A/34/PV.3 General Assembly

I call on the Chairman of the Credentials Committee, Mr. Andre Ememann of Belgium, to present the Committee's report. 3. Mr. ERNEMANN (Belgium), Chairman of the Credentials Committee (interpretation from French): The report of the Credentials Committee, which ap- p~ars in document A/34/500 dated 20 September, dis- t~buted this .morning, is explicit. It reflects the discus- SIOns, the views expressed and the suggestions put forward. It scarcely calls for comment. As stated in paragraph 23, the Committee adopted a draft resolution accepting the credentials of the delegation of Demo- cratic Kampuchea. That draft resolution was adopted by 6 votes to 3, with no abstentions. During the discus- ~Ions the representatives of countries which later voted III favour of the draft resolution stated, for the most part! that their acceptance of the credentials of Demo- cratic Kampuchea did not mean agreement with the past policies of its leaders. *Resumed from the 1st meeting. 19 A/34/PV.3 Friday, 21 September 1979, at 10.35 a.m. 4. During the 2nd plenary meeting ofthe General As- sembly, ~n the. basis ~frule 29 ofthe rules ofprocedure, the Pres.ldent tmm~dIately convened a meeting of the Credentials Committee to consider the credentials of ~h~ delegation of Democratic Kampuchea. In our view, It IS now incumbent upon the General Assembly to make a ruling in accordance with that same rule 29. 5.. In paragraph 26 of its report, the Credentials Com- ~Ittee ~ecommends to the General Assembly the adop- tIOn of ItS first report. As Chairman of the Credentials Committee, I now call upon the General Assembly to adopt the draft resolution contained in paragraph 26 of the report, which reads: "The General Assembly "Approves the first report of the Credentials Committee." I request a recorded vote on this draft resolution. 6. !"ir. YANKOV (Bulgaria): Mr. President the Ch~lrman of my delegation will have the opportunity du~mg the general de~ate to extend to you the congratu- latlOJ?s of the Bulg~nan delegation on your unanimous electiOn to the preSidency ofthe thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. However, I should like to avail my.selfor this opportunity to express my great personal satisfactIon and pleasure at seeing you preside over this august body, and to express my deeply felt conviction that under your leadership the General Assembly will accomplish the tasks set before it. 7. At this session, the Assembly is seized ofa problem of particular importance. I have the honour, on behalf of the II s.l'0nsoring delegations to introduce draft res- olution A/34/L.2. 8. Weare ofthe opinion that this report oftheCreden- tials Committee deals with a matter of particular im- portance, not only for the good conduct of the work of the. current. session, but als~ for the prestige of the Umted N~tIons and the attamment of its objectives. The creation of a normal atmosphere for the session as well as the promotion of conditions propitious for the a~hievement of positive results in accordance with the aims and fundamental principles of the Charter will depend very much on the just solution of the issue under discussion. 9. The draft resolution I have the honour of introduc- ing. reflects our deep concern over the implications which the fi,rst report ofthe Credentials Committee may have f~)f thiS General Assembly session. It is precisely for thiS reason that the draft resolution is aimed at reptedying the negative impact which the report may have on the deliberations of the session and on the United Nations in general. 10. As stated in the draft resolution, the sponsors are 11. It has been argued that the Credentials Committee is to confine itselfonly to technical tasks, which involve merely the consideration of the formal aspects of cre- dentials. It is not my intention to engage in polemics about the proper function and the competence of this very important organ of the General Assembly. In our view, however, any document which contains creden- tials ought to be examined and judged not only on the basis of its form. The basic prerequisite for the credibil- ity of credentials is, in our view, the competence and the legitimate powers of those who issue the creden- tials, for it is absolutely clear that nobody can delegate powers which he does not himself possess. 12. Unfortunately, the Credentials Committee did not consider this important aspect of the problem, nor is it reflected in its first report. Furthermore, having studied the first report of the Credentials Committee, we have come to the conclusion, as pointed out in the preambu- lar paragraph of the draft resolution, that the Creden- tials Committee "failed to examine properly all the relevant communications and to take into account all the aspects of the question under discussion". 13. This conclusion ofours is supported by the follow- ing facts. 14. The Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, which cold- bloodedly carried out the premeditated genocide of approximately 3 million people in Kampuchea, was logically and naturally overthrown in a truly popular revolution by the people of Kampuchea themselves. In the exercise of their inalienable right to self- determination, the people of Kampuchea brought to power the People's Revolutionary Council, headed by Heng Samrin. The People's Revolutionary Council now holds effective control over the whole of Kam- pUChea. It is the sale legitimate power exercising its sovereign rights in both the domestic and the foreign affairs of the country. 15. As the legitimate authoritative and responsible Government of the country, the People's Revolution- ary Council immediately launched a nation-wide campaign for the reconstruction ofthe country, and this campaign is being carried out under most difficult con- ditions in the aftermath of the holocaust. 16. The aims of the campaign are to bring back to normal the functioning of the State and to heal the wounds of a severely maimed society. The People's ~evolutionaryCouncil is sparing no efforts to bring the life of the people back to normal, to reunite the families of those who survived the massacre on million human beings, and to restore national traditions and a decent way of life. 17. In the field of foreign policy, the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea upholds 18. As the sole legitimate and authentic representa- tive of the Kampuchean people, the People's Re- volutionary Council satisfies all the requirements for effective membership in our Organization. Why, then, and on what grounds, are that Government and its representatives being denied their rightful seat in the United Nations? Why, then, should the credentials of those who were overthrown by the Kampuchean people be recognized as valid when they are issued by a non-existent authority? Even if that authority claims to be a Government, it does not possess the elementary prerequisites of a Government that deserves a seat in this Organization. 19. I therefore submit that the question is not merely whether the Government is good or bad, as some allege; the question is which is the authentic Government exer- cising full control and effective power in Kampuchea according to the rules and customs of international law and practice. 20. Operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution re- sults from an objective assessment of the situation and takes into account the aforementioned considerations. By reason of those considerations there is no other course of action for this General Assembly to take than to disregard the first report of the Credentials Commit- tee, because it is inadequate and, as such, could only do harm to the good name and effectiveness of the United Nations. 21. On the same grounds, we further believe that the General Assembly must recognize the delegates ap- pointed by the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea as the only legitimate representatives of Kampuchea and that it must recog- nize the validity of their credentials duly issued by the competent Government of the country. Consequently, as can be seen from the letter and spirit of operative paragraph 3 of the draft resolution it is my honour to submit today for the consideration ofthe Assembly, we consider it only logical for the General Assembly to invite the legitimate representatives of Kampuchea duly accredited by the authentic Government of that country to take their rightful seats in the United Nations. 22. We believe that in this way the General Assembly will do justice to the people of Kampuchea, who went through so much suffering and so many ordeals under the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime. We believe that in this way the General Assembly will show its support for the genuine constructive efforts of the Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which deserves in- ternational encouragement in its noble endeavours. 23. To do otherwise, and to recognize the credentials of persons representing the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, which was driven away and outlawed by the people of Kampuchea themselves, will not contribute to the m~intenance of peace and stability in South-East Asia. It IS common knowledge that those persons have been 24. w.e also ~elieve that the Assembly will not allow the United Nations to be used for such schemes which are alien to the lofty purposes and ideals of the Charter and run counter to the basic tenets ofinternational law. 25. On behalfofthe sponsors ofdraft resolution A/34/ L.2, I address an earnest appeal to the General Assem- bly to consider this case according to its merits and to prevent an unjust sol~tion, which could only be prejudi- Cial to the constructive work of the current session. 26. Mr. MlSHRA (India): Mr. President, since this is the first time I have taken the floor, Ishould like to pay a tribute to you and to your country and to express the hOl?e that the delib~ration~ of this Assembly will prove frUitful and beneficial dunng your presidency. We are proud of you. 27. We have before us the report of the Credentials Com~ittee {A/34/500], a draft resolution that has just been mtroduced by the representative of Bulgaria {A/ 34/L.2], and an amendment {A/34/L.3 andAdd. 1] to the draft resolution recommended by the Credentials Com- m~ttee: The amendment has been proposed by India With SIX other sponsors. 28. The As~embly is facing a problem today, but not for the first time. We have had to deal with such situa- tions in the past-sometimes very delicate situations sometimes simple procedural problems. This one i submit, is a delicate one. ' 29. We of the non-aligned movement faced a similar problem earlier this month in Havana, at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries. If I may, I shall very briefly read from the consensus that was arrived at in Havana. It states: "The Conference recognized the existence within the Movement of three positions with respect to this problem: "I. That of those who uphold the view that this representation devolves on the People's Republic of Kampuchea, . "2. That of those who uphold that this representa- tIon devolves on the Democratic Republic of Kam- puchea and "3. That ofthose who propose that the seat should not be occupied by either of the parties." {See A/34/ 542, annex, sect. II.] 30. My country's delegation to the Havana Confer- ence was one ofthose favouring the third point-that is, that.the seat should not be occupied by either of the partIes. 31. It is our conviction that the General Assembly should not take a definitive position at this moment. The best position for the General Assembly to take at this moment is to wait and watch. lfwe were to accept the report of the Credentials Committee as it stands I ha--:e no doubt that we would get involved in a very acnmonious debate which. might spill over from this 32. It is quite possible that the situation might become clearer in a few week's time. The Assembly can, in its wisdom, take up the matter again. It is equally possible that by the time we come to the end of the session on 18 December this year, the situation may still be undear, but we would not have lost anything by approving an interim solution. 33., We must learn from our past experience. Year after year in this Assembly decisions have been taken which have had no relationship to the reality of the situation within the country concerned, and today we are again asked to choose between two positions and we are not sure what the actual situation is. Is it correct for us to pronounce ourselves in a definitive manner? I submit that that would be unwise, not only for the sake of the Assembly, but for the sake of the situation which is involved in this procedural question. 31. The proposed amendment provides the opportu- nIty for us to take a second look at this problem, if it becomes necessary. Approval of the report of the Cre- dentials Committee or ofdraft resolution A/34/L.2 does not do that. 35. For these reasons, on behalfofthe sponsors ofthe proposed amendment in document A/34/L.3 and Add. I I would appeal to this Assembly to support it and, in the process, to take an interim decision.

It has taken our President only three days to break a United Nations addiction of 30 years: for the first time in three decades we have started a meeting on time, and I should like to take this opportunity to pay my respects and to express my gratitude to President Salim. I also pledge him the co- operation of my delegation, which will always tum up for all meetings on time. 37. In order to avoid confusion, it would, I think, be helpful if I were to begin by recalling that we have before us this morning three documents, starting with the first report ofthe Credentials Committee, contained in document A/34/500 and dated 20 September 1979. Paragraph 23 of that report states that the Credentials Committee accepted the credentials ofthe delegation of Democratic Kampuchea. In paragraph 26 the Creden- tials Committee recommends to this Assembly the adoption ofa draft resolution of which it gives the text. The Chainnan ofthe Credentials Committee, Mr. Erne- mann of Belgium, has spoken this morning and asked fonnally that this Assembly adopt the first report of the Credentials Committee. 38. The first point that I want to make is that the draft resolution recommended by the Credentials Committee to this Assembly in document A/34/500 has priority over any other proposal. 39. We also have before us this morning two other documents. One is draft resolution A/34/L.2, which 40. Let me now draw attention to the third document, A/34/L.3 and Add. 1. This is an amendment made by India and sponsored also by, six other delegations. My very dear friend and colleague, Ambassador Mishra, has, with his usual eloquence and clarity, just intro- duced his amendment. 41. My first comment on the amendment proposed by Mr. Mishra contained in document A/34/LJ is that, in my view, quite apart from whether or not one agrees or disagrees with the substanc:e oft~e amend~ent, it d~es not-and I wish to emphaSize thls-techmcally qualify as an amendment but, on the contrary, it constitutes a new proposal. 42. Why do I say this? I say this because we are faced this morning with a recommendation from the Cred~n­ tials Committee that we adopt its first report, which approves the credentials of the delegation of Demo- cratic Kampuchea. Of course, one may either accept the first report or reject it. But, in my view, for an amendment to be truly an amendment, it must fall within the ambit of rule 90 of our rules of procedure. I invite members to tum to the last sentence of rule 90, which reads as follows: "A motion is considered an amendment to a proposal if it merely adds to, deletes from or revises part of the proposal. " In my humble view, the proposal of the Indian and other sponsoring delegations that we should suspend the consideration of the report of the Credentials Committee and "keep the seat of Kampuchea vacant for the time being" does not qualify as an amendment within the meaning of rule 90 of our rules of procedure. 43. Next, I should like to make a few brief remarks in response to the substantive comments that were made by my two dear colleagues Ambassador Mishra ofIndia and Ambassador Yankov of Bulgaria. I want to begin my response to my two dear colleagues by reminding them that the situation in Kampuchea is by no means one with which we in the United Nations are unfamiliar. Indeed, on two occasions this year the Security Council met and held several meetings to consider the armed conflicts which were taking place within Kampuchea as well as between China and Viet Nam. For the present purpose I shall of course confine my remarks to the situation in Kampuchea. 44. I recall as a matter of historical fact, which is simple but irrefutable, that on Christmas Day, 25 De- cember 1978, more than 100,000 Vietnamese troops invaded the territory of Kampuchea, an event which compelled the legal Government of Kampuchea to leave the capital and to carry on a war of resistance in the countryside. 45. The second fact which I wish to recall is again a simple fact, but it is one which is undeniable and irrefut- able. It is that on 15 January 1979 the Security Council met to consider the armed conflict taking place in 46. The third fact I want to recall, which is again undeniable and irrefutable, is that the Security Council met for a second time this year, at its 2l29th meeting, on 16 March, to consider the situation in South-East Asia. At the end of the second series of meetings, the mem- bers of the Security Council voted upon a draft resolu- tion which was sponsored by the five member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN]-Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thai- land and my own country, Singapore. 3 Thirteen mem- bers of the Security Council, including-and I wish to emphasize this-all the seven non-aligned members of the Security Council, voted for the ASEAN draft res- olution. It attracted 13 positive votes but failed to be adopted only because of the negative vote of one per- manent member. The ASEAN draft resolution, inter alia, called for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea; called for respect for the sovereignty, ter- ritorial integrity and independence of Kampuchea; and called for the restoration to the people of Kampucheaof its right to determine its own future without interfer- ence from others. 47. My colleagues who spoke before me referred to the fact that the Government of Democratic Kam- puchea-which they have for some time euphemisti- cally referred to as the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique-had a very, very bad record of violations of human rights. This is undeniably true, and we in ASEAN have consis- tently criticized and even condemned the violations of human rights by the Government of Democratic Kam- puchea:. The attitude ofsome ofthe detractors ofDemo- cratic Kampuchea has not been so consistent. Indeed, those who, as late as 1978, defended the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, when in the United Nations Commission on Human Rights the delegation of the United Kingdom raised the question of the massive violation of human rights by that Government, are its present detractors. This is an embarrassing fact for them, but it is an historical, undeniable and irrefutable fact. But the important thing is that, even ifthe Govern- ment ofDemocratic Kampuchea had massively, exten- sively violated the human rights of its people, as we claim that it has, that gives no right under international law to a neighbouring State to invade its territory, to overthrow its Government and to impose a Govern- ment backed by that neighbouring State. 49. I want therefore to hit the nail very squarely on the head in this argument: yes, we agree that the human rights record of the Government of Democratic Kam- puchea is terrible; but we also argue, and we hope Members agree with us, that this gives no right under intemationallaw for any neighbouring State to take up armed force to invade its territory, to overthrow its Government, and to set up a puppet regime. 50. The next point that I would like to make is in response to an argument by my dear friend and col- league Ambassador Yankov of Bulgaria. He said that under international law we must recognize a Govern- ment which exercises effective control over its terri- tory. He alleges that the People's Revolutionary Council ofKampuchea exercises effective control over the territory of Kampuchea, and must therefore be recognized by this Organization·as its legal Govern- ment. My reply to Ambassador Yankov's argument is twofold. First, it is not true, as a matter offact, that the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea exer- cises effective control over the entire territory of that country. The war of resistance against the foreign mili- tary forces continues to be waged by patriotic elements, not necessarily only by those loyal to the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, but by all patriotic ele- ments including Sihanoukists and others; and it cannot be said that because a Government has its site in the capital it is in effective control over the entire territory of Kampuchea. 51. My second argument in response to Ambassador Yankov is that in international law it is true that one generally recognizes the Government which exercises effective control over a territory. But this is not an absolute rule without exceptions. We do not, for exam- ple, recognize a foreign Power's control over territory that it has conquered by force. For this reason, Singa- pore has consistently taken the position that we do not recognize that the Government of Israel has any rights over territory it conquered by force in 1967. I hope that my Arab friends will take their position on Kampuchea in consistency with principle. 52. The argument is sometimes made that when Viet Nam sent over 100,000 troops into the territory ofKam- puchea, it was only exercising its legitimate right of self-defence; and I think I should respond to this argu- ment as well. It is true that during the first three years of its life the Democratic Government ofKampuchea did, on occasion, violate the territory of both Viet Nam and Thailand and sent raiding parties into the territory of both those countries; that it robbed the people and the villages, burned their homes, stole their cattle and other livestock; that it committed completely unjustifiable attacks. But the exercise by a State of the right of self-defence must be measured. It must be proportion- ate to the degree of provocation by the offenders. In no wise can it be said that, because the Government of Democratic Kampuchea had committed these acts of 53. I can, I think, demonstrate my point very simply by asking those who now defend the Government ofthe People's Revolutionary Council ofKampuchea and are detractors of the Government of Democratic Kam- puchea this question, If it had been Thailand instead of Viet Nam that had, on 25 December 1978, sent 10 divisions into Kampuchea, overthrown the Pol Pot Government and imposed a Government on the people of Kampuchea backed by Thai military force, would they today take the same position as they do? I think the answer is obvious: they would not. 54. In this case, what they have done is to put their friendship with Viet Nam above principle. 55. I wish now to conclude by replying very briefly to my colleague and very dear friend from India, Ambas- sador Mishra. He said that, at the Sixth Conference of non-aligned countries, held recently at Havana, a con- sensus was arrived at whereby Kampuchea's seat was kept vacant. As a loyal member of the non-aligned movement, I do not think that we should wash ourdirty linen in public. We had an intrafamily quarrel. While I would prefer to answer Ambassador Mishra as to how that consensus was arrived at within the non-aligned forum, I shall remain silent. I think representatives can draw inferences and insinuations from my silence. 56. But I want to remind Ambassador Mishra, re- spectfully and humbly but firmly, that in Havana the countries closest to the region of conflict, including Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Burma, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Maldives, Pakistan and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, took the same position. What was their position? It was that the Government of Democratic Kampuchea, bad as it was, was the legal Government of the country; that it was overthrown by an act of armed intervention by a foreign Power; and that a new Government in Phnom Penh subsists by reason of the backing of that foreign Power whose armed forces not only remain on Kampuchean territory but have been augmented. 57. I am not saying, of course, that just because our countries are situated closer to the region ofconflict we are omniscient and that representatives must accept our word. No; representatives have the right to make their own judgement. Butjust as we in South-East Asia always listen with special respect to our African brothers on African matters and to our Arab brothers on Arab matters, so we hope that on Asian matters representatives will at least accord us the courtesy of listening to the views of the countries closest to the region. That is all I ask of representatives.

Mr. President, speaking for the first time at this session of the Assembly, may I seek your indulgence in permitting me to express my congratulations to you and to say how happy I am at seeing you presiding over our deliberations. 4s a close and intimate friend of about 15 years' standmg, I am only too aware of your outstanding abilities and wis- dom. That being so, I have every confidence that you 59. At the outset we have to make certain facts very clear. At our previous meeting a challenge was raised by the representative of Viet Nam to the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea, which was seated as a Member of the United Nations and had been participat- ing in all previous United Nations meetings. As a result of that challenge, the President requested the Creden- tials Committee specifically to meet and submit its re- pOl1 to the General Assembly. The task before the Credentials Committee was, therefore, to consider whether the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea were in order. We now have before us the report of the Credentials Committee [A/34/500], in which we are in- formed that that Committee by a vote of 6 to 3, has found the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea to be valid. 60. Since the challenge was raised, and since we now have the report of the Credentials Committee, the Gen- eral Assembly, I submit, should therefore take a deci- sion either to accept or to reject the report of the Committee. 61. Just now, the representative of Bulgaria intro- duced draft resolution A/34/L.2 proposing that the del- egation of the People's Republic ofKampuchea take its seat in this Assembly. I wish to make some comments on the draft resolution itself. 62. As we all know, Democratic Kampuchea has been legally accredited to the United Nations in all its previ- ous meetings. Its credentials were accepted by the United Nations at its thirty-third session and it has been partici~ating in all meetings of the United Nations and Its varIOUS agencies and organs. Its credentials have n0\Y been challenged by none other than the party which has used force of arms to intervene in the internal affairs of Kampuchea, overthrown an established Gov- ernment and set up in its place an alien Government, backed by the huge and immense military force of the Government which has intervened. 63.. As we ~ll kn.ow, one ofthe sacred principles ofthe Umted Nations IS that of non-interference and non- intervention in the internal affairs of another State. As ~n attempt at justification, it has been said that the mterventlon was the result of provocations. But we all ~now that another basic principle of the United Nations I~ that of t~e peaceful solution of problems, and at no time has thIS august Assembly's attention been drawn to the existence of th~ controversy or a proposal made to seek peaceful solutIOn through the procedures avail- able under the Charter. Instead there was recourse to armed force, which resulted i~ the overthrow of an established and legitimate Government. Were we to accept the draft resolution and seat the People's Repub- lic of Kampuchea, it would mean that we would be c?ndoni~g aJ.1TIed intervention and aggression that is in dIrect VIOlatIOn of the various principles we are sup- posed to uphold. 64.. Furthermore, .if w~ accept the draft resolution it will mean that qualificatIOn for membership in this As- 65. It will be recalled that at the height ofthe atrocities committed by the Pol Pot Government, which we alI deplore, no one in this Assembly voiced any objection to the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea. Yet now we are being asked to evaluate the credentials of a Government in the light of the record of its violations of human rights. In this connexion I recall that in 1978 there was a complaint before the Commission on Hu- man Rights concerning violations of human rights by the Government of Democratic Kampuchea. 4 The very people who are today proposing that another dele- gation should be seated as the representative of that particular Government are performing a flagrant volte- face based not on any principle, but merely on political expediency. 66. The Permanent Representative of Singapore elo- quently recalled the Security Council meetings that were held to consider the armed military intervention in Kampuchea. He drew the Assembly's attention to the fact that all the representatives ofnon-aligned countries in the Security Council spoke against that military in- tervention, and that, despite the unanimity ofthe views expressed, the Security Council was unable to arrive at a decision owing to the use of the veto by a super- Power. 67. With regard to the proposal that has been intro- duced by the delegation of India, which purports to be an amendment to the draft resolution contained in documentA/34/500, my delegation is ofthe opinion that this so-called amendment is not an amendment, but rather a proposal aimed at unseating the legitimate rep- resentatives of Democratic Kampuchea. In my delega- tion's opinion, it is an attempt to distract the General Assembly from fulfilling its mandate. Not only is that so, but it is also a new proposal that seeks to change the recommendation of the Credentials Committee and to have the General Assembly adopt a different decision and to keep the seat of Kampuchea empty. 68. Reference has been made to the Havana Confer- ence, where it was decided to keep the Kampuchea seat vacant. FIrst, may I say that we are all aware that the criteria used in non-aligned Conferences cannot so eas- ily be applied in the United Nations. The qualifications for membership are somewhat different from those for me~~ership in this b<;>dy. Furthermore, in arriving at deCISIons the non-aligned countries work by con- sensu~, and, despite claims made to the contrary, it waS clear m Havana that there was no consensus with re- gard to unseating Democratic Kampuchea. A large nu~be~ of delegati~ns at the meeting of the Co- ordmatmg Bureau objected to a unilateral decision on the ~aI1 of the host country designed to prevent Demo- cratic K~puchea, a full member, from participating in the meetmgs.. Twenty delegations signed a joint state- ment protestmg the Chairman's arbitrary decision to ~eep that seat v~cant. Clearly the issue was the unseat- mg of Democratic Kampuchea for which there was no consensus. The decision to ke~p the seat vacant which 4 See document E/CNA/L.1402. 69. Now at the United Nations we have been asked to accept a new proposal to keep the Kampuchean seat vacant. We all know the purpose of this proposal. In Kampuchea an established Government has been ousted by outside forces that are continuing, backed up by the massive armed force, to occupy the territory of that country. To keep the seat vacant is therefore to condone armed intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. Worst of all, the General Assembly is being asked to deprive a victim ofaggression ofthe right to occupy its rightful place in the United Nations. 70. The Pol Pot regime may be obnoxious, and we all deplore its brutality and its violations of human rights, but that is certainly no justification for armed interven- tion by a neighbouring State. 71. Reference has also been made to the possibility of acrimonious debate; but, as we all know, this is not the first time we have had a Govemment seated here which is objected to by a few other Governments also Mem- bers of this body. 72. As we see it, therefore, the Indian proposal before us may create a very dangerous precedent for the United Nations. We cannot allow the principles of this august body to be trampled on with impunity. 73. I submit that the Indian proposal is not an amend- ment. That being so, then priority should be given to our voting on the report of the Credentials Committee, and I move that we proceed to take a vote on the draft resolution contained in document A/34/500, which calls for the adoption of the first report of the Credentials Committee.

Sir, permit me first ofall tojoin the previous speakers in congratulating you personally on your election to the high post of President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I am confident that under your able and experienced guidance the Assembly will be able to ac- complish its tasks. 75. Having read the first report of the Credentials Committee, the Mongolian delegation was utterly surprised at the fact that the Committee, by a majority of three votes, had found the credentials of so-called Democratic Kampuchea, whose despotic regime has been overthrown by the people of Kampuchea and has consequently ceased to exist, to be in order. It is well known that the odious regime ofPol Pot and Ieng Sary, by its most barbarous and brutal policy ofmass annihi- lation and genocide during the brief periOd of its reign and terror in Kampuchea, exterminated 3 million people and trampled underfoot the basic right of every human being-the right to live-not to mention other elementary human rights. 76. Therefore, it was quite natural that the Kampu- chean people should have risen up against that odious regime. The People's Revolutionary Council of Kam- puchea, which was formed during the struggle of the Kampuchean people to reaffirm their sacred national right to self-determination, is in full and firm control of 77. In the field of foreign affairs, the new Government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is pursuing a policy ofpeace, friendship and non-alignment, which is demonstrated in its sincere desire to re-establish good- neighbourly relations and co-operation with all the countries of South-East Asia and to contribute to the cause of peace and progress throughout the world. As a result and a reflection of its peace-loving policy, the People's Republic of Kampuchea is being recognized by an ever growing number ofStates. In the light of the actual situation prevailing in Kampuchea, it is abso- lutely clear that the People's Revolutionary Council, embodying the new and genuinely popular power, is the sole spokesman of the wishes and aspirations of the Kampuchean people and consequently is the only true and legitimate representative of the Khmer people. 78. It was in that capacity that the People's Revolu- tionary Council decided to send a delegation to take part in the. work of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly and accordingly communicated to you, Mr. President, and to the Secretary-General the composition of its delegation. 79. The delegation of the People's Republic of Kam- puchea should be most welcome and should be ac- corded its legitimate seat in this body. To ignore this reality or, even worse, to allow the continued illegal presence at the United Nations of some individuals representing no one, individuals who have, moreover, been found to be criminals and enemies of the people and thus justly sentenced in absentia to death by the People's Revolutionary Tribunal ofKampuchea, would amount to gross interference in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and would be an insult to and a flagrant violation ofthe sovereign right of the Kampuchean people. Furthermore, this would be in contradiction with the lofty purposes and principles of the United Nations, would seriously undermine its au- thority and would thus be detrimental to its work. 80. When the Credentials Committee was seized of the question of credentials of the representatives of Kampuchea, it had before it, as is rightly reflected in the report, the aforementioned communication, signed by Mr. Heng Sarnrin, the President of the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. But, strangely enough, in violation of the provisions of rule 27 of the rules of procedures of the General Assembly, the Committee examined the creden- tials of the representatives of the countly ironically called "Democratic Kampuchea", signed by an indi- vidual who had been declared the most vicious enemy of the Kampuchean people. Moreover, the Committee examined the credentials formalistically and did not give due consideration to all the aspects ofthe question under discussion. The view expressed in the Creden- tials Committee that its mandate was ofa purely techni- cal nature is not in conformity with the spirit and letter of the rules of procedure or with established practice. My delegation would have great difficulty in asserting that. for example. the examination of 1974 of the cre- 81. For these reasons my delegation cannot accept the first report of the Credentials Committee and, to- gether with the delegation of the People's Republic of Bulgaria and the delegations of some other socialist countries, is submitting for the Assembly's considera- tion draft resolution A!34/L.2, the main motives and ideas of which have just been introduced so eloquently and on such solid grounds by the representative of Bulgaria, Ambassador Yankov. 82. Not only would the adoption of this draft resolu- tion meet the true aspirations and vital interests of the Kampuchean people, but also, being in accordance with contemporary international law and justice, it would represent a significant contribution to the cre- ation ofan atmosphere oftrust and co-operation condu- cive to peace and stability in that region.

I am speaking for the first time since the revolution in Grenada, which led to the establishment of the People's Revolutionary Govern- ment in my country on 13 March 1979. It is also the first time, Mr. President, that I have had the opportunity to congratulate you on your unanimous election to your high office. I can recall with great pleasure that upon my arrival in New York after our revolution you were one of the very first people I met. You gave me words of encouragement in the performance of the task which had been assigned to me. I also had the impression that you were a person oftremendous resl'0nsibility, ability and potential, and I have no doubt tHat you will guide the work of this session of the Assembly in a manner that will redound to the glory of the United Nations. 84. The very first question which my delegation and Government have been called upon to consider here at the United Nations concerns the report of the Creden- tials Committee. In our view, the question of Kam- puchea is one of the most important questions of our time. No one doubts-not even the detractors ofpopu- lar Kampuchea-that the Pol Pot and leng Sary clique were nothing short of murderers and butchers. It is an unquestionable fact that the atrocities that were com- mitted in that country exceeded even those of Nazi Germany. The countries of the whole world came to- gether when Hitler invaded Europe, and in fact they came together in the name of promoting freedom and democracy in Europe. 85. The small country of Kampuchea admittedly came into existence when the forces of imperialism were defeated, when the people of that country themselves were seeking to establish an order which would promote peace and harmony. But those who pretended to fight for peace and harmony were wolves III sheep's clothing. They were later unmasked as a re~ime which was born in blood, which was christened with bullets and which caused untold and unpre- cedented death among the people of that country. 86. There are those who say that the glorious people of Viet Nam have intervened in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. We completely reject that argument out of hand. Did not those nations themselves that claimed that they invaded Nazi Germany to establish peace in Europe remain in Germany for years upon years, with 87. I have never heard of a Government without a country. If the Pol Pot and leng Sary clique were to be asked the location of their capital, they would not be able to say where it was within the territory of Kam- puchea. Ifthey were asked where their people were and whether they were located within borders other than those of Kampuchea, the answer certainly must be "Yes". 88. Grenada became a member of the non-aligned movement in Havana and our Prime Minister, who is also the Minister for Foreign Affairs, made a very de- tailed statement on the question of whom we support. Our Government is a principled Government. Having analysed the issues, it comes down in a consistent man- ner on the side of those who struggle for real freedom and for the total independence of their country. There- fore, it is not a matter of surprise that the People's Revolutionary Government, early in September ofthis year, recognIzed the Government of popular Kam- puchea. We were partofthat consensus in Havana. We contributed to developing that consensus which stated that the seat of popular Kampuchea should be left va- cant for the time being. We believe that that fonnula was adopted by many nations which are represented here today. We believe that the Credentials Committee was insensitive to reality and that it acted as if it were carrying out a clinical exercise, an exercise which I feel is not warranted in this situation. One has to look at the larger realities. Is there peace in Kampuchea today? The answer must be "Yes". Is there a reorganizationof the State whereby the economy, the infrastructure and the total condition existing in that country are now organized for the benefit of the people? The answer must be in the affirmative; the answer must be "Yes". 89. Therefore, we believe-and we are convinced- that there is only one sole and definitive representative of the people of Kampuchea, and that is the Popular Government of that country. For us, then, the only rightful representatives who must take their seats and who can assist the General Assembly in its work in promoting peace and in helping us to establish detente and peaceful coexistence and to fulfil the obligations of Members of the Charter are the representatives of the Government of popular Kampuchea. 90. We would not be true to ourselves if we allowed Pol Pot and leng Sary to be represented here. We can- not allow the blood of 3million people, which flows out of Kampuchea to flow right here into the United Na- tions, and contaminate us with the blood of the martyrs ofthat country. We therefore say that we reject this first report of the Credentials Committee. We also /lay that we support the only legitimate Government. We also say that, as a compromise, we are willing to accept the formula put forward by India. 92. The General Assembly has before it at this mo- ment the first report of the Credentials Committee, document A/34/500. The delegation ofthe Lao People's Democratic Republic has the greatest difficulty in en- dorsing the decision of the Committee as it appears in paragraph 26 of that report, in which it has recognized the credentials of the so-called Government of Demo- cratic Kampuchea, which was overthrown and rejected once and for all by the Kampuchean people on 7 January 1979. 93. Thus, since that date, the notorious Democratic Kampuchea, which massacred 3 million of its own people and transformed Kampuchea into a huge and mdescribable neo-Nazi slaughter-house no longer ex- ists either de facto or de jure. Since the people have overthrown that Government and set up a People's Revolutionary Council and a United Front for the Na- tional Salvation of Kampuchea, they have once again become masters of their country and their destiny. In- dependence, sovereignty and freedom are now se- curely in the hands of the Kampuchean people, who practise a policy of peace, independence, friendship and non-alignment. This policy is in conformity with the common interests of the Lao, Kampuchean and Vietnamese peoples, and has helped to reinforce peace and stability in South-East Asia and in the world at large. On the domestic front, the people ofKampuchea have undertaken the vast enterprise of rebuilding their country and bringing life back to normal by reuniting families which had been forcibly separated by the crimi- nal policy of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime, reopening schools and hospitals and restoring the pagodas and the practice of religion. 94. In sum, after a long war of imperialist aggression, and after almost four nightmarish years of the bloody neo-Fascist regime of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary , the people of Kampuchea are gradually emerging from their night- mare and are slowly healing their deep wounds. 95. The duty of the international community, and most particularly, that of the United Nations, whose noble mission it is to promote peace, freedom, justice and human rights, consists, in our opinion, in assisting this martyred people of Kampuchea to accomplish their national destiny, beginning by respecting their choice ofthe political and social regime under which they wish to live and prosper. 96, The United Nations would fail in its duty and would betray its noble aims if it were to insist on impos- ing upon the people of Kampuchea the criminal horde of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary-or, indeed, any regime or solution not chosen through the expression of the sovereign will of the people of Kampuchea. 97. The sovereign will of the people of Kampuchea was clearly expressed on 7 January 1979, because, by overthrowing the genocidal Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime, 98. Is this not a great contribution to the cause of peace and stability in South-East Asiaand in the world? 99. Having been intimately linked for more than three decades with the struggle ofthe brotherly Karnpuchean people for independence, sovereignty and freedom, as well as with the struggle of the fraternal people of Viet Nam, the Lao people, as President Souphanouvang said in his statement to the Sixth Conference of Heads ofState or Government ofNon-Aligned Countries, held earlier this month in Havana: "The Lao People's Republic recognizes the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which cannot and must not be subjected to aggression or threats from any source, The People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea is the sole legitimate authority in Kam- puchea, and it must take its place at the United Na- tions and in other international organizations of the world. " 100. My delegation therefore firmly opposes the pre- sence ofthe representatives of the overthrown criminal band of Pol Pot-Ieng Sary in this Assembly and asks that Kampuchea's seat be restored to the People's Rev- olutionary Council of Kampuchea, which has firm con- trol over the entire country and enjoys the resolute support of the people of Kampuchea and is therefore the only legal and legitimate representative of the people of Kampuchea. 101. In his statement this morning, the representative ofSingapore spoke ofthe so-called struggle that is going on in Kampuchea. That struggle is a result ofactivities contrary to the Charter and to international law carried on by the expansionist leaders in Peking in cahoots with imperialist and reactionary forces, which continue, in disregard of the princi.l?le of non-interference, to sup- port and to assist the cnminal activities of the remnants of the Pol Pot army against the regime of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. Those persons must be made to know that, despite their evil activities, the situation in Kampuchea will soon return to normal, 102. In the spirit of rendering justice to the people of Kampuchea, who have suffered so much, my delega- tion has become a sponsor ofdraft resolution A/34/L.2, which has been so eloquently introduced by the rep- resentative of Bulgaria. That draft resolution reflects the de facto situation in Kampuchea and will help to consolidate peace and stability in South-East Asia and therefore in the world. We hope that it will receive massive support among the members of the Assembly.

Mr. President, the delegation of Poland will in due course address well- deserved felicitations to you on your election to the presidency ofthe General Assembly. On this occasion I offer you my best personal congratulations as your colleague and friend. 105. My delegation has carefully studied the report of the Credentials Committee now before us and con- tained in document A/34/500. Even before the official records of the Credentials Committee were available, we also read very attentively the press release on the Committee's meeting of Wednesday last, which was issued with unusual speed by the Department of Public Information. I must with all frankness say that the reading of both papers has given rise to serious ap- prehensions and concern for us. 106. In the first place, we find in the proceedings ofthe Credentials Committee a number of significant inac- curacies and departures from the established proce- dures of the United Nations. Even the skilfully drafted text of its report cannot conceal that consideration ofa proposal made at the outset ofthe Committee's meeting by the representative ofthe Congo was unjustifiably put aside in favour ofa proposal by another delegation that had sought a one-sided and unfair verdict on the discus- sion. By the same token, we cannot accept the conclu- sion of the Committee's report, since it devoted no attention to the communication from the People's Rev- olutionary Council of Kampuchea addressed to the President of the General Assembly and the Secretary- General. Once two communications had been pre- sented to the Committee by the Legal Counsel, both of them sh~uldat least have been given equal treatment by the Chairman and members ofthe Credentials Commit- tee. Unfortunately, they have not been treated in that way. The report cannot, therefore, be taken as a serious a~tempt at. objectivity. It presents a grossly distorted picture WhiCh, I am sorry to say, does not do credit to its authors. 107. Nearly three months ago, in our letter to the SecretarY-General of the United Nations [A/34/347], the Polish Government strongly protested the illegal presence on the premises of the United Nations of the no-longer-existent genocidal regime once headed by the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, which had brought untold sufferings upon the people of Kampuchea. 108. The Kampuchean people have overthrown the genoci~al regime of P<?I Pot-Ieng Sary, the main exter- n.al policy preoccupatIOn of which was service to out- Side forces through the annihilation in cold blood of its own people and the destruction of the country's economy and culture. Within only a short span ofa few years the regime assassinated some 3 million Kampu- cheans, especially the intelligentsia, and pushed back the country's development for decades. It entered on a path of armed c<?nflict w~th all it~ neighbours, thereby ~penly .c~allengillg. the InternatIOnal community and Jeopardlzmg peace III South-East Asia. The overthrow of the Pol Pot re!lime. saved ~he people of Kampuchea fro!? total ext~rm!natIonand mdeed prevented an inter- national COnfliCt ill South-East Asia. 109.. T?d.ay we again protest the illegal seating ofpri· vate, IndiViduals who abuse the privileges reserved ex- clUSively for Member States and their Governments in places that belong to the lawful authorities of Kam- puchea headed by President Heng Samrin. None but the legal authorities of the new Kampuchea have the 110. The delegation ofPoland therefore welcomed the appointment of the delegation of the People's Republic of Kampuchea to the thirty-fourth session of the Gen- eral Assembly, notification of which has been duly transmitted in President Heng Samrin's message of 16 September [A/34/472]. 111. Poland has recognized the People's Republic of Kampuchea, and it has established normal diplomatic relations with it. The Embassy of the Polish People's Republic is functioning in the capital of Kampuchea Phnom Penh. Therefore it is not on the basis of th~ vilifications of the enemies of the Kampuchean revolu- tion but from on-the-spot observations that we can state from this rostrum that the only legitimate Kampuchean Government, the People's Revolutionary Council, ex- ercises effective authority in Kampuchea, and that the situation there is steadily returning to normal. The People's Revolutionary Council is taking energetic ac- tion towards the reconstruction of the country, uniting families and developing national education and culture, All this can be attested to also by other countries that maintain diplomatic relations with the Kampuchean People's Republic as well as by numerous journalists and representatives of international organizations who have recently visited Phnom Penh. 112. What Kampuchea needs today to recover from the wounds inflicted upon it by the genocidal Pol Pot regime is peace, assistance and more goodwill on the part of the entire international community. 113. The situation that some delegations are trying to create concerning Kampuchea's representation at this session of the General Assembly also brings to mind some other sad reflections. 114. First, it is an attempt to create a dangerous prece- dent in this Organization in accordance with which anyone paid and supported by a big Power can, from outside his own country, seek representation at the United Nations. Were this flagrant fiction not as serious and precedent-setting as it is, it might even be con- sidered amusing. 115. Secondly, here we are witnessing among the op- ponents of people's Kampuchea specific collusion be- tween those forces that claim to have the right to teach smaller States a military lesson and those that are in- terested in teaching them a political lesson. 11~. Thirdly, the partners in the collusion keep acting as if they were interested only in vindictiveness--small wonder, in fact, since their defeats in Indo-China will go down in history as victories over expansionism, hegemonism and imperialism. Vindictiveness has, how~ver, always been a poor counsel in international relatIOns. On most occasions it is self-defeating. In the case at hand, it makes a farce out of serious delibera- tions when a group of individuals claims to be au- thorized to act by a non-existent government, submit- ting papers signed by men who have now become notorious for acts of mass genocide against their own people.

Our General Assembly has the responsi- bility of examining the report of the Credentials Com- mittee, published in document A/34/500, dated 20 September 1979, and in due course to adopt the draft resolution contained in the Committee's report. The draft resolution in paragraph 26 has been drawn up in an entirely simplistic fashion, that the General Assembly approves the Committee's first report, the essential part of which states that six representatives on the Committee accepted the draft resolution put forward by the Chairman of the Committee to the effect that the Committee accepted the credentials ofthe delegation of Democratic Kampuchea, while three other members of the Committee voted against it. 119. The delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam wishes to express its views on the Committee's report and recommendations before expressing its opinion on the Indian delegation's amendment, sponsored by a group of non-aligned countries, and on the draft resolution put forward by Bulgaria on behalfof the group ofsocialist countries, ofwhich Viet Nam, is a sponsor. 120. As far as the report and recommendations of the Credentials Committee are concerned, the Chairman and members of the Committee accepted the afore- mentioned draft resolution stressing that the Commit- tee's mandate was restricted, that it was only ascertain- ing whether the credentials were in order and that it should confine itself to its technical task. 121. The question which was before the Committee was, as the Legal Counsel had said, the examination of the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea, and other issues could be taken up in the General Assembly. 122. In this regard, the delegation of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam is of the opinion that the Creden- tials Committee has not fulfilled its task and has not acted in accordance with the responsibility conferred upon it by the President at the meeting of the General Assembly on 18 September 1979 [2nd meeting}. As everyone knows, the delegation from Viet-Nam raised a pomt of order at that meeting to draw the attention of the General Assembly to the illegal presence in the room of people belonging to the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique who represented no one other than themselves. 123. We also recalled the point of view ofthe People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, which was sub- mitted in the official document A/34/460, dated 10 September 1979, and at the same time we clearly in- formed the President of the General Assembly that the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea had sent a delegation from the People's Republic of Kam- puchea, headed by Mr Hun Sen, that country's Minis- ter for Foreign Affairs, to the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. 124, On the basis of the point of order raised by the 125. Therefore, the Credentials Committee should examine the illegal presence ofthe so-called delegation ofDemocratic Kampuchea at the present session ofthe General Assembly and not just the technical aspect of the question, in order to see whether its credentials are in order or not. Furthermore, the Committee has before it the credentials of the delegation of the People's Re- public of Kampuchea, headed by its Foreign Ministerl Mr. Hun·Sen. The text of the message was signed ana sent directly from the capital, Phnom Penh, by the Chairman of the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, Mr. Heng Samrin, to the President of the General Assembly and the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Copies of the message constituting credentials in perfectly proper order, were distributed to members of the Credentials Committee. It is regret- table that the Credentials Committee passed over these credentials in silence without having examined them and drew a conclusion as to whether they were legiti- mate and in order, in spite ofthe statement made by the representatives of the Congo, the Soviet Union and Panama in the Committee. 126. That is why its report cannot be accepted either from the point ofview ofform orfrom that ofsubstance. With regard to form, when credentials from the delega- tion of a Member State are sent to the Committee in good order as is the case with those of the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea, the Committee must examine them and make a recommendation to the General Assembly to accept or reject them. As to the substance, the People's Revolutionary Council has pre- sented its views on the illegal presence of the Pol Pot- Ieng Sary clique to this session of the General Assem- bly, as contained in the official document of the General Assembly under the symbol A/34/460, dated 10 September 1979. 127. However, the Credentials Committee com- pletely disregarded that official document and simply exammed the technical aspects of the credentials ofthe Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique. 128. If we consider solely at the technical aspect of the matter, the Vietnamese delegation would like to ask the following question of the Credentials Committee. What is the origin of these so-called credentials from Democratic Kampuchea? Ifmy memory serves me cor- rectly, the Legal Counsel informed the Committee that these credentials had been sent from Kampuchea. He did not explicitly say from what city in Kampuchea or by what route they had been sent. Were they perhaps sent from Peking or another capital than Phnom Penh? Thus, does the puppet government of so-called Demo- cratic Kampuchea actually exist in fact or is it just a handful of criminals who committed the crime of genocide against their own people, who have been judged and condemned to death by the courts of the People's Revolutionary Tribunal of Kampuchea, who are maintained by their masters in Peking and employed as agents in the service of those masters and who are 129. [fwe examine solely the validity ofthese creden- tials, it is clear that they are not at all in order. Thus, how can the Committee by a majority vote accept these credentials? 130. [n examination of the legal and moral aspects, permit me to quote the message dated 19 September 1979 from Mr. Hun Sen, the Minister for Foreign Af- fairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, ad- dressed to Mr. Salim, the President of the General Assembly, and Mr. Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations: .'The fact is that that regime''-that is, the genoci- dal Pol Pot regime-"no longer exists, either legally or morally. It has therefore no right and no capacity to represent the Kampuchean people." The message goes on: "Giv ing refuge to the fugitive hangmen of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary regime and helping them to invest themselves with the status of representatives of Kampuchea contravenes the right of self-deter- mination of the Kampuchean people and the Charter of the United Nations and impairs the prestige ofthe Organization. The United Nations cannot invoke any policy, any moral principle or any arguments whatsoever for leaving the hangmen in possession of Kampuchea's seat in the Organization, in disregard of the feelings of hatred and repugnance of the four million Kampucheans who have survived. . . . The Kampuchean people, sustained by the approval and support of peace-and-justice loving mankind, reso- lutely demands the expulsion from United Nations bodies of those who are guilty of genocide and the restoration to the People's Revolutionary Council of Kampuchea of its right as an authentic and lawful representative. " In concluding his message, Foreign Minister Hun Sen said; "I urge the General Assembly to reject the errone- ous recommendation of the Credentials Committee and I hope that it will adopt, on the question of the right to represent Kampuchea, an appropriate deci- sion compatible with the role and prestige of the Organization and with international law and moral- ity." [A/34/503, anenx.] 131. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam wishes particularly to draw the attention ofthe President ofthe General Assembly and the Members of our Organiza- tion to the justified view and legitimate demand of th(~ People's Revolutionary Council as set forth in the mes- sage from Mr. Hun Sen. 132. This is not only the expression of the ardent desire of 4 million Kampucheans, who are now devot- ing themselves to the building of a new life, but also a call for vengeance for 3 million Kampucheans mas- sacred by the butchers of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary while they held power for about four years in Phnom Penh with the blessing and assistance of the hegemonists and expansionists of Peking. 134. The Chairman of the Credentials Committee in presenting his report to the General Assembly a few minutes ago stated: "During the discussions the representatives of countries which later voted in favour of the draft resolution stated, for the most part, that their accept- ance of the credentials of Democratic Kampuchea did not mean agreement with the past policies of its leaders." [See above, para. 3.] Well, one can see what kind of logic we have here, one can see the strange kind of arguments the friends and masters of the genocidal criminals of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique have recourse to in an attempt to cam- ouflage their obstinacy in opposing the right to self- determination of the people of Kampuchea, imposing once again on the Kampuchean people this Fascist clique, for which millions of Kampucheans have de- manded the death penalty. [35. Some members of the Credentials Committee allege that the Committee's mandate is limited, and that the task of the Committee is a technical one, in order to disre.\lard the moral and legal aspects which I have mentioned. It is quite obvious that they have not lived up to their responsibilities, and have not faced histori- cal truth; and because of their political prejudices or their particular interests, they have attempted to have the assassins ofthe Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique retain their seat in this important international Organization. 136. The international community has expelled from its midst the Somoza clique from Nicaragua, the Shah's clique from Iran, Idi Amin from Uganda and so forth, al1 overthrown by their respective peoples. We cannot permit the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, bloody despots even more odious than those tyrants, to continue to sit among us. They are like a sore on the body of this Organization. 137. For these reasons, the Vietnamese delegation believes that the report of the Credentials Committee and its draft resolution are both incomplete and errone- ous, and must be amended and corrected in order to be in keeping with reality, and with the responsibilities incumbent upon that Committee. 138. On the basis of its fundamental position on the subject of the right of representation of Kampuchea in the United Nations and its principal and subsidiary bodies, the Vietnamese delegation is a sponsor of the draft resolution submitted on behalf of a group of socialist countries by our friend the Ambassador of Bulgaria, Mr. Alexander Yankov. That offers the most correct solution in keeping with the facts of the situa- 140. The Vietnamese delegation hopes that the amendment of the group of non-aligned countries ex- plained by the representative ofIndia will receive broad support in the General Assembly. 141. Before concluding, my delegation would like to repudiate all the false allegations and gratuitous asser- tions made by the representative ofSingapore and other representatives against my country. Neither the arro- gance of the representative ofChina at the last meeting of the General Committee, nor the eloquence of the representative of Singapore in our Assembly will ever succeed in changing the facts of the situation which at present prevails in Kampuchea-a situation which is Kl1!TIpuch~an pe<?ple. The two wars of aggression of Chma against Viet Nam-one launched directly by 600,000 Chinese troops on 17 February 1979, the sec- ond carried out by intermediaries-that is to say, the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique-during almost four years, and also the threat about teaching Viet Nam a second lesson serve to condemn the leaders of Peking and their Pol Pot agents to rebut all the allegations of the leaders of P~king and those who support the hegemonist, ex- panSIOnist and great-Power policy of China. 142. As to the militant solidarity between the people ofViet Nam and Kampuchea, and as to the presence of Vietnamese troops in Kampuchea, my delegation has had occasion to explain the position of principle of my country in various bodies of the United Nations. This is a question that is related to bilateral relations between two sovereign States. It should be recalled here that the friendship and militant solidarity between the peoples of Viet Nam and Kampuchea constitute a factor for peace and stability in South-East Asia, and are in no way prejudicial to the legitimate interests of anyone. ThiS includes the ASEAN countries, some of which have joined in one way or another in the American war of aggression against Viet Nam. 143. In his statement, the representative ofSingapore called upon our Assembly to have the courtesy to listen to the voice of the countries of the region. My delega- tion has no difficulty in responding to this desire ex- pressed by my colleague from Singapore. But I would propose to our Assembly that in order to have a correct and full view of the actual situation in Kampuchea we should try first of all to hear the voice of the Kampu- cheans themselves, represented by the People's Rev- olutionary Council, their only legal and authentic representative.