTuvalu. This year has seen the attainment of independence by Kiribati, formerly the Gilbert Is- lands. It is enormously pleasing to us, with our special ties of kinship and experience with our Pacific neigh- bours, to witness those developments and, through long-established mutual co-operation, to have participated in them. 302. The process of evolution towards independence in our region is, of course, far from complete. We continue to watch with interest, for example, political developments in the New Hebrides. Our sympathy for the people ofthe New Hebrides is deep and we continue to look forward to the day when full independence will be theirs. In the words of our regional body, the South Pacific Forum, at its meeting this year, we welcome the progress being made towards independence, and express the hope that all major political groups there will work closely together in preparing for their independence. in~ our own independence. These issues are in our mmds linked with many of the other matters which come before this body and which have their foundation in the struggle against colonialism. The thread is an unbroken one as far as we are concerned. We oppose colonialism and its consequences, wherever they man- ifest themselves, because we cannot accept the notion that one group, whether on a racial, cultural or economic basis, should dominate another. 304. Our geographical isolation does not lessen our anxieties over issues which are ofconcern to this world body. Indeed, some of the gravest issues seem to hit us hardest because of our remoteness. For instance, not only do we get a generous measure of general global inflation, which is automatically imported into our small economies, but in addition, transport costs over the vast distances involved ensure that we get a double dose of inflation directly attributable to soaring oil prices. Nuclear testing was brought to our doorstep because of our remoteness and isolation. Nuclear weapons testing continues to cause alarm to the Pacific region. The atmospheric tests carried out in the past in the South Pacific brought loud objection from the Paci- fic peoples. The few who had voices in this Organiza- tion at that time called for a cessation to the pollution of our atmosphere by nuclear experiments. The others appealed and expressed their protests through what- ever means were open to them; to no avail. 305. Nuclear-weapons testing, though no longer car- ried out in the atmosphere, continues in the South Paci- fic. We regret that the international community has not yet reached agreement on banning all nuclear weapons testing. We urge the early conclusion of a comprehen- sive test-ban treaty. Mankind should be concerned about how it could best survive, not about how it could most efficiently destroy itself. 306. Like many other nations we welcome the treaty concluded as a result of the second round of SALT between the United States ofAmerica and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and we look forward to its ratification. We hold out the hope that these agreements and the experience gained during their implementation, will serve to create an atmosphere conducive to even bolder agreements in the future, not only on nuclear, but also on conventional weapons disarmament. 307. The liberation of our world from conflict and its terrible consequences, as well as from tension inherent in the stockpiling of arms, should be the aim of all nations. Samoa, despite the seemingly intractable prob- lems and obstacles the world community faces, is still hopeful that people everywhere will eventually heed the appeal voiced by Pope John Paul II last week [17th meeting] to respect the rights ofour fellow men so that we can all share this world in harmony.

This Assembly is con- fronted with a startling and, for many, an unacceptable fact: peace is being made in the Middle East. 310. The present general debate, which is now draw- ing to its close, has been largely a repeat performance of last year's. Fearful of embracing the new spirit of dia- logue and negotiation, certain States continue to cling desperately to the empty rhetoric of the past, in an effort to undermine the prospects for peace in the Mid- dle East. 311. They will be unsuccessful. Today the Israel. Egypt Peace Treaty is a fact. Moreover, the peace process is going on. It is producing a new reality, a new dynamic in the Middle East, one which offers the prospect of a brighter and better future for everyone in the Middle East. 312. The Arab rejectionist States, which assembled ih Baghdad in November 1978 at the Ninth Arab Summit Conference, cannot reconcile themselves to these facts. They have therefore declared war on peace and have turned the General Assembly into a battleground against it. 313. The script was written in Havana. The tone ofthe attacks on peace by a long succession ofStates has been shrill and nervous. With good reason; one year ago the Peace Treaty was not a certainty; today the enemies of peace must proceed from the assumption that the nego- tiations being held now on the basis ofthe Camp David Framework accord for the provision of full autonomy for the inhabitants of Judaea, Samaria and the Gaza District2 L will be crowned with success. Given their perverse point of view, they have good reason to worry. 314. I shall not therefore attempt to answer all their hollow charges. However, there are some which cannot be passed over in silence. 315. One of Israel's neighbours had the audacity to pose here as the champion of the Palestinian Arabs. What, one might well ask, was Jordan doing from 1948 to 1967, when it illegally occupied and annexed Judaea and Samaria? The last thing it wanted to hear of then was autonomy for the Palestinian Arabs. When they tried to rebel, that same regime did not hesitate, in 1963 for example, to use tanks to put down the opposition to it, causing some 200 casualties, including 50 dead. When, in the years immediately after the six-day war of 1967, the so-called PLO established a "State within a State" on its territory, the Jordanian regime did not hesitate to use an iron fist, so that many PLO terrorists in September 197o-Black September-came fleeing to seek refuge in Israel. That Arab State which denied the 21 A Framework for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 316. Syria shed crocodile tears about the fate ofArabs living under Israeli administration-Syria, of all countries! Syria-which has brazenly intervened in the internal affairs of Lebanon; which fanned and fuelled the civil war there; which in the name of "peace" bombarded Palestinian refugee camps at Tel al-Zaatar and elsewhere, and then viciously turned its cannon on the Christians in Lebanon; which to this very day keeps more than a third of its army stationed in Lebanon so that ultimately it may realize its dream of incorporating that devastated country into a Greater Syria-Syria does this. Only last week Syria's Minister of Defence renewed his country's threats ofwar against Israe1. Yet Syria has the temerity to pose in this forum as the champion of peace. 317. The Foreign Minister of Saudi Arabia was more elegant, but scarcely more subtle. According to him, the time may come when the rejectionist Arab States will find themselves compelled to adopt certain posi- tions and experience specific and inescapable reactions in defence of their dignity ..." [21st meeting, para. 143]. Let there be no illusions. That statement was a thinly disguised reiteration of Saudi willingness to sup- port the enemies of peace, no matter what the consequences. 318. The virulence and vehemence of the Iraqi con- tribution to the debate came as no surprise. Here is a State-at war with Israel-whose main contribution to the conflict in the Middle East has been confined to posturing and heaping verbal abuse on Israel. Here also tS a State which is vying for hegemony within the Arab world and which is engaging in political opportunism in its frenetic attacks on the Peace Treaty. With a notori- ously ugly record vis-a.-vis its own minorities, armed to the teeth with Soviet weapons, and in the process of going nuclear, Iraq's worn-out demagoguery is worthy only of contempt. 319. The crudity of Iraq's attacks on Israel was out- done only by Libya's. But the force ofLibya's remarks is nullified when one recalls that this is a country which eagerly sent troops in support ofthe barbaric regime of former President Idi Amin in Uganda, and which at present has virtually annexed halfofthe extensive terri- tory of one of its neighbours. In addition, Libya is actively embroiled in many other inter-African con- flicts, over and beyond its role ofpaymaster ofterrorist groups in several parts of the world. 320. As is its wont, the Soviet Union-a country that has done so much for peace in the Middle East and for human rights generally-joined the fray and piled dis- tortion on distortion. In its attempt to subvert the peace process in the Middle East and the spirit of Camp David, the Soviet Union has once again seen fit to rail against the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty, which consti- tutes the first step towards a peace settlement in the entire Middle East. Does the Soviet Union's constant obsession with what it terms "a separate peace" stem perhaps from the fact that the Soviet Union began its 322. In a letter dated 8 July of this year, Mendelevich writes that the prison officials refuse him medication because they claim that "when you are free"-in 1982-"all your illnesses will be gone." 323. As regards the absence of letters from his family over the last year, he wrote: •'I don't believe you've forgotten me. 1 know that you write to me. Sometimes I take the old letters and try to make myself believe that they are new, that I am living together with you still." 324. On behalfofthe State and people ofIsrael, I want to assure you, losef Mendelevich, from this rostrum that you have not been forgotten. 325. Israel reiterates its appeal to the Soviet Union to release Mendelevich and other prisoners ofconscience and permit everyone who seeks to emigrate to Israel and join his people and family to do so----.

I apologize to the representa- tive of Israel for interrupting him, but his time is up. 1 now call on the representative of Viet Nam.

The position of the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam on the problems raised by the head of the delegation ofThaiIand with regard to my country was very clearly set forth by the head ofthe delegation of my country before the Assembly on 28 September last [13th meeting]. 238. Because of the very late hour and in order not to tax the patience ofthe Assembly, 1shall not repeat what was said then. But my delegation must reject categori- cally the slanderous allegations ofthe head of the dele- gation ofThailand directed against my country. Every- body knows thatThailand has taken part actively, at the side ofthe imperialists, in the war of aggression against Viet Nam, Cambodia and Laos. IfThailand persists in the errors of the past by adopting a hostile attitude towards the threepeoples ofIndo-China, that attitude in itselfis contrary to the interests ofThaiIand as well as to the interests of peace and stability in South-East Asia.

1 apologize for taking the floor at such a late hour. I do not wish to take the time of this Assembly or that of its members, for we are anxious to preserve this time that is limited; yet I feel compelled to 330. This is our position, which we have repeatedly stated and we state once more. But despite all this there is a certain category ofpersons who find it very difficult to understand. The minds ofsuch persons are closed to any kind ofunderstanding. I should not therefore waste my time, nor that of this Assembly, in trying to make them understand. 33 I. This Assembly has itself condemned Zionist Is- raeli aggression against the Arab territories, as it has also repeatedly condemned the Zionist entity in Israel. For these reasons there are two possibilities: either the overwhelming international majority is right or the Zionist entity and its scant number ofallies, such as the racist regimes in Africa and the former Somoza regime, are right. Either the General Assembly is right or those regimes are right. That is left to the discretion ofevery delegation and of every person who has a sufficient degree ofobjectivity to pass judgement independently. 332. A final word-and I apologize in anticipation for having'to say it. I feel nothing less than contempt for those who waste the time of this Assembly with such absurdities as those we heard a few minutes ago, which had been prepared a long time in advance.

I should like to remind everybody here-and a reminder could be useful-that when the General As- sembly adopted its resolution on partition in 1947 [res- olution 181 (II)], Israel did not abide by the partition resolution, and started to wage attacks and assaults in order to grab as much Palestinian territory as it could. The Jordanian army managed to save Arab Jerusalem and what remained of the West Bank. 334. After Israel had made all those seizures, the Arab people of the West Bank held several conferences in order to decide their destiny. A conference was con- vened in Jericho in 1948 and 1949, another in Amman and a third in Nablus. The result ofall three conferences was that unity with the eastern bank of Jordan was decided on and the unification process took its constitu- tional form in 1950. The unification decision was clear: it was not to have any impact on the final solution ofthe Palestinian cause. That is to say, Jordan was fully aware, from the very outset, of the need to safeguard the Palestinian cause and Palestinian identity, contrary to what the representative of Israel claims. 335. Since then, since unity emerged, the Jordanian people have participated with the Palestinian people in the task of reconstruction and work. Economic and political developments have taken place. That is why I see no justification for the crocodile tears being shed by the representative oflsrael over events that never hap- pened, such as when he accuses the Jordanian au- thorities of having beaten the citizens of Nablus. 336. ante again I should like to affirm that Jordan was aware from the very outset of the need to safeguard Palestinian identity. 338. Perhaps the representative of Israel may one day admit that those among the outlaws who fled to the West Bank were indeed agents sent by Israel to sow the seeds of unrest and disturbance in Jordan. 339. As for the Israeli representative's claim that Jordan did not safeguard the Holy Places, this is com- pletely false. Jordan has believed and still believes in freedom of movement with regard to the Holy Places, and it has always safeguarded them. 340. The allegations ofthe representative oflsrael can never change facts.

The General Assembly and the representatives sitting in various Committees have now become quite ac- customed to hearing a speech repeated every year by the representative ofthe Zionist racist entity. The same accusations are being made and the same lies are being attributed undeservedly to the Arab States and their different regimes. The reason for this is evident. 342. The Zionist representative has insulted Arab re- gimes without exception. He has also continually ac- cused the Arab countries of always endeavouring to arm themselves and to mobilize their people in order to swoop down upon the said entity and wipe it out. I think there is nothing new in these words. 343. What is new is that the Zionist representative now accuses Iraq of resorting to nuclear armament. There is an Arab saying that could be applied almost exactly to this accusation: we say it is a case of the accused almost saying "apprehend me". 344. Everyone knows that the Arab group has pro- posed the addition of an item to the agenda of this session under the title" Israeli nuclear armament" [AI 341142]. This session will in fact witness a discussion of this subject, and the representatives will listen to pre- cise information on the volume and gravity of Israeli nuclear armament, and how far it constitutes a threat- not only for peace in the Middle East but in other parts of the world as well. 345. Everybody knows that Iraq is one of the countries which have signed the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, and we know likewise that other Arab countries have also signed that Treaty. But the Zionist entity, which allegedly is striv- ing for peace, has not signed it. 347. When we acquire arms, we do so because we want to be able to defend ourselves against Zionist aggression, against the occupation ofourterritories and the massacres of our people. 348. Israel has occupied Arab territories and con- tinues to occupy them. It has evicted a whole'people, and continues to evict Arabs. Israel has disregarded all the relevant United Nations resolutions and continues to do so. How can then the Zionist racist representa- tive, the enemy of the simplest resolutions of this As- sembly, speak. of other States and charge them with actions of which they are utterly innocent? 349. The Zionist representative believes that, byac- cusing us first of trying to acquire nuclear arms, he can influence the views of representatives. But the reality cannot be changed. Very trustworthy information is going to be presented to the Assembly, and at that time we will talk about all the facts.

The Jordanian representa- tive has again tried to falsify the history of the Middle East but, as is well known, the Arab countries, includ- ing Transjordan, vowed to destroy General Assembly resolution 181 (II) of29 November 1947 and then set out to destroy it by the force of arms. Transjordan-that was the name of his country at the time-illegally in- vaded the territory of the Palestine Mandate in May 1948 in clear violation of the United Nations Charter. United Nations resolutions of 1948 amply bear out this statement and are clear witness to the fact, and no amount offalsification by the Jordanian representative here can alter those well-known facts. 351. The destruction by the Jordanians of more than 50 synagogues in the Jewish quarter ofJerusalem's Old City bears testimony, of course, to the respect which Jordan professed to display to Jerusalem's Holy Places. So did the desecration of the ancient Jewish cemetery on the Mount of Olives. 352. The representative of Iraq apparently forgot that we are still in the general debate. That is why he pulled out his standard speech, which he apparently intends to use here irrespective of the agenda item under discus- sion. But we are, of course, used to hearing this wom- out record, and there is no reason why I should detain the General Assembly by responding to it.