A/34/PV.45 General Assembly

The debates in both the Second Committee and the General Assembly have highlighted the importance of the economic crisis which is now afflicting the international community. The measures which have been undertaken so far have failed to overcome the crisis, which is in fact worsening. Some of the principal causes of the persistent problems which comprise the crisis are the structural maladjustments and disequilibria in international economic relations. This fact was ernphasi., ~d in the Final Declaration of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana early in September this year [see A/34/542, annex]. The resolution of structural problems cannot be adequately achieved by incremental policies. A comprehensive approach is required to remedy situations which are becoming increasingly complex and interrelated. 2. It is the contention of the developing countries that the comprehensive solution demanded justifies the establishment of a New International Economic Order. It was in recognition of this approach that the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order were adopted in May 1974 [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)]. Since then, five years have passed and negotiations on the implementation of the New International Economic Order have not been satisfactory. 8. The Committee of the Waole was less successful in its other areas of discussion. On the question of the 3. The Committee of the Whole was established with special categories of developing countries, there was an the objective of stimulating the negotiations on a New agreed text on the island developing countries, but there International Economic Order. The discussions in the was no consensus on the least developed, land-locked 935 A/34/PV.45 NEW YORK Committee of the Whole have made a limited contribution, but there remains a need to do a great deal more. It is in the context of achieving more, of improving the present unhealthy situation of the global economy, that we must view the draft resolution submitted by the Group of 77, calling fq.f_.8lobal negotiations relating to international economic co-operation for development [see A/34/34, part three, annex1]. The comprehensive solution which is required to remedy the economic crisis can be facilitated only by global negotiations, 4. We should take a look at the work of the Commitee of the Whole to see what progress has been made so far. At its resumed first session, held in January this year, some agreement was achieved on the issue of transfer of real resources to developing countries. In the agreed conclusions of the Committee [ibid., part one,para. 13] is an acknowledgement that there should be a global approach to the transfer of resources encompassing such areas as official development assistance, trade and flows of private capital and investment. S. It is to be noted that the Committee recommended that the transfer of resources should be supportive of progress towards the establishment of a New International Economic Order based on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and cooperation among all States. That recommendation is an eloquent assertion of the complexity of international economic relations. The recommendations of the Committee on transfer of resources are clearly limited, but they underline the need for global negotiations if the economic problems are to be considered with any hope of positive solution. 6. In the area of food and agriculture, the Committee of the Whole also agreed on certain recommendations. The agreed conclusions [ibid, part two, para. 18] indicated that the primary responsibility for the development of food and agriculture production in developing countries rests with the developing countries themselves, and the conclusions called for formulation and implementation of development plans for food and agriculture. But the conclusions also stressed the need for co-ordinated action from all sources-donor countries, international organizations and developing countries-especially in the areas of financial and technical assistance for agricultural development and replenishment of the resources of the International Fund for Agricultural Development. 7. These conclusions further substantiate the need for a global approach to the problems faced by the international community. 9. It is theretore the position of my delegation that the proposal of the Group of 77 to the Committee of the Whole on global negotiations represents a truly meaningful approach to resolution of the economic problems. 10. We are seeing the emergence of' problems which are planetary in their range. They do not permit of solution except through the co-operation of all sections of the international community. Negotiations at the global level, within the framework of the United Nations system, offer the best hope for such international cooperation. 11. In supporting the endorsement of global negotiations by the General Assembly at its thirty-fourth session, my delegation is not suggesting that those negotiations are all that may be necessary to resolve the persistent economic problems. Conceptually, we see the approach to the economic difficulties now besetting the international community as a threefold one. At the national level there have to be policies of adjustment to render domestic measures more effective. The developing countries must strive to render their economies less reliant on the export of primary commodities and to improve their industrial capacity. 12. At the second level, the developing countries can do more to assist themselves, and it is in pursuance of this objective that efforts at economic co-operation among developing countries are to be supported and strengthened. The non-aligned countries have recognized this fact. Indeed, the adoption of the policy guidelines on collective self-reliance between developing countries [A/34/542, annex, sect. VI B, resolutionNo. 7) attests to this recognition by the non-aligned. 13. However, failure to resolve the problems at the international level can render ineffective efforts at the other two levels.That is the economic reality of the present moment, given the interdependence of national economies. Any analysis of the global economy reveals that the international dimension of the economic crisis is an aspect of the problem that it is beyond the capacity of anyone nation, or group of nations, to resolve by itself. It will require international action at the global level. 14. In calling for global negotiations we are aware of the failure of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation in Paris in 1977. The proposed global round, by its very nature of international collectivity, precludes one important factor which contributed to the failure of the Paris Conference. A small group of nations cannot propose recommendations which will be sufficiently acceptable politically to all nations. Only an agreement decided upon by all nations will obtain the political commitment which must accompany any solution of the economic crisis. IS. The Committee of the Whole has been proposed as the preparatory committee for the global negotiations. 16. We have noted the specific references by many delegations to the inclusion of energy on the agenda for the global negotiations. The issues proposed for discussion are raw materials, trade, development, and money and finance, in addition to energy. It is imperative that the negotiations be viewed in their correct perspective. Nations should not view the global negotiations as a special opportunity to discuss purely national approaches to perceived energy-related problems. Energy, like any other issue on the proposed agenda, is wideranging and complex in its economic content. It is closely related to the other issues proposed for discussion and thus helps permit-an integrated approach to the problems facing the international community. It must be borne in mind that any discussion on energy must take account of all interests. 17. In conclusion, the call for global negotiations emanated from the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries [ibid., resolution No.9] and has been endorsed on 29 September 1979 by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of 77 [see A/34/533 and Corr.I, annex]- that is, of all developing countries. It represents an explicit commitment of developing countries to seek a solution to economic problems which are now unquestionably planetary in nature. The developing countries have perceived and admitted that the global solution which the situation demands is beyond national effort and requires wider co-operation. National interest, therefore, must be adjusted to the achievement of wider objectives if the economic crisis is to be relieved.

We should like to associate ourselves with the statement made by the representative of India on behalf of the Group of 77 last Thursday on the agenda item now under consideration [40th meeting]. We share his concern and that of many other speakers regarding the serious crisis in international economic relations, because the outcome of all negotiating conferences on international economic cooperation since the sixth special session of the General Assembly has been a great disappointment to the developing countries. Their commitment and efforts to establish a just and New International Economic Order have invariably been met with strong negative opposition and a lack of political will on the part of the industrial countries. 19. This lack of political will is obvious from the deadlock in the Paris Conference and in the fifth session of' UNCTAD, convened in May of this year at Manila, which failed to reach an agreement on the main issues related to trade, development, money and finance. The United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development and the protracted discussions at the United Nations Conference on an International Code of Conduct on the Transfer of Technology could not achieve a breakthrough in these important areas of economic co-operation. U. This situation has been further aggravated by -increasing protectionist policies, instability in the international monetary system, galloping inflation and increasing indebtedness in the developing countries. Therefore th.egap between the developed and the developing countnes has actually increased. Indeed, this economic injustice, which dominates our world today, is bound to threaten the stability and security of the world unless the developed and the developing countries are involved in a genuine and meaningful debate to establish the New International Economic Order. This concept of interdependence is also enforced by the fact that the industrtal countries cannot solve their own problems without the co-operation of the developing countries, which provide them with raw materials, markets and opportunities for investment. .. 22. In this respect, the establishment of the Committee of the Whole under General Assembly resolution 32/174 and the proposal adopted at Havana last month by the heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries on global negotiations on international economic co-operation are very timely. They are timely because they provide an opportunity to deal in a comprehensive manner with the North-South problems and the formidable challenges of the 1980s, with a view to reaching specific agreements. That is because the global negotiations are for the first time being conducted in the right forum, one with representation of a universal character, which gives an opportunity for the international community to bring to those global negotiations the necessary political will, which has been missing from previous forums. 23. In addition to giving effect to the principle of universality, the global negotiations should cover all the problems of raw materials, trade, development, money, finance and restructuring in a simultaneous and integrated approach. . 24. Further, the problems of special categories of developing countries must receive due consideration and priority because those countries face urgent and pressing needs that are imposed on them by unstable and unjust economic relations. 2S. On the other hand, the ongoing negotiations in other forums should not be hampered. We hope that the global negotiations to which I have referred will give new impetus to those negotiations currently in progress that could lead to positive conclusions and contribute effectively to the establishment of the New International Economic Order. 26. We sincerely hope that this Assembly will adopt appropriate decisions to lead the international negotiations out of the present impasse. Time is running short, and all of us in the developed and the developing countries stand to lose if the global negotiations are not pursued with the necessary vigour and dedication. "Now, when the need for structural reforms is becoming more and more obvious, it would indeed be tragic if the required action were not vigorously undertaken before the crisis deepens and makes it much more difficult - if not impossibleto chan- ~el the world economy towards just and rational objectives acceptable to all." He added: "It is unthinkable that with'all the resources actually or potentially available to mankind we should go on destroying without rhyme or reasdn when we could design and build a society varied in its forms of ~x~res~ion but united !n its purpose to achieve peace in Justice and well-being, For that, the United Nations is our only hope.... Whether we can do so depends on our common efforts." 28. With those words, with which my delegation fully concurs, I come to the end of my statement.

The present discussions on the report of the Committee of the Whole established pursuant to General Assembly resolution 32/174 bear witness to the need to continue the struggle and the efforts to respond to the various issues that have arisen concerning the solution of the problems of economic development and the establishment of international economic relations based on justice. In the course of the past five years these problems have been debated on many occasions, and have been the subject of two special sessions of the General Assembly and of many conferences and meetings of bodies of the United Nations system. 30. The documents and relevant decisions which have been adopted, in spite of their shortcomings, establish certain just principles that reflect the major concerns of the peoples and countries which desire to regain or safeguard their national independence and sovereignty, to ensure and safeguard economic independence in order the better to safeguard political independence and to develop and advance independently. 31. But during this debate the representatives of many democratic and progressive countries have rightly emphasized the fact that the decisions adopted have not been implemented, that the hopes of yesterday have proved vain, that several problems, instead of being solved, are in an impasse, and that no one is impressed by promises and eloquent words. 32. It is obvious that the solution of the economic problems that are at the very heart of the present debate is inextricably linked to the struggle and the efforts to solve the major problems of our time, to the solution of the basic social and economic contradictions that trouble the world and characterize the international situation as a whole. 33. At the present lime a grave economic, political and social crisis is raging in the capitalist-revisionist I United Nations puhlicntion, Sales No. E,79,JI.D.8, 34. The current economic crisis has overturned all the structures and superstructures of the bourgeois and revisionist order and is further deepening the over-all crisis of the capitalist system. However, at the same time the profits of the monopolies are continuing to grow. This is because such monopolies and all the capitalist countries are attempting to shift the burden of the crisis on to the working class and the labouring masses through price increases and inflation. 3S. This crisis has also had considerable impact on the international economic situation as well as on the international economic exchanges. In order to cope with the crisis, the super-Powers and imperialist Powers are doin6 their utmost to pass the resulting burden on to other countries. They are increasingly resorting to economic aggression, exporting inflation, raising the prices of manufactured goods and attempting to impose low prices for the raw materials they import. They are constantly improving their neo-colonialist methods of infiltrating the economy of developing countries and mercilessly pillaging their wealth. 36. The superprofits that the imperialist Powers are realizing through the pillage of the oil and raw materials of other countries, through investments of capital in countries with a low rate of industrial and economic development, and through so-called aid and credits granted those countries, have become incalculable. 37. It is for this reason that the super-Powers and the imperialist Powers, and their monopolies and multinational corporations are attempting to maintain the status quo and to perpetuate the unequal international economic relations set up by the colonialists, neocolonialists, imperialists and social-imperialists by means of diktat, violence and mystification. Through slogans and demagogic propaganda concerning their socalled good intentions and readiness to lend assistance and support to the developing countries, the super- Powers and imperialist Powers are attempting to conceal their neo-colonialist and hegemonist policies. They are sparing no effort in publicizing their purported concern to establish international ecoromic relations on equitable bases, to help in establishing a new international economic order, and so on. In fact, in so doing they are merely attempting to maintain their privileges intact and to arrogate others, further to increase their 38. The slogans and false promises emanating from the imperialist Powers, regarding the alleged establishment of a balanced economic structure in the coming years through measures they intend to adopt to bring about a considerable reduction in the differences in the level of economic and technological development and in the level of national income of industrialized countries and that of other countries, are nothing but manoeuvres designed to perpetuate the existing imbalance. At the same time, they are designed to divert the peoples of the developing countries from the path of their resolute struggle, from the adoption of effective measures of a revolutionary nature and from the solution by this means of the problem of their international economic relations. 39. The American imperialists, the Soviet socialimperialists and the other imperialists have always attempted to propagate their reactionary theses with regard to the "interdependent world" and the "international division of labour", with a view to justifying their plans to play the dominant role in international economic relations. By advc-ating "assistance", "credits", "economic and technological co-operation" and "joint undertakings", the imperialist Powers are attempting to impede the independent economic development of other countries and to create the impression that these countries are not capable of solving the problems of economic management, technology and development without outside assistance, and that they should therefore bow before the industrialized countries. 40. The granting of "credits" or "assistance" is nothing but a means employed by the imperialist Powers to export and invest their capital. For that mattel', we are fully aware that they invest not so much as one dollar or one rouble without ensuring their economic, political or military profit in advance. Through credits, the American imperialists, the Soviet social-imperialists and other imperialist Powers are able to exert pressure on the peoples and countries that receive those credits. Through unequal and discriminatory trade, multiple tariff and customs barriers, the continued devaluation of the currency, the policy of closed markets and other restrictive measures or closed economic groups and markets-such as. the Common Market and the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance-the imperialist Powers continue to force substantial trade deficits on the developing countries. 41. Super-Powers and other imperialist Powers are continually proclaiming their strong interest in the economic progress of other countries. In so doing, they advise patience, since success takes time, inequalities cannot be made to disappear overnight, and any hasty measure might run the risk of upsetting the system of international economic relations. Sometimes, they complain and claim that requests from developing countries are unduly exaggerated. More and more frequently, they invoke the so-called responsibility of others for the economic crisis by accusing them of not taking the facts of modern life into account in this interdependent world in which the least developed countries should voluntarily agree to make sacrifices in order that the industrializ- 42. The two imperialist super-Powers, the United States and the Soviet Uniun, have long been making great ado about the amounts of assistance that could be granted the least developed countries from the-funds freed following the adoption of measures in the field of disarmament. However, the facts clearly contradict the propaganda. Rather than decreasing, military expenditures have risen to unheard-of figures. A large part of such expenditures by the imperialist super-Powers is recovered from the enormous profits they are realizing from a wide variety of sources, including the arms trade. 43. When discussions are held in various bodies on the need to change the situation prevailing in international economic relations, the capitalist industrialized countries frequently launch appeals to "make mutual concessions", to show a "spirit of compromise", and so on. But what further concession are the least developed countries supposed to make? The capitalist countries and monopolies have grown rich enough to the detriment of others, and there is no reason for the peoples of the world to agree to further sacrifices or to make concessions. 44. The freedom-loving peoples and countries have the right and the duty to persevere in their struggle for their own economic development, to gain control in full sovereignty of their natural resources and to abolish all the inequalities of the system of international trade. 45. If more just relationships based on equality and reciprocal advantage are not established, if the pressures, blackmail and colonialist practices engaged in by the imperialist Powers to exploit the least developed countries are not eliminated, the emergence of new crises and tensions is inevitable. 46. The Albanian people and the People's Socialist Republic of Albania support the right of all countries aspiring to a free and independent life to decide their economic development for themselves, to become masters of their natural resources and wealth and to free themselves from any imperialist interference or control. We support the efforts made and the rights of the producers of raw materials to set their own prices, free from any arbitrary interference from the capitalist monopolies and the industrialized countries. We support sincere efforts to establish such just relationships in international trade. We welcome the measures taken in recent years by a large number of developing countries to nationalize foreign companies and capital and to restrict the activities of foreign capitalist monopolies in the fields of research, production and so forth. The successes achieved thus far by developing countries on the road to economic and social progress refute the 48. Such victories have been achieved through the toil and sweat of the Albanian people. In order to achieve and preserve these victories, our people has had to maintain constant vigilance and confront the anti- Albanian plots and activities of the American imperialists, the Soviet social-imperialists, the Chinese social-imperialists and other reactionary forces. Through its experience, the Albanian people is in a good position to evaluate the aspirations and efforts of peoples and countries that cherish political and economic independence. It firmly supports the struggle of those peoples to liberate themselves from any foreign interference, to protect tleir countries from imperialist and social-imperialist designs. Knowing that without economic independence there can be no true political independence, the Albanian people has worked and continues to work with great enthusiasm and determination to build a viable economy. Albania today is enjoying constant economic stability. The Albanian people continues to make progress in building socialism based on self-reliance. Our country is even in a position to embark on rapid economic growth and to improve continually the standard of living of the population and, at the same time, to guarantee the defence of the country in any situation without any outside economic assistance. 49. The consistent application of the principle of "selfreliance" does not at all mean that we are merely inward-looking or that we have opted for economic autarchy. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has been and always will be in favour of sincere international co-operation with all democratic States wedded to progress. It is in favour of the development of normal relations and the expansion of trade and cultural relations with all countries which respect the democratic principles governing relations between sovereign countries. 50. In a statement made recently at a large meeting organized on the occasion of the complete elimination of the consequences of the earthquake which struck Albania on 15 April last, the leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver Hoxha said: "We have maintained and we shall continue to maintain normal trade and cultural relations with all States with which we have established such relations, as well as with other States which are desirous of maintaining just relations with us, with the exception of the United States of America and the revisionist Soviet Union and certain other States which have perpetrated and continue to perpetrate injustices against socialist Albania. Nor shall we enter into relations with those States which, without reason and quite unjustly, continue to deny to the Albanian people the restoration of its riches that were pillaged

Those delegations that have spoken before me, from developed and developing countries alike, have.eloquently emphasized that there is a serious crisis in the world economy. It is also a matter of consensus that the gap between the developed and the developing countries is widening and that it is necessary to make structural changes through the continuation of the North-South dialogue in order to eliminate the fundamental imbalances and inequalities inherent in the present system of international economic relations. 52. My delegation fully associates itself with that convergence of views. Indeed one of the main reasons for the increased membership of this Organization, especially in the case of those new States, like mine, which emerged from a colonial past, emanated from the determination of this world body, expressed in the Preamble to its Charter, "to employ international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples". However, it is with ~- ~at disappointment that we find that the prospects I\. .e realization of this objective are as bleak and distant today as they were three decades ago. These frustrations, as emphasized by my Foreign Minister in his address to the General Assembly on 8 October of this year, derive from the fact that the developed and industrialized countries of the world have been reluctant "to share their know-how, to transfer their skills and to inject financial resources into those countries" - the developing countries - "which are in greatest need." [24th meeting, para. /49.] This fear has been one of the deterrent factors in regard to the establishment. of the New International Economic Order, the goals and objectives of which were agreed upon by all States during the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly. 53. Several negotiations have taken place within the United Nations system and in other international forums between the developed and the developing countries with a view to seeking co-operative solutions to the current problems of the world economy. The need to accelerate the development of the developing countries and to eradicate the problems of hunger, poverty, malnutrition, and disease in the developing countries, which contain more than two thirds of the world's population, has never been so clearly recognized as today. Yet progress in those negotiations has been insidnificant, slow and frustrating. 54. The fifth session of UNCTAD, held at Manila, the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, held at Vienna, the three sessions held in New York by the Committee of the Whole Established under General Assembly Resolution 32/174, whose report this Assembly is considering today, and the negotiations for the International Development Strategy for the third United Nations Development Decade have made little progress, especially with regard to the Substantive issues proposed by the Group of 77. 55. The most urgent task before us today is not only to promote understanding between the developed and the developing countries but to ensure that structural changes are effective within the present international 56. Faced with this sombre economic picture, some developed countries are using the present oil crisis as a pretext to cut back the official development assistance to developing countries and to refuse to grant general debt relief to those countries and they are reluctant to make meaningful reforms in the international monetary system. This selfish and unrealistic attitude adopted by the developed countries to safeguard their short-term interests can only bring more harmful and disastrous consequences down on the entire international community and detract from the already generally accepted principle of interdependence in the world economy of today. 57. As we cross the threshold of the third United Nations Development Decade, we must shift from our conflicting political positions and become more flexible and pragmatic in our approach to the very complex problems facing our respective nations in their socioeconomic development, as stated here some time ago by the Pakistani delegation. 58. It is in that spirit that my delegation fully supports the initiative taken at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries at Havana early last September for the launching, at the special session of the General Assembly in 1980, of global and sustained negotiations on the entire range of issues related to raw materials, development, finance and energy [A/34/542, annex, sect. VI B, resolution No.9]. 59. We are convinced that these global negotiations, if carefully and properly prepared, would provide a unique opportunity to attack the fundamental and longterm issues facing development and international economic co-operation. It is the hope of my delegation that the present debate will enable us to provide guidelines for the Committee of the Whole in carrying out the preparatory work for these global negotiations and also for the 1980 special session of the General Assembly on international economic co-operation. My delegation earnestly hopes that the proposed global negotiations will be entered into by all States on an equal footing and will be aimed at, 'achieving actionoriented measures to bridge the widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. Negotiations in the !9805 should be given a new political impetus with a genuine desire by all States to restructure the present international economic system, taking account particularly of the needs and aspirations of the developing countries. 60. It is undeniable that the primary responsibility for development rests with each country; but, facing the present reality, developing countries need the active and continuous support of the developed world, as well as that of the international community as a whole, in order to enable them to achieve any meaningful progress in 61. It was with this conviction that my country entered into an economic union - the Mano River Unionwith the <ister Republic of Liberia in 1973, at the subregional level, and became a founder member of the Economic Community of West African States, an organization created in 1975 and comprising 16States in that region. 62. Before concluding, I should like to congratulate Mr. Stoltenberg, Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, on the very wise, skilful and able manner in which he conducted the negotiations of the Committee. 63. It is true that the Committee did not make considerable progress on the question of industrial development and on the special problems of certain categories of developing countries. Nevertheless, as Mr. Stoltenberg himself stated, "we would be better se.ved by openly recognizing our real differences than by finding language to cover up the problems." [40th meeting, para. 2/.] 64. Delegations must be reminded, however, of the urgency of finding solutions to those outstanding issues on industrial development which might impede the success of the Third Genen \1 Conference of UNIDO at New Delhi, the outcome of which is very important to the progress of our negotiations. The chances of success for this Organization in constructing a new world of economic interdependence based on the New International Economic Order are far greater now than they were some 20 years ago. Previous negotiations, unsuccessful though they were, nevertheless enabled us to identify those problems that had impeded our progress. My delegation is optimistic about the possibility of greater successes in our common developmental efforts during the next Development Decade, given the proper attitude and the political will of the negotiating parties.

I shall make only a few comments because Mr. Albornoz of Ecuador has spoken on behalf of the countries of the Andean Group [42nd meeting], of which Venezuela is a member. Moreover, our spokesman, the Ambassador of India, has presented the outline of the position of the Group of 77 [40th meeting]. , 66. What we can see particularly clearly from this debate is the recognition that the world is going through a very bleak period, full of uncertainty and without any easy solutions. Admittedly, a process of change is taking place, but what concerns us is that its effects are not moving in the right direction. 68. Previously, unemployment was the main centre of concern. Today, the main concern seems to be generalized and accelerated inflation in most of the developed countries, with adverse effects on the developing countries, which are obliged to import their produv.s. 69. As was pointed out by our Minister for Foreign Affairs in the general debate in this Assembly (/2th meeting], the tendentious concept that the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries rOPEC] were responsible for all evils, particularly inflation, since the increase in oil prices in 1973, has now lost any credibility, if indeed it ever had any. 70. It has been said again and again-and the countries of the North know this better than anyone elsethat the policy of some of those countries caused the international monetary reserves to double in the short space of two years, giving a tremendous impetus to inflation, shortly before the increase in the price of oil to which I have referred, and of other raw materials, particularly grains. 71. In the case of oil, the effect of this climate of generalized inflation was particularly harmful because it concerned a resource the excessive consumption of which meant that it would be exhausted all the sooner. It took several years for Governments to realize that it was necessary to reduce consumption of oil and that since this was a vital product which was becoming increasingly scarce and the price of which would therefore continue to rise, it was necessary, in addition to reducing excessive consumption, to bring about basic adjustments in life styles in order to reduce superfluous expenditure and prevent people from living beyond their means. 72. It is reasonable that the monetary policy should try to reduce the monetary flow in order to reduce inflation, but it is clear that this will not work unless at the same time there is a policy of budgetary austerity. Instead of attempting to balance the budget, irrational efforts are made to increase arms expenditures and subsidies, and if this continues it will not be possible to halt inflation. 73. Of course, it is necessary to look to the future and not just to indulge in mutual recrimination. However, as far as we are concerned, while we still suffer from injustice and there has been no clear desire to put things right, we 'He not going to forget or disregard this situation. 74. The proposal of the Group of 77 for a i.cw round of global negotiations takes account of this particular need at a time when the world situation shows that im- 76. If we have not yet stated our satisfaction over what has been achieved or what is being achieved, the establishment of the Common Fund, for example, that is because these initiatives cannot be considered firmly established if they are not backed up by a set of con- certed and far-reaching measures corresponding to the gravity and the requirements of the current crisis. If this argument is stated seriously and convincingly to the peoples and their legitimate representatives, I am sure the latter will show themselves equal to the occasion. To argue the contrary would be to say that democracies are structurally incapable of finding effective solutions. 77. Animated by a spirit of collective self-confidence among the developing countries, we are aware that rapid and effective action is required to deal with the grave problems seriously affecting most of the develop- ing countries because of the increase of most prices of imported articles and the lack of correspondence with those of their exports. 78. We are ready to assume our responsibilities in a constructive manner. Now it is up to the developed countries to ensure the success of our demarche at this critical time.

The present state of the dialogue now under way on the establishment of the new international economic order, as described in the report of the Committee of the Whole which, under resolution 32/174 was given a major task in matters of development and international co-operation, is being considered for the second time directly in plenary meetings and with priority by the General Assembly. This is no matter of chance. 80. In doing this our Assembly intended to highlight its great interest in and the political importance it attaches to the world economic situation which profoundly affects international relations and which is at the very heart of the major concerns of all States. 81. This is how my delegation sees this current debate. We hope that it will enable us at last to find the appropriate ways and means of translating into action the outline of this new order on which the world community has agreed by consensus, but whose implementation has been put off again and again. 83. Although the seventh special session very dearly outlined the path to be followed, the negotiations which ensued did not yield the expected results. This was the case, inter alia, of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation. 84. Since then, the dialogue has been brought back to its natural and appropriate context, namely the United Nations. The establishment of the Committee of the Whole reflected a recognition of the central role of the General Assembly in this area of global international economic negotiations. 85. Two years after the adoption of resolution 321174, we must admit that very little progress has been made. The Committee was set up to provide "impetus for resolving difficulties in negotiations ... [and] as a forum for facilitating and expediting agreement on the resolution of outstanding issues", but the Committee had barely been established when it came up against deep-rooted disagreement about its ability to negotiate and take decisions. That was the cause of its paralysis during the first year. 86. The report on the work of the Committee for 1979, issued as document A/34/34, is not encouraging either. Admittedly some isolated agreements were reached, for example on the transfer of resources and on questions of food and agriculture. However no progress was made on such important issues as the measures to be taken in order to promote the rapid industrialization of the developing countries, in keeping with the Lima Declaration and Plan of Action on Indust rial Development and Co-operation, ~ in order to help the various special categories of developing countries to overcome the transient and structural handicaps that they suffer from and which very seriously mortgage their development efforts. 87. As the Secretary-General very relevantly mentioned in his report on the work of the Organization, "the Committee has not succeeded in providing impetus to other negotiations within the United Nations system" [see A/34/J, sect. 11]. 88. Therefore we can understand that the international meetings which we have attended and which are usually little better than two monologues going on at the same time, have developed a disturbing lack of concern for time. flaying no heed to the urgent need to find II rapid solution for the increasingly precarious situation of the developing countries, of which the World Bank and IMF have just reminded us in their recent reports. 89. There is hardly any need for me to recall that these negotiations have not brought about any decisive 90. Thus the crisis persists. We should overcome it together in all its aspects and world-wide effects. This must be done through dialogue, in accordance with the results of the sixth and seventh special sessions, the indisputable merits of which were to make all nations more aware of their interdependence and of the oneness of their destiny. 91. Hence, in the various statements made throughout this debate, stress has quite rightly been laid on the need to continue the dialogue and on the interdependence of national economies. Those two concepts, which are very innovative and in the opinion of Cameroon should be the main inspiration in the articulation of new international economic relations, seem unfortunately to suffer from what might be called semantic overload; there are all kinds of ambiguities - even when they are constructive, they are still ambiguities - and there are emotional charges that continue to affect them. That leads to a lack of clarity about the exact meaning of the two concepts during our debates. 92. So if words do indeed reflect ideas, it is necessary to speIl out these two concepts clearly, once again. Otherwise, they will not be of much help to us in our joint quest for the promotion of a new kind of international economic relations, which will be more just because they will be based on equality, interdependence and co-operation. 93. We have always advocated working together towards agreement as the most appropriate method not only of settling disputes among States, but also of seeking equitable solutions to the problems facing the community of nations. That approach requires a real political will to achieve fundamental structural changes in current international economic relations. The path that we are advocating is that of a dialogue supported by a firm political will to put an end to the present blatant injustice by accepting to put into effect measures and policies we have all agreed on within the context of the new international economic order, 94. Without that political will, dialogue-or what is caIled dialogue-might appear as simply a delaying tactic, so far as the legitimate preoccupations of the developing countries are concerned, because it would merely perpetuate their dependence and maintain injustice, inequality and relations of domination and exploitation. 95. What we have said about dialogue holds true for interdependence also. We believe that this concept, so 96. True interdependence, in so far as it means development in solidarity, just and balanced development, development that is mutually beneficial and acceptable to all States, must lead States to mobilize for resolute action to alleviate the impotence of each of them to attain its national objectives of self-sufficiency. 97. It is because that has not been understood that when we find ourselves in disarray over this persistent turbulence, we are tempted, as my Minister for Foreign Affairs str~s~ed a year a~oin the General Assembly, "to resort to ridiculous palliatives that push us farther and farther away from the accomplishments of the sixth and seventh special sessions". 3 98. .Meetings between industrialized countries, which certainly result from a praiseworthy desire to reach agreement by working together, do not however seem to us to have fuIly taken into account this interdependence of all economies. Indeed, apart from the fact that the developing countries have not been involved in these meetings, even when their problems and concerns are dealt with, they are dealt with in a purely marginal manner. True interdependence requires that we conceive of and undertake coIlective actions that are mutuaIly beneficial and that we never lose sight of the world-wide effect of the decisions to be taken. 99. We have dwelt here on conceptual problems because it seems to us that it is illusory to try to build on the basis of ambiguity. False or ambiguous premises inevitably lead to conclusions and proposals for action that are just as false or ambiguous. The cuvent negotiations bear witness to that. 100. We have to approach future n .iations in a spirit of dialogue and of working together towards agreement, constantly renewing our political will to go beyond our immediate interests, which appear contradictory, and to buckle down resolutely to the task of building a world which is reconciled with itself at last, because it is freed [(om injustice and exploitation and because it bases relations among the peoples on solidarity and co-operation. 101. The crisis which is at present disturbing and disrupting our world, already in such disarray, can be viewed as an invitation - if we really want to overcome the crisis - to adopt bold and innovative solutions, enabling everyone to participate in what has to be done to ensure the survival of the human race, ensuring the harmonious and balanced development of the various components of the international community, avoiding the fragmentation and chopping up of the important issues of our time, in a word, promoting interdependence. 102. The non-aligned countries, inspired by their con- 103. These simultaneous negotiations, being actionoriented, would enable us to deal with all the major problems which are now bogging us down: raw materials, energy, trade, development, as well as monetary and financial issues. 104. The Group of 77 submitted that proposal to the third session of the Committee of the Whole, which has referred it to the General Assembly for a decision. Thus, this is not a new proposal. Indeed, many delegations have clearly supported it both in the plenary Assembly and in the Second Committee. 105. My delegation believesthat the General Assembly should, at the end of this debate, decide to begin these global negotiations during the special session in 1980. It should also entrust the Committee of the Whole with the task of doing the necessary preparatory work for the implementation of this proposal. In taking such a decision, we would be ensuring that the present debate achieved its purpose: to find the most effective waysand means to arrive at a new international economic order, and to revitalize the North-South dialogue and restore credibility to it. 106. In conclusion, I should like to say that there has been a great deal of speculation about the features of our world, in a state of upheaval as the twentieth century draws to an end. The most striking feature is that if we want to continue to live, if we want to reach the next century, we must engage in an equitable distribution of the resources and the wealth of the world. Continuity of life requires a redistribution of the means and the opportunities among the nations of the world. We must succeed in articulating a system that is able to transfer from one national unit to another the knowledge, the experience, the goods and the values which, taken together, will constitute the great platform which will make possible the survival of the human race. 107. We must remember what is at staker the existence of the human race, our chance of surviving. And then we can see clearly what we have to do: plan the future, in other words, look ahead and act, and act now.

More than four years ago all the States Members of the United Nations emphasized the urgent need to establish generally accepted standards in order to govern in a systematic manner economic relations among States, as well as the need for universally applicable norms for the development of international economic relations on a just and equitable basis. 109. It is in the spirit of the relevant resolutions of our Organization-which I do not deem useful to repeat here-that we adopted and solemnly proclaimed the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, which was prepared as an effective instrument for the 110. In September 1975, on the occasion of the seventh special session of the General Assembly, all those involved acknowledged that the general objective of the new international economic order was to increase the ability of the developing countries, individually and collectively, to work towards their development. 111. It seemed then that we had all perceived the need to eliminate the injustice and inequality of which substantial sectors of mankind were and continue to be victims and to contribute to the acceleration of the development of developing countries. 112. We thought it was taken for granted at that time that the duty of all States, which is to try to solve problems existing in the world, and to participate in their solution, in particular the overriding need to correct the economic imbalance between developed and developing countries, had been accepted by all the nations of the world, Members of our universal Organization. 113. It seemed to us that increased co-operation among States in trade, industry, scienceand technology, transfer of resources, food and nutrition and other areas of economic endeavour, based on the principles underlying the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States-was something recognized by all States Members, without any distinction, as a major contribution to the strengthening of peace and security in the world. 114. Since the accelerated development of the developing countries has been acknowledged as a decisive element for promoting international peace and security, it was agreed that the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade would be reviewed in the light of the Programme of Action for the Establishment of the New International Economic Order. 115. It is against that background that the seventh special session of the General Assembly advocated, as a basis and setting for the work of United Nations bodies and organs, a system of precise measures dealing with international trade, transfer of real resources to finance the development of developing countries, international monetary reform, scienceand technology, industrialization, food and agriculture, co-operation among developing countries, and restructuring of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations system. 116. It was on the basis of those premises that we supported and continue to support the work of the Committee of the Whole as the instrument entrusted with the task of helping the General Assembly better to monitor and supervise the practical work and performance of specific tasks leading to the establishment of a new international economic order and to the break of the stalemate of the North-South dialogue. 117. It was, finally, on the basis of those premises that Zaire in particular, and other countries members of the 118. I should like to state that the Republic of Zaire fully endorses the statement made by the representative of India as Chairman of the Group of 77. But-and we must also say this-the disappointment resulting from the meagre results of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the slow progress in the Committee of the Whole is as great as the hopes that we had placed in both the successful outcomes of the work of the Committee of the Whole and that of the fifth session of UNCTAD. 119. You will readily note that the strong reluctance and absence of real political willobserved in the majority of our partners in the developed countrieswhich did not enable us to break the stalemate in negotiations at UNCTAD, were precisely the factors that are now slowing down progress in the work of the Committee of the Whole. If that attitude of our partners from the developed countries does not changethus continuing the stalemate in the work of the Committee of the Wholethe establishment of the new international economic order will be called into question and largely subverted. We appeal, then, to our partners from the developed countries to understand that in this basic debate - in which we invite them, and all people of goodwill the world over to take part - it is primarily their interests that are at stake. If the economic situation of the developing countries, as a concern of universal scope, is not improved, it will be extremely difficult to guarantee international peace and security. 120. We have stated time and again that the world economy is at present experiencing the gravest crisis it has known since the Second-World War and thatthe existing malaise in the international economic system was not a simple phenomenon of cycles in the evolution of history but, above all, a symptom of far-reaching dislocations of structures and of a fundamental imbalance. 121. We have proclaimed time and again that the institutional framework set up immediately after the Second World War in order to govern economic, trade, monetary and financial relations the world over, is today largely incompatible with the objectives of the new international economic order and the desired operation of the world economy. 122. At Geneva, New Delhi, Santiago, Nairobi and, recently, again at Manila, we proclaimed that this institutional framework and the present economic order were obsolete, not only because they were no longer in a position to meet the concerns of the majority of the States of the world represented by the developing countries, but also because they were increasingly unable to cope with the crises besetting the industrialized countries themselves. 123. To be convinced of this one need merely refer not only to the recent reports of IMF and the World Bank but also to the statements made by Mr. Robert 124. The head of the delegation of the Republic of Zaire, in the general debate, has already given our appraisal of the world economic situation [19th meeting] and I shall not repeat that here. I should like simply to say that at Manila the developed and industrialized countries did not recognize their responsibilities for the present world economic crisis nor have they fully discharged their obligations in respect of the establishment of a new international economic order. 125. At the fifth session of UNCTAD, the developed industrialized countries would not recognize the outdated nature of the existing international economic order, or its inability to meet the new demands of a constantly changing world, especially the demands of the majority of the countries of the world. 126. Finally, at Manila the developed industrialized countries minimized the dangers of protectionism and tried to justify their policies without showing any spirit of compromise. 127. That, in our view, explains the failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD to fulfil our expectations. That also explains the meagre results achieved because Manila was, above all, a setting for the confrontation of options and philosophical conceptions concerning international co-operation and interdependence, common management of the world economy and the establishment of the new international economic order. 128. It was on those vital, fundamental issues that the debates of the fifth session of UNCTAD were to centre, and indeed did. They are vital issues because the thirdworld countries, particularly those of the African continent, are today suffering more tragically than other more favourably endowed regions of the world, from the repercussions of development strategies adopted, the failure of which, emphasized by the social crises which have been besetting the industrialized countries, are quite evident. They are fundamental also because the future of international co-operation and the establishment of a more just and equitable new international economic order will depend on what answers will be given to these questions. 129. But, as has been noted at Manila, the developed and industrialized countries did not seem to share our assessment of the world-wide commercial, economic and monetary situation, let alone of its causes. Apparently, the powerful and rich countries are not prepared to abandon the policies and practices from which they have reaped such benefits in the past, while the poor and weak continue to challenge the traditional concept of the international division of labour, for which they wish to substitute the development of the creative self-reliance of peoples in a structured international trade, continue to proclaim unanimously, but in vain, that the nature of the present international economic order is outdated and demand that it be restructured. 130. In the face of this situation, it becomes imperative to set up a system of economic codification and to establish recognized and accepted standards of 131. One of the essential elements in the transformation of world economic structures is most assuredly commercial, economic and technical co-operation among developing countries on the basis of the principle of collective self-reliance. But for this co-operation among developing countries to play its 'full role as a key element in the transformation of world economic structures and for the establishment of more just and equitable international economic structures, lessons must be learned from the failure of North-South cooperation and from the reasons for the rejection of the model for co-operation between developed and developing countries offered by the present international economic order, so that there may be no repetition. 132. The United Nations should give its full support to co-operation among developing countries, and during the 1980s United Nations activities in the field of economic co-operation and development should be focused on effective and concrete action for the establishment of the desired new international economic order. 133. The Republic of Zaire thus supports all positive recommendations by the Committee of the Whole, as well as the opening of global negotiations in the 1980s. In spite of the hesitancy and the lack of political will evinced by our partners from the developed countries, we reaffirm our willingness and determination to pursue the dialogue in the enlightened interest of the world. We are convinced that there are in the developed countries in the East as well as in the West, minds and hearts which will heed this appeal of the third world. 134. As we are reminded by an outstanding thinker of our time: "Anyone who tries to review the major currents of world history is struck by the fact that every farreaching change undergone in the course of the ages by human, national or multinational communities is presaged by earlier events of differing nature and importance, but whose significance, when examined in retrospect after several decades, appears obvious. It must be noted that this has almost always escaped many contemporary political leaders; alone, at times and incompletely, some thinkers have understood the meaning. But never have these harbingers been used by the political Powers to orient their subsequent conduct. This blindness is particularly surprising in the present era, when the media of information and analysis have reached near perfection, in both rapidity and depth, and at a time when the world is beginning to become aware of its existence as such, and senses the awakening of international solidarity." 135. I should like to believe, on behalf of my country and in the name of all mankind, that that terrible prophecy will not be visited upon our generation, for I cherish the belief that there exists in the world today an im- 136. Things will never be as they were before, and the awakening of the peoples of the third world is an irrevocable factor of history which must be borne in mind. Mayall our friends, then, all those of goodwill, all the righteous people of the world, refuse to deal in incoherence. 137. A more equitable sharing of world prosperity is the very condition of the survival of man, even if it requires of those who are most richly endowed today sacrifices so great that they are at first revolted. 138. Finally, I should like to express the thanks of the delegation of Zaire to the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole for the clear and able manner in which he led the work of that Committee.

This thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly can be a truly significant one. In evaluating the work done by the Committee of the Whole, we are actually assessing the efforts made in the decade which is now drawing to an end, and we are considering the prospects offered by the forthcoming decade. 140. This is a time for reflection, but above all a time to set our course and to take decisions. From various viewpoints, it is quite justified that most delegations should express a cridcal evaluation of the past. Logical also is the commitment to introduce new elements into the forthcoming preparatory work. However, it is necessary that our critical capacity and our proposals for innovation be directed towards clearly defined objectives which will at last enable us to take actual steps towards achievement of the new international economic order. 141. When we took up the other issues comprising agenda item 55, the Mexican delegation declared that in its opinion the decade which is now drawing to an end has been characterized by a double deterioration: a deterioration in the functioning of the international economy on the one hand and a deterioration in the level of agreement and co-operation among countries on the other. My delegation feels that the two phenomena are very closely linked. If we do not lay down the bases for a new understanding, the international economy will continue to deteriorate, which will be br :' for everybody, particularly for the least advantagea. If the deterioration continues, then the bridges of dialogue and multilateral negotiations will in turn collapse. 142. The eve of the 1980s seems to be a good time for the international community to begin reversing the discouraging trends to which we have referred. If we are actually able to set in motion an international strategy for development, we shall be able to revitalize the operation of the world economy, by taking as its basic impetus a systematic stimulation towards the accelerated growth of the developing countries. It is the conviction of the members of the Group of 77 that this new tendency can emerge only if we promote understanding through a new series of world negotiations that would substantially transform the direction, content and methods of multilateral economic co-operation. 144. This initiative of the developing countries is the most relevant effort that has been made in recent years to open the doors to world economic dialogue, which seemed to be closed because of lack of political will and of adequate negotiating procedures. Thus it is essential that our work be directed towards immediate action, and that we not lose sight of the particular features of the various areas of international economic cooperation, the plans that must be prepared and developed and the need to consider these issues at the same time without necessarily subordinating one to the other. We must move forward, relying on the dynamics of the facts rather than trying to move against them. 145. The proposal to initiate this series of global negotiations is certainly an urgent appeal to the international community to find ways of reaching agreement in the basic area'S of economic co-operation. However, the main issue now being debated is how to ensure that those negotiations will become a factor that truly facilitates the reaching of agreement and the improving of co-operation among countries, thus avoiding further sterile confrontations. 146. Thus mere agreement in principle upon the advantages of initiating such negotiations would certainly be inadequate. What is required is clear agreement on the direction and objectives of the dialogue that we are going to initiate, so as to facilitate later consensus on its detailed programme of action, time-table and procedures. It is not enough to ask the Committee of the Whole to prepare for that series of negotiations unless, at the same time, we allow it to organize its preparatory work in such a way as to ensure that it can discharge the mandate entrusted to it. 147. The Mexican delegation is convinced that, in order to ensure a fruitful outcome for the new phase of the dialogue that is to begin at the special session to be held in 1980, we cannot afford to miss the double opportunity that we are being offered today, namely to reach a consensus on the direction and the objectives of the negotiations and to move forward as far as is possible in defining the procedures that will enable the Committee of the Whole to prepare carefully and adequately the substantive stage of negotiations. 148. We are proposing a new point of departure, but we are not starting at zero. While the results achieved so far satisfy absolutely nobody that is due mainly to the fact that we have not been able to move from statements and good intentions to negotiations that would make the members of the international community enter into commitments and abide by them. Behind us are long and arduous efforts to spell out our legitimate aspirations in each of the sections of the new international economic order. But we have not yet been able to link these definitions to reality. Hence, our initial concern should be to get things together and to co-ordinate what we have achieved so that we can transform our past achievements into a new point of departure for global 149. We must find the common area between the. two levels of reality that provide the context for our dialogue. On the one hand, we have structural problems that can be defined and resolved only in long-term programmes. On the other hand, we have very urgent issues that we cannot disregard without risking the danger that the current imbalance will be made irreversible. 150. It would therefore seem essential that in the preparatory phase, and in the negotiations themselves, we should take account of some of the basic fundamental requirements. The Mexican delegation has highlighted some of them as follows. 151. Negotiations on international economic cooperation require us to plan initiatives that are bold and realistic, and expressed in an organized and coherent manner, within the context of global plans and programmes. As an immediate undertaking, we would have specific measures to face the short-term needs of the developing countries, particularly the least developed. 152. Those negotiations should in an integrated way take up those issues so as to reflect their interrelationship. The interdependence that we seek can in no way be simply a prolongation of the relations of exploitation, neo-colonialism and dependency that currently prevail. Rather, we must set off from a radically different definition of the rules of the game, the definition that we all recognize as the "New International Economic Order". 153. Bearing that in mind, each of the items should be dealt with specifically, depending upon its dimensions and its characteristics. It must have its own negotiating area, and it must be related to the other issues, but it must allow the possibility to ensure, within a dynamic process, that the political will to move forward can be demonstrated and expressed. In our opinion, the strategy should now be directed towards the links between the various issues and the main ramifications of each and everyone of them, so that they can help one another along instead of slowing one another down. 154. The paramount imperative of the two post-war decades was the elimination of colonialism; in the past 20 years, the paramount concern has been development. At the same time, the object of our efforts and the measure of our success has been the narrowing of the gap dividing the rich from the poor. If the gap should ISS. Against this historical backdrop, the problem of energy has emerged in recent years as a crucial element that will to a large extent determine progress in international economic co-operation. To deny this is to shut one's eyes to the facts. To say that timely and appropriate treatment of this issue would delay or interfere with over-all negotiations is, in our opinion, a mistaken evaluation of the situation. ,We believe-on the contrary-that the question of energy, taken in context, can be made an invaluable factor for unity among the developing countries and a catalysing element for other advances in international economic cooperation. 156. The President of Mexico, Jose L6pez Portillo, put forward a far-reaching proposal on this issue [ibid., paras. 66-68J, the most complex and pressing issue affecting international economic relations today. He dealt not only with the most prominent issues related to hydrocarbons but, in a broader context, with the need to ensure an orderly transition from the era of energy in which we are now living to the era that will inevitably succeed it. He did so on the basis of the principles and within the context of the new international econorriic order. The Mexican proposal thus falls naturally within the series of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development proposed by the countries of the Group of 77. In addition, it takes into account the need to co-ordinate the treatment of the various aspects of the energy problem, which to date have been dealt with or studied in isolated, partial ways in various forums and resolutions of this Organization. In short, the President proposed a global viewand a coherent world plan on this issue, as we have defined it in the past in other areas of international economic co-operation. 157. The time has not yet come, however, to discuss the substantive elements of this proposal. That will have to be done in the near future. Many delegations have already recognized, nevertheless, that the ideas put forward by Mexico do reflect central concerns of the international community, and that they open up a promising area for understanding and negotiation and constitute a fundamental contribution to the dialogue which, at the suggestion of the developing countries, will soon begin at the United Nations. 158. Our country's earlier battles to ensure respect for our sovereign rights over our natural resources, our determined militancy in accelerating the decolonization process, our perseverance in defining the norms that today provide the bases of the new international economic order and our political determination to establish it through dialogue and negotiation, underline and explain the motivation of the Mexican proposal. 159. President L6pez Portillo recognized in the General Assembly that he was not attempting to say anything new, but was rather describing facts with which we are all familiar, but which for various reasons had been inadequately expressed. He described in a clear and straightforward manner the strategy and 160. We confidently hope that with the support of our Group of 77-the great majority of whose members are now seriously being affected by the economic crisis and have the right to expect more from the international community-we will henceforth be able to begin taking firm steps towards a global agreement. We expect all States to make a new and necessaryeffort to think clearly and to demonstrate the political determination to achieve that agreement. 16I. Mr. JIMETA (Nigeria): My delegation wishes at the outset to extend warm congratulations to Mr. Stoltenberg, of Norway, the current Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, on the able and constructive manner in which he guided the Committee's work. We also wish to thank Mr. Narayanan, of India, for the statement he made last week [40th meetingJ on behalf of the Group of 77, of which Nigeria is proud to be a member. 162. The continuing crisis in the world economy would seem to confirm my Government's oft-stated position that there is an urgent need for structural and attitudinal modification in the economic relationship between developed and developing countries. This is not only necessary as a logical historical development, but also inevitable in viewof the background of the meagre achievements of the five sessions of UNCTAD and of other negotiations, such as those within the Conference on International Economic Co-operation. 163. With the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order at the sixth special session and of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States at the twentyninth session, many delegations-including my ownhad felt that the economic negotiations precipitated by the depressing developments of the 1960shad been placed in their proper perspective. The new order we are seeking is one of fairness, based on an overview of the needs of developing countries and a readjustment of the existing international economic system. Throughout the 1960s, the developing countries had to supplement political independence with the economic viability that would make their freedom more meaningful. 164. At the international level, these delegations worked for the adoption of the First United Nations Development Decade, the achievements of which fell far short of its objectives. The Second United Nations Development Decade was consequently regarded, even before its inception, as a further measure of the international community's ability to solve the increasingly intractable economic problems of the poor, developing nations. In the words of the Director-General for Development and International Economic Cooperation, the "far-reaching modifications in the patterns of global production, consumption and trade, including a substantial enlargement of the share of the developing countries in world industry and trade in in- 165. At the regional level, efforts by the developing countries to mobilize their resources and to develop programmes of self-reliance have also been vitiated by forces generated and controlled by the rich, industrialized countries. For instance, the Yaounde Conventions 15 and I1,f> of 1963 and 1969 respectively, as well as the Arusha convention," also of 1969, because of their heavy reliance on old patterns of trade and commerce failed to achieve their respective goals. However with the inception of the Group of 77, as a result of the'Cairo Conference on the Problems of Economic Development, sponsored by UNCTAD and held in 1962,we had hoped that the stage was set for a permanent means for the developing countries to engage the developed countries in continuous dialogue on how to expand through the restructuring of international economic relations. 166: The b~sic lack of link~ge .between the remarkably rapid expansion and consolidation of the economies of the developed countries and the transmission of that growth to the economies of the developing countries clearly betrays an inherent weakness in the mechanism for international co-operation for development. The poor nations' economies have been conditioned through colonialism to provide raw materials to fuel the raging fires of rapid development and higher standards of living and, unwittingly, contributed indirectly to the capacity of those countries to waste enormous sums of money on the arms race. Rather than helping the poor nations to overcome acute poverty, chronic unemployment, illiteracy, undernourishment, crushing debts and balance-of-payments problems, the developed countries have shown quite clearly, since the sixth and seventh special sessions, that they have yet to grapple with the realities that face the worlu s developing countries. 167. According to the World Bank, almost a third of the urban dwellers of the developing countries lack the income and the consumption sufficient to maintain a productive life. By the year 2000 there may be as many as 2 billion urban residents lacking access to minimal nutrition and sanitation, safe water, basic education and shelter. The gravity of this situation cannot be fully appreciated until one reflects that the urban dwellers are, on the whole, the elite of the populations of the developing countries. 6 ldem, signed at Yaounde on 29 July 1969. 7 Agreement establishing an association between the European Economic Community and the United Republic of Tanzania. the Rcpuhlicof Uganda and the Republic of Kenya, signedat Arusha, on 24 September 1969. This agreement is referred to as the Arusha convention. 169. Those international economic instruments that have not yet fully responded to the concepts of the New International Economic Order and the principles of the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States must be revisedor reformulated and made more responsive to accord with the common interests of humanity. The ongoing negotiations on several codes, including those on shipping, transnational corporations, technology, restrictive business practices and multimodal transport, must be concluded as soon as possible in compliance with acceptable principles of negotiation. We should also like to see the firm establishment of the Common Fund, as well as further progress on the list of individual commodity agreements within the framework of the Integrated Programme of Commodities. H The role of the global round, as we see it, is, therefore, to facilitate progress in all these areas within UNCTAD and in other forums. 170. With particular reference to the major issues mentioned in the draft resolution referred to this Assembly by the Committee of the Whole [A/34/34, part three, annex I), my delegation firmly subscribes to the view of the Group of 77, as stated by the representative of India in his statement last week, to the effect that none of the issues in the fields of raw materials, energy, trade, money and finance can be treated separately from the over-all issue of development and their interrelationship in overcoming the present gap between the rich and the poor nations. We realize that attempts have been made, and may continue to be made, to isolate energy as the villain of the present international economic crisis. We would maintain, however, that energy, in all its ramifications and different aspects, is indeed a resource that is yet to be fully explored. The traditional concept of energywhich is moulded around petroleum - must be re-examined only in the context of the ever-increasing reality of its rapid depletion with a view to finding ways and means for diversification into new and renewable sources of energy. That is why my delegation looks forward with enthusiasm to the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, which will be held at Nairobi in August 1981. H Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fourth Session, Vol. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations pUblicalion~ Sales No. E.76.11.0.10 and corrigendum, parr one, sect. A, resolution 93 (IV). 172. We therefore see the energy question in the light of its present inadequacy-the need to respect the right of every nation to exercise "full permanent sovereignty ... over all its ... natural resources", the need to safeguard the rate of wasteful depletion of the present known reserves, the need to safeguard the real value of earnings and the need to utilize these earnings for socioeconomic transformation. 173. With regard to the proposed text on industrialization [ibid., annex 1/1], my delegation fully shares the views of the other members of the Group of 77 that the pace of industrialization in developing countries must be hastened in order to enable them to overcome many of their endemic balance-of-payment difficulties. The Lima Declaration and Plan of Action on Industrial Development and Co-operation represent the key instrument for the realization of a sustained and selfreliant growth of the economies of the developing countries. The 25 per cent target for the share of developing countries in world industrial output is in itself a compromise prescription. We hope that this target will feature prominently in the international development strategy for the third decade and that the Third General Conference of UNIDO will elaborate concrete measures for its attainment. 174. The Nigerian delegation believes firmly in the efficacy of developing agriculture as the basis for over-all development and, in particular, its linkages to industrialization. These linkages could hasten efforts to remedy food shortages, substitute imports and achieve savings on scarce foreign earnings. The oncoming global negotiations must take adequate cognizance of the different levels of industrialization of the present group of developing countries, taking fully into account the whole range of problems relating to sectoral development. 176. We believe that the difficulties and challenges confronting the world economy today could be more than alleviated by a judicious transfer of some of the resources spent on armament and weapons development to general economic development. Over $400 billion are expended on the unproductive armaments race and it is obvious that, if even only 1 per cent of that outlay were earmarked for economic development in general terms, the prospects would be uplifting. It is our recommendation, therefore, that the next round of global negotiations on economic matters should focus on this aspect the attention it deserves, with a view to reaching agreement on releasing the enormous financial resources still bcinu frittered uwuv, and channellinu them into areas where they could be employed for the greatest good of mankind. 177. Finally, Nigeria will lend its support to all constructive efforts to enable the Committee of the Whole to conclude arrangements for the special session of the General Assembly next. oar to launch the global round of negotiations. We ap oach these negotiations in a constructive frame of mind, fully conscious of the need for further progress in the effort of the international community to find a mutually acceptable solution to the present world economic crisis. 178. The North-South dialogue, for us, is not a cliche. It is the engine we all need to establish a more just and equitable world order with viable economic and political dimensions. The sessions of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation, which were held at Paris, achieved precious little primarily because they lacked the global participation that could result in a fully comprehensive world economic policy. The limited successes of those two sessions is indicative of the fact that, given political will and with inputs from all the agencies in the United Nations family, the Committee of the Whole could provide the forum where global negotiations for the 1980s are feasible. 179. Mr. SIMP ~NANIYE (Burundi) (interpretation from French): Since the sixth special session of the General Assembly, the international community has been more than ever committed to a relentless struggle against the present international economic system, which is characterized by injustice and exploitation. The goal, of course, is the establishment of a new international economic order based on justice and equality. 180. In adopting resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI) of 1 May 1974 containing the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order, resolution 3281 (XXIX) of 12 December 1974 containing the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States, and resolution 3362 (S-VII) of 16 September 1975 on development and international economic co-operation, the General Assembly clearly defined a platform for negotiations between the countries in the northern hemisphere and those in the southern hemisphere. 181. Unfortunately, the impetus provided by the General Assembly was broken by the lack of faith of the majority of the developed countries in the trends and 182. The intransigence of almost all of the market economy developed countries underlies the failure of the North-South Conference which has been dragging its feet for two years, whereas we had welcomed the initiative as a fortunate one. The optimists said that this was only a half failure because, in their words, the developed and the developing countries had for the first time been able to pin-point the areas of disagreement on such an important and complex issue as the restructuring of the international economic system. Far be it from us to seek all of the reasons underlying the disappointing results of the Conference on International Economic Co-operation which took place at Paris. Nevertheless, there is general agreement that one of the reasons for that failure was the lack of universality of the Conference. 183. The Cieneral Assembly drew a lesson from this experience and, in its resolution 32/174 of 19 December 1977, it set up the Committee of the Whole, the report of which we are at present considering. Hence the North-South dialogue was brought back to the United Nations. The work of this Committee was paralysed for a year by the group of developed countries and became bogged down in questions of procedure and of the interpretation of the Committee's mandate. Thus for a whole year there was no progress in the negotiations. I~.f. ·\t its thirty-third session the General Assemblv, in a spirit of conciliation, further clarified the role arid the mandate of the Committee. In spite of this decision of the General Assembly, the Committee of the Whole was able to reach agreement on only a very limited number of problems. 185. The Chairman of the Committee of the Whole for 1979, Mr. Thorvald Stoltenberg, made a lucid statement in presenting the report of the Committee for this year. The Burundi delegation would like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to him for his untiring efforts to secure tangible progress on items which are at the very heart of the strategy for the establishment of a new international economic order. 186. The report of the Committee of the Whole makes it clear that the developed countries are not yet ready to give up the privileges they enjoy in their relations with the developing countries. Some are pleased to say that the Committee has reached a considerable measure of agreement on important questions such as the transfer to external resources, food and agriculture. My delegation feels that we should not exaggerate the scope of these results, for the following reasons. 187. First, these are decisions already taken by other bodies but which have never been implemented. Possibly, the major innovation is that they were adopted by the Committee of the Whole, whose power of negotiation and decision-making had been challenged for more than a year. 189. Our disappointment is even greater when we coosider the disagreement within the Committee of the Whole on issues of vital interest for the economies of the developing countries, such as industrial development, aid to the most seriously affected developing countries, the elimination of protectionist measures and the tariff and non-tariff barriers which the developed countries set up essentially to bar imports from the developing countries, and finally the restructuring of the international economy. 190. In the light of these meagre results, we can say that the Committee of the Whole has not yet met the wishes of the General Assembly which, in its resolution 32/174, requested it to provide the "impetus for resolving difficulties in negotiations and for encouraging the continuing work in these bodies" of the United Nations system and to serve "where appropriate, as a forum for facilitating and expediting agreement on the resolution of outstanding issues". 191. The present failure of this mission of the Committee of the Whole can be attributed to the developed countries because they refuse to engage in a dialogue on these important issues. It is this refusal which is at the root of the failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the very limited results of the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, held at Vienna in August of this year. 192. In the face of this obstruction bv the wealthv countries, the developing countries havenot remained impassive. because in this struggle resignation would be tantamount to economic stagnation, paralysis of their economies. the halting of progress and, finally, the challenging of their independence. 193. This is why the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, which met at Havana in September of this year, supported the holding of global negotiations between countries in the northern hemisphere and countries in the southern hemisphere. This proposal was taken up by the Group of 77 and submitted for consideration first in the Committee of the Whole and then in the General Assembly. These global negotiations should relate to the major issues of raw materials, energy, trade, development and monetary and financial problems. We hope that this initiative by the developing countries will be appreciated by the developed countries and that it may get us out of the impasse in the North-South negotiations so as to achieve the restructuring of the world economy on the basis of the principles of justice and equality. 194. We should not, however, have any illusions about the extent to which the problem of energy should be included in these negotiations. It would indeed be 195. In spite of the spirit of co-operation and creative imagination of the developing countries, in spite of the concessions they are making in order to avoid the catastrophe which threatens our economies, the struggle for the emergence of a new international economic order will be a long and difficult one. It will be long because it must attack the far-reaching causes of the world economic crisis; it will be difficult because it will call into question the immense profits which a group of countries or transnational corporations are making thanks to a monetary and economic system based on injustice and domination. In some respects, this struggle will be more difficult than that waged by peoples for their political independence. 196. But it must be recognized that the countries of the third world are prepared to discharge their responsibilities fully because the cause they are defending is just and well-founded. It is just and well-founded because its objective is to put an end to the present economic situation, which is marked by the gravest and most profound economic crisis the world has known since the Great Depression, with its train of economic recession, unemployment, widespread monetary inflation and intolerable instability of the terms of trade. 197. In this context, the economies of the developing countries continue to deteriorate and the gap between the rich countries and the poor countries keeps widening. The cause which the developing countries are defending is just, for their struggle is not directed against the industrialized countries. 198. As Colonel Jean-Baptiste Bagaza, President of the Republic of Burundi, declared on 26 September 1979 to the General Assembly: " ...this struggle for economic liberation by.the third-wor-: countries is not directed against the industrial..x.l countries. "The claims of the developing countries are in fact those of having the sovereign right to their own resources, the establishment of machinery for stabilizing the paces of primary commodities which they export, the creation of reasonable conditions of access to the international market, the transfer of science and technology to the developing countries, the reform of the international monetary system and fir.,·;y international co-operation free of any alienation or humiliation. "These demands by the third-world countries take real account of the interdependence of nations and the complementary nature of world economies." [91h meeting, paras. 59-6/.J 199. In these circumstances, the developed countries should not adopt a defensive attitude in international negotiations. They should rather resolutely commit themselves to the irreversible process of democratization of economic relations and co-operate on a basis of equality with the developing countries. The Burundi delegation therefore wishes. to appeal to these developed 200. Mr. B. DIOP (Senegal) (interpretation from French): The Senegalese delegation welcomes the decision taken by our Organization to take up this agenda item for the second time in the plenary meeting of the Assembly. 201. It at least shows that the international community is increasingly politically aware that the crisis persisting in the world economy is a challenge which we must all meet if we truly wish to establish a lasting peace and a socio-cultural international climate favourable to the development of man, of the whole of mankind. 202. I should like to put on record here our appreciation for the tireless efforts of the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, Mr. Stoltenberg, and those of his predecessor, Mr. Jazairy, to reach a reasonable consensus acceptable to all. 203. In setting up the Committee of the Whole. which is entrusted with the task of encouraging the process of negotiation within the context of the establishment of the new international economic order, our Assembly wished to eliminate the difficulties which were responsible for the failure of the Paris Conference on International Economic Co-operation, for-and we must accept this-in spite of a favourable international climate brought about by the hopes raised by the fruitful discussions at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly, the Paris Conference was not able to prepare a suitable basis for the establishment of a just and equitable new international economic order, thereby giving rise to a feeling of disappointment and frustration within the world community, particularly in the developing countries. 204. We shall not comment on the difficulties which developed during the first year of the existence of the Committee of the Whole because of the different interpretations of the nature and the scope of the mandate entrusted to it. Let us deal rather with the results of its last three sessions. 205. The consensus which emerged during the first session relating to the transfer of real resources to the developing countries fell far short of the legitimate claims of the Group of 77, as regards in particular public development aid ann international monetary questions. 206. While the agreement on world food problems and agricultural development is certainly a step in the right direction, it in no way covers all the concerns of the developing countries and its limits will soon be apparent in tl.. interpretative declarations issued by certain Je,eoped countries. 207. With regard to the third session which, as we know, was devoted to the consideration and development of the main factors affec,:.1f the world economy, the Lima Declaration and Plan f Action on Industrial Development and Co-operation and the study of the results of the fifth session UNCTAD, the balance sheet is even more disappointing, some developed countries 208. Hence the problem of the real usefulness of the Committee of the Whole arises. Should it continue to provide a vast forum where one would come to pursue the perpetual process of evaluating and re-evaluating the crisis in the world economy which is affecting everyone, rich and poor? We for our part rather believe, along with the Group of 77, that there could be no better body for the preparation of the special session of the General Assembly scheduled for 1980. All the countries Members of our Organization should resolutely commit themselves to work within the context thus provided for the search of a solution that would put an end to the continuing deterioration of the economic, trade and monetary climate, which causes a constant widening of the existing gap between developed and developing countries. 209. For, while it is true that at present the only alternative is co-operation or confrontation, it is no less obvious that the only alternative to the maintenance of unjust and outdated privileges, which lead to crises with dangerously ,#unforeseeable consequences, is the establishment of a just new international economic order based on objective and freely accepted concepts of international interdependence and human solidarity. 210. The developing countries have already made their choice by adhering without reservation to the decisions of the sixth and seventh special sessions of our Assembly and to the provisions of the Charter of Bconcrric Rights and Duties of States. They have demonstrated their political will by expressing their desire to start a new series of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development within the context of the United Nations system. Their proposals have been presented here very lucidly and concisely by' the representative of India, Mr. Narayanan, spokesman for the Group of 77. The ball is now in the court of the developed countries. 211. 'Thecontinuing deterioration of the international economic situation, the persistence of injustice in the current economic climate, the instability in t~e international monetary system-all these are warnings to our community concerning its own survival. The interdependence of all the nations of the world is an undeniable fact, even if some are doing their utmost not to recognize it.

Earlier this month, at the 4th meeting of the Second Committee, Mr. Dadzie, Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation, reminded us that 10 years have passed since the General Assembly adopted the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, and that five years have passed since the General Assembly met in special sessionand issued the Declaration f),rr1 Programme of Action for the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. Next year the General Assembly, convening once again in special session, will seek to give new impetus to the establishment of the New International Economic Order, including the adoption of a new international development strategy for the 19805 and beyond. 214. In the light of this situation, my delegation would urge the Assembly to adopt the proposal of the Group of 77 concerning global negotiations relating to international economic co-operation for development. In our opinion, this provides a fresh way of dealing with the serious problems. In this respect, my delegation fully endorses the views expressed by Mr. Narayanan, the representative of India, as current Chairman of the Groua of 77 [40th meeting: ' 215. We believe that successful negotiations are as essential for the developed economies as they are for the developing ones. The dimensions of the problems have been outlined in many useful documents before us. The World Development Report, published annually by the World Bank, contains a series of surveys of the problems and prospects of developing countries. In fact, commenting on findings contained in the first volume of this series of reports, which was published last year, 9 Le Monde called the report " ... staggering . . . having the merit of putting unpleasant truths before the eyes of the powerful". 216. We all are familiar with the dimensions and enormity of the problems before us. We must not waste any more time in analysing the problems. They are both urgent and complex and cannot be resolved by demonstrating unwillingness to negotiate or by prolonging the process. In this respect, the President (If the United Republic of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, said early this year at Arusha: "Changing the world order is a process. It can be speeded, it can be directed and it can be made less turbulent." 217. With this in mind and to speed up the negotiating process, the General Assembly adopted resolution 32/174. The resolution, inter alia, requested the Committee of the Whole, in paragraph 4, to provide ..(hi . . . impetus for resolving difficulties in negotiations and for encouraging the continuing work in these bodies;" and to serve, "(c) ... where appropriate, as a forum for facilitating and expediting agreement on the resolution of outstanding issues". 218. Despite statements by the developed countries that they now have a better understanding of the problems of the developing countries, there is no light at the 219. Consequently, even at the end of the Second United Nations Development Decade, the agreed targets remain unattained. According to World Bank statistics, the public external debts of 96 developing countries have reached a total of $253 billion. 10The discouraging results of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the recent meetings of the Committee of the Whole and the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy indicate the magnitude of the problems ahead of us. 220. We agree with the Secretary-General of the United Nations when, in his report on the work of the Organization, he says; "In the face of obviously pressing economic needs, such slow progress in negotiations is unacceptable. It is essential that all States should take urgent heed of the dangers of delay and reassess their positions in the light of their long-term interests and needs." [See A/34/1, sect. V.] 221. We must not allow this sense of frustration to pre- vent us from moving towards the desired goal of economic and social development with its obvious benefits to developed and developing countries alike. It seems even more true today that there can be no real or lasting peace unless an over-all development of all coun- tries creates the conditions necessary for the well-being of all peoples. We must examine the inadequacies of past approaches and policies and use this knowledge to develop new strategies. 222. Economic development since the Second World War has been characterized by rapid progress in the economies of the developed nations. The developing na- tions, deprived of capital and technical know-how, and with their colonial legacies of the past, have scarcely managed to extricate themselves from the serious prob- lems of under-development. 223. The results are that 80 per cent of the world's trade and investment, 93 per cent of the industries and almost lOOper cent of the research are managed by the developed nations. The developing countries have 70 per cent of the world's population and a mere 12 per cent of the gross world product. They have a per capita income of $150 or less as against an income of over $6,000 in the developed and rich countries. 224. Indeed, these figures are symptomatic of underly- ing structural imbalances inherent in our global economic relations. These fundamental imbalances can- not be corrected unless there is a profound restructuring of the global economic system. Many developing coun- tries see no way of coping with the present multiplying effects of unemployment and underemployment, run- away inflation and expanding debt service. The result is an inevitable widening of the gap between rich and poor nations. 226. We were encouraged by the resolutions adopted at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly which contained some of the guidelines for confronting the global challenge. The preamble to resolution 3362 (S-VII), which was adopted by consen- sus, states the belief that: " ... the over-all objective of the new interna- tional economic order is to increase the capacity of developing countries, individually and collectively, to pursue their development". This, we believed, could be an immense help in over- coming some of our difficulties, but this sound prin- ciple has yet to be implemented. 227. Although we are aware that primary responsibili- ty for development rests with each of the developing countries, the success of their efforts depends upon the input and support of the rich nations. In a world of growing interdependence, all participants in the world economic system would benefit from balanced economic growth. All countries therefore bear respon- sibilities for development and the elimination of pover- ty, hunger and ill-health in the world. But we believe that responsibility should increase with the growth of a country's wealth and economic capability. It is now ap- parent that the world's problems cannot be solved without also solving the problems facing the developing countries. 228. Unless suitable measures are taken immediately, the economies of the developing countries will continue to weaken at a rapid rate. Some of the reasons for this weakening of economic growth are sluggish export earn- ings and deteriorating terms of trade. There are un- certainties regarding external financing and obtaining appropriate terms of trade which inevitably place restrictions on the import policies of most developing countries. This already complicated situation is now being exacerbated by energy-related problems. The dark shadow over the economies of the non-oil-producing developing countries is a precursor of an even darker future. In view of this, we believe that the proposals contained in the statement by the President of Mexico should be examined carefully and given practical expres- sion so that the international community may not have to face greater problems in the long run. The negative effects of energy-related problems fall heavier on the poorer, developing countries which suffer not only because of their oil-import bills but also because they must pay higher prices for imports from developed countries. In turn, this drain on limited foreign ex- change earnings reduces the availability of their capital development resources. 229. In summary, we agree with the Secretary-General of the United Nations that determined action by the in- ternational community is required in three areas, where we need " to launch a.co-ordinated and imaginative ef- fort in [the] field [of energy]; " to address the urgent problems of the oil- importing developing countries in a concerted and effective way." [Ibid.] 230. The situation is at its worst in the least developed and land-locked developing countries owing to the present global economic crisis. The global economic upheavals have serious adverse effects on their economies. They are faced with the situation of having to pay increasingly high transportation costs and with the effects of inflation transferred to their imports. Thus, we welcomed the decision taken at the fifth session of UNCTA0 to launch a comprehensive and substantially expanded action programme in favour of the least developed countries." Despite the recent failure to adopt a concrete action programme in the Committee of the Whole, we hope that a programme of action will be implemented with a sense of urgency and also closely" integrated into the new international development strategy. 231. The Kingdom of Bhutan is a land-locked developing country. In our efforts towards economic development we attach great importance to the development of road transport and communications. In fact, quick means of transport facilities, trade and transit are vital for the well-being of our people and the success of our development programmes. Thus, the importance of transport and transit facilities for land-locked developing countries can hardly be over- emphasized. Knowing those problems, we endorse the Transport and Communication Decade in Africa. We hope that the international community will ap- preciate the urgency and importance of the pro- gramme of action for the Decade» by demonstrating its strong commitment and support for it. 232. Those special measures are required in order to overcome the critical problems and obstacles fac- ing their trade and development. While land-locked countries have inter alia, basic problems of transit and transport, the island developing countries have problems of inter-island communication and trans- shipment. It is clear that the solutions to the prob- lems of those countries require far more intensive efforts at the national, regional and international levels. 233. The international community has recognized that, because of their unfavourable geographical situation, land-locked countries have to bear addition8I transport and transit costs in their external trade. The facilities available to them in transit countries are by no means adequate since most transit countries in the regions concerned are themselves among the most seriously affected rteveloping countries. Therefore, in- II See Proceedings 01 the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Fifth Session, vol, I, ReportandAnnexes(united Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.II.D.14), annex I, seer. A, resolu- lion 122 (V). 12 See document E/1979177, part VI, resolutior, ECA/UNTACDAlRes.79/1 . "Provide financial and technical assistance for flro.iects aimed at ... [improving) ... transport and related transport facilities and arrangements" [.fee resolution 3/ / /77, annex). 235. The commitments to augment the Special Fund will go a long way towards alleviating the special prob- lems and difficulties faced by the land-locked develop- ing countries in their development efforts. Since the establishment of the Special Fund, many land-locked developing countries, including Bhutan, have presented project proposals to UNDP, but for lack of funds many sound projects unfortunately remain unrealized. In this regard, at the twenty-sixth sesssion of UNDP which was held at Headquarters in June and July of this year, the Administrator said that the resources available to the Special Fund were meagre. He further stressed that the over-all need of the developing countries for special assistance was clearly much larger than the resources available to the Special Fund and, therefore, General Assembly resolution 33/85 urging Member States to contribute to the Fund took on special significance. He hoped that supporters of the Fund would continue to support it and would increase. their contributions substantially. 236. I wish to mention here that most of the land- locked developing countries are also among the least developed. This is clear evidence of the urgency of the need for the international community to alleviate the problems of land-locked countries if it desires to assist the least developed countries in a serious and mean- ingful way. 237. In conclusion, I wish to place on record the ap- preciation of my delegation to the delegation of Nor- way, and in particular to Mr. Thorvald Stoltenberg for the efforts he has made in his capacity as Chairman of the Committee of the Whole. We also wish to express our appreciation to those developed countries that have been able to initiate a constructive attitude and lend sup- port in implementing the Programme of Action envisag- ed in the New International Economic Order, and our hope that others will also emulate their good example. 238. We believe that, as Lord Buddha has said, "Where there is a will, there is a way"- which, we hope, will prove true in respect of the desire of the inter-

The world economy isin deep trouble, and the prospects for its future condition alsoappeargrim.Theanalyses which wehavehad from both within and outside the United Nations system have confirmed this. Our efforts undertaken thus far to revitalize the world economy have been miserable and poor. Wehave yetto take the necessary positive action to restructure fundamentally the global economy with a view to revitalizing it and establishing a moreequitable, just and stableinternational order. . 240. For the second consecutive year, the pace of economic activity in the world economy has weakened. In almost every area, economic problems have multiplied. Many countries have experienced unacceptable levels of inflation and unemployment, while exchangerates have been unstable and volatile. Increased protectionism in the developed countries has been rampant, and international trade has stagnated. In the industrialized countries, economic growth has been erratic. 241. For most developing countries the situation has been a frustrating one. Wehave found it impossible to finance what we consider to be reasonable rates of development. Certain financial flows which are subject to political decision, especially official development asssitance and long-term flows frommultilateral institutions, have laDed behind the expansion of other types of flows, with the result that some countries have had difficulties in meeting their financial requirements. 242. The lower income countries, which have limited or no access to private capital markets, have had to undergo a drastic process of adjustment. On the other hand, in those countries with access to private capital markets the composition of flows hasshifted sharply in favour of short and medium-term bank financing. The cumulative effectof thisuncertainty as to theavailability of financing in the future, together with high and ever-growing international inflation, has seriously hampe~ed the development efforts of many developing countries. 243. Overshadowing all these problems today is the issue of energy shortage and rising prices. The energy problem, as was noted by the Secretary-General in his current report on the work of this Organization [AIJ4/J. sect. VI, has emerged as a central and immediate concern of all nations. It has deep structural and social implications for developed and developing countries alike. 244. The critical state of the world economy and the lI'im proposis of its future condition as well as our hithertopaltryanl" :.niserable effortsin promoting internationaleconomic co-operation present us, as members of the internat~,onal community, with a very serious challco.e. This challenle is the urgent need for us to take positive action in tacklinl the problems which are c:ripplina the world economy. 245. Mydeleption believes that a fulland lenuine acceptance of this challen.e demands that there be first a conscious recOinition on the part of all countries of the 246. Global interdependence requires that there be a full recognition on the part of all countriesof the need for continuing structuralchange in the world economy. It provides for recognition of the vital contribution of trade to long-term growth in productivity rather than the current concern with short-term disruptions cause1i byshiftsin trade patterns. It provides for acknowledgement of the benefits of accelerated progress in the developing countries rather than fear caused by the spectre of shifting economic strengths. It laysemphasis on strengthening institutional capacity for financial intermediation in line. with global needs. Global interdependence implies responsibilities and benefits to be shared by allcountries. 247. It is therefore crucial that Governments fully understand and appreciate what interdependence is all about, for it is only throulh a full recognition and acceptance of this, together with a display of genuine political will on thepart of allcountries, that weshallbe able to achieve the kind of international economic cooperationwhich will 'mabie us to restorepropergrowth to the global econom, and thus place it on a soundand viable basis. 248. I have mentioned earlierthat our efforts to date in promoting international economic co-operation have left much to be desired. We have reached a stage at which there is stagnation in the so-called North-South dialogue on themanycrucial economic issues and problems confronting us. But we have failed utterly to achieve any meaningful breakthrough on these problems. And it is not because we did not possess the capacity to achieve something significant. Rather, our failure to achieve anything meaningful has been due to the lackof gen~ine political will on the part of Govern- ~ents to commit themselves to takingthe necessary acnon, 249. Too many of us,developed and developing alike, continue to be influenced in our thinking by narrow self-interest. It was precisely this kind of self-interest and mistrust that prevented us at the fifth session of UNCTAD from achieving any progress on the fundamental structural issues of North-South relations. Similarly, we have also failed in the Committee of the Whole and in the PreparatoryCommittee for the New International Development Strategy and we have witnessed only limited results in the United Nations Conference on Science and TechnololY for Development, which was heldat Vienna in August this year. 251. The Group of 77 has come up with an important new proposal for a fresh round of global negotiations relating to international economic co-operation. As was stated by the representative of India, the spokesman for the Group of 77, we, the developing countries, place high value on that proposal. It reflects our deep political commitment to the task of seeking to establish a New International Economic Order based on equity, sovereign equality, interdependence, common interest and co-operation among all States. Similarly, we should like to invite all Members of this Organization to pledge their fullest "'support for that proposal and to be prepared earnestly and effectively to participate in those negotiations during the months ahead. 252. Barbados believes that there could be no occasion more auspicious for the taking of such a decision than this thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly.

As we move on with the consideration of this important item, I wish first to avail myself of this opportunity to thank the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, Mr. Thorvald Stoltenberg, for his comprehensive statement of 18 October on the work of the Commitee of the Whole. Undoubtedly Mr. Stoltenberg succeeded in giving us a clear picture of the situation as it has developed up until now. 254. The present debate opens against a background of increasing economic tensions and a worsening world economic situation that makes the agenda item before us one of exceptional importance to the international community. 255. The world community is today faced with an economic crisis of grave proportions. The most affected and burdened by this persistent economic crisis are, as we all know, the developing countries, which bear the most serious consequences of a slow-down in growth rates, of inflation, of higher prices for manufactured goods and basic raw materials, of monetary instability and protectionism. All these developments put everincreasing pressure on the economies of the developing countries, and especially on their balance of payments. Thus one notes with concern that in four years the international debt of developing countries has more than doubled, while during those same years the North-South dialogue has unsuccessfully tried to give effective form to the provisions of the New International Economic Order. 256. Similarly, one cannot but be distressed at the fact that all efforts aimed at the restructuring of the economic order exerted at the sixth and seventh special sessions of the General Assembly, at the fourth and fifth sessions of UNCTAD, at other United Nations 257. There is no need for me to expound on the repeated failures of negotiations in the North-South dialogue, failures due largely to the lack of political will on the part of certain Governments whose verbal commitment to making progress in the North-South dialogue is not always reflected in concrete measures for the creation of a just and equitable economic order. This point was elegantly illustrated by Mr. Dadzie, Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation, in his statement of 1 October 1979 before the Second Committee, when he said that "the difficulties lie less with the mechanisms and modalities of the [North-South] dialogue than with the political commitment of Governments to the principles of the New International Economic Order."!' 258. The need determinedly to seek and promote longoverdue measures to solve the array of economic problems that face all of us today cannot be over-stressed. It is clear that we must stress them and revitalize the North-South dialogue in order to give true form to the provisions of the New International Economic Order. 259. It is against this grim background that the proposal of the Group of 77 has emerged for the launching' of a new round of global negotiations based on the decision taken at the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries. This proposal could well be described as offering the much-needed impetus for initiating progress towards restructuring world economic relations on an equitable and just basis. 260. We view the proposal of the Group of 77 on global negotiations as the most effective approach within an international perspective and a multi-issue framework to give new momentum to the stalemated North-South dialogue. That proposal presents perhaps the last opportunity to achieve progress on the restructuring of world economic relations through international economic co-operation. Not to choose to follow that new initiative would raise doubts as to our resolve and commitment to proceed with concrete steps towards the establishment of a New International Economic Order, and it would at the same time constitute a regrettable sign of lack of foresight. 261. I should be remiss if I were not to draw attention to the problems faced by the most seriously affected countries which, despite their having been recognized by the international community since 1974, remain unattended. As is stated in the report of the Committee of the Whole, "per capita food production in these countries declined during 1970-1978 and their per capita incomes have remained almost stagnant ... [while] food aid and emergency assistance to these countries have fallen far short of their requirements." [See A/34/34, part three, annex IV.] 262. It is a grave fact that very little has been done to alleviate the substandard economic conditions of those countries'. Immediate steps must be taken by the international community, in particular the developed na-

The report of the Committee of the Whole, which is now before the Assembly, reflects the state of the discussions that have taken place at the three sessions of this body. We cannot take note of that report without congratulating the Chairman for the efforts he has ceaselessly deployed to bring to a successful conclusion the exchange of views that took place in this regard. 265. The alarming condition of international economic relations and the imbalances and injustices that characterize trade between the developed and the developing countries should have triggered substantial progress in the North-South dialogue, but - and this is unanimously acknowledged by most delegations - that dialogue is now deadlocked, as can be seen in the work of the Committee of the Whole. 266. It will be recalled that from the outset obstacles began to appear and, instead of embarking on its agenda and proposing concrete measures, the Committee of the Whole became bogged down in interminable discussions concerning the definition of its mandate. Subsequently, after this important preliminary matter had been clarified, the Committee was able to pursue its work and draw up the report that is now before us but without having achieved any tangible results. 267. True, a text was elaborated concerning the transfer of real resources to developing countries. It reaffirmed the need for industrialized countries to grant official assistance to development amounting to 0.7 per cent. The agreed conclusions in this respect rightly note, however, that: " . . .the performance of the developed countries taken as a group with respect to the 0.7 per cent target of official development assistance has declined to a still lower level. H [SeeA/34/34, part one, para. 13.] 276. In our opinion, the approach should be global and should deal with the problems of raw materials, energy, trade, development and monetary questions all together. The results sought must be embodied in commitments containing quantified goals and precise deadlines for their achievement. The site proposed for such discussions is the most democratic of bodies, the one in which all States are represented on an equal and sovereign basis, namely, the United Nations. Moreover, we know that this goal was fixed in the early 1960s and it would require considerable optimism to view the text drawn up by the Committee of the Whole as representing any real progress. 268. The report reveals other deficiencies. For example, no compromise was reached with regard to the problem of industrialization. Where world food problems and agricultural development are concerned, the report merely repeats what was agreed during the World Food Conference and at the meeting of the World Food Council. 269. Real progress would have consisted not in reiterating what had already been achieved in other bodies, but rather in establishing a precise calendar for achieving agreed goals. 278. It can readily be seen that our proposals have been thoroughly studied in order to create the best conditions for success. It is high time the industrialized countries gave proof of flexibility in their turn. The 271. A resumption of the North-South dialogue is all the more necessary in that the world economic crisis is deep and widespread. Today, as yesterday, hunger, disease, malnutrition, illiteracy and high infant mortality continue to prevail in many third-world countries. 272. It is true that development is primarily an internal process. However, the present interdependence of economies and the constant deterioration of the terms of trade of the developing countries are destroying even the most laudable efforts. The dizzying rise in prices for capital goods, together with the maintenance of the prices of raw materials at a preposterously low levelwith one exception-seriously affect our economic development plans. 273. Nor have the developed countries been spared the current international economic disorder. It seems to us from our analysis of the situation that a minimum number of common elements are shared by developed and developing countries alike. The over-all crisis in the world economy is affecting all countries, and most particularly the developing countries. There can be no argument about the fact that measures taken by a State or group of States to cope with the situation must inevitably affect the others. Any viable solution must thus be international in scope. Only global negotiations, such as those proposed by the Group of 77, can lead us to solutions acceptable to us all. 274. The draft resolution submitted by the Group of 77 contains a certain number of principles that we view as fundamental and that must serve as the basis for any fruitful dialogue. The third-world countries have thereby undertaken to achieve through negotiations the restructuring of the world economy on the basis of the principles of justice and sovereign equality. 275. We also consider that the special session of the General Assembly in 1980should be an occasion for embarking on a series of global and sustained negotiations on international economic co-operation. 277. Lastly, it is worthwhile noting that the global negotiations proposed by the Group of 77 are in no way intended to duplicate those at present being undertaken in other international forums.

A few days ago, Mr. Dadzie, Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation, said that it has become more imperative than ever that the international community move with vigour and determination to mobilize the political commitment to make progress towards the New International Economic Order; to initiate discussions on energy; to formulate a comprehensive and dynamic International Development Strategy for the 1980s that will comprise a co-operative effort by both developed and developing countries to bring about accelerated development and facilitate structural change. 281. It is in a spirit of co-operation and with a desire to make real progress on substantive issues that Canada joins this debate on the important draft resolution by the Group of 77 [see A/34/34, part three, annex 1] suggesting a round of global and sustained negotiations on international economic co-operation for development. That proposal was well put on behalf of the Group of 77 by the Permanent Representative of India, and its potential was highlighted by the Chairman of the Committee of the Whole, Mr. Stoltenberg, who said that it presented us with "a possibility of a new departure in the North-South dialogue which may give fresh purpose and direction to the process of negotiations on global issues in the 1980s." [40th meeting, para. 15.] 282. In the 1970s, we learned much about the interlocking nature of many of the problems at the root of the poverty we all wish to eradicate. We have begun, in many forums, to tackle these problems. Progress has been made. But the enormity of the problem often obscures the progress. Now, as we enter the third United Nations Development Decade, a new process, intended to enable us to cope with the global scale of the issues, is proposed. We must examine that proposal with care in order to ensure that the process will in fact work and that it will help us to make progress in meeting the real problems of developing countries, particularly the poorest. That will be the standard by which to judge the effectiveness of our work. To promote this progress Canada is quite willing to participate in working out th~ best means of fostering more constructive discussion and negotiation of matters of particular interest to developing countries. 283. Canada's approach to that proposal is a practical one. It is not necessary here to recount - again - the full range of issues arising out of historical evolution. As a contrlbution to speeding up the process of bringing economic justice to the millions of people who are denied their full human dignity, let me make just three brief points. 284. First, let us adopt a spirit of full respect for one another as we enter the difficult and controversial discussions. The representative of the United States put it well yesterday when he said: "The possibilities of success will depend in important measure on avoiding recrimination ... if we are 285. Secondly, the specific nature of the issues and approaches to them has to be defined in order to ensure that new departures in the process of negotiation are practical and constructive. It will be the function of the preparatory process in the Committee of the Whole to explore these issues - on methodology, duration, coverage, priorities and locales. The work of the Committee of the Whole will, of course, also be of critical importance in preparing the way for the 1980 special session on development which will inaugurate the new international development strategy. 286. Thirdly, we should continue to use existing forums while avoiding unnecessary duplication or a slowing down of ongoing negotiations. Close attention should be paid to the interrelationship among issues, and we should recognize especially the way in which the energy issue has an impact on so many questions of development. 287. Finally, the difficult economic problems of developed countries cannot be dismissed as we prepare for further discussion and negotiations. The problems of the North as well as those of the South must be taken into account as we search for the most practical way of making more progress on North-South issues. By the same token, we must recognize from the outset that each of us can only benefit from the strengthening of the economic performance of other countries. 288. Canada will continue its long-standing role in helping the people of developing nations to achieve the economic progress that is their right. We are confident of our own ability to adapt to the changing international environment. In that framework, we join in deepening and extending international economic co-operation.

Since I am the last speaker in this debate, it behoves me to summarize in a nutshell what I believe is the perspective that we have obtained by listening to the statements delivered here by our colleagues. I am happy to note the positive statements that have been made, which give us hope that the negotiations that will follow this debate will result in a satisfactory consensus on the proposal of the Group of 77 to launch the new round of global negotiations. 290. I have listened with interest to the statement made by the representative of Canada. Canada is one of the developed countries and the statement made here by its representative-perceptive, far-sighted and lowkeyed-speaks well of the desire of that country to cooperate in the establishment of a New International Economic Order. 292. Last year's debate demonstrated once again the fact that, in the face of an immediate and pressing need, there is enough room for accommodation and cooperation on the part of Member States and there is no need for recrimination or invective. It also showed that, with determination and a positive and constructive attitude, our common concerns and interests can find adequate expression. So we have successfully hurdled one more barrier in our endeavours to promote a better atmosphere for international economic relations and we have turned another corner in the North-South dialogue. 293. Today, after a year of intensive negotiations in various forums in the field of development, we find ourselves in a somewhat familiar situation. There is a similarity to our situation a year ago, or even a decade ago. This is perhaps understandable because, while circumstances have indeed changed, and quite radically in a number of respects, the fundamental aspects of international economic relations have remained the same over the years. For example, advances in science and technology_bave tremendously boosted mankind's capacity forTncreased agricultural and industrial production. At the same time, the world is still divided between a minority of rich nations and the great majority of poor, developing countries. 294. The basic structure of world economic relations which grew out of the Second World War has worked only to the advantage of the developed countries. Attempts to find solutions have failed because at best the remedies tried were either piecemeal or half-hearted. Except in a few exceptional cases, the goals and objectives of the International Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade were not taken seriously into account by the developed countries. 295. The time has come to show our real sense of purpose and to give substance to our intentions. We can begin with what we have, both in terms of mechanisms and the substantive policy framework that we have adopted on different occasions in the past. The Charter of the United Nations is explicit in placing emphasis on the importance of development when, in Article 55, it states that: "With a view to the creation of conditions of stability and well-being which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and selfdetermination of peoples, the United Nations shall promote: "a. higher standards of living, full employment, and conditions of economic and social progress and development; 14 See O//icial Records 0/the General Assembly, Thirty-third Session, Plenary Meetings, 38th meeting, paras. 53-70. 297. Nor are we wanting in mechanisms and institutions. The broad mandate given by the Charter to the General Assembly has, in fact, made it the central organ of the United Nations system in the field of international economic co-operation. The growing interdependence among nations has brought about a parallel growth in the important role of the General Assembly. Its universal character makes the General Assembly, which is the closest thing we have to a world parliament, the appropriate forum for the consideration of global economic issues. It enables all nations, big and small, rich and poor, to be heard. 298. Moreover, its role has through the years undergone a perceptible qualitative change. Within it and through subsidiary bodies and conferences under its auspices, important negotiations have taken place more and more often. And although one cannot yet assume that the decisions reached have acquired a strictly legal and binding character, they have nevertheless provided a strong framework for action in the field of international economic relations, and a growing number of developed countries have responded by undertaking necessary policy measures in implementation of those decisions. 299. To be sure, the global economic structure that came out of Bretton Woods is still very much with us. We have been only nibbling and chipping at it bit by bit. 300. But I believe we are on the very threshold of an opportunity to pass from one era to another. We have begun another important debate, perhaps the most crucial one. We are assembled to set the stage for our deliberations over the coming few months. We must all, therefore, be clear in our minds about what we want to do. We must think out in distinct terms our objectives and how best we can attain them. In this endeavour time, which is no longer on our side, has become a critical element. We can no longer temporize. We cannot wait. In the words of President Marcos of the Philippines, in his opening address to the fifth session of UNCTAD at Manila: "We are done with platitudes, with the angry demands and the arrogant refusals, the exhortations, the dramatic declarations, the sweeping programmes. We are done with all of these, and after 20 years we 301. Are we to fashion out another development strategy that would be foredoomed to fail? Are we about to launch a round of global negotiations that will prove frustrating, or are we determined to overcome our differences? Would it be too much to hope that with pragmatism and enlightened national interest, we shall take advantage of this opportunity to layout a realistic and comprehensive programme of action that will ensure greater equity and justice for all? 302. I have deliberately avoided addressing myself to specific details of the issues immediately before us. This has ably been done by the representative of India in his capacity as Chairman of the Group of 77. We trust that

We have heard the last speaker for this afternoon and have thus concluded the debate on this item. At a later stage, the Assembly will resume its consideration of agenda item 55(a) when the draft resolution has been submitted. . Themeeting rose at 6.55 p.m.