A/34/PV.63 General Assembly

Before calling on the first speaker, I should like to remind members of the decisionof the Assembly, taken at the preceding meeting, to close the list of speakers in the debate at 5 p.m, today.

TheStatesMembers of the UnitedNationsare meeting heretoday to consider what is probablythe mosttragicproblemthat our generation will have to face-the situation in Kampuchea. 3. TheGeneral Assembly decided earlier, upon the initiative of the five countriesof theAssociation of South- East Asian Nations [ASEAN] [A/34/191], to take up item 123: "The situation in Kampuchea". Needless to say, not only the countries in Asia but just about every country throughout the world"has expressed its deep concern and profound distress over the situation in Kampuchea. I pay a high tribute to the efforts and initiative of the ASEAN countries in bringing up the matter for debate in the United NationsGeneral Assembly. My delegation fervently hopes that the deliberations in this Assembly hall' will be constructive in expediting measures that will establish peace and stability not only in Indo-China but throughout Asia as well. 4. In 1975, when the fires of war that had beenraging in Indo-China for morethan a quarter of a centurywere finally extinguished, people throughout the world felt immense relief, believing that peace had at last been restored in that part of the world. We were encouraged by the prospects that the wounds of war would finally be healed and that the countries in that region could begin to concentrate their efforts on economic development and national reconstruction, while strengthening their friendly relations with neighbouring countries. However, hardlyfive years had passed beforethe Indo- Chinese peninsula was once again engulfed in the conflagrations of war. Millions of innocent people have seen their homes and, indeed, their entire way of life destroyed. The cost in terms of human life is immeasurable. The Government of Japan has made repeated appeals to the parties concerned. to lay down their arms and to seek a solutionthat will restorepeace throughout the entire region. 1111 NEWYOAK 6. A draft resolution focusing in particularon the immediate cessation of hostilities and the total withdrawal of all foreign troops, was twice rejected in the security Council, even. t~ough it had the support of the overwhelming majority. The veto of one of its permanent members prevented the Security Council from dealing quickly and effectively with the urgent situation. My d~legation finds it deplorable that the Security Councila body whose primary responsibility is the maintenance of international peace and securityhas not beenableto dealin an appropriate mannerwitha situation that constitutes an imminent threat to the peace and security of Asia. ? Any discussion of the Kampuchean problem must include a consideration of the desperate plight of its people. Millions of Kampucheans have already perished; additional millions are struggling for meresurvival from day to day, without knowing tomorrow's fate. Ravaged by starvationand disease, theyare waiting for humanitarian relief to reach their devastated land. A number of the more fortunate ones have fled in desperation to neighbouring countries, particularly to Thailand, in the hope of receiving the aid that could mean their survival. The extent of the miseries suffered by the Kampuchean people is beyond our imagination. 8. The response of the countrieswhich participatedin the Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-EastAsia, heldin Geneva on 20and 21 July last, as well as in the Pledaing Conference for Emergency HumanitarianReliefto the Peopleof Kampuchea, held in New York on 5 November, reflects a common and world-wide humanitarian compassion for the peopleof I SeelYfflcial R«ords of th, S«urity Council, Thirty-fourth YHr, 211lth meetina, paras. 14-21; 2116th mectina, paras. 22-36: and 2129th meetina, paras. 118·125. 2 Ibid., Thirty-fourth YHr, Suppltm,nt for January, Ftbruary Imd March 1919,document 5/13025. 3 SeeASEAN Dig,st, No. 4179, August 1979, p. 43. Ai34/PV.63 10. At the Pledging Conference, a great number of countries, including my own, pledged very substantial contributions. My delegation joins others in stressing the dire necessity of delivering relief materials asquickly as possible, and on a non-discriminatory basis, to every single person in Kampuchea who is 'in need of assistance. Thus, it is of the greatest importance that the delivery of relief supplies be monitored so as to ensure their equitable distribution. What the Kampucheanpeopie need today are not political polemics. What they need are massive quantities of food and medicine. All parties concerned must do their utmost to co-operate in these efforts. It is imperative that all parties concerned transcend political differences and give humanitarian concerns their prime consideration. II. Providing assistance to the Kampuchean people must be, needless to say, our most immediate concern. However, our efforts, no matter how effective they may be, will not in themselves bring about an ultimate solution to the problem, because famine and starvation, and the mass exodus of refugees, are merely consequences, not causes, of the problem. On 25 September 1979, the then Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan, Mr. Sunao Sonoda, stated in the general debate: "I feel it is important to stress, however, that the Indo-Chinese refugee problem cannot be solved in any real way unless the peace and stability of this region is assured. In order to secure peace and stability in Indo-China, it is essential that lasting peace be restored in Kampuchea. I am of the opinion that the only way to accomplish this is for all foreign forces to withdraw from Kampuchean territory so that the Kampuchean people may determine their own political future, free from any foreign intervention." [8th meeting, para. J38. ] 12. Although the response to the immediate plight of Kampuchea has been both prompt and global, the international community must also seriously consider possible solutions to the root of the problem, which is of a political nature. 13. The parties involved in the conflict seem to be intransigent in attempting to solve the problem by military force. Consequently, I cannot foresee the restoration of peace in the near future because the use of force can only serve to exacerbate the problem and delay the solution. The international community should spare no efforts in seeking a peaceful solution to the Kampuchean problem, in line with the basic proposal elucidated by Mr. Sonoda last September in this General Assembly hall. 14. My delegation is profoundly distressed by the recent actions which might lead again to intensified fighting in Kampuchea. All parties and States involved in the conflict, including the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, should exercise utmost restraint so that an escalation of the conflict can be avoided. In particular, fighting must by no means spill over into the neighbour- IS. The peaceful settlement of disputes between States, non-intervention in internal affairs, the non-use of force and the right of self-determination are fundamental principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations. My delegation hopes that all countries involved in the conflict will strictly abide by these cardinal principles so that peace and stability may be restored in the region. We believe that the United Nations has a vital role to play in this regard. 16. Draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.1 which was prepared on the initiative of the ASEAN countries, contains the basic elements set forth in the Charter of the United Nations. Recognizing the crucial importance of the draft resolution, my delegation fully supports it and has become one of its sponsors. My delegation strongly hopes that all Member States will join us with their whole-hearted support in the same spirit as we uphold the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 17. The Secretary-General visited the countries in Indo-China last May in order to gain first-hand knowledge and a deeper comprehension of the situation. My delegation expresses its deep respect for this effort and others undertaken by the Secretary-General as positive contributions to the restoration of peace and stability in Kampuchea. I sincerely hope that the Secretary-General will continue to take positive steps, for instance, by dispatching his special representative to the area for a certain period of time so that he may report to the Member States, suggesting possible solutions to the problem. 18. In conclusion, my delegation strongly supports the constructive role of the United Nations in the field of peace-making, and particularly, in restoring peace and stability to Kampuchea.

The delegation of the Soviet Union, like the delegations of many other States Members of the United Nations, from the very outset has objected categorically to the inclusion in the agenda of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly of the so-called "question of the situation in Kampuchea". In explaining its views on this matter in the General Committee on 19 September this year," we str.essed that the attempt to impose on the Assembly a discussion of the internal situation in a sovereign State, the People's Republic of Kampuchea, not only without the consent but also against the will of the people and Government of that country, would be a direct violation of the Charter of our Organization, and in particular of Article 2, paragraph 7. Such a discussion cannot possibly promote the strengthening of the authority and prestige of our Organization. It can only serve to divert the attention of the General Assembly from the consideration of the truly important and immediate problems of strengthening international peace and security. 20. Today we can repeat with even greater justification what we said at that time, since the. legitimate .. Sec. OfficialRtcords of the General Assembly, Thirty-fourth Session, Gtntral Committee, 2nd meeting, para. 3S, and ibid., General Committee, Sessional Fascicle, corrigendum. 21. If any delegation wishes seriously and impartially to examine the situation prevailing in Kampuchea, it should first of all compare the recent past of that country and its situation this very day on the basis of very well-known facts. To do that, we do not need any special discussion in the United Nations. 22. Of course, there was a time when the situation in Kampuchea could have given rise to legitimate concern on the part of many States. That was at the beginning of the 1970s, when United States bombs were falling on that long-suffering country. According to the testimony of Western sources, quite a large number of bombs were dropped on that country, about 540,000 tons, or three times as many as were dropped on Japan throughout the Second World War. Those bombings cost approximately $7 billion. A§ we can easily see, that is many times more than the humanitarian assistance to Kampuchea which is being provided as a result of the recently con: eluded international conference on this subject. 23. The situation in Kampuchea was a truly colossal problem also during the years when power in that countr¥ .was being usurped by Pol Pot and Ieng Sary, with ml~lt~rY and political support from Peking [Beijing]. This gang of two", to use the language of their protector~, went to such lengths in pursuing their Maoist exper~ments-which became a policy of genocide against their own people-that the Kampucheans who survived were faced with the choice of either dooming themselves to almost total destruction over the next three to five years or casting off their hateful yoke no matter what the cost. 24. At that time, many people were considering what practical action could be taken to help the Kampuchean people to emerge from the tragic situation in which it found itself and how to support it in its difficult struggle. 25. Such assistance and support were accorded by the fraternal people of Viet Nam, against which, as we know, the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, directed by their masters, launched an aggressive war. That war, which began as early as 1975 with individual acts of armed provocation, followed by wider incursions into Vietnamese territory, including the attack of 22 December 1978 on Ben Soi and Tay Ninh, 100kilometres from Ho Chi Minh City, ended in the crushing defeat of the Pol Pot supporters. This, without question, significantly facilitated the action of forces led by the National United Front for the Salvation of Kampuchea, and enabled them to embark upon a categorical and decisive offensive and to put an end to the anti-popular regime. 26. The date of 7 January 1979became for every Kampuchean the symbol of genuine liberation, the day on which power was transferred into the hands of the people. After the formation of the People's Republic of ~ampuchea, all questions regarding the internal situation.of the country and its foreign policy became the exelusive prerogative of the People's Revolutionary Coun- 28. Material drawn from the legal investigation of the Revolutionary People's Tribunal in Kampuchea has been published as an official United Nations document [see A/34/559, annexII]. The investigation drew up a list of serious accusations concerning not only the Pol Pot followers and their crimes, but also those who supported them and who, even worse, are continuing to support them even now. 29. Here are a few pieces of evidence drawn from this document. 30. The Pol Pot clique destroyed some 3 million persons; of the survivors, more than 4 million, many of them adolescents and children, suffered serious physical and moral damage. Inhabitants of towns were driven into the countryside; in the course of that massive operation, in Phnom Penh alone, approximately 500,000 inhabitants perished. The intelligentsia was particularly severely persecuted and harassed. In the course of four years, some four fifths of all teachers were killed, including college professors and instructors, and of 643 doctors and chemists only 69 survived. 31. The Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique systematically destroyed national minorities, barbarously assassinated believers and eradicated religions. There was a massacre of Buddhists and the destruction of Buddhist pagodas, and in this connexion, as the Pol Pot followers boasted, "the problem of Buddhism has ceased to exist". All Islamic mosques were destroyed. Solely on the grounds that they wished to practise their religion, 90 per cent of the Moslem population were exterminated. Virtually total destruction was visited upon Christian believers and their priests and ministers. 32. In pursuing this monstrous and atrocious policy, Pol Pot on more than one occasion emphasized that the ideas of Mao Tse-tung had rendered great service to his regime. And in turn, Mao Tse-tung spoke in fulsome praise of those butchers. 33. Even after January 1979, when the anti-popular regime was overthrown and Pol Pot and his followers were in retreat, the latter forced part of the population to follow them in order to use them as cover. Those who refused to execute these orders were ruthlessly murdered. In February 1979, in the Amleang commune in the province of Kampong Speu, for example, 12,000 people were murdered in this way. 34. This is but a brief list of the crimes committed by the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique. An exhaustive list would fill volumes. Notwithstanding this, many delegations, at the beginning of this session of the General As.iembly, voted to continue the fiction that this criminal clique could possibly represent anybody in the United Nations. Such delegations attempted to justify their votes in various ways, but no one can obliterate the fact that a vote in favour of placing the representatives 35. As the people's power is being consolidated in Kampuchea, certain quarters in the West-not to mention Peking-instead of heeding the voice of reason and basing themselves on a realistic assessment of the state of affairs, continue to persist in their policy, which is hostile to the Kampuchean people, although they are forced to change their tactics. Having realized that the authority of the new leaders has grown, those quarters have begun to propagate the thesis of "two zones", "two administrations", "two sides", and so on. Recently, we have witnessed yet another "novelty"-an intensification in every possible way, of propaganda in favour of the establishment of a so-called "coalition government", a so-called "political settlement". All this has been accompanied by attempts to blame the patriotic forces of Kampuchea for the complicated economic and food situations that now prevail. 36. By launching all sorts of spurious theses one after the other, external forces were in fact trying to unleash civil war in Kampuchea, equipping the rump of the Pol Pot gangs, which had taken refuge in the territory of Thailand, with the weapons necessary to fight against the popular regime. 37. Particularly noticeable of late have been the designs and ambitions of certain quarters in the West to use the question of humanitarian assistance to the people of Kampuchea for their own unsavoury political purposes and whip up yet another campaign of hostility against the Kampuchean people and its sole legitimate representative, the People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. 38. In contrast to this, the socialist countries have been providing and are continuing to provide the Kampuchean people with active support, not merely in words but in deeds, in the restoration of their country and the overcoming of their present problems. At the Pledging Conference for Emergency Humanitarian Relief to the People of Kampuchea, held at the United Nations on 5 November, S the Soviet Union and other socialist countries described the assistance and support they have been giving and are continuing to give to the Kampuchean people, without any strings attached, unselfishly, and on a basis of respect for the independence and sovereignty of that people. 39. I would remind representatives that in the very first stage of the restoration of the Kampuchean economy, the Soviet Union supplied to Kampuchea in 1979, by way of non-reimbursable assistance on an inter-State basis and in the form of gifts and donations from Soviet public organizations, civilian goods amounting to a value of 55 million roubles - about $85 million at world prices, including 159,000tons of bread products, 70,000 tons of rice, 50,000 tons of maize, medicines and bandages to the value of I million roubles, 50,000 tons of oil products, 4.6 million metres of cotton and silk textiles, and many other things. Apart from that, a programme has now been worked out for providing urgent assistance to the People's Republic of Kampuchea in restoring the major branches of the 40. After the overthrow of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary clique, the Kampuchean people was forced to begin almost everything, including the economy, all over again, practically from scratch. The assistance from socialist countries, as was acknowledged by the leaders of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, enabled them to cope with the difficulties and effectively combat the threat of hunger. 41. Sincere interest inrelieving the material and nutritional plight of Kampuchea has nothing whatsoever in common with the intention of certain circlesdeliberately to dramatize the situation in that country and to use the question of assistance, and the rostrum of the General Assembly, for purposes of political speculation in a "cold-war" spirit and for providing assistance, under the flag of the United Nations, to the remnants of the Pol Pot gangs. Anyone who attempts to turn international assistance into a means of supporting the followers of Pol Pot is in practice pandering to the continuation of the latter's criminal acts, which at the present time are manifested in such things as the driving of Kampucheans into foreign territory by violence, murders, the destruction of crops and vain attempts to hinder the organization of normal life in Kampuchea. Attempts to support the rump of the Pol Pot regime have certainly been taking place. The United Press International agency recently reported that, disguised as "refugees", Pol Pot bandits were in fact being received in Thailand. The report went on to indicate that "they spend a few days in refugee camps in order to rest and get food and then they return to Cambodia with the idea of taking part in fighting against the Heng Samrin Government once again". 42. Such actions mean direct connivance in the inciting of civil war in Kampuchea, violation of its sovereignty and intervention in its internal affairs. All this, in the final analysis, only serves to make even more difficult the already difficult situation of the population of the country, particularly in the frontier regions. 43. Simultaneously with the political manoeuvres in connexion with "assistance", we hear all kinds of fabrications about the "horrors of the war" that is supposedly going on in the territory of Kampuchea and some so-called "large-scale conflicts", which, it is asserted, are going on here and there, or are beginning, and so on and so forth. From those unfounded assertions, conclusions are drawn about the "suffering of the people", about "violations of human rights" and about the need "for both sides to halt military action". The Minister of Defence and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has stressed that in the course of the last dry season the revolutionary armed forces, with the assistance of the population, thwarted the plans of the foreign circles which support the adherents of Pol Pot, to carry out a so-called "guerilla war". On the whole, final victory has been achieved against the remnants of the Pol Pot gangs and also the various diversionary groups trained and sent into Kampuchea by foreign intelligence agencies: the partisans of Lon-Nol, of In Tam and of Khmer Serei. 45. No one who is capable of soberly and impartially analysing everything that has been happening in Kampuchea over the last decade, particularly since the victory of the revolution of 7 January 1979, can fail to come to the only correct conclusion. After the difficult, tragic ordeal which Kampuchea has undergone, freedom has come to that country and possibilities have opened up for its peaceful democratic development. The People's Revolutionary Council of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is the sole legitimate Government of that country and enjoys the support of an absolute majority of the population. 46. The proclamation of the People's Republic of Kampuchea has opened up the way to national rehabilitation and the social progress of Kampuchean society. Of course that people still has to overcome the disasters and misfortunes, unprecedented in their proportions, inflicted on that country by foreign aggression and the domination of the Pol Pot clique, including economic ruin, widespread physical and moral exhaustion and the collapse of all social institutions, and so on. 47. Against this background, those initial successes that the Government and people of Kampuchea have been able to achieve are all the more significant and striking. Up to the present time, work has been completed on the creation of new local organs of power in the People's Republic of Kampuchea. 48. Energetic measures are being taken to organize normal life among the population, to restore the economy and to restore culture. People have returned to their homes. Life is returning to towns. More than 40 industrial plants and public utilities have again become operational. MedicalInstitutions are opening all over and the surviving representatives of the intelligentsia are beginning to return to their former places of work. After a four-year break, 250,000 children have begun to go to school again since the schools have recently been reopened. 49. New Kampuchea has stated its desire to develop friendship and co-operation with all countries, regardless of their political regime, and that includes the countries of South-East Asia. In a message from the President of the People's Revolutionary Council, Heng Samrin, to the Prime Minister of Thailand, dated 23 October of this year, reference is made to "unswerving respect" by the People's Republic of Kampuchea for the Kampuchea-Thailand borders, even in circumstances where there are attacks from the remnants of the Pol Pot-Ieng Sary gang, committed from Thai territory. The peace-loving foreign policy of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is becoming ever more broadly 50. The changes which have occurred 'in Kampuchea are irreversible and the sooner this fact is realized, the sooner' will peace and stability be fully restored and the sooner will the Kampuchean people be able to return to a normal life. 51. The people of Kampuchea have accordingly, once and for all, determined their own fate, having overthrown the clique imposed upon them by remote control from Peking and chosen their own course of development. It is by no means the situation in Kampuchea itself, but rather the political and military provocations around that country which in actual fact are exacerbating the situation and posing a direct threat to peace and security in South-East Asia. The naked aggression of the Chinese chauvinists against Viet Nam, their threats to teach "a second lesson" to the Vietnamese people, the military preparations and the armed provocations carried out by Peking against the Lao People's Democratic Republic, its determination at any cost to cause a confrontation between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries, the incessant attempts of the Chinese leadership to revive the Pol Pot- Ieng Sary regime and also, together with certain Western circles, to create a kind of hybrid structure with the outcasts of Kampuchean society which would be a so-called "coalition Government": these are the major reasons for the continuing tension in the South-East Asian region which cannot fail to give rise to the most serious concern and should be categorically condemned. Fully in keeping with its high and responsible role, the General Assembly would only be doing its duty if it were to make the proper assessment of those causes of tension and were to call primarily upon China to cease its support to the remnants of the Pol Pot gang and halt its intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and of other countries of that area. 52. In conclusion, we should like to express our views on the two draft resolutions submitted for consideration of the General Assembly in connexion with the agenda item "The situation in Kampuchea". 53. In the view of the Soviet delegation, the draft resolution sponsored by the States members of ASEAN is by no means consistent with the goal of improving the situation in the South-East Asian region. In essence, its purpose is to reverse the historical course of events which have occurred in Kampuchea. Formally calling on States to refrain from intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea, this draft resolution in actual fact provides for the direct violation of the sovereign rights of this independent State. This is demonstrated primarily by the fact that, deliberately ignoring the existence of the People's Republic of Kampuchea and its legitimate Government embodied in the People's Revolutionary Council, the ASEAN draft says that the people of Kampuchea should "be enabled to choose democratically their own Government". That provision in the draft resolution can only be viewed as a blatant encroachment on the sovereign rights of the Kampuchean people, an absolute majority of whom support the new Government of the country and approve its internal and external policy. In precisely the same way, intervention in the internal affairs of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is illustrated by the demand for the "withdrawal of all foreign forces" from the territory of Kampuchea,that is, 54. On the basis of these considerations, the Soviet delegation will vote against the ASEAN draft resolution and the document of the ASEAN countries and the countries which support them. If its sponsors hope by means of their draft resolution to have an influence on the development of that country in a way advantageous to themselves, and to reverse the historical course of events which has occurred in Kampuchea, they should bear in mind that such hopes are illusory and unfounded. 55. The irreversible fact of the situation has been reflected in another draft resolution, contained in document A/34/L.7/Rev.l, submitted for the consideration of the General Assembly. It points to the social and political reforms which have occurred in Kampuchea. This draft resolution carries a convincing appeal to all States to refrain from the taking of any measures whatsoever which would constitute an intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea and which might be detrimental to the exercise of the rights of the Kampuchean people to self-determination, independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. Of great importance are the provisions in the draft resolution to the effect that the problems of South-East Asia should be solved by the countries of the region themselves, without outside interference. Nor is it any accident that it stresses the importance of efforts to create in South- East Asia a zone of peace, freedom, neutrality and stability. In our view, such a broad approach, which takes into account the interests of all the countries of the area, must be shared by all States which have a genuine interest in ensuring that this part of our planet ceases to be a place where events occur which threaten international peace and security. 56. The Soviet delegation believes that, in adopting this draft resolution, the General Assembly would be making a definite contribution to ensuring normal living conditions for the people of 'Kampuchea and an improvement of the situation in South-East Asia. We therefore fully support this draft resolution.

I make the following statement on behalf of the nine States members of the European Community. 58. The situation in Kampuchea is a matter which comes before this Assembly with particular urgency. The course of developments in that country has aroused increasing concern among the Nine European Countries. Kampuchea has suffered under a regime of unparalleled brutality. It now finds itself subjected to armed intervention by a neighbouring State. The situation is one where the search for a political solution, acceptable within and without Kampuchea, and guaranteeing the full respect of fundamental international principles, must be pursued without delay, both to ensure the integrity and independence of Kampuchea itself and in the interests of peace and stability in the region as a whole. These are the central issues before us. 60. We in the European Community have taken steps to assist international relief efforts now under way. My Government was able to announce here last week, on behalf of the nine member States, contributions which the European Community and its member States have made to assist international relief operations." We shall continue to encourage and support in any way we can the effective provision of humanitarian assistance which is so desperately needed. The magnitude of the problem is such that the relief programmes will have to pick up momentum very quickly if aid is to reach the very large numbers in extreme distress. In our statement last week we called for the fullest co-operation from all concerned in ensuring that the relief effort is operative in all areas where the Kampuchean people are in need. We repeat this appeal today. 61. I wish to take this opportunity to express the appreciation of the Nine at the recent decision of the Thai authorities to grant refugee status to the growing influx of refugees from Kampuchea. The nine members are determined to offer every assistance possible to the Thai Government, and to the international organizations operating in Thailand, to cope with this problem. 62. The nine members fully understand and support the concern of the States of ASEAN which have inscribed this item on the Assembly's agenda. Their concerns go to the root of the problem. 63. The States of ASEAN are seriously disturbed by the breach of fundamental international principles, vital to their own stability and security, which has occurred in Kampuchea. These States, furthermore, have had to cope with the many difficult problems spilling over from the Kampuchean situation, most notably the problem of refugees. The nine members fully share the urgent desire of the ASEAN States to see peace and stability restored to an independent Kampuchea, in the interests of that country and of the area as a whole. 64. Basic human rights have been grossly violated in Kampuchea. The regime in Kampuchea, which behaved with such barbarity towards its population and which was guilty of the violation on such a vast scale of the fundamental rights of the Kampuchean people, bears a heavy responsibility for the present calamitous situation and for the destruction and havoc wrought upon the Kampuchean economy. The military forces of another country have invaded Kampuchea, in its desperately weakened state, in contravention of fundamental principles of the Charter. The unfortunate people of Kampuchea are still denied the right and the means freely to determine their own future and Government, to exercise their fundamental human rights and to live at peace with their neighbours. 65. While this situation exists, Kampuchea will remain a prey to external influence and tension and instability will remain in the region as a whole. That this state of 66. The path to a lasting political settlement acceptable within and without Kampuchea lies in full respect for the principles which guide this Organization. Kampuchea must not continue to be a pawn in a wider confrontation not of its making. It has the same right to independence and integrity as all other States. That right must be fully respected. 67. A solution of the political problem acceptable to the people of Kampuchea and allowing that country to live at peace with its neighbours is essential to bring an end to this terrible human suffering. It is essential also for the peace' and stability of South-East Asla as a whole. 68. As the Foreign Minister of Ireland, speaking on behalf of the Community Countries declared on 25 September before this Assembly, a solution: ". " . . . must, in our view, be based on an independent Cambodia with a genuinely representative Government, free from any foreign military presence, maintaining friendly relations with all the countries of the region, and having the benefit of international assistance for reconstruction." [See 8th meeting, para. 48.] 69. The nine members of the European Community consider that this is the only course which offers peace and stability to Kampuchea and to the area as a whole. It is the duty of the parties involved to act urgently to create the conditions for such a solution and to desist from any action which could further prejudice its achievement. 70. Without the resolution of the underlying political problems, there can be no lasting answer to the problems which now beset the people of Kampuchea. The nine members appeal to all parties concerned to approach the situation of Kampuchea with the clear and urgent determination that that country be enabled again to live at peace internally and with its neighbours. An immediate objective remains the restoration to the people of Kampuchea of the full enjoyment of their fundamental human rights and their right to an independent and peaceful existence, free from any foreign military presence. Until these rights are fully implemented and respected, none of the parties and no State in the area can look for lasting peace and stability in the region as a whole. We hope that this will prove a decisive influence in moving the parties concerned towards the goal of a just settlement. And we call on them to co-operate fullywith the Secretary-General in any steps he may take to promote that end. 71. No assessment of the present situation in Kampuchea can fail to take account of the desperately weakened state in which that country and its people now find themselves. Against this background, where the normal structures of society have been largely destroyed, the search for nn acceptable political settlement and an end to hostilities are urgent. Only thus can Kampuchea tackle effectively the vital task of reconstruc-

At this important juncture when the Vietnamese authorities have initiated the dry-season offensive to step up their war of aggression against Democratic Kampuchea, thus seriously menacing the peace and security in the whole of South-East Asia, the current session of the General Assembly, overcoming the unreasonable obstructions and sabotage by the Soviet Union and Viet Nam, has begun its consideration of the situation in Kampuchea with a view to adopting effective measures to halt the crimes of aggression against Kampuchea. This is entirely necessary and in full conformity with the urgent desire of the peoples of the world. 73. After long preparations and careful planning, the Vietnamese authorities on 25 December last launched a massive war of aggression against Democratic Kampuchea, a State Member of the United Nations, in an attempt to turn that sovereign State into a vassal of Viet Nam by means of its military might. This is a colonial war in which the strong one bullies the weaker one with the aim of subjugating an independent small nation. No doubt, this barefaced aggression has grossly trampled upon and wilfully violated the United Nations Charter and the norms guiding international relations. It constitutes a serious threat to the peace and security of South-East Asia, the Asian Pacific region and the rest of the w.orld, as well as a most rabid provocation to the just cause of humanity. 74. The acts of aggression committed by the Vietnamese authorities have met with the heroic resistance of the Kampuchean soldiers and other people and have evoked great indignation and firm opposition from all the countries and people that uphold justice. At the urgent meetings of the Security Council on the question of Vietnamese aggression against Kampuchea, held earlier this year, many representatives, speaking out for justice, sternly condemned the Vietnamese authorities for their crimes of aggression and demanded the immediate withdrawal of all their aggressor forces from Kampuchea. Two draft resolutions were submitted, one by the seven non-aligned members of the Council and the other by the five ASEAN countries, both calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea and each winning the support of an overwhelming majority of 13 affirmative votes. These draft resolutions were not adopted only because of the veto flagrantly used by the Soviet Union to obstruct the Council from taking measures to stop Viet Nam's aggression. 75. Since then, in continued defiance of world condemnation, the Vietnamese authorities have gone further down the road of aggression and expansion. Not only have they refused to withdraw their forces, but they have kept on sending additional troops to step up their war of aggression in Kampuchea. At present, the number of Vietnamese aggressor troops in Kampuchea has increased to more than 200,000. Wherever they go, they unscrupulously practise the barbarous policy of genocide and resort to burning, killing and plundering and even use toxic gas to slaughter innocent people, aged and weak, women and children. They also forcibly take away the food grains of the Kampuchean people and destroy the crops of the peasants in a deliberate at- 76. The savage war of aggression against Kampuchea launched by Viet Nam fully reveals the extremity of frenzy to which this emerging regional hegemonist can go in stepping up its expansion abroad. Why should Viet Nam have launched its armed aggression against Kampuchea? To tell the plain truth, it was simply because, unwilling to become Viet Nam's slave and vassal, Democratic Kampuchea, in defence of its national independence and State sovereignty, did not want to join the "Indo-China Federation" plotted by Viet Nam for the purpose of controlling Indo-China and the whole of South-East Asia. What is wrong about the just position taken by a small country like Democratic Kampuchea, which dares to defend firmly its national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity? Is it incumbent upon a small and weak country to submit to the pressure of another, seek temporary respite and willingly abandon its independence, sovereignty and national dignity? 77. Furthermore, it must be stressed here that Viet Nam's aggression against Kampuchea is .an outcome of the collusion between the USSR and Viet Nam and a product of their careful joint design. It is an important component of Moscow's global strategy for world hegemony, While Viet Nam must rely on the backing of a super-Power - the Soviet Union - in order to realize its ambitious design of dominating Indo-China and South-East Asia, the Soviet Union needs the Vietnamese authorities as a cat's-paw in its plot to control South- East Asia, push its policy of southward drive, link up its strategic deployment in the Pacific with that in the Indian Ocean and then dominate the whole Asian-Pacific region. That is why the Soviet Union has spared no effort in abetting Viet Nam in its aggression against Kampuchea. In the early months of this year alone, the Soviet Union reportedly sent to Viet Nam 74,000 tons of arms and other military equipment, including dozens of aircraft, hundreds of tanks, over a thousand military vehicles and various kinds of war vessels. Soviet planes and vessels have directly helped Viet Nam to transport troops and logistic materials to Kampuchea. Many of the military advisers, experts and technicians it has sent to Viet Nam are taking a direct part in commanding the war of aggression against Kampuchea. Soviet war vessels and military aircraft have already gained free access to Cam Ranh Bay, Da Nang and Haiphong in Viet Nam, and Kornpong Som in Kampuchea. The facts fully show that Viet Nam's war of aggression against Kampuchea is simply a war in which regional hegemonism is used by global hegemonism as a proxy. 78. Viet Nam's aggression against Kampuchea is not an issue which affects the security and survival of one country, Kampuchea, alone. If Viet Nam were to sl;lcceed in its scheme of annexing Kampuchea, it would 10- 79. In the face of such a grave situation, the five ASEAN countries rightly requested the inclusion in the agenda of the current session of the General Assembly of an item entitled "The situation in Kampuchea". But, with a guilty conscience, the Soviet and Vietnamese hegemonists have been engaged in every possible kind of obstruction and sabotage. At the very outset of the current session, they tried in vain to deprive Democratic Kampuchea of its lawful seat in the United Nations and to squeeze in the puppet regime they have groomed singlehandedly. After the General Assembly, at its 4th meeting, adopted by an overwhelming majority a resolution accepting the credentials of the lawful representatives of Democratic Kampuchea, thereby defeating the Soviet and Vietnamese scheme, they blatantly opposed in the General Committee the consideration of the item "The situation in Kampuchea" by the General Assembly." Following their second defeat, they changed their tactics and resorted to procedural tricks, by hastily cooking up and submitting a draft resolution so as to create confusion and then fish in muddied waters. 80. What kind of stuff is the draft resolution submitted by Viet Narn? In essence, it is a clumsy fraud shrouded in high-sounding words, advertising the gangster's logic that aggression is justified, arrogantly asking the United Nations Gene.al Assembly to approve Viet Nam's armed aggression against Kampuchea and legalizing its crimes of naked aggression and the puppet regime it has propped up. As is well known, the root cause of the Kampuchean issue is Viet Nam's armed aggression against Democratic Kampuchea, a sovereign State. Therefore, the key to a solution of the Kampuchean question lies in the immediate withdrawal by the Vietnamese authorities of all their aggressor forces from Kampuchea. But the said draft deliberately evades any mention .of this point. What is more, the draft repeatedly talks about the exercise of the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination. What does that really mean? It may be recalled that when they started their massive armed aggression against Kampuchea, the Vietnamese authorities, under strong condemnation by world opinion, flatly denied having sent any troops to Kampuchea and concocted the monstrous lie that "a civil war" had broken out there and that the Kampuchean people were "exercising their right to selfdetermination". When this clumsy lie was exploded by the facts, the Vietnamese authorities hastily changed their tune by saying that the Vietnamese aggressor forces had been "invited" to Kampuchea. Who invited them and how was the invitation made? If one's memory is not failing, one may recall that the Vietnamese authorities began their large-scale armed attacks on Kampuchea in late December last year. It was not until 7 January this year, the second day of the seizure of Phnom Penh, that they propped up at bayonet point Heng Samrin, an out-and-out puppet, and rigged up the so-called "People's Revolutionary Council" which is 7 SeeOfficialRecords ofthe General Assembly, Thirty-fourth Session, General Committee, 2nd meeting, paras. 21·25, and lbid., General Committee, Sessional Fascicle, corrigendum. 81. After their occupation of Phnom Penh and large tracts of Kampuchean territory, the Vietnamese authorities have caused large numbers of Vietnamese to emigrate and settle in Kampuchea in pursuance of a colonialist policy - as Israel has done in the occupied Arab territories - changing the demographic structure of Kampuchea and even bringing certain administrative regions of Kampuchea under the military command of Viet Nam, in an attempt to turn Kampuchea into a province of Viet Nam, 82. The Vietnamese authorities have kept on clamouring that the situation in Kampuchea is "irreversible". While it is clearly the Vietnamese aggressor forces that have carried out undisguised armed interference and aggression against Kampuchea, the draft resolution pretends to .oppose "foreign interference". The real meaning here is that the United Nations must accept Viet Nam's armed aggression and illegal occupation of large tracts of territories as "irreversible", and that any disapproval of it constitutes "foreign interference". This is indeed the height of arrogance. It is not difficult to see that the Vietnamese draft is an excellent confession of the absurd logic of hegemonism, pure and simple, as well as a great mockery of the membership of the United Nations. Should such logic prevail, would not the basic purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the elementary norms guiding international relations be cast to the winds? Would it not be giving the green light to aggression, expansion and tyranny on the part of the big and small hegemonists? Should this happen, would there be any international peace and security in the future? We believe that all countries that uphold justice and defend peace, all countries that are loyal to the basic principles of the United Nations Charter and firmly safeguard their national independence, State sovereignty and territorial integrity will firmly oppose Viet Nam's aggression and the Vietnamese draft resolution aimed at justifying its crimes of aggression and firmly oppose any other draft resolution couched in fine language but in effect designed to legalize Viet Nam's aggression and give recognition to the puppet regime. 83. At present, with the full backing of Soviet hegemonism, the Vietnamese authorities are taking advantage of the dry season further to expand their war of aggression against Kampuchea and create greater famine in pursuance of a genocidal policy. The Kampuchean people are in the midst of an unheard-of catastrophe. The Kampuchean people, who are struggling on the verge of death, have been compelled to flee en masse into Thailand. At the same time, the Vietnamese aggressor troops are pressing towards the Thai border and have kept firing shots and shells into Thai territory, causing serious damage to the lives and property of the Thai people. If Viet Nam's armed aggression is not checked in time, there is the danger of the war flames being spread to the whole of South-East Asia. Therefore, we are of the opinion that the General Assembly should adopt measures to halt Viet Nam's ag- 84. We highly appreciate the great efforts made by the Thai Government and people in accommodating refugees from Kampuchea, by overcoming all kinds of difficulties. We support the United Nations which is taking emergency measures to provide humanitarian relief to the Kampuchean people. In our viewr the United Nations should urge the Vietnamese authorities to ensure in explicit terms that United Nations personnel be allowed to distribute the relief materials directly to the suffering people in various parts of Kampuchea. Only by so doing will it be possible to alleviate the sufferings of the people and prevent the relief materials from falling into the hands of the Vietnamese aggressor forces and thus enhancing their strength for aggression, thereby prolonging and aggravating the sufferings of the Kampuchean people. 85. The Chinese delegation has studied draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.l sponsored by ASEAN and other countries. Although the draft resolution has failed to condemn squarely the aggressive acts committed by the Vietnamese authorities and is defective in regard to concrete measures for stopping Vietnamese aggression, in view of the correctness of the basic theme of the draft, which deeply regrets the armed aggression against Kampuchea by outside forces, calls explicitly for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea and appeals to all States to respect scrupulously the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of Kampuchea, the Chinese delegation will vote in favour of the said draft resolution and hopes that the Secretary-General will immediately adopt effective measures for the prompt and earnest implementation of the said resolution. 86. At present, under the banner of the Patriotic and Democratic Front of Great National Union of Kampuchea, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea is mobilizing broad masses of soldiers and other people, uniting all patriotic forces and fighting heroically against Vietnamese aggression under most difficult conditions. The Kampuchean people's cause is a just one, and a just cause enjoys abundant support. We are con-

The Swedish Government has on various occasions in this Assembly declared that the main purpose of the United Nations is to guard against, to prevent and to restrict the use of armed force. Sweden has stressed, not least as regards the conflict in Indo-China, that war cannot be accepted as a method of settling disputes between nations. The tragically prolonged conflicts that have ravaged South- East Asia have not only been a threat to world peace by reason of the involvement of the great Powers, but have also inflicted terrible sufferings on the civilian population. The Swedish Government's stand concerning the war in Viet Nam was that peace could be achieved only by a negotiated political settlement that guaranteed the Vietnamese people national independence and freedom from foreign interference. 88. We must now emphatically assert that these principles of the United Nations Charter are equally rr' ant to the situation in Kampuchea. A political solutio. .st make provision for the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination, the cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of foreign troops. 89. The people of Kampuchea have repeatedly been tragically reduced to no more than a pawn in the cynical game between stronger forces and interests. They have had to endure devastating bombing by foreign air forces, they have had to endure a regime of terror that ignored human rights in the most extreme and brutal ways, and they have had to endure a large-scale military intervention and a famine of catastrophic dimensions menacing their very survival. The situation in Kampuchea clamours for a peaceful solution, not for more war and starvation. 90. Pending a politically negotiated settlement, however, the international Organization must work for-and be given the facilities to work for-the mitigation of the dire sufferings of the people of Kampuchea. It must be our first duty to provide, without delay, humanitarian relief to the whole people of Kampuchea. This is a small nation with a distinct cultural identity which, on account of political events in the country and in the region, has become [he victim of an exceptionally deplorable succession of outrages threatening the survival of an entire people. Hundreds of thousands of men, women and children in Kampuchea and in refugee camps in Thailand are in danger of being wiped out by starvation and hardship. It is the compelling duty of the international community represented by this Organization and its agencies-the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the World Food Programme and UNICEF-as well as by the International Committee of the Red Cross to prevent a tragedy of such dimensions. 91. The Swedish Government hopes therefore that ail parties concerned will co-operate in carrying out the extensive humanitarian assistance programme necessary to alleviate the suffering and misery in Kampuchea. 92. The Pledging Conference for Emergency Humanitarian Relief to the People of Kampuchea, recently convened here by the Secretary-General, revealed a general readiness to take prompt action to rescue the destitute. It has been possible in the last month or so to get some, but far from sufficient, quantities of food into Kampuchea and to the Kampuchean refugee camps in Thailand. This in itself gives cause for hope, but energetic efforts must continue so that assistance reaches all categories of people who need help, wherever they may be. The crucial shortage at this point is one not of financial resources but of the personnel and equipment necessary for the efficient distribution of relief goods. The only certain and long-term guarantee of this, however, is for the parties to reach a political settlement.

My Government shares the preoccupations of ASEAN on the situation in Indo- China, and in particular the situation in Kampuchea. We wish to acknowledge its efforts in bringing the living tragedy of Kampuchea before the General Assembly, and we support its initiative. 94. The tragedy of Kampuchea is a man-made catastrophe, yet nobody wants to take the blame. However, the international community cannot sit by and witness the disappearance of one of its members. It is evident that the entire Khmer people is in danger of annihilation through famine, oppression and warfare. Once a happy country, a country that gave the world one of the most highly developed civilizations of all time, a fertile and productive country that formerly exported large quantities of food to its neighbours, Kampuchea lies devastated and in confusion as a result of warfare and oppression imposed by successive political forces on the Khmer people. 9S. Although my Government is saddened by the fate of the people of Kampuchea, it has been encouraged by the humanity displayed by the international community and the dedication of those involved in global institutions in accepting the challenge posed by the humanitarian needs of the Kampuchean population. 96. First and foremost, my delegation pays a tribute to the countries of ASEAN. In spite of their own difficulties, they have done a great deal and we need to support them as they face the crisis. We wish to pay a particular tribute to the Government of Thailand whose selfless response is indeed a landmark in the cause of humanity. Their open asylum policy and their generous aid to the suffering people who are going over the border to escape death and persecution give us all a deep sense of hope and gratitude. We do indeed owe Thailand our material as well as our moral support. 97. Secondly, my delegation pays a tribute to the Secretary-General for his dedicated contribution to the cause of justice and peace in this crisis of such serious dimensions, and especially for his quick response in convening in Geneva the Meeting on Refugees and Displaced Persons in South-East Asia and the recent 98. Thirdly, we express our gratitude to the United Nations and other relief organizations in rendering relief assistance to the civilian population of Kampuchea. However, my Government is deeply dis turbed at the news about the possible hindrance to - or complication ofhumanitarian operations. Any interference with humanitarian assistance to a country which may have already lost up to one half of its population, while those who survive are living in inhuman and pitiful conditions, cannot be tolerated. International opinion is already deeply disturbed by the sufferings of the Khmer people. We appeal to the conscience of all those responsible for their fullest co-operation in the distribution of the urgently-needed supplies in allowing the full and free operation of the international relief organizations so that aid is distributed efficiently and impart ially under international control. 99. Humanitarian responses, however rapid, are inadequate on their own. We are challenged with confronting the root causes of this inhuman situation in Kampuchea if death and destruction are to be halted and fear and misery alleviated. Furthermore, human misery, coupled with acts of aggression and foreign occupation, poses a grave threat to the stability of the region and to international peace and security. Without a political solution, hopes for an end to the human misery and the removal of the threat to peace and security will be vain. The territorial integrity, national sovereignty and independence of Kampuchea must be restored forthwith. Indeed, the territorial integrity, national sovereignty and independence of all countries of South-East Asia must be respected and must remain free from any manipulation under any pretext. Hostilities in Kampuchea must be brought to an end and foreign troops withdrawn. My Government shares the call from many other Governments that the people of Kampuchea must be enabled to choose democratically their own Government, without outside interference, subversion or coercion. The wishes of the people must prevail to free them from the tyranny and oppression which have been imposed on them by unscrupulous and inhuman regimes. We are committed to see normality return to Kampuchea so that the Khmer people can reacquire the means, the strength and the physical security to be independent, to begin reconstruction and to become a proud civilization once again.

Our task in this debate is to examine together the present tragic situation in Kampuchea. We must approach our task in a spirit of concern and compassion for the suffering of the Khmer people. We must equally base our consideration of the problems upon a clear and objective view of the realities. We must also look beyond the present emergency to the need for a peaceful and lasting solution of the present crisis. 101. The recent history of Kampuchea has been marked by unrelieved brutality, utter disregard for human rights, armed conflict, famine and disease, and the deaths of countless innocent people. The plight of the 102. The causes of this tragedy are many. A heavy responsibility lies upon the barbarous administration of Pol Pot, which sought to establish a new social system in Kampuchea without regard to the human losses involved. "lot content with the wholesale destruction of the economic infrastructure and the skills of Cambodian society, the Pol Pot Government pursued provocative policies towards Viet Nam along their common border at a time when Viet Nam was harbouring large numbers of Kampuchean refugees. 1(n. But neither those provocations nor the atrocities committed by Pol Pot can justify Viet Nam's invasion of Kampuchea. The Vietnamese military offensive in Kampuchea widened the conflict with devastating effects, which led in turn to the present famine and health problems. It also posed grave dangers to the peace and stability of the region, with the risk of a wider conflict in which the great Powers could have become involved. At the time, Australia expressed its deep concern that in pursuing its national objectives Viet Nam did so without regard to the consequences for the stability of the region. In the Security Council debate on Indo-China in March, Australia 9 supported the ASEAN draft resolution 10 which called, inter alia, for the cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of all foreign forces. 104. The ongoing conflict in Kampuchea continues to threaten the peace and stability of the region, particularly along the Thai border, where the fighting threatens to spill over. The conflict also risks the further involvement of outside Powers in the Indo-China region. War and famine in Kampuchea have also resulted in the large-scale exodus of refugees into Thailand, thereby increasing instability in the border region and imposing a very heavy burden on that country. 105. Despite the establishment of a new regime in Phnom Penh, the situation inside Kampuchea remains confused. Neither side in the dispute has effective control over the country as a whole. Pol Pot forces occupy a strip of territory in the west and the mountainous south-west of Kampuchea. The Heng Samrin regime is almost entirely dependent on the presence and support of the Vietnamese army. 106. I need hardly point out that our present recognition of Democratic Kampuchea carries with it no implication of approval of the policies of the Pol Pot administration. Australia has condemned and continues to condemn the massive violations of human rights which were perpetrated by that regime. 8 See document SG/CONF.I/SR.1 paras. 25-28. 10 Ibid.• Thirty-fourth Year, Supplement for January, Fe'! naryand March /979, document S/13162. 108. I should like to pay a tribute to the work of the international relief agencies, including the International Committee of the Red Cross, UNICEF and the World Food Programme. These agencies are doing their utmost in difficult conditions to ensure that humanitarian assistance is distributed on a non-discriminatory basis to those in greatest need throughout Kampuchea. My Government welcomes the response to the international appeal at the Pledging Conference on 5 November and hopes that this will result in the early delivery and distribution of massive quantities of relief aid to the people of Kampuchea. In this regard, we welcome also the recent decision by the Phnom Penh authorities to open the Mekong River to ships carrying relief aid. 109. We sincerely hope that as much effort will be put into overcoming distribution problems within Kampuchea as to the delivery of aid itself. The nature of the response to the Kampuchean tragedy deserves careful consideration. There is a requirement not merely for food, but for large numbers of agency personnel to administer the relief programmes effectively, for aircraft, trucks and cargo handling facilities. Nor should we lose sight of the ultimate objective - to restore Kampuchea to a viable state capable of meeting the needs of its people. 110. The Australian Government has pledged over SUS 8.5 million to Kampuchean relief, a significant contribution in per capita terms - and the Australian people have contributed a further SUS 4 million through private voluntary agencies. In disbursing the funds it has committed, the Australian Government will be contributing through a variety of channels and for a variety of purposes in order to achieve the maximum benefit for the people of Kampuchea, including those who have fled to Thailand. For example, my Government has very recently agreed to provide a Hercules aircraft to the International Committee of the Red Cross and UNICEF to transport relief supplies from Bangkok to Phnom Penh and to fund a medical team to work amongst the Khmer refugees in Thailand. 111. I would urge that all those involved in relief efforts should exercise as much flexibility as possible in meeting the particular requirements of the Kampuchean people. There is a tremendous fund of sympathy for their plight throughout the world. The international community, the international agencies and all those concerned with this problem should draw on this goodwill to the maximum extent possible in order to save the Khmer nation from its current desperate situation. 112. Looking beyond the immediate emergency, we must recognize that there are formidable obstacles in the way of an early political settlement. National passions have been aroused which will not quickly be appeased. Internal wounds have been opened that will take long to 113. The Australian Government has watched with appreciation the role of the Secretary-General in this dispute. Earlier this year he visited some of the countries of the region and my Government has been amongst those that have assured him of their support should he decide further to employ his good offices. We welcomed his initiative in convening the Pledging Conference on 5 November and his decision to send an Under-Secretary- General for Special Political Affairs to Thailand in response to serious representations from the Government of Thailand. I should again like to assure the Secretary-General that he will have the full support of the Australian Government in his continuing efforts in this difficult situation. 114. We have three draft resolutions before us. Draft resolution A/34/L.13/Rev.I is clearly and explicitly based on the considerations set forth in the explanatory memorandum [A/34/191, annex] which accompanied the original request for inscription of this item. It sets out in its preamble the grave problems posed by the present situation in Kampuchea and the principles - principles enshrined in our Charter - on which a solution should be based. In operative paragraph I, draft resolution A/34/L.I3/Rev.1 prescribes the humanitarian actions which should be taken, and taken immediately, to alleviate and remedy the present suffering of the Karnpuchean people. This is the first and most pressing task we face. The subsequent operative paragraphs outline the initial steps that must be taken to end the present conflict and to move towards a political solution which will restore peace, thus opening the way in turn to the restoration of security, stability and peaceful cooperation throughout the South-East Asian region. The most immediate steps are the obvious ones, and they are those which the Charter prescribes: the immediate cessation of all hostilities and the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea. If these steps are taken, and if all parties agree to settle their disputes by peaceful means, to respect the sovereignty, integrity and independence of Kampuchea and to refrain from interference in its internal affairs, then the necessary conditions will be established for the ultimate exercise by the Khmer people of their right to choose their own government freely and by democratic means. This final objective will not be achieved overnight, but draft resolution A/34/L.I3/Rev.I sets out the indispensable steps for its attainment and asks the Secretary-General to follow the process closely and to use his good offices in moving it forward. 115. Draft resolution A/34/L.7/Rev.I, invokes a 116. I should add that, subject to hearing further from the representative of India, we find the same unacceptable deficiencies in draft resolution A/34/L.38. Its stated objectives are impeccable, but the actions proposed in the operative section do not and cannot of themselves meet the requirements of the present situation in Kampuchea. 117. My delegation will vote accordingly for draft resolution A/34/L,13/Rev.l, which we had the honour to sponsor and which alone defines the bases on which a solution to the present tragic problems of Kampuchea can be found. We will also support priority for this draft resolution because it alone is firmly based upon and clearly directed to the considerations set forth in the original request for inscription of this item. 118. Mr. von WECHMAR (Federal Republic of Germany): The world is looking at the United Nations today. The existence of an entire people and the peace of an entire region are at stake. The Federal Republic of Germany welcomes draft resolution [A/34/L.13/Rev.I] submitted by ASEAN. It shares the deep concern over the fate of the Kampurhean people and its neighbouring nations. We support the endeavours of members of ASEAN to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict, and we have therefore decided to join them in sponsoring the draft resolution. 119. As my Irish colleague has pointed out emphatically on behalf of the European Community, the nine member States are deeply worried about the tragic events in Kampuchea ano the sufferings of the Kampuchean people. It is our first and foremost aim to end the appalling misery of hundreds of thousands of people. We are grateful to the Secretary-General for his initiative in calling the Pledging Conference and thereby establishing an essential prerequisite for the joint emergency programme. The positive outcome of the Conference fills us with hope. Many States have made substantial commitments. Together with its partners in the European Community, the Federal Republic of Germany contributed to the success of this Conference through its pledges of assistance. 120. It is essential now effectively to administer the assistance and to channel it to those in need. The Federal Republic of Germany appeals to all parties involved in the conflict and especially to those responsible 121. Yet we must not be content with humanitarian measures alone. We must also address ourselves to the political problem. As my Foreign Minister warned in the General Assembly on 27 September: " . . . peace can be restored only on the basis of [Kampuchea's] independence. That nation, which has undergone such a terrible test, needs a Government which expresses its will and which is recognized by all countries in the region." [llth meeting, para. lI5.] 122. The political solutiop must be sought in accordance with the United Nations Charter. We are committed under the Charter to help maintain international peace and security and to settle international disputes by peaceful means. The resolution sponsored by ASEAN shows us ~ way of restoring peace to the Kampuchean people and to the States in this region. 123. There will be no peace as long as the Kampuchean people is unable to exercise its right of selfdetermination free from outside interference; as long as the Kampuchean people is prevented from freely and democratically choosing its own government; as long as the Kampuchean people is denied the most fundamental human rights; and as long as there are foreign forces on its territory. 124. The Federal Government of Germany therefore advocates the immediate cessation of hostilities by the parties to the conflict and the establishment of combatfree zones; it further advocates the immediate withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea and the dispatch of United Nations representatives to Kampuchea and the Thai-Kampuchean border arer :'J identify possibilities open to the United Nations 0' ntributing towards restoring peace and towards remus development in Kampuchea. 125. The Security Council is called upon now as before to fulfil its task, defined in the Charter, of securing peace in the area. The conflict in Kampuchea has generated dangerous tension in all of South-East Asia, with repercussions abo on other regions. States which are truly committed to detente must not accept this. 126. The Federal Republic of Germany therefore advocates a peaceful solution in South-East Asia, which will allow all States in the region to decide their own destiny in free self-determination, and this is also the objective of the resolution we have sponsored. 127. Mr. B. C. MISHRA (India): It is with considerable concern and distress that India is intervening in the present debate on the situation in Kampuchea. Our relations with the people of Kampuchea and indeed with the peoples of South-East Asia and the Indo- Chinese States go back to the dawn of history. Having enjoyed the closest cultural, intellectual and linguistic links with those peoples, we have rejoiced in their triumphs and have been saddened by their sufferings. India lent its support to those countries when they were striving against European colonialism. We gave similar 128. We had hoped that after the defeat of foreign intervention, the States of Indo-China and South-East Asia would embark on the course of peaceful rehabilitation and reconstruction in an atmosphere of friendship and co-operation. That our hopes have been belied is evident from the state of tension prevailing in the area. That is in turn reflected by the two competing draft resolutions before this Assembly, A/34/L.13/Rev.l, sponsored by the States of ASEAN and a number of other States, and A/34/L.7/Rev.I, sponsored by a number of States, including Viet Nam. 129. It is now evident that even after the victory of the Indo-Chinese peoples over the forces of imperialism and foreign intervention, great-Power rivalry and competing involvement in South-East Asia have not abated. The events which took place in and around Indo-China earlier this year bear testimony to that fact. 130. The second most striking feature of this debate is that we are dealing with one of the gravest humanitarian issues ever considered by the international community. Many delegations which intervened during the debate on the report of the Credentials Committee, held in this Assembly in September [3rd and 4th meetings], referred to the atrocities committed by the former regime in Phnom Penh. Those atrocities, which assumed genocidal proportions, will be remembered as one of the darkest chapters in the history of mankind. The problem is further compounded by the disruption caused to the economies of the Indo-Chinese States by years of intensive warfare, involving the use of some of the most destructive modern weapons. The dislocation of populations and the exodus of refugees from the area are well known to the international community. 131. We were made aware of the widespread starvation and destitution faced by the people of Kampuchea during the recent Pledging Conference held in this hall at the initiative of our Secretary-General. While we have reason to be satisfied both with the generous pledges made at the Conference and with other offers of bilateral assistance, the fact of the matter is that badly needed supplies of foodstuffs and medicines are not reaching the people of Kampuchea in adequate quantities. This deplorable situation is a reflection not only of the logistical difficulties obtaining in Kampuchea but also of the political problems which have been created by the preferences shown by outside Powers, which are contending for influence in South-East Asia. It is time for the countries of the region, most of which are nonaligned, to negotiate among themselves to resolve the humanitarian needs of their respective peoples, without the political interference and involvement of outside Powers. 132. We have before us two contending draft resolutions, A/34/L.7/Rev.l and A/34/L.13/Rev.l, neither of which, in the opinion of the Indian delegation, will resolve the political and humanitarian problems in South-East Asia in general, and in Kampuchea in particular. The draft resolutions reflect conflicting perspectives of the situation in and around Kampuchea. Moreover, both draft resolutions suffer from the defect that they do not contain any machinery for consultation among States for the implementation of the recornmen- 133. I should like to clarify that the Indian draft resolution is in no way designed to hamper or supplant the draft resolutions already introduced by their sponsors whose opinion we respect and with all of whom we enjoy excellent relations. The Indian draft resolution is complementary to the two substantive drafts before us. It is forward-looking and is not intended to pass political judgements. It is meant to provide a forum for dialogue between the States of Indo-China and the States members of ASEAN. We feel that, in keeping with the provisions of the United Nations Charter, the General Assembly should encourage a dialogue between the States of the region in order to alleviate the situation in Kampuchea and to eliminate the tension in South- East Asia which has surfaced as a result of that situation. 134. Operative paragraph 1 of the Indian draft resolution provides for a conference between the States of the region to discuss all issues which have given ·rise to the tensions in South-East Asia. Byleaving out great-Power involvement, such a conference could meet the genuine national needs of the countries concerned. 135. The Indian draft resolution, in its operative paragraph 2, calls upon all other States not to take any steps which would hinder the convening of the conference or vitiate the atmosphere for its successful conclusion. That provision is self-explanatory and needs no elaboration. In operative paragraph 3, we have also provided for a role for the Secretary-General which could facilitate the convening of the conference. Since wehave not conceived of our draft resolution in opposition to the other two draft resolutions, representatives can rest assured that we will not ask for priority for our own draft. I wish to emphasize strongly that there is no contradiction between our draft and those in documents A/34/L.7/Rev.1 and A/34/L.13/Rev.l. It is our hope that the sponsors of the other two draft resolutions will see the complementary nature of our draft. 136. It is my delegation's firm belief that the time has come for this Assembly to recommend practical measures to alleviate the desperate plight of the people of Kampuchea and to defuse the tension prevailing in South-East Asia. It would be extremely sad indeed if the international community, in the interests of power politics, were to lose this opportunity of promoting a constructive dialogue among the States of the region. Regardless of the debating and political points that may be made in this hall, we must remember that the lives of millions of real men, women and childen are involved in this issue. 137. Representatives will have noticed that our draft resolution does not go into the details of the proposed conference: for example, its sponsorship, the participation of particular Governments, and so on. We have deliberately refrained from elaborating upon these details because we believe that, once there is agreement among the States concerned on co.ivening the conference, it would be a relatively simple matter to reach accord on all other relevant considerations. My delegation believes that it is enough for the time being to re- The meeting rose at5.25 p.m.