A/34/PV.29 General Assembly

3 Almost a month ago, Africa and the world learned the sad news of the premature death of President Agostinho Neto, which caused immense pain to the hearts of millions of Angolans. The political stature of Agostinho Neto is matched only by the great- ness of the Angolan revolution. Mr. Neto's contribu- tion to the liberation of the peoples of the world far exceeds the geographical limits ofAngolaand ofAfrica, and has attained a universal dimension. May I be al- lowed to pay a last heartfelt tribute to the memory ofthe unforgettable leader and founderofthe Angolan nation, . the long-time companion-in-arms of Affiilcar Cabral and Eduardo Mondlane, the poet whose example and whose devotion to the noble cause of his people, to freedom, peace and the building of a free and prosper- ous Angola will remain forever engraved in the memories of all peoples that love peace and freedom. 29. It is a particularpleasure for me, Mr. President, on behalf of the delegation of my country, Guinea-Bissau, which it is my singular honour to represent, to address to you sincere congratulations on your unanimous elec- tion to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly. Your election is a tribute by the international community to your outstanding qualities as a diplomat and experienced politician, qualities J Mr. Saude Maria spoke in Portuguese. The French version of his statement was supplied by the delegation. 30. 1should also like to pay a tribute to the Secretary- General of our Organization, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to express to him our long-standing sympathy and to reit- erate ou r appreciation of his devotion and his untiring efforts on behalf of peace, justice and international detente, whereby he has ennobled the mission and pres- tige of the United Nations. 31. I am particularly pleased to note the presence among us of the delegation of Saint Lucia, whose ad- mission to full membership in our great family of na- tions enhances the universality of our Organization. 32. The second half of the twentieth century-the century of freedom-has been marked by popular struggles for national liberation. In Africa, in Asia and in Latin America, empires that were veritable bastions of colonialism have crumbled after several centuries of construction. In the aftermath of this phenomenon, we are witnessing the entry on to the international political scene of dozens of young States from the ruins of the colonial past, and this is a decisive factor in the trans- formation of today's world. We have witnessed the advancement of a part of mankind and its decisive and ~ualitative leal' forward in the inevitable process of lIberation withm the over-all framework of the liberat- ing dynamics of our era. 33. Here and there, however, the tidal wave of op- pression persistently threatens the peoples of the world. Hotbeds of tension are still being fueIled and conflicts are being fomented and controlled from afar. Blame for this must be laid on the enemies of freedom and of the emancipation of peoples. Often, political, economic and cultural oppression reaches such propor- tions that it actually becomes colonization. And in many cases, and particularly where colonial domina- tion is exercised by minority and racist regimes over a large majority, the violence of oppression becomes an open scandal and forces popular resistance to take the form of armed struggle, the sole means for asserting legitimate aspirations to freedom, peace and social justice. 34. Such is the phenomenon we are witnessing in southern Africa, in Western Sahara, in the Middle East and East Timor, where revolutionary violence, faced with the violence of oppression, makes armed resist- ance legitimate. 35. Everyone agrees that there has been a change on the political chess-board of southern Africa. Minority and racist regimes in that part of the African continent, faced with the stubborn struggle of the freedom fighters of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa, are attempt- ing to work out new fonnulas of neo-colonialist com- promise designed to perpetuate their domination. 36. The disturbing development of the situation in Namibia, and the creation of a so-called black majority government following the so-called internal settlement 37. The elements of this change are essentially the result of the action taken by vanguard organizations- the Patriotic Front, SWAPO and the African National Congress ofSouth Africa-within the framework ofthe new balance of forces established by the accession to independence of the former Portuguese colonies as a whole, in particular Angola and Mozambique. 38. In another respect, the conflicting internal convul- sions within the minority racist regimes, which find it impossible to continue the exploitation of the black majority under their own system, as well as the in- creased international awareness of the inhuman nature of the situation constitute additional elements of the situation now prevailing in southern Africa. 39. South Africa is experiencing an economic crisis as a result ofthe recession in the capitalist world, the fall in investments and the restrictive practices of apartheid that hinder the fuIl use of that country's human and material resources. That crisis explains the motives of the advocates of apartheid, in league with the im- perialist Powers, in concocting alternative solutions to the problems of Zimbabwe and Namibia. 40. In fact, we have witnessed oflate a vast number of manoeuvres aimed at eliminating from the political scene liberation movements representing the legitimate interests and profound aspirations to independence of the peoples ofthat region. Efforts are being made to set up puppet regimes, including governments on the model of the South African bantustan regimes. In Namibia, the creation of a so-called "constituent as- sembly" cannot be interpreted otherwise than as the prelude to a proclamation ofunilateral independence by the racist settlers and their black agents. 41. We cannot accept such a de facto situation. Simi- larly, in Zimbabwe, we are already confronted with a racist puppet regime that was set up following a so- called internal settlement concocted by the racists. Rhodesia is a colony of the United Kingdom under the rules of international law. Its constitution is an illegal one because it is the product ofan illegal regime, has no le~a1 status and no political authority or moral force to WIn acceptance of the results of the sham election that was held in that Tenitory. This is a fundamental fact that deserves consideration by all those who speak out on behalfofhuman rights. It is thus becoming clear that the changes that have occurred in the political situation in southern Africa aimed at finding new alternatives to the earlier forms ofdomination employed by the minor- ity and racist regimes are, more than anything else, the result of the armed struggle waged by the Patriotic Front and SWAPO. Because they are engaged in a national liberation struggle which is difficult and painful and because we have had a similar experience, the freedom fighters of Zimbabwe and Namibia appear to us to be the most genuine defenders of the ideals of the Charter of our Organization. Am(Jcar Cabral would have said that they are the anonymous fighters of the United Nations. Thus we are deeply disturbed. 42. We wish to stress in this Assembly the danger to the United Nations of the adoption of any position not reflecting the popular will of the black majority on the situation in southern Africa in general and, in particu- national liberation movements and those of the front- line countries, would pave the way to the exercise of power by the true representatives of the black ma- Jorities in those countries. 44. Any other action would be a denial of the basic principles of the United Nations and would jeopardize its foundation and objectives. We believe that our aim must be to sensitize the entire international community and encourage it to adopt the joint position of the OAU and the United Nations, which have spoken out in favour of the creation of conditions in southern Mrica conducive to the free exercise of the right ofpeoples to self-determination and independence and for the emergence of a political system that would be the choice of the African peoples of the continent. 45. It must be stressed also that it is the innocent peoples ofZambia, Angola and Mozambique in particu- lar which bear the heavy burden of the war of aggres- sion being conducted by the minority racist regimes, and it is necessary that international solidarity should be increasingly demonstrated in order to help those countries to comply with the relevant resolutions ofthe United Nations. 46. The final bastions of colonialism and racism are defying world public opinion and the principles of the Charter of our Organization. It is therefore imperative that the Security Council and the entire international community should act in accordance with the responsi- bility incumbent upon them as a consequence of their undertaking to work for democratic solutions in south- ern Africa. 47. The Pretoria apartheid regIme must take the necessary measures to reverse the process which has been started so that a truly democratic solution may be attained. 48. As far as Western Sahara is concerned, a new situation has been created thanks to the tremendous continuing successes of the courageous struggle of the Saharan people, under the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO.4 49. The important military victories of the Frente POLISARlO have aroused the admiration of the peoples of the world which cherish freedom, and have Increasingly attracted the attention and support of the international community. That in tum has led to the diplomatic successes of which we are all aware. 50. Recognition of the Saharan Arab Democratic Re- public by many Member States of our Organization is merely the result of respect for the principles of the United Nations Charter and has no other aim than the complete elimination of colonialism in all its fonns. 51. All independent countries, and particularly those which only recently were groaning under the boot of 4 Frente Popular la Liberacion de Saguia el-Hamray de RIO de Oro. 52. My Government welcomes the decision of the Government and people of the fraternal country of Mauritania to withdraw from the conflict and recognize the right to self-determination and sovereignty of the Saharan people over the territory that was seized from it. We believe that this noble and courageous act of the brotherly people of Mauritania deserves the support of the entire international community, 53. We hope that the Moroccan Government will not delay in heeding the voice of reason and, above aU, will respeyt the decisions of the recent Assembly of Heads of State or Government of the DAU, held in Monrovia in July, and the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, and will follow Mauritania's example. In our opinion, that is the only possible way to put an end to this fratricidal war. This pressing appeal which we make to the Moroccan Government is especially frater- nal in the sense that it is based on the historical bonds formed between our two peoples ever since the early days of our national liberation struggle, when the people and Government of Morocco helped us and made an inestimable contribution for a certain period. 54. The struggle of the Saharan people is irreversible and its victory inevitable. No force in the world can stop the victorious march ofthis martyred people which desires the freedom, sovereignty and national indepen- dence to which it is entitled, like any other people in the world. 55. As regards East Timor, we cannot fail to express our militant supportfor the just struggle of the Maubere people under the leadership of FRETILlN,s to regain their international legal status so cruelly and inhumanly usurped by Indonesia. 56. We exhort the international community and the nations of the world to take whatever action is required by the present situation to bring about the full with- drawal of Indonesian troops from East Timor and help the people of that country to exercise their right to self-detennination and independence. 57. The situation in Cyprus is also disturbing, and we hope that a just and lastmg solution will be found that respects the territorial integrity and the national sovereignty of Cyprus, as well as the right of both communities, Greek and Turkish, to live together in a climate of peace and unity. 58. The problem in the Middle East is another source of deep concern. The complexity of the grave situation in the Middle East has had a negative impact on interna- tional relations and cannot be ignored by anyone. No one can disregard the duty ofeach one of us to contrib- ute to restoring certain precepts which must above all be respected in the relations between the peoples ofthe area: freedom, ajust peace, a global and lasting settle- ment and peaceful coexistence among men. 59. It would be Utopian to hope to solve the problem 60. We reiterate our view that any negotiated settle- ment which does not include the return of the Arab territories occupied since 1967 and th~ creation of a Palestinian State, will be doomed to fallure. 6 J• The repeated acts of aggression perpetrated by Israel against the people of southern Lebanon are in- humane and deserve the strongest condemnation of the peoples of the world who cherish peace, freedom and justice. 62. The struggle ofthe people of Latin America to win back their national rights and exercise their sovereignty has also taken a qualitative step forward. The recovery of the Panama Canal is a victory for the .Panamani.an people that we welcome since it will help them to con- solidate their political and economic independence. 63. In Nicaragua, an impressive popular uprising un- der the leadership of the Sandinist Front, which repre- sents the legitimate aspirations for freedom and social justice ofthe poorest people, has done away with one of the oldest and most retrograde dictatorships in Latin America. The historic transcendence of the events in Nicaragua is a severe warning to unpopular dictatorial regimes. 64. Guinea-Bissau firmly supports the Provisional Government, which has emerged from that struggle as the sole representative of the Nicaraguan people. 65. A few weeks ago in Havana there came to a close the work of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. The results achieved there emphasize that the fight against under- development, neo-colonialism and imperialism must be based on a genuine policy of non-alignment, which is a decisive factor in the unification of popular liberation struggles. At the same time, non-alignment presup- poses a concerted struggle against the enemies of the economic, political and cultural independence of the peoples of the world, against racism and zionism, against treacherous attempts to tum the weaker countries into areas of rivalry or to confine them within zonesofinfluenee against the interests oftheir peoples. 66. At the present time we are experiencing a moment of uncertainty with regard to the future of economic relations between the industrialized countries and the developing countries. It is with particular concern that we approach this thirty-fourth session of the General Asse~b!y, the importance ofwhich can be compared to the ensIS constantly and seriously affecting interna- tional economic relations. 67. Indeed, to take action to restructure the interna- tional economic system is required more urgently than ever, although the developed countries do not seem willing to move in that direction at the present time. 69. The importance and persistence of the economic crisis show that any effective and lasting solution to the problem depends essentially on the creation of new forms of relations between the industrially advanced countries and the developing countries on a basis of equality and mutual advantage. 70. Regrettably, it seems to us that certain developed coumries-notwithstanding their awareness of those requirements-do not act in accordance with. their historic responsibilities in the course of international negotiations. That is why we are not at all surprised that no negotiations thus far have led to any concrete and tangible results and that the problems are becoming increasingly serious for the international community. 71. In the area of trade, the protectionist measures adopted by the developed countries and the disregard ofthe fundamental interests ofthe developing countries in multilateral trade negotiations have led to a situation in which the results have recently been even more unsatisfactory than before. 72. This is in flagrant contradiction with the commit- ments and decisions contained in the Tokyo Declara- tion6 and the repeated declarations of the developed countries regarding the need to have an open trade system favourable in particular to the developing countries. 73. We are particularly concerned at the tendency to apply the rules of GATT, to which third-world countries must adjust. 74. The fifth session ofUNCTAD did not produce the results expected and there was no significant progress in implementation of the commitments and decisions concerning the Integrated Programme for Commodities entered into at Nairobi. 7 75. With reference to the Common Fund, it seems that there have been certain developments, in particu- lar the developed countries' decision to accept in principle certain financing facilities as a means of pro- moting stabilization. That is one of the more encourag- ing aspects of these developments. 76. We believe that it is time for the industrially de- veloped countries to reach agreement on the meaningof the alternatives proposed and really to commit themselves with the other members ofthe international community to move towards these new forms of rela- tions that can guarantee the peoples of the world a better future. 77. There is a need for permanent, active and effec- tive solidarity among the developing countries in order h See General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Basic Instruments and Selected Documents, Twelltieth Supplement (Sales No. GATII 1974-1), p. 19. 7 See Proceedings ofthe United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.76.ILD.1O and corrigendum), part one A, resolution 93 (IV). 78. In this context, we should recall that today there are still millions of children in the world who are suffer- ing from social injustice, hunger, exploitation, illiteracy and malnutrition. That is why we believe that, within the framework of the International Year of the Child, we· must establish a new and more just international economic order and effect fundamental social changes capable of bringing about a better and more humane future for succeeding generations. 79. My country, Guinea-Bissau, welcomes the recent signing of the Soviet-American agreement resulting from the second round of Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SAL1]8 which is not only a decisive step in the search for general and complete disarmament but may also herald a new era in international detente. 80. Incalculable sums of money and great quantities of human energy are being wasted instead of being invested to help the less favoured nations of the world to narrow the gap between the industrialized countries and the developing countries and consequently to establish stability and international security. These sums are needlessly poured into the war industry to satisfy the crass interests ofthose who would wage war. 81. We therefore welcome this new step towards peace, but we do not forget the voices of the theoreti- cians of war, whose philosophy has caused so much human misery, nor do we believe that this single act is a goal in itself. 82. Because we have a long way to go and a difficult, rough road ahead, we call for the redoubling of efforts to put an end to the arms race, for that has become an imperative, a demand of our day to which all those who think that peace and security represent the loftier in- terests of mankind must tirelessly devote their efforts.

The members ofmy dele- gation and I deem it a great privilege to have the op- portunity of participating in the deliberations of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We bring to Members the warm greet- ings of the people of Bangladesh. 84. We are indeed very happy to welcome Saint Lucia as a member of the family of the United Nations. We sincerely hope that the admission of Saint Lucia as a new Member will add to its strength and also to that of the United Nations. 85. Mr. President, on behalf of the Bangladesh dele- gation and also on my own behalf ~ offer you o~r warmest congratulations on your electIOn as the ~esl­ dent of this session of the Assembly. Your electIOn to your high office is indeed a tribute to you~ outstanding personal qualities and wide-ranging expenence, as also to your great country, the United Republic ofTanzania, 8 Treaty between the United Stat~s ?f ~merica and t~e Union. of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic OffensIve Arms, signed in Vienna on 18 June 1979. 87. I should like to convey to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, our sincere appreciation for his total dedication to upholding the purposes and princi- ples of the Charter ofthe United Nations and his exem- plary perseverance in strengthening the United Nations and its organs as an instrument for reducing tension and promoting global peace and stability. We also com- mend him for his forthright and penetrating report on the world situation during the year under review [A/34/l]. 88. With the rest ofthe world, Bangladesh mourns the death of President Houari Boumediene of Algeria and President Agostinho Neto ofAngola. As leaders oftheir respective countries and as dauntless freedom fighters, they have both left a deep imprint on contemporary world history. 89. I should also like to take this opportunity to ex- press our sincere gratitude to our sister Members ofthe United Nations for electing Bangladesh to the Security Council. It has been and will continue to be the en- deavour of Bangladesh to justify the confidence thus reposed in it by upholding the objectives and principles of the United Nations Charter and serving the cause of peace, freedom and justice. 90. Total adherence to the principles and objectives of the United Nations Charter is to us more than a commit- ment. It is enshrined in our Constitution. Ever since the admission of Bangladesh as a Member of the United Nations, it has been our consistent effort in concert with the vast majority ofthe Member States to work for the greater interest of the world community. As a de- veloping country, Bangladesh is fully conscious of the benefit it stands to derive from this world body and also its responsibility in safeguarding the interests of the world community, both political and economic. It is in this spirit that we have always urged that the decision- making process ofthe United Nations system should be more adequately democratized. 91. From its very inception, Bangladesh has been committed to a non-aligned foreign policy based upon the principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, the peaceful coexistence of all States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States non-use offorce and the peaceful settlement of all disputes. As a new emerging nation in this multi- polar world, with its many divergences, we have found the non-aligned movement to be a useful means of steering clear ofPower rivalry and the consequent con- flicts and controversies, thus ensuring both indepen- dence and balance in our foreign policy. 92. Since I had the privilege of speaking before t~is Assembly last year,9 Bangladesh has been passmg 93. Bangladesh welcomes every effort aimed at ad- vancing the process of detente, the limitation of arma- ments and the promotion of peaceful coexistence in e very part of the world. In the context of these cardinal principles of our foreign policy, Bangladesh has made persistent endeavours in recent years to promote peace and stability in the South Asian region through the creation ofa climate ofmutual trust, understanding and co-operation, on the basis of respect for sovereign equality and non-interference in each other's internal affairs. Guided by these principles, my Government has endeavoured to promote and expand its friendly and co-operative relations with all peace-loving nations of the world. Tangible progress achieved in that direc- tion can be briefly summarized as follows. 94. An agreement was signed with India to resolve the 25-year-old problem of the sharing of the Ganges wat- ers. Efforts are now under way to evolve a long-term arrangement in this regard to the mutual satisfaction of both countries. Following the agreement with Burma signed in July 1978, the repatriation of nearly 200,000 Burmese refugees is almost completed. Both these agreements are the demonstration ofgood-neighbourly relations among our countries and contributed to peace and stability in the region. In like manner, efforts were made to promote friendly relations with our other neighbours in the region, such as Nepal, Bhutan, Pakistan, Mghanistan and Sri Lanka; and relations with these countries are growing in strength. Fraternal relations and co-operation with Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey and other Islamic States in economic, cultural and other areas were further widened and deepened. As a bridge between South and South-East Asia, Bangladesh has made every effort to strengthen its traditional ties of friendship and co-operation with the countries ofSouth and South-East Asia and the Pacific region. Bangladesh also .sought both to eJ:'.pand and to diversify its foreign relatIons by developmg mutually benefiCIal relation- ships with other countries ofAsia and other continents. 95. The creation of the United Nations in 1945 symbolized the hopes and aspirations of a war-ravaged world for lasting global peace and stability. In the years immediately following the Second World War, the pre- 96. There was, however, a gradual swing in the mood of the nations of the world, throwing up many challenges to the dream of the founding fathers of this world body. Fonnidable among them are the ideologi. cal polarization, the intensification ofpower rivalry, the escalation of the arms race, the persistence of colonial subjugation ~nd racial dis.crimination, the widening areas of tensIOn and conflIct and, overshadowing all these, the widening gap between the rich and the poor nations. . 97. The world of today is evidently in great disarray and is faced with many distressing paradoxes. Anned with its military might, an otherwise small country such as Israel can, with impunity, continue its illegal occupa- tion of the Arab territories and indulge in acts of naked aggression, violence and terrorism in total defiance of international law and the will of the international com- munity. In like manner, racist minorities can continue to flout world opinion and trample upon all canons of justice, morality, freedom and human dignity to pro- 101'!g their repressive rule over the majority ofthe popu- latIon through the brutal use of force, as in Namibia, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The international commu- ~ity is also a helpless spectatorat the frightening escala- tion of the arms race, although the arsenal which has already been built up by the great Powers is enough to destroy our planet many times over. Tragically enough, this arms race is spreading to engulf other areas of the world, thereby threatening the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of nations which are either in- adequately armed or totally unarmed. The rule oflaw is yielding increasingly to international anarchy. 98: The economic scene is equally alarming. Two thIrds ~f the world's population, impoverished by two centunes ofcolonial exploitation, are in a grim struggle to m~e~their basic human needs. Ironically enough, the rell?alOlOg one third,. representing the rich industrial nat~ons, are also fightmg a hopeless economic battle. In theIr attempt to preserve an inequitable economic order and protect a life-style based on high consumption, they find themselves in the preposterous situation, on the one hand, of inflation and recession and, on the other. of ll?ounting expenditures for armaments, the rapid de- plet!on ofnon-renewable resources. the pollution ofthe envIronment and growing ecological hazards. While the econ,omic disp~rity between the two parts of the worl,d c~nt1ryues t? w~den! both are in a desperate economIC sItuatIon WIth mevltable repercussions for the peace and security of the world. 100. We are clearly standing on the brink of a prec- ipice. We see, however, the stirrings of the world con- science. There is an emerging awareness that the crisis is ~rave and we must move in concert to overcome it. ThIS is a concern that is shared by the overwhelming majority of nations, cutting across the boundaries of race, religion, geo~raphy, politics, economics and ideology and includmg many nations from the East as well as the West, from the North as well as the South. This new emerging profile of the international commu- nity and the trend ofits thinking favour the strengthen- ing of the United Nations system for the establishment of the rule of law in international relations and for securing global peace, stability and progress. 10l. In our view, many of the challenges and prob- lems posing a threat to peace and security can be re- solved through our united action and through the imple- mentation of the United Nations resolutions and decisions. 102. For ages, Moslems, Christians and Jews have lived together in the Middle East. All canons ofjustice and morality demand the restoration to the Palestinians of their inalienable national rights, inclUding their right to a State of their own. As required by the United Nations resolutions, which Bangladesh has consis- tently supported, lasting peace can be secured in the Middle East only by the complete withdrawal of Israel from all illegally occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and the restoration ofthe legitimate rights of the Palestinians and the recognition of the PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. 103. In like manner, there can be peace in southern Africa only through the transfer ofpower to the genuine representatives of the people of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the ending of racial discrimination and apartheid in South Africa. We commend the Lusaka initiative [see A/34/439~S/13515] and the British efforts and wish for a speedy resolution ofthe Zimbabwe prob- lem thrOUgh the transfer .of power to the true rep- resentatives of the people. We, however, strongly con- demn the attempt ofthe racist minority regime ofSouth Africa to impose a puppet regime in Namibia in contra- vention of United Nations resolutions, in particular, Security Council resolutions 345 (1976) and 435 (1978). The Bangladesh delegation also denounces the deten- tion and arrest of SWAPO leaders and appeals to all Member States to refrain from recognizing the illegally constituted, so-called "national assembly" in Namibia or assisting it in any way. 104. Bangladeshwelcomes all efforts towards disarm- ament, including the recently signed strategic arms limitation treaty. We, however, believe that the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly [resolution S-10/2], which was devoted to disarmament, provides a good basisfor ending the esca- 105. As enjoined by its Constitution, Bangladesh is wedded to general and complete disarmament. It has also consistently advocated the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones as an effective measure of disarmament as well as ofnon-proliferation. As a token of its commitment to such steps, it has recently signed the Treaty. on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. 106. Bangladesh believes that peace and' security would be promoted by the creation ofzones ofpeace in areas like the Indian Ocean, South and South-East Asia, the Mediterranean and so on. It may be noted that Bangladesh participated actively in the recently con- cluded Meetmg ofthe Littoral and Hinterland States of the Indian Ocean, held in New York in July last. We hope that the recommendations ofthe meeting regard- ing the expansion of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean to include the super-Powers and the ma- jormaritime users will facilitate [see AI34/45, chap. VI] the necessary preparatory work for reaching an interna- tional agreement for the maintenance of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. 107. It is the sincere wish of Bangladesh that both communities in Cyprus should live in peace and harmony. We warmly welcome the lo-point agreement reached in May 197910 between the leaders of the two communities in Cyprus under the auspices of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim•. We would appeal to all, both inside and outside Cyprus, to encour- age the leaders of the two communities to hold mean- ingful and constructive discussions leading to a mutu- ally acceptable agreement so that both communities can live with freedom and dignity in a federated Cyprus. 108. We view with concern the unfortunate develop- ments in the South-East Asian region. We sincerely believe that peace can be restored in the region by strict adherence to the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all States and non-interference in one another's internal affairs. We hope that all foreign troops will be withdrawn from Kampuchea and that condItions will be created to end the conflict there and to enable the people freely to choose a Government without external interference or military presence. 109. As a developing country with a long seaboard, Bangladesh is closely following the prolonged negotia- tions going on in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law ofthe Sea. We are, however, strongly ofthe view that the interests of the developing countries should be adequately appreciated and safeguarded. Bangladesh lays special emphasis on the unique prob- \0 See OfficialRecords ajthe Security Council. Thirty-fourth Year, Supplement for April. May and June 1979. document 5/13369, para. S!. I 10. As I earlier observed, the widening disparity be- tween the rich and the poor nations of the world h~s ass umed such an alarming magnitude that economic polarization stands out as the most serious threat to peace and security in the contemporary world. The expectation raised during the initial years of.the era f~l1owing the Second World War th~t through. mtema- tlonal co-operation the newly em~rgmg countnes could reap the fruits of advan~es I~ s~lence and technology, telescope time and attam wlthm decades the level of growth the industrial countries had taken centuries.to achieve did not tum out to be true. The level and quality of international co-operation did not match the needs of the developing countries, which also discovered that they did not have free access to the world stock of science and technology orto the world's markets, trade and resources. The development efforts during the last three decades indicate certain constraints embedded in global factors. It has now become more abundantly clear than ever before that the problems of poverty,. disease and hunger in the developing countries cannot be effectively resolved as long as those countries re- main shackled to an economic order built during the colonial times and designed essentially to subserve the colonial pattern of production and trade. The existing economic system is clearly both unjust and outdated. The inequitable character of this system and' the gro~ tesque distortions it produces in the growth pattern are evident from the following illustrative facts. I 1I. First, the developing countries, particularly the least developed among them, while commanding only one third of the world's resources, have to bear the entire burden of the world's poor numbering over 800 million, over 600 million of whom live in the least developed countries. 112. Secondly, for I billion ofthe world's population, the per capita income remains as low as $I50-~d.is much less in real terms-as compared to the per capita income of over $6,000 for the population of the indus- trialized countries. 113. Thirdly, the population of the developing countries is over 2 billion but their share ofthe produc- tion of manufactured goods has now declined to 7 per cent. L14. Fourthly, the share of the developing nations in merchandise exports has fallen from 24 per cent of the world total in 1960 to 21 per cent in 1976. 115. Fifthly, the indebtedness of the poorest nations has increased from $29.6 billion in 1970 to $44.6 billion in 1977 and is projected to increase to $64.5 billion by 1985. L16. Sixthly, in 1970 the debt service of the poorest nations accounted for 14.9percentoftheirexports. It is estimated that this will rise to 17.4 per cent in 1980. 117. Seventhly, measured in real per capita terms, the least developed countries as agroup actually recorded a decline between 1970 and 1977 in such key areas as gross domestic production, agricultural production, manufacturing output and import volume. I 19. Ninthly, in relation to combined gross national product, official development assistance has declined from 0.52 per cent in 1960 to 0.31 per cent in 1977. Ironically enough, there is a net outflow of resources from the poor to the rich countries. 120. Tenthly, prisoners of this anachronistic eco- nomic system, the jndustrialized rich countries are be- ing increasingly driven away from the free-market economy to protectionism, through tariffand non-tariff barriers, in their agonizing struggle against inflation, recession and unemployment and against the paradox of unwelcome deficit for some and surplus for others, with its deleterious effect on the over-all economic situation. 121. Eleventhly" the crisis, grave as it is, is further aggravated by two other crucial problems, namely, en- ergy and food. Though the increased income resulting from the recent rises in oil prices represents no more than an insignificant fraction ofthe income ofthe indus- trialized countries, a disproportionately high burden has been placed on the developing countries, which have been doubly hard hit, having to pay higher prices not only for oil but also for imports from the industrial countries. 122. Food-deficit countries like Bangladesh are faced with the additional dilemma that, though they have the potential for doubling or even trebling their food pro- duction through the increased application of the new technology requiring such inputs as fertilizer, irriga- tion, pesticides and the like, investment in such inputs is growing at a slow pace because of the resource con- straint. Owing to the vagaries of nature, they are often faced with food crises and with the unhappy compul- sion of diverting part of their scarce resources to meet the food deficit, thus further slowing down the rate of agricultural development. A world food security sys- tem is thus an imperative need. 123. The existing economic order is clearly unsuited to contemporary world needs and is ineffective in rem- edying the malaise of the chronic economic dise- quilibrium which is detrimental to the interests ofboth the poor and the rich countries. The restructuring ofthe existing economic system is, therefore, an imperative in the global interest. It cannot be overstressed that the New International Economic Order aims at raising the quality of life of the peoples allover the world. To say this, however, is not the same as equating the quality of life with a life-style based on wasteful consumption, the predatory depletion of non-renewable resources, the pollution ofthe human environment and the creation of an ecological imbalance. The restructuring of the ex- isting economic system is, however, imperative, since the search for peace and political stability is bound up intimately with the settlement of the crucial economic issues of our time. 125. First, the nations of the world, particularly the great industrial Powers, should undertake a firm politi- cal and moral commitment to reanchor international relations to those human and moral values which in- spired and sustained man's undying quest for peace, freedom and progress and to the principles ofequality, justice and human dignity which are enshrined in the United Nations Charter. 126. Secondly, the international community should recognize that in the preservation of human rights the most sacred and pressing are the right to life, food, shelter, clothing, health, education and employment and that it is the collective obligation of the interna- tional community to ensure the immediate expansion of resources and other support for meeting these basic human needs. 127. Thirdly, there should be a transfer of adequate resources to the developing countries with special at- . tention to the needs of the least developed ones for harnessing their vast human resourCe for productive employment through support for the creation of jobs, includmg support for small-scale labour-intensive rural public works projects. 128. Fourthly, there should be a massive supply of inputs for agricultural and rural development, such as fertilizers, pumps and so forth, in order to increase agricultural production. 129. Fifthly, a food security system should be de- veloped with an adequate food reserve built up through contributions from food-surplus countries to help al- leviate food crises in food-deficit countries, and special assistance should be given to food-deficit countries to sustain their development efforts. 130. Sixthly, the socio-economic stn!ctures should be transformed through decentralizativn down to the grass-roots level to ensure the widest possible partici- pation of the people in development with emphasis on rural and agrarian development. 131. Seventhly, there should be increasing assistance for projects and programmes which can be executed quickly and progress towards the goal of economic self-sufficiency should be accelerated. 132. Eighthly, the planned strategy should be geared to the productive utilization of women in economic and social development. 134. Tenthly, there should be increasing economic co-operation among the developing countries with spe- cial stress on the investment of the surplus income of the oil-rich countries in joint ventures in the developing countries. . 135. Eleventhly, tariff and non-tariff barriers by the industrial countries should be removed and the general system of preferences should be extended beyond 1981 on a non-reciprocal and non-discriminatory basis to facilitate greater access by developing countries to the world market and world trade. 136. Twelfthly, resources now wasted on unproduc- tive armaments should be diverted to the economic and social development of the third~world countries. . 137. Thirteenthly, the resources and capabilities of science and technology should be increasingly applied to productive development efforts in the third-world countnes, including pre-disaster planning and the.pre- vention and mitigation of suffering in disaster-prone regions of the world. 138. Fourteenthly, there should be a united determi- nation by the international community to deal with the crucial energy situation with a view to developing economically viable alternative energy sources, evolv- ing an energy-efficient technology and making energy available to the developing countries at concessional prices so as not to impair or retard the pace of their development. 139. Lastly, the full, equitable and effective participa- tion of the developing countries in the fonnulation and implementation ofdecisions in all fields of international co-operation should be ensured. 140. I should like to stress once again that adequate provision for meeting basic human needs through the Improvement of nutrition, health, housing, education and employment in each of the least developed countries is of paramount importance to the success of any future development plan. Additional resources made available for this purpose would also accelerate economic progress by generating additional employ- ment and Income for the rural and urban poor, thus bringing tangible benefits to the poor and subsistence sectors of the population even before the desired structural changes can take place. 141. I should like to conclude on the hopeful note that the nations of the world will unite in their effort to overcome the present political, economic and moral crisis and build a better future for our world. Let us resolve to build on mutual trust and understanding. The available resources and technology are enough to build a world of prosperity for all of us. What is needed is the will of the nations, developed and developing, to co- operate and move in a united endeavour towards this goal, inspired by our shared human heritage.

Sir, in extending to you our most sincere con- gratulations on your outstanding election as President 143. Our delegation would also like to take this op- portunity to extend its sincere thanks to your predeces- sor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, for the out- standing manner in which he directed the work of the thirty-third session. 144. May we also be permitted to express our gratitude to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary- General, for the great competence with which he is fulfilling his delicate mission at the head of our Organi- zation. We assure him of the firm support and total confidence of the people of Guinea and its President, Comrade Ahmed Sekou Toure. 145. Lastly, it is with great satisfaction that we welcome to our midst the new State ofSaint Lucia, with which our country would like to establish relations of confidence, friendship and co-operation. 146. Africa has just suffered an immense loss in the passing of President Antonio Agostinho Neto of Angola, a tireless and intransigent fighter for the demo- cratic African revolution. We address to our sister dele- gation of Angola a sincere expression of our condo- lences, and we wish to assure itofour active solidarity. 147. An analysis ofthe international political situation brings out the inevitable contradiction which pits the forces of emancipation of peoples against the systems ofoppression and exploitation. The axis ofthe situation lies between two poles: the persistence offoreign domi- nation, and the liberation struggle waged on various fronts by the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America. 148. Thus, we are bound to continue to observe with bitterness, but also alas in guilty impotence, that in southern Africa millions of Africans are groaning per- manently under the weight of racist oppression and exploitation. Arbitrary imprisonments and massacres of African populations are common practices designed to check any attempt on the part of the majority to lay claim to the exercise of its inalienable rights to self- determination and independence. [49. The white racist minority regimes implanted in South Africa, in Zimbabwe and in Namibia are the best possible b~ses of aggression against Mozambique, Zambia, Botswana, Angola and Lesotho. At the same time, they are the choice subjugated zone of imperialist exploitatIon, a fact which adequately explains the mate- rial aid and the political and diplomatic support that is !!liven to those regimes by the Western Powers. The mcredible and intolerable indifference of the Western allies of Pretoria a?d Salis?ury to the bombings and aggressIOns of all kmds agamst the front-line countries form part of this support. 151. Without anticipating the outcome of the London negotiations, our delegation is convinced of the ines- capable nature of the victory of the peoples of Zimbabwe, whose armed struggle is directed by the Patriotic Front. The armed struggle waged by the gal- lant freedom fighters in Namibia under the leadership of their vanguard, SWAPO, for total independence, in- cluding Walvis Bay, an integral part of the Territory, will be crowned with success. 152. The daily battle waged by the patriots of South Africa, in spite ofall neo-colonialist manoeuvres now in progress, will also achieve victory. We know from ex- perience that independence and freedom are not negotiated: they are fought for and won. 153. An examination of the situation in Africa. in South-East Asia and in the Middle East exposes other hotbeds of tension, and brings into focus the immensity of the task which our Organization has to face in trying to establish a just and lasting peace in all these parts of the world. 154. With regard to Western Sahara. our delegation would recall that the OAU has already assumed its responsibilities through the adoption, at the sixteenth ordinary session of its Assembly of Heads of State or Government at Monrovia, of the report of the commit- tee of wise men, or the Ad Hoc Committee of Heads of State on Western Sahara, on this important question [see A/34/552, pp. 90-9l]. 155. Being in agreement with the conclusions and rec- ommendations of that Committee, of which it is a member, the Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea believes they should be put into effect. Also. the Party-State ofGuinea is following, with confidence. the peace initiatives adopted at various levels outside the OAD as well as within it, to achieve a permanent solu- tion which, we hope, will be constructive and benefi- s:ial, and also will redound to the advantage ofall parties mvolved. The Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea will spare no effort to reach that goal. 156. With regard to the representation of Kam- puchea, the leader responsible for our revolution, Pres- Ident Ahmed Sekou Toure, at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979, made a thorough analysis of this crisis. He concluded that, both in the non-aligned movement and in the United Nations, it is States that are represented and not regimes, and that consequently it is the Government in bei!"g, that of the People's Republic of Kampu~hea, which should occupy the seat which belongs to It by right, not only at the Havana Conference, but also in our world Organization. 158. Our country also ardently hopes that the differ- ences between the People's Republic of China and the Socialist Republic ofViet Nam can be resolved through peaceful and sincere negotiations. We also hope that the talks begun by the Soviet Union and China will likewise result in satisfactory solutions that can safe- guard the interests of those two friendly countries, peoples joined by history and geography whose destiny IS linked in solidarity with all the peoples of the world, including the people of Guinea. 159. The situation in the Middle East shows that the southern part of Africa is not the only place where blood is being shed. In that other area ofthe world, the Palestinian people are being deprived of their right to exist. Indeed, since the Balfour Declarationof 1917 that led to the creation of Israel, this region has known nothing but war. In our opinion, there is no need to dwell on the origins of this conflict, the persistent na- ture Qf which is a subject of great concern and anxiety for our Organization. 160. Although we have never denied any people the right to existence, neither have we ever condoned this right's being exercised by denying the right to existence of another people. 161. Israel must realize that the Palestinian people, whose sole legitimate representative is the PLO, will never renounce their inalienable national rights. In any negotiation for the over-all settlement of the Middle East crisis, the PLO must have the exclusive right to speak and act on behalf of Palestine, 162. The security of Israel lies less in territorial con- quests than in peaceful coexistence with all the States of the region on the basis of respect for the recognized right of the Palestinian people to establish an indepen- dent national State. The status of the Holy City of Jerusalem as the hallowed site of the three great mono- theistic religions must also be scrupulously respected. Israel must proceed, finally, to the unconditional with- 164. In the meanwhile, the international community must deal more resolutely with the record of Israel's repeated aggressions against Lebanon. We emphasize thiS because this situation contains the genuine seeds of a conflict with unforeseeable dimensions. 165. Cyprus also continues to be a subjectforconcem in this Assembly. The delegation of Guinea considers that the territorial integrity, national unity and non- aligned character of that country must be protected. The discussions between the two communities that have yielded certain tangible results must be pursued under the aegis of the Secretary-General of our Organization. 166. The question of Korea, furthermore, is of equal concern. Our position is well known: we consider that the withdrawal of all foreign troops is an essential prior condition for the Korean people to achieve reunifica- tion in peace, without any outside interference. The tragedy of a divided people such as the Korean and Comorian peoples affects the balance of the entire in- ternationalcommunity, which must promote only those things that can contribute to tIle realization of this aspi- ration to national unity. 167. Our Organization must examine the fate of all peoples still being subjected to colonial domination and thus deprived of their inalienable right to self- determination in Africa, in Latin America, in the Carib- bean and in Asia. 168. We wish to take this opportunity to hail the re- sounding victory of the gallant peoples of Nicaragua and Iran, whose example cannot fail to be followed by other peoples under neo-colonialist dictatorships, 169. The elimination of apartheid and an end to foreign intervention in the domestic affairs of the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America are pre- conditions to the establishment of true peace. In order to be genuine, detente must cover every region of our planet. 170. Indeed, developing countries know that any threat to peace imperils their efforts to strengthen their national mdependence and ensure their economic de- velopment. They are thus the first to feel concern about the establishment of an international order based on relations of trust and free from the threat of war. Such an international order must abolish the parcelIingofthe world into zones of influence or conquest in which the 17 I. On the question of disarmament, preceding speakers have laid sufficient emphasis on the evils of the arms race. My delegation fervently hopes that it will be brought to an end. 172. We are pleased to quote in this connexion Presi- dent Ahmed Sekou Toure, who stated: "The Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea gives its unqualified support to all decisions which might operate in favour ofa reduction in international tensions and the arms race. It is also determined to oppose any attempts to establish a status quo which would maintain the unacceptable differentiations, the existing inequalities and discriminations in the living conditions of peoples and in the relations es- tablished between nations." 173. It is specifically in the economic field that these relations are particularly unjust. The present economic situation is characterized by: first, a steady deteriora- tion in the relationship offorces which has been detri- mental to the developing countries; secondly, the ex- port of increasing monetary inflation from the North to the South, as the consequence ofmonetary disorders in ~he industrialized countries; thirdly, constant increases ID the external debt of the developing countries, be- cause they have to channel their economies into ex- ports. Many other factors contribute to a widening gap ~etween t~e industrialized countries and the develop- 109 countnes. 174. In the opinion ofmy delegation, the bitter truth is that, regardless of our approach to the issues, regard- less of which bloc we give our sympathy to, there are always a few multinationals ready to tum their attention to us with our tacit or explicit connivance. The fact remains that, while we cannot be blamed for the ex- istence of multinationals, we can be blamed for their persistence. 175. The standstill in the North-South dialogue and in the discussions in UNCTAD, the meagre results of the renewed Lome Convention, should all serve to con- vince the developing countries that they must stand together and promote a new development policy. That new. strategy must be I?ursued nationally, regionally and mternatlOnally. NatIOnally this requires first that the people of different countries should take'cont~ol of the principal economic levers in the areas of industry tra,:,-sport, energy and trade; secondly, an independent national ~urrency sh~uld be created; thirdly, there must be agranan reform aImed at the promotion of modem agriculture; fourthly, a dynamic industrial system in harmony with a policy of land management should be created; and fifthly, those segments of society, young peopl~ and.~omen, who h~ve heretofore been deprived of theIr legitimate economic and social roles should be brought into the fight for development. ' 177. We welcome the existence ofthe Latin American Economic System and of the Economic Community of West African St.at~s. These institutions must be sup- ported by associatIOns of producers of raw materials such as the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries and the International Bauxite Association just to mention those two. When those conditions ~ met, then and only then will the developing countries be in a good position to negotiate in international forums. 178. Notwithstanding the alarming situation which many representatives quite rightly have spoken about from this rostrum, my delegation believes that the inter- national community must continue to be optimistic re- garding positive results to be expected from the special session of the General Assembly in 1980 to be devoted to development problems. 179. Concerning the new strategy, we can affirm as a representative ofthe African continent among the ~ffic­ e.rs of the Preparatory Committee for the New Interna- tlO!lal Development Strategy, that, regarding the re- qUIrements of development, Africa will maintain the posit!on which it has so often expressed at previous !Jleetmgs of the Preparatory Committee. That position IS that the future strategy must take into account not only the growing gap between the North and South but above all must advocate special and specific political measures to help the poorer countries of the South. 180. On the initiative of President Ahmed Sekou Toure, the OAU decided in resolution AHG!Res. 96 (XVI) [see A!34/552, p. 84] to convene in Lagos in 1980 a special sum!TIit s~ssion devoted exclusively to a thorough conSideration of the economic situation in ~fric~, w~ich is in~eparable from the general economic situation m the entire world, with a view to defining the ways and m.eans ofpromoting the economic integration of our contInent. I ~ I. For al) t~ese re~sons, my delegation is quite con- VInced that It IS pOSSible to create a new international economi~ order of benefit to the entire international ~ommumty on the basis ofjustice, equality and mutual mterest. " 182. The gravity ofthe world economic situation can- not turn our attention from the problem of the environ- ment. Considering the harm done to nature by the de- velopment of ~he wealth of the subsoil, we welcome the dr~fl c<?nventlon. on the preservation of nature which Zaire IS plannIng to submit to our States for consideration. 183: As r~gards the measures being considered by the Umted Na.tl0l'!s to hel~ the Sudano-Sahelian region, my c~untry Will glve special attention to any plan ofaction aimed at ensuring, first, the rational management and 184. The Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea is the primary water source ofWest Africa, and it is now accepted tha;t the success of any campaign to combat the drough~ 10 th~ Sahelian subregion requires the de- velopment 10 Gumea of the Futa catchment basin the source of the largest waterways in our part ofthe w~rld. The sixteenth ~~dinary session of the OAU Assembly adopted a deCISIOn on the development of that basin. We are c~mvinced that international support and the co-operatIOn of the States of the Sahel will not be with- hel9 from us, tha;t the Eco~omic ~ommunity of West Afncan States Will also enJoy assistance in their fight against the drought and that that assistance will be forthcoming from the entire international community. 185. The United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights were proclaimed long ago, but it is less than seven years since the question of the protection of human rights was included in our agenda and the debate on this subject took on a special nature and world-wide scope. We find that develop- ment heartening and encouraging. Our countries have a duty firmly to support any action to bring about the triumph of causes that concern mankind allover the world. We, for our part, will support any action to strengthen the cause of human rights anywhere in the world. 186. However,my delegation believes that our Or- ganization can usher in a world where human rights are respected only ifcountries reach agreement on a global approach to the cause of human rights throughout the world. How can we reconcile the concept ofa selective discriminatory approach to the rights of the individual, in which human rights are defended only when there is political profit to be gained from it, with a global con- cept which views human rights as fundamental and indivisible and part ofthe larger problem ofthe rights of . peoples? youn~ people and women, who have hitherto not been permitted to play their due role in the economic and social spheres, in the struggle I have described. 187. We firmly believe that the cause of human rights necessarily has certain limits owing to the fact that man's much proclaimed universality is not yet matched, in our contemporary society, by a universal respect for man's rights. There is a deep-rooted discrep- ancy between the rights recognized to every man- whether white, black, yellow, rich or poor-and the rights that he actually enjoys in daily life. It must be courageously recognized that a single standard is not applied in today's world, although man's nature may be said to be universal and the same everywhere. We do not wish thereby to deny the spiritual and material dimensions of man as an individual; but those dimen- sions cannot be correctly evaluated without taking into account the political and social dimensions of man and the political and social conditions in which he lives. 188. In the light ofthose considerations it will be ~o~e easily understood why our country chose to orgamze In the first halfofNovember 1978 an international ideolog- ical symposium in the course of which the questions of human rights and the rights of pe~ples ':Vere debated. The official records of that symposIUm give preference to the rights of peoples over human rights-or, more accurately, they defined what is the.correct approach to human rights by viewing human nghts as part of the I s~me time allow the Palestinian people to have their nghts erased from the records of mankind, including their right to existence? Is there any right more sacred than that? How can we effectively ensure the defence of human rights elsewhere if, closer to us in the Middle East, entire peoples are humiliated because their teni- tories are occupied and Lebanon is being bombarded by Israel? Does not the defence of human rights involve also the defence of the right to a decent life for entire peoples? When we see the industrialized countries at the fifth session ofUNCTAD at Manila and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries meeting at Brussels flatly refusing to recognize the elementary economic rights of the peoples ofthe third world, we cannot help but wonder whether the selfishness ofthe industrialized Powers is not also a denial of human rights. 189. It would be a fine thing if those self-same crusad· ers for human rights were to declare war on all the injustices ofgur c~ntury',which might very well appear in tlfe-eyes of posterity to oe the most cruel century in human history. Now that we are on the threshold of the third millennium, the future of mankind depends not only on the ability of our generation to solve the prob- lems ofdevelopment but also on our ability to remove from our world anything that mutilates the human person and peoples. Man cannot achieve great things on earth if he does not first face up to his many woes in all their dimensions-political, social, economic and spiritual. 190. The Party-State of Guinea has given close atten- tion to the problem of integrating segments of society, 19I. Thus, within the framework of the International Year of the Child proclaimed in resolution 31/169 of 21 December 1976, the Revolutionary People's Republic of Guinea set up in 1978 a national commission to pre- pare for the year under the presidency of Comrade Andree Toure, the wife of our Chief of State. 192. A few of the accomplishments of that commis- sion, which has now become a permanent institution, are the adoption of a code protecting children, the is- suance ofa postage stamp, the creation of weekly edu- cational radiO and television programmes for children, the printing of story-books, the creation of play- grounds, the holding of a fair, exhibitions of children's works, and a national seminar on the sexual problems of youth, juvenile deliquency, the responsibility of par- ents for the education of their children, and the role of the organs of the Party-State. 193. We also welcome the fact that the international community seems now to be clearly in favour of restor- ing the right of women to participate in the political, economic and social life of nations. 195. Our delegation fully supports the Draft Conven- tion on the Elimination of Discrimination against Wo- men that our Organization is now preparing, and we are convinced that it will lead to the elimination of all bar- riers to the full development of women's potential. 196. In conclusion, we believe that the experience we have acquired during the 35 years of the existence of our Organization should make it possible for us to live up to the hopes that were placed in it when it was created. 197. Although the record in the area ofdecolonization is positive inasmuch as two thirds of the countries rep- resented here were languishing under colonial domina- tion when our Organization was created, the same can- not be said of the record in other areas. 198. Hotbeds of tension in southern Africa, in the Middle East, in South-East Asia and in other areas of the world and the stagnation in economic negotiations are challenges to our Organization requiring urgent and effective action by it. 200. We understand why, under the Charter, the ma- jor Powers have been given a special responsibility and obligation in the maintenance of peace and security in the world. It is a fact that they have in their hands the means of mass destruction, which threaten peace, but the defence and preservation of peace cannot be con- sidered to fall exclusively within the province of any Power. 20 I. That is why the United Nations Charter needs to be revised and needs all the structures and strength necessary for it to be more effective. We wonder whether the right to raise objections that is given to some in world affairs, an exorbitant right compared to the rights of the overwhelming majority, should con- tinue to be exercised in our Organization, which preaches democracy and equality among all Members. 202. However that may be, we wish to reaffinn the fierce detennination ofthe Revolutionary People's Re- public ofGuinea tojoin other nations in trying to ensure that reason will prevail over force and that justice will prevail over power. The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m.