A/36/PV.10 General Assembly

I should like to remind representa- tives that the list of speakers will be closed at 6 p.m. today as decided by the Assembly at its 4th plenary meet- ing.

Many years ago, I pro~ posed in the Assembly that policy statements should be limited to 20 to 2S minutes. I have attempted and will attempt today to do that. The full text of my speech will be distributed to members of the Assembly. I have an abridged version which I will deliver, and the reading time-I ask members to look at their watches-will not exceed 20 minutes. I hope that this will be emulated by subsequent speakers. We waste too much time in long speeches, when I believe that the full texts can be dis- tributed to the members, who can read them at their lei- sure in their rooms or apartments. 3. My delegation is pleased to join our colleagues in congratula~ing you, Mr. President, and the country which you so ably represent, and in paying a tribute to your wealth of experience and proved diplomatic skill. Having served as an international civil servant in a high capacity, you have an unrivalled knowledge of the vast machinery of the United Nations, a knowledge that we are sure you will share with us in our deliberations during this session. 4. I acknowledge gratefully your kind reference to me in your opening remarks following your election [1st meet- ~ng]. I can only_ say that if during my term as President, m.1949, I had had evt:n a lilllcdl portion or }UUl llIaStery of the workings of the Assembly, and if I were younger, I would consider running for President again when Asia's turn next comes round. 5. Our congratulations also go to the outgoing Presi- d~nt, Mr.· Riidiger von Wechmar. He ran the\Assembly WIth exemplary efficiency and punctuality-"W)rlch we NEW YORK must leldll to emulate at this sessIon-and Imparted much of his wisdom in the solution of the numerous difficulties which beset the past session, especially in his pioneer work on global negotiations. In his eloquent valedictory address [ibid.], the best ever delivered by any outgoing President of the General Assembly, including myself, be left us a great deal of food for thought and profitable lessons for us all. 6. In the last 10 years we have noted the changing tone and colour of the relations among nations. Periodic crises, often low-key but more frequently of an emergency char- acter, have continued to occur in the world. Many of these have been solved by time, like a wound that heals itself. But many more remain persistent and chronic, ris- ing and falling in severity in accordance with the unpre- dictable global political climate. 7. Today we know that these crises create a cumulative iI~lpact. At a particular point in time the probkms con- verge and generate intolerable pressures seemingly beyond ou~ power to control. The prospect of a new world order built o~ th~ acceptance ?f reciprocal interests leading to peace, JustIce and secunty for all has been an illusory fabric, ,too frail to bear the burden of our deepest hopes. 8. We derive a measure of optimism from the fact that in the past we have managed our problems in a way that has kept the world on a reasonably even keel. But it is quite evident. that the "windows of opportunity" for pro- moting a stable world order based on tacitly accepted norms of international conduct are at this moment firmly shut. Unless we can reopen those windows-and it is our task to do so-we should all very much fear that, against our will, we shall be writing a prescription for global dis- aster. 9. Why have we re'lched this dark passage in the history of our time? I suggest that behind the great issues of arms control, the apparently insoluble dilemmas in the Middle East and the issues of Afghanistan and Kampuchea lie profound psychological causes. 10.. The following elements, among many others, have obvious causal connections with our failure to move ahead. One is deep-seated fears and suspicions. A second is an ineradicable feeling of insecurity. A third is lack of confidence in the viability of a world order capable of sustaining long-term stability. And a fourth is over-depen- dence on the luck of the gambler for the sake of particu- larist interests. 11. It would be ideal to suggest that the foregoingele- ments-the hidden and unrecognized causes that move men and nations to action-could be eradicated by a sim- ple act of will. But they can be mitigated by open di- alogue or, in ~ word, by communication. It is one of the 12. The p~tic~ consequences of this lack of commu- nication affect all of us and form the main burden of the deliberations of this session. It is in this context that we must view the ominous signs of the revival of the arms race, especially the infinitely sophisticated new generation of nuclear weapons with the power to destroy the world many times over. The efforts to establish an agreed ceil- ing on the most lethal-nuclear arms remain deadlocked, a situation which enlarges the factor of uncertainty and fur- ther encourages even-higher levels of nuclear-weapon de- velopment. i\ 13. Many times in this forum, we have raised our voices in apprehension that the unimaginable horrors of nuclear war will be visited on mankind with profit to none and loss to all, including those with the power to unleash the weapons of apocalypse. In this grave situation, we must again appeal to the great Powers to begin conversa- tions within a framework which will permit the fP')ump- tion of agreements on mutually acceptable limit..,~:~ns of nuclear weapons. The longer the delay on this most criti- cal issue, the greater are the chances that the rising level of tension will escalate to unacceptable proportions and thus ignite a conflagration which, without question, will incinerate the entire planet. 14. In this connection, my delegation wishes to invite the attention of the Assembly to the wide-ranging report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organi'zation [A/36111. In his customm-y fashion, the Secretary-General hll..8 drawn for us a faithful picture of our times, full of sharp insights into the human condition and all-encom- passing in his range of vision. Only he, as a seasoned diplomat and with his long experience as Secretary-Gen- eral, could have given us such a statesmanlike report, wmchshould be translated into all languages in order to give the world a correct over-all appraisal of the contem- porary condition of human kind. 15. On the subject of title arms race, for example, the Secretary-General has the following to say in his un- challengeable analysis. I hope th~t the super-Powers will listen to him. He says: "What is called the problem of the arms race is in reality a complex of problems. The largest single factor fuelling the world-wide arms build-ut>\ has for a long time been the hostility between East and West. After a period of relative relaxation, the lelatiol.ls between the super-Powers are again going through a perioo of ten- sion, and there are clear indications of a sharply inten- sified upward spiral in their arms build-up." [lbid. sect. V.] 16. Those are wise words, words of alarm, words that Should alert all of us. The Secretary-General continues a little later: "From their fttst ap'l'Carance in history, the existence of nuclear weapons added a new and frightening di- mension to the potentialities for .w0rld catastrophe. Wbil9' the governments concerned. have rightly ex- 21. In the report ,of the World Bank in 1981, the devel- oping count.ies are described as "engines of growth" in the world e{~onomy. The report makes two important points. Firstly, an. increment of 1 per cent in the rate of 22. Yet the continued depressed condition of the world economy is not necessarily inevitable. Policy choices in key areas fall within the political range of international decision-making. For this reason we look forward with cautiOI.!:; uptimism to the informal exchange of views at the mternati'Jnal Meeting on Co-operation and Develop- merIt, to be held next mon~. It may-and could-pro- vide the needed political will to launch the long-delayed global round of negotiations at this session of the Assem- bly. 23. Having dealt with those two paramount issues, I turn now to problems of a regional character. 24. The events of the past year in the Middle East sug- gest a setback in Lite continuing efforts to achieve a com- prehensive settlement of the interlocking problems which beset the. region. In OU1: view, the most important single element is the question of Palestinian self-determination. Unless and until Isr?el modifies its unyielding stand on this issue, violence ,vill continue to rack th~t part of the world. Israel has a !~gitimate concern for its security, and the Palestilll~~ must recognize this, but Israel's reactions transcer,d the limits of that concern. Israel must accept that it cannot aspire to be the paramount power in the region; a just solution requires, within the boundaries of security for all, an equal partnership in peaceful endeav- ours. 25. Similar conditions afflict Namibia in southern Af- rica. It is difficult, in the light of the negotiations of the last .few years, to interpret South Africa's intransigent position as anything but delaying tactics to enable it to perpetuate its occupation of Namibia. My delegation is prepared to support once again any initiative by the Gen- ern Assembly to secure the immediate implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the subject and for the imposition of sanctions on South Africa within a . specified time-frame. 26. Within South Africa itself, the racist policies remain unchanged. But it is a measure of the increasingly bold opposition by that country's black majority that violence has demonstrably increased in the past year. The radical- ization of oppressed elements is a natural consequence of unceasing repression. South Africa should not be sur- prised if it finds' itself increasingly besieged from within and from without. 27. in Afghanistan, the prospects for solution remain dim. The Soviet Union has consistently rejected the be- ginnings of a dialogue which could at the least create a framework within which negotiations could take place, leading to the withdrawal of Soviet forces and the exer- cise of self-determination by the Afghan people. There is no other rational solution to a problem 'which correctly concerns the whole world, not only because"it violates the o Charter of the United Nations, but also beCause it has extensive ramifications which could in time in~olve other areas of Asia and the Middle East. In the meantime, the Soviet Union is paying an unexpectedly high price in sup- 28. The situation in Kampuchea continues to be a mat- ter of very serious concern. The spurious claims of the restoration of stability in that war-tom country are not borne out by the facts. They are false. The situation re- mains a threat to the peace of the whole of South-East Asia, to all of us in South-East Asia. 29. Earlier this summer, the International Conference on Kampuchea was convened under the auspices of the United Nations. The major result was a Declaration unan- imously adopted by the Conference. I The Conference agreed that the key to the Kampuchean problem lies in a comprehensive political settlement. With this end in view, the Declaration calls for negotiations based on four major elements. 30. It continues to be a matter of regret that Viet Nam and its friends chose to avoid the Conference. The ele- ments for negotiations were offered in open-handed and sincere fashion, and to all observers they were most rea- sonable ones. But Viet Nam continues to entertain the fiction that the Kampuchean problem lies outside the pur- view of the United Nations and that therefore any action which the Ur.lited Nations might take is, in their words, illegal. This is an untenable proposition. We once again invite Viet Nam to come forward and begin considering serious steps to solve a problem which has increased world instability and caused Viet Nam itself great difficul- ties. 31. In another part of Asia, an old problem which still remains a danger deserves fresh examination. Although the question of the re-unification of Korea is not on the agenda of the Assembly, we should take note of the efforts of President Chun to revive the negotiations at the summit level. In view of the lack of response from the North, perhaps the already overburdened Secretary-Gen- eral could be persuaded in the interest of peace to use his good offices as a channel of communication. In the past we have supported the admission of the two Koreas into the United Nations if it would serve the interests of both. We do so again today. 32. We cannot stress too strongly our concern with the related issues of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. Both in- volve the use. of force and the repression of the right of their respective peoples freely to determine their own des- tiny. We cannot give our willing assent to flagrant vio- lations of.the Charter or ignore the danger to world peace inherent in these intolerable acts of aggression. My dele.. giltion appeals to everyone present in this Assembly to unite. and, with one voice, to urge the parties concerned to return to the peaceful and orderly processes of settle- ment of the problems of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. 33. lbrning to another subject, my delegation views with deep regret the failure ofth~ Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea to adopt the convention on the law of the sea. Last year, it will berecaIled, the Assembly acknowledged the nearly-completed draft not only as being important in itself, but as being anexanl- pIe of how much the United Nations can achieve when , -' 34. The importance of that convention cannot be over- estimated. It is vital to peace and stability in the oceans. A clear determination of the extent of the sovereignty and jurisidiction of States over the waters of the seas is needed to avoid economic and political conflicts, and even military confrontations, caused by uncertainty. The orderly exploitation under an international regime of these rich nodules on the· ocean floor is necessary to implement the principle that the resources of the seas outsiJe na- tional jurisdictibn are the common heritage of mankind. 35. The failure of the Conference to conclude a univer- sally accepted convention would be tragic, because the alternative is chaos in the regime of the seas. For the sake of humanity, all States must resolve to reach final agree- ment at the next session of the ·Conference. My delegation suggests that the Conference, scheduled for March and April 1982, should have enough leeway so that it can ex- tend its eight-week session by one or two weeks if neces- sary to complete its work. 36. On another important q'Jestion, the Philippines re- afffmns its firm commitment to the successful outcome of the work of the Special COIflmittee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization. The Charter, like every prpduct of the human mind, is not immune from reform. It is not per- fect. It must ~ dynamic and must adapt to the altered circum~tances of a world in transition. 37. The Special· Committee on the Charter has negoti- ated at length on the draft Manila declaration on the peaceful settlement of international disputes,2 the first tan- gible product·of the Committee following many years of activity. We are uo~ful that the draft will be completed and adopted at an early date, and that this will lead to further steps, including a treaty on the peaceful settlement of disputes, with binding obligations. 38. The task which confronts us at this session of the General Assembly is' a formidable one. In nearly every corner of the world, potentials for danger exist, threaten- ing to cancel out the patient work of the Organization on behalf of peace. This is a time of testing for the United Nations that will last for many years to come. In the face of grave crises we need to summon all the resources of courage and wisdom at our command, always keeping in view the great goal of achieving a better life for all in an environment of peace and justice. 39. We shall be guided, Mr. President, by your wise counsel, and we shall be fortified by the' boundless pa- tience and unsurpassed statesmanship of the Secretary- General, who embodies in his own person the very qualities which have made the United Nations an indis- pensable tool for the solution of the grave problems which face us in times of crisis,

On behalf of the Gov- ernment and people of Sri Lanka;' I extend to you, Mr. President, our congratulations on your election to the merous occasions to observe and take pleasure in your dedication to our founding principles and your skill. We are confident that those attributes will benefit the Assem- bly and, through it, the global community as a whole. 41. The non-aligned' movement is now in its twentieth year. Next year, when .it rea~hes the age of 21-an age associated with maturity in many societies-our heads of State and Government are scheduled to meet at Baghdad. Therefore your country has an especially important role to play as we prepare for a renewal based on experience and understanding. For the three years following that meeting, your country will be chairman and co-ordinator of the movement. We have no doubt that your stewardship will help to streilgthen the ,movement and its validity as a positive force in ,international relations. In this connec- tion, we are pleased that, for the first time in .the history of summit meetings attended by the heads of Government of seven industrialized countries, this year's economic summit at Montebello, Canada, specifically referred to the significance of non-alignment. The concept and prac- tice of non-alignment are being incr.easingiy acknow- ledged as relevant and important. 42. In a very real sense, non-alignment will return to its roots when the movement holds its summit meeting in Asia once again next year. The first stirrings of Afro- Asian independence in foreign policy were heard in Ban- dung in 1955. Six years elapsed between the Bandung Conference and the first Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Belgrade. Some of the countries represented at Bandung were not at Belgrade. But there was a continuity between Bandung and Belgrade, and for all of us in Sri Lanka it is a matter of pride that otir capital, Colombo, the venue of the fifth Conference of the Non-Aligned Countries, is in many ways part of that continuity, which will be reaffirmed in Baghdad next year. 43. It was in Colombo that the word "non-alignment" entered the vocabulary of international politics. The word was used with a foreign-policy connotation for the first time at the Colombo Powers Conference in 1954, which decided that the Bandung Conference should be held. With other participants at ~olombo. and Bandung and w;ili all others who have added strength to non-alignment through the years, swelling the movement's numbers, we have a special commitment to preserving the fundamental principles of non-alignment. Those principles are not to be looked at in the negative sense of fence-sitting. Rather, those principles have a profoundly positive connotation in that they permit adherents of non-alignment the privilege of independence of judgement. Moreover,. they provide small countries with the foundation on which to build a structure of positive relationships with all countries, with- out becoming drawn into bloc rivalries. " . . 44. Those principles have even greater relevance today than when they were first articulated in apolitical sense, • for today it is necessary for us to be non-aligned not only 45. However, politics is not the only source of friction and in~curity in the world. Econolilic imbalance 'is an equally important factor. This was recognized by the non- aligned countries as far back as their first Conference in 1961. The Declaration issued at the end of that Con- ference drew specifIc attention to the North-South im- balance and made specifIc proposals for correcting that imbalance.3 46. The creation of a new social and economic order in the world has thus been as consistent a theme of the Movement as that of establishing a new political order. Today, when ~e impetus of anti-colonialism, spearheaded by the non-aligned m~vement, has ended colonialism ex- cept in a.few stubborn pockets of vicious resistance, it is our respnnsibility to struggle even harder for political and economic justice. 47. Having in mind our current quest for social and economic goals, I should like to pay a tribute to the out- going President. He tried hard to move North and South towards a mutnally beneficial accommodation. The fact that those efforts did not produce the final results we all desired was not for want of trying on his part. The inter- national community's gratitude and respect are due to him. 48. Other speakers have commented on the assistance that has been received from the Secretary-General. I add my felicitations to theirs. I wish to place on record, too, our appreciation of the responsibilities and workload of the staff of the Secretariat. They are the world's generally unsung and often unnoticed warriors of peace. They pro- vide the continuity that gives our own efforts more than passing effect. We thank them. . 49. Sri Lanka is pleased to welcome'Vanuatu as a Mem- ber of the Organization. Each new Member strengthens and sustains the universality of the Organization, which is an objective laid down in the Charter of the United Na- tions. We are hopeful that before long all those peoples of the world who are as yet in a state of subjugation or dis- placement will eventually take their due place in the Or- ganization, making it truly universal. SO. Permit me for a few moments to referto the domes- tic situation in Sri Lanka, a situation which should be of both interest and significance to the international commu- nity. This is a particularly important year for uS"because it.marks the fiftieth anniversary of the exercise·of univer- sal adult franchise in Sri Lanka. Our democratic traditions 51. In the social and economic fields, no less than in the political and constitutional, we have pledged to give substance to the concept of human rights in all its dimen- sions. We do not believe that different sets of rights can be compartmentalized. On the contrary, it is our view that human rights in their fullest sense, as defined by the doc- uments of the Organization, come alive only when man's rights within society are treated as a whole. That is our approach. It is an approach which requires commitment, skill and sophistication, qualities that can come only from within society. At the same time, we continue to hope for complementary support from the international community in the spirit of the Charter. 52. The interaction between domestic effort and external co-operation whk~~ I have described takes us to the heart of the North-South relationship. I have pointed. out that the proper definition and reshaping of this relationship was the focus of attention at the very ill'St meeting of non-aligned countries and has continued since to atttaet the attention of all developing countries. 53. The Group of 77 has pursued with passion the goal of a North-South compact. More recently we have been joined by several spokesmen of the North. In~, a great North-South assessment of global challenges and gfobal responses was provided for the international community by the report of the Brandt Commission, which was un- veiled here. What dQ we have to show for those efforts? 54. Last year the General Assembly convened its elev- enth special session, which was devoted exclusively' to an examination of international development issues. That ses- sion produced a programme of targets for the strategy for development. We were pleased by the adoption of those targets; but development targets cannot be reached by declarations of intent. SS. Development is about people. The people's needs can be realized only by concrete measures which will sus- tain human will, measures which we had all hoped would emerge from the global round of negotiations which the eleventh special session of the General Assembly was meant to set in motion. A 'great deal of effort went into the search for agreement on basic preconditions. Many of the distinguished representatives here today, or their col':' leagues, participated in that exercise. Men and women of goodwill and prescience outside this Assembly joined in. Despite several setbacks, a remarkable area of 8gleCment was identified. Nevertheless, disagreement on lDere pr0- cedures slowed C:own the momentum towards global nego- tiations. Can we be satisfied with leaving it at that? Are we content.to allow history to judge us as lacking in the political will required to sort out one set of procedural 56. ~uch a compact requires commitment not only at the broad level of global management of resources but also in terms of speGific sectors such as trade, transfer of tech- nology, energy and housing, for instance. Sri Lanka's Prime Minister, Mr. R. Premadasa, made a special plea in the Assembly at its preceding session on behalf of the homeless [l4th meeting, para. 59]. He specifically pro- posed that the year 1981 be declared the international year of shelter for the homeless. This proposal was made in the knowledge that providing the homeless with ade- quate housing As an essential component of an effective global assault on poverty. I repeat the Prime Minister's call, and express the hope that in this, as in other aspects of the assault on poverty, there will be no stalling. Time aggravates and does not heal. 57. It is only too easy to be discouraged by slow pro- gress. Pessimism beckons readily. Nevertheless, there are also positive aspects in the situation and these deserve restatement. I will now turn to two areas of activity which give rise to hope, however slight they may seem. 58. First, I wou\d draw your attention to the recently concluded United Nations Conference on New and Re- newable Sources of Energy, held at N'airorn. I was priv- ileged to participate in preparations for the Conference and, of course, in the Conference itself. Because participa- tion was at a high level it was possible for agreement to be reached on a number of principles which can govern tile use and development of energy sources. This activity can mesh within the United Nations with the programme of science and technology for development. We are pleased to note that some developed countries have al- ready acted on the pledges made in Nairobi. .' 59. Secondly, I would draw attention to the forthcoming North-South meeting to be held at Cancun, where a small group of heads of State will meet informally to review North-South issues. The rationale for such a meeting was that if these issues needed political .action based on an exertion of political will, then it was logical for matters to be discussed by the only people with the power to take far-ranging political decisions. Despite initial delays, agreement has now been ..reached on holding a summit meeting. Nobody expects miraculous breakthroughs to re- sult from the meeting at Cancun. But there is every pos- sibility that views will be harmonized, and that the stage will be set for a genuine attempt to refashion the North- South relationship. Agreement on the mountaintop can lead to real activity on the plains below. 60. Optimism and euphoria are dangerous bedfellows. There are, as 1 have pointed out, a number of indications that should give rise to optimism. But this should not blind us to the need for sustained effort if we are to break through the barriers that hold us back from mutual pro- gress. Nor should it lead us to ignore. the very real threats to international peace and security that continue to imperil the world. The area broadly and popularly described as the Middle East continues to be a threat to international peace and security, burdened by ,tensions and uncertain- ties. An area which has given ~ivilization so much of its .1 - --- ----- 61. In another area of the world, the rights of another group of people remain grievously unfulfilled. Despite as- surances that various forms of persuasion are being di- rected at South Africa; the people of Namibia remain sub- jugated, and Security Council resolution 435 (i978), which held so much promise, remains unimplemented. -The racist regime in South Africa is so contemptuous of persuasion, so aggressive in its outlook, that it un- ashamedly resorts to military onslaughts-even against independent countries adjoining Namibia-to shore up its own illegality. At the same time, it remains'dedicated to barbaric policies of racial discrimination against the peo- ple within South Africa itself. South Africa's racist pol- icies and its brutal' militarism are both abhorrent and have been rightly condemned in the Assembly. The interna- tional community must now decide whether continued condemnation alone is suffloCient to free the people of Namibia from illegal domination, and to liberate the peo- ple of South Africa from racism. If condemnation is inad- equate, all measures required to bring South Africa to its senses must be' diligently sought and applied. At the eighth emergency special session, on Namibia, recently concluded, the Assembly addressed itself to the various options before the international community. 62. In Asia, the region to which Sri Lanka belongs, several unhappy trends exist. The increasing military build-up by the· great Powers in the Indian Ocean is a source of grave concern to all littoral and hinterland States. Throughout history the region has been the hunt- ing ground of contending Powers. We do not want to be embroiled in such Power rivalry or to be the scene of such rivalry. Sri ,Lanka urges, therefore, that all States, including the.permanent members of the Security Coun- cil, should co-operate with the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean to convene the Conference on the Indian Ocean at Colombo not later than the fIrst half of 1983. That Conference is, in our view, the next logical major step towards the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. 63. We are equally concerned about the entrenchment of interventionist forces in two Asian States, Afghanistan and Kampuchea, both members of the group of non- aligned countries. The situation in both countries has been exhaustively examined here and we have.made· our views very clear. We believe that the people of every State must enjoy the right to determine their own destiny free from any foreign interference._ We believe'that the continued presence of interventionist forces in the terri- tory of sovereign States is contrary to the accepted norms of international conduct. We fear too that their continued presence increases domestic instability and sharpens re- 65. We would also like to see all matters pertaining to .the law of the sea resolved next year. As an island State, we are particularly concerned about orderly, equitable and legitimate access to the sea's resources. The United Na- tions Conference on the Law of the Sea has passed through the complicated phase of detailed negotiation. Only a formal adoption of negotiated agreements is re- quired. We hope that all countries will join in working towards this end at the session of the Conference to be held in March 1982. 66. The agenda before us is heavy. It contains a fair mix of political and economic issues. This is inevitable, . because politics and economics are so closely related. When political issues are unresolved, they create social and economic repercussions. Where economic disparities persist, political upheaval follows. The real guarantee of international security, therefore, lies in a balance of politi- cal and economic justice, domestically, i"Cgional!y and in- ternationally. Let us pledge ourselves to securing that bal- ance.

Mr. President, allow me at the outset to extend to you my congratulations on your election. We are sure that under. your able leadei'ship this session of the General Assembly will achieve favourable results for the international community. I should also like to convey to jOur predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, our iSratitude for the splendid way in which he carried out his duties during the last session of the General Assembly. 68. I should lik~ also to express the satisfaction and warmth with which we welcome to this Hall the delega- tion of the Republic of Vanuatu, which has recently joined the United Nations. 69. Uruguay is participating in this session in the same spirit as has always inspired the international life of our Republic. We have come here to build and to consolidate, to discuss and to understand, to add our efforts to the work and the significance of the Organization, in which all members of the community of nations are,represented. 70. We feel that this is an opportunity for us, the Mem- ber States, to renew our commitment to the Charter, so that the essential purposes for which it was created may 71. Every day we are moving closer to becoming a world-wide community, and every day the possibility of isolated incidents opposing that end becomes more re- mote. We must understand that the community of nations will find increasingly intolerable actions that run counter to these principles which must ultimately inspire us all. 72. Over and above the specific matters that are being debated, the nations represented here are by their very presence demonstrating their determination to live in peace under the rule of law. It is our hope that that deter- mination will be translated without delay into practical and concrete action. ' 73. My country here and now reaffirms that hope, which is a demonstration of faith as well as a restatement of commitment, and we appr,al to all nations to unite in the faithful carrying out of those principles, which is an historical imperative demanded by international public opinion. 74. I should like to refer to some of the aspects of inter- national reality related to the work of the Assembly. This review of various matters will be carried out from the viewpoint of my country, which participates actively in world affairs within the group of medium-sized and small States, which constitutes the great majority of the nations of the world, upon whom mankind is placing its highest hopes for moderation, balance and sensibility in the serv- ice of international peace. 75. As in previous years, we are today facing serious problems and political tension, which unfortunately have been impossible ~n overcome. The Middle East cogtinues to be a cause for special cr'1.cern and anguish. Several proposals have been submitted to resolve that situation of conflict and initiate a move towards peace. The complex- ity of the problems of the region does not lend itself to easy solutions, and everything points to the imperative need to try out all the options that promise any reasonable hope of success. With that understanding, and in order to prove factually the peaceful vocation and internationalist attitude that have always been typical of my country, we are now considering effective participation in a joint effort in the. Sinai area, which could be the beginning of a greater understanding leading to the achievement of a broad and general peace for the benefit of the whole re- gion. 76. The position of Uruguay is in accordance with its tradition as a peace-loving nation and gives it the oppor- tunity to play a leading role in one of the fundamental stages in the. hard struggle waged by mankind in its search for unity among peoples. 77. We must state our conviction that the State of Israel has the right to exist within safe and recognized borders, in the framework of a just and lasting peace with its neighbours, consistent with the legitimate rights of the 79. As far as Afghanistan is concerned, we have strongly condemned the invasion of its territory and em- phasize that i~ creates a dangerous point of friction and conflict which must be solved as soon as possible. Within that context, we supported 'the proposal submitted by Lord Carrington [8th meeting] on behalf of the European Commun~ty, which deserves to be given' the fullest con- sideration and to be implemented promptly, overcoming the obstacles which are basically due to the political inter- ests directly involved in the situation. 80. In the same context, we should stress the impor- mnce we attach to the achievement of a peaceful and in- dependent solution to the reunification of Korea, by means of an inter-Korean dialogue which should contrib- ute to the creation of favourable conditions for a mutual understanding, as well as for general stability in that area." The role of intermediary played by the Secretary-General' and his good offices made available to South and North Korea deserve to be encouraged. 81. In defence of the principle of self-determination of peoples, Uruguay supports the right of the people of Namibia to achieve its independence and its own political system, without external intervention and within the framework guaranteed by the United Nations. We reiterate our wish for a prompt solution with -participation of the Organization. The events which have ~aken place in that area should be condemned and make more urgent the need for the solution we have just called for. 82. In this connection, as we stress the importance of complying with the principles of the Charter, we should also mention the situation in our sister region of Central America. Here again, we must demand non-intervention in the internal affairs of States and the recognition of the .right of self-determination of the nations involved. 83. Our country, which has a clear and unmistakable tradition of respect for the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs of other States, has felt deeply con- cerned, and has said so publicly, at the acts of unjustified intervention originating in a statement which has caused a well-grounded reaction from a large number of Latin American countries, among them our own. 84. We similarly reject the continuous intervention in the internal affairs of States on the.part of the authorities and the" official media of other countries, which im- ma~hinery of the United Nations system to solve those problems. 86. In conjunction with the aforementioned situations, we have also to consider an ever-increasing number of serious problems which involve and affect all mankind. We.are referring to hunger and poverty, violence and ter- rorism, the existence of large maiSses of displacecl per- sons, the arms race and the trade in armamenu' and human rights, capriciously interpreted and systematil~ally viQlated in large areas of the world. 87. We may therefore ask whkh are the gr"vest vio- lations of the principles of the Organization: the insolence of a merciless invader, or the lack of tolerance which leads to the cruelest forms of blind and indiscriminate destruction carried out by elements which attack society. Both are expressions of the same phenomenon: the in- sanity of man inspired by violence. The most dramatic example this year was the criminal attack on the Holy Father, who is perhaps the nob~st symbol of the values of our contemporary culture. 88. The insanity of entire peoples inspired by violence strikes at the conscience of mankind every time a group of persons arrogates the right to execute a human being, to displace a people or to attempt genocide. The large and ever-increasing number ()if victims of those actions constitutes the most serious charge that can be made con- cerning the state of development and progress of the inter- national community and compels us to consider how that community could most strongly and effectively express its outright rejection of situations that are distorting man's true nature. We wonder whether rivalry among nations is eradicating the basic need for unity which will prevent us from fighting each other. We ask ourselves what we should do in order to fight successfully against poverty and hunger and for health and education, to enhance the dignity of life and ennoble mankind. 89. It is worthwhile at this stage to consider these mat- ters in their full dimension. The international community must rearrange its bonds of interdependence or else face a catastrophe in which a large part of mankind· may perish and the rest will surely experience great suffering. The dangers are enormous; paradoxically, they areas great as the greatest progress of mankind. We are going through a period in the history of the world when we can no longer be blinded by the unlimited power and technological skill of the dominant forces. Everything indicates that action f<;>r peace and the survival of man with dignity isa task for all of us, a daily task which cannot be postponed, and which is a challenge to the intelligence and perspicacity of mankind. . 90. The scourge of famine and poverty demands that, the, Assembly direct its attention to the report recently. pub- lished by the World Bafik4 on the desperate .plight of 91. That document, coming from such an impeccable source, presents with objectivity and candour a situation which affects all mankind and which we cannot ignore. 92. Our country is deeply involved in this matter, as a developing nation that fortunately does not suffer from famine and has large resources to contribute to the world's food supply, but which, thanks to the action of third parties, is faced with serious trade problems with regard to our products. We shall consider these matters in a moment. 93. In our opinion, these are the great problems of the organized international community. They call for our at- tention, put our system to the test and show decisively the primary responsibility of the great Powers and their leaders. 94. As opposed to these problems, which are a Source of shame, there are on the other hand new conquests and new frontiers in the continuous progress of man's adven- tures in the universe. Thus today we envisage with opti- mism and hope the exploitation of the resources of the sea and the sea-bed, the environment and the ecological bal- ance, and outer space and its use for peaceful purposes. 95. We wish to make a few brief observations on the work being done in the United Nations in these fields. With respect to international co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space. our country has co-operated directly in the elaboration of the legal instruments which are being prepared on this matter and advocates the establishment of an international authority for the rational administration of the various aspects of such a complex matter. 96. Concerning the environment and environmental pro- tection, it should be recalled that the survival of man de- pends upon the preservation of the productive resources of the earth-hence the fundamental importance of a sound environmental policy which will ensure its preservation, since the environment is the infrastructure for develop- ment as well as for life itself. These concepts, far from being in opposition, are complementary and reinforce each other. 97. Our country has been deeply aware from the begin- ning of this drama of our century and has contributed to the development of an effective environmental policy in all the international forums in which it takes part. For example, Uruguay was not only a sponsor of a Swedish- Canadian proposal to convene a high·level world meeting on environmental law, but has the honour of being the host country for that meeting. The essential idea underly- ing this international event is that, without suitable legal in3truments both functional and institutional,. all the rec- ommendations .and measures recommended b, scientific research on the environment and approved by experts and diplomats will be of no avail. Uruguay is honoured to be the host country of a meeting which will surely be one of the most important meetings of the decade following the 99. During the second part of the tenth session some very effective measures were adopted to solve some of the few matters still outstanding, and the programme of work which was adopted provides for the approval of the draft convention and its opening for signature in 1982. There can no longer be any alteration or postponement of this goal. 100. Within the framework for the completion of the draft convention, the United States will have the oppor- tunity to submit its points of view specifically and pre- cisely, on the understanding that the bases that have al- ready been negotiated in good faith and in a conciliatory spirit must be respected. The work carried out after so many sacrifices and so much effort may be adjusted but cannot be disregarded, and in any case we shall have a convention on the law of the sea. 101. We are open to dialogue, but in the sphere of prin- ciples there can be no hesitation. It is our farm hope that this will be understood by all, and that we shall all be ready to adopt a convention of universal scope, firmly undertaking the historic responsibility of establishing a balanced legal order which will lay the groundwork for a comprehensive system of international co-operation and organize the rational exploitation of the resources of the sea, the sea-bed and its subsoil in accordance with the principle of international justice, thus ensuring peace in the oceans. 102. In the field of international economic affairs our country has been taking part in the various specialized forums, contributing actively to the establishment of the courses of action espoused by the developing countries. As part of that active participation. Uruguay had the hon- our to be the host country for the nineteenth session of the Economic Commission for Latin America [ECLA), held in Montevideo from 4 to 15 May 1981. At that meeting the Regional Programme of Action wac; adopted' with the aim of complementing the national and regional efforts by international co-operation in the context of the International Development Strategy. 103. A resolution on energy was adopted in Mon- tevideo, by which it was decided that the Secretariat of ECLA should carry out studies so that the region could have timely and updated information on available energy resources and on regional and world supply and demand in the energy market. 104. I would make some remarks of a general nature to emphasize the difficulties that confront nations with limited economic potential in a world that allegedly is in- terdependent but in fact is ruled by the concept of pre- dominance, contrary to the solidarity that should prevail in relations among nations. 105. With respect to international trade, we have in re- cent years been constantly concerned about all the forms 106. There is a particularly annoying situation which occurs when traditional exports from developing countries are displaced from new markets, opened up at a.cost of immense sacrifices, by exports which enjoy large sub- sidies from industrialized countries. The incongruity of this situation is e~en greater when the products being ex- ported on a subsidized basis are produced by the indus- trialized countries under policies directed towards the maintenance of totally anti-economic or even artificial ac- tivities. 107. These examples are not theoretical cases, as far as my country is concerned. They reflect situations which regularly confront the basic exports of our national eco- nomic activity. Such conditions produce a most harmful effect on the domestic situation and since they are the result of decisions adopted elsewhere, beyond our reach, they impose an unfair burden on countries with limited potential. 108. The developing countries are not prepared to resign themselves to this situation. They have unsuccessfully de- manded that the decisions of ir.ternational institutions be taken in a more open manner, and have demanded a larger participation in their adoption. 109. The effects of the aforementioned subsidies on the development process are so serious that our country must advance new strong statements in the relevant organiza- tions with a view to rectifying such unfair procedures once and for all. HO. We consider that a specific comment should be made·.on the tasks now being carried out in the field of economjc co-operation among developing countries. Since the beginning of this programme there has been a lack of understanding and perspective on the part of the devel- oped .countries, who have not..realized the importance of generous co-operation in this effort. This fact, on the one hand, and the difficulties in launching the global negotia- tions on the other, have driven the developing countries to begin a most significant attempt to establish a South- South dialogue through the implementation of a broad scheme of economic co-operation. 111. Ow' country is participating with hope and enthusi- asm in these initiatives, not only with a view to broaden- ing the basis of its economy, but also in order to demon- strate our solidarity with the other developing countries. In order best to achieve the goals which inspire this effort of the developing countries, all the member countries of the international community have pledged the support of the relevant organizations of the United Nations system. The time has come for this support to be made fully ef- fective, tuilUS proving the will stated by every nation to contribute in an effective manner to/action directed to- 'Yards·.the raising of the standards .of living of our peoples 113. Until solutions based on new and renewable sources of energy are found, we shall have to continue to live with our dependence on oil imports, with its politi- cal,.economic and finan~ial consequences. 114. We venture to hope that, without prejudice to the solutions proposed at the world.level, those arising from the decisions taken by the Group of 77 will be fully im- plemented, thus endowing thilt Group with the solidarity which should prevail among nations at similar stages of development. 115. A country with a structure fundamentally based on temperate-zone agriculture and livestock cannot avoid mentioning in this debate the questions of food and agri- culture. We wish to emphasize the importance of an ef- fective system of world food security, together with ade- quate financial mechanisms for the promotion of effi~ient food production in the developing countries. The system to be set up shc;)Uld include food aid and emergency re- serves. But none of this makes sense unless problems re- lated to international food trade are resolved, with prohi- bition of the unfair and restrictive practices used by regional communities which sacrifice their own consum- ers and discourage our countries. 116. Here we come to a new and dramatic paradox: de- veloping countries, like Uruguay, where nature and human effort have created ideal conditions for increasing food production, and which strive to make the best use of that source of wealth to build up their prosperity, find to their consternation and annoyance that they are being dis- placed from their markets by exports that are heavily sub- sidized. And this is being done by those same countries that for many years have been telling us how desirable it was for us to benefit from our relative advantages by de- voting ourselves to agro-industrial activities. To make matters worse, and what is a clear demonstration of the need to reach a new and equitable order in international economic relations, this· is happening in a world where the artificial distortion of tra~ flows goes han<l in hand with a vast increase in hunger itIld poverty, where profits are being reaped by those who are not entitled to them and where exports from the developing countries are fac- ing obstacles of all kindss including the denial to them of 117. In the field of natural resources, we regard as un- questionable the right of all States to share the natural resources of the planet to the extent of their needs and within a framework of a just balance, without discrimina- tion, intervention or constraint of any kind. This implies a methodical and systematic evaluation of those resources, their best possible use and their exploitation according to suitable environmental policies. .. 118. Lastly, we realize that these and other matters per- taining to the economic aspects of international relations are being considered with a view to re-opening global ne- gotiations. We firmly request that such discussions should be transferred as soon as possible to the Assembly, not only for reasons of equity but also because most of the developing countries urgently require adoption by the in- ternational community of a harmonious set of actio~s~ duly negotiatr.d in such a way that the injustices resulting from unilateral decisions may be overcome. The global negotiations must give security to international economic relations and, on the basis of interdependence, establish a balanced framework that will provide opportunities for all. 119. The disap~intment of the developing countries at the failure of the work of the committee of the whole on global negotiations is well known, as are their efforts to overcome that situation. The work being done to prepare for the early consideration of the essential. elements of an international economic understanding is also well known. Our country cannot but reiterate that the discussions tak- ing place on this matter are of interest to all the members of the international community on a fully equal footing, and that it will be most difficult in the present world to reach any agreement on energy and financing, interna- tional trade, protectionism and readjustment, raw mate- rials and food, industrialization and technology, unless the voices and interests of all the countries of the world are represented. We therefore request that these matters be re- ferred back as soon as possible to the United Nations, that formal global negotiations begin promptly on a sound basis, and that exceptions be ended once and for all. 120. We also wish to mention brie:fly an aspect of our work that is of fundamental importance. We have exam- ined with keen interest the report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization, which realistically re- flects the international panorama and the work done by the United Nations. Consideration of that report reinforces our belief that it is necessary to strengthen the system and to make more equitable the representation of Member States in the Security Council. As we see it, the time has come to take up the matter of the increase in the number of non-permanent members of the Security Council, with a view to achieving an equitable geographical distribution between the different areas and regions. The circum- st9.l1ces that· prevailed when the Charter wa's drafted in San Francisco have changed sUbstantially. 121. In another field, we attach the greatest importance to the work being done to strengthen the United Nations in its task of maintaining and consolidating international 122. Finally, I wish to express the unwavering faith of my country in harmonious relations among nations and in understanding among peoples. 123. In recent years, Uruguay has been through a unique experience. We were, almost before any other country, subjected to the onslaught of international terror- ism, which we confronted and defeated by our own means. Today we are marching forward along the ~ of progress towards the full implementation of the highest national ideals, fully aware of the meaning of our example for other nations. 124. We were able to come through tius difficult experi- ence, which could have meant our destruction, and Uru- guay emerged a strong nation, convinced that the best kind of help is self-help. When faced with our OWl1 prob- lems we were able to respor·': with a vote of self-confi- dence, but to face international problems we all need one another. 125. Consequently, our hope and our message is that in this decade we should all come closer to a comprehensive peace, in a spirit of solidarity and brotherhood, so that the development and stability of all nations may foster the ideal of the United Nations as we move towards the new phases awaiting mankind.

Allow me', first of all, Mr. President, to con- gratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I should also like to take this opportunity to express warm congi"atUlations to the people of Belize, who have· attained independence after a long period of efforts, and to extend a cordial welcome to the Republic of Vanuatu, which has been ad- mitted to membership in the United Nations. 127. In the past year, the people of various countries have waged effective struggles against imperialism, hegemonism, coloniali3m and racism and have increased their mutual support and assistance, thus contributing sig- nificantly to the maintenance of world peace. However, the world is still fraught with tension and turbulence. While old issues remain unsettled, new problems keep cropping up. Outrageous violations of the norms d' inter- national relations have not been stopped and the third- world countries have been the major victims. The world is still faced with the danger of war. 128. We cannot ignore the fact that the Soviet Union is trying hard to consolidate and increase its military strength and is stepping up its global deployment for war. On the one hand, it continues to OCCypy foreign territories 129. However, because of repeated setbacks and its own vulnerabilities, the Soviet Union, while adhering to a pol- icy of aggression and expansion, has increasingly resorted to political tricks. It has launched a new peace offensive by putting forward so-called proposals regarding disanna- ment, political solutions and so on in order to confuse public opinion, to"" disguise its own hegemonism and to dfo...ceive or lull the people of the world. In these circum- stances, it would be contrary to the objective realities of the international scene to suggest that the Soviet Union is harmless and on the defensive o:i' that its deep predica- ment is forcing it to consider a retreat. Aggression and expansion by Soviet hegemonism continue to be the ma- jor threat to world peace. Hence, the struggle against ... ~gemonism remains the primary task for the mainte- .. Jlce of world peace. 130. The events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea an.~ ;"'0 major instanc ~ which threaten the peace and security of the world and grossly' violate the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of international relations. 131. The Soviet armed invasion of Afghanistan and the Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea with Soviet support are both aimed at totally subjugating and occupying a neighbouring country by force. If such lawlessness is not fmnly stor:-:r·...t', but instead accepted as a fait accompli, it will only 'whe,; the appetite of the aggressors and convince them tba:' they c~m go on practising the law of the jungle unimpede~ In that case, what would be left of justice and the code of conduct for the international community? How, then, can there be any security for the States Mem- bers of the United Nations, particularly the weaker third- world countries? 132. The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and its support for the Vietname~eoccupation of Kampuchea are not only aimed at subjugating the .two countries, but also at using them as springboards for further expansion, so as to close the ring around the oil-rich region of the Middle East, push towards the Strait of Malacca and increase the threat to the surrounding countries and to the peace and security of me rest of the world. Many mo~ countries will comz to grief if the aggression against Afghanistan and Kam- puchea :is not checked and if the Soviet Union is allowed to press forward with its strategy of a southward drive. 133. Meanwhile, as the Soviet Union is going ahead steadily with its global strategic deployment, the risk of war will increase. Only by firmly putting an end to the aggression against Afghanistan and· Kampuchea will it be possible to salvage the independence of these two nations, and to blunt or check the momentum of the Soviet Union's southward drive, curb its expansion in other parts of the world and upset its global strategic plan. The he- roic struggles in the past three years of the Kampuchean people under the leadership of the Government of nemo- cratic Kampuchea and the widespread resistance move- ment-of the Afghan people have made brilliant contribu- 134. It is obvious that Afghanistan and Kampuchea are the priority issues in the over-all world situation and that a fair and reasonable settlement can only be achieved by waging unremitting struggles. We trust that all justice-up- holding and peace-loving countries and peoples will con- tinue to be deeply concerned with these issues and will strengthen their fighting will in view of the protracted na- . ture of the struggle. 135. It is understandable that quite a few countries have called for a political settlement of the Afghan and Kam- puchean isstJes. But the question is: on what principles should the political settlement be based? The resolutions on Afghanistan and Kampuchea adopted by the United Nations General Assembly, the declarations adopted by the Third Islamic Conference, held last January, by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non- Aligned Countries,· held last February, and by the Interna- tional Conference on Kampuchea, last July, have all stressed that all foreign troops should be withdrawn from both countries and that any settlement of these issues must be based on the principles of respect for the sov- ereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all States and the right of all peoples to determine their own destiny free from any foreign interference. 136. China.is in favour of stich a political settlement and is ready to work with other Member States towards this end. However, the withdrawal of all foreign troops is the primary condition for any political settlement. The Soviet Union and Viet Nam backed by the Soviet Union adamantly refuse to leave Afghanistan and Kampuchea, respectively. This is the basic reason why the Afghan and Kampuchean issues have remained unresolved till now. Under these circumstances, the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples are bound to carry on their sacred war in defence of their own countries. Lately, the patriotic forces of both countries have been closing their ranks in order to fight more effectively against the aggressors. For its part, the international community is duty-bound to continue to sup- port and assis.t in various ways the just struggles of the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples. 137.. Only when the aggressors have suffered heavier ~d heavier blows on the battlefield and have been subjected to mounting pressure from the international community will they be forced to consider pulling out their troops. Therefore, to increase the pressure on the aggressors from all sides is precisely the way towards creating conditions for a political settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean issues. Conversely, any attempt to weaken or break up··the anned struggle against aggression or to strike a deal at the expense of the victimized peoples in exchange for concessions from the aggressors would only embolden the hegemonists and hurt the chance of a genuine settlement. 138. The recent proposals offered by the Soviet Union and Viet Nam for settling the Afghan and Kampuchean questions are all based on the acceptance of the fait ac- compli created· by their anned aggression. A compromise on such a basiS'. would be tantamount to accepting a new Munich agreement by allowing the aggressors to gain easily at the negotiating table what they have failed to get on ~e battlefield. That is obviously impermissible. The 139. Tpe Chinese Government reiterates its position that following the settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean questions in accordance with the aforementioned princi- ples, the countries concerned should join in an interna- tional guarantee that there shall be no interference what- soever in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and Kampuchea and that their territory shall not be occupied or used for encroll.~hment on the independence and sov- ereignty of other countries in either region. We hope" that the General Assembly will adhere to the principles set forth in the resolutions adopted at its previous sessions and make renewed efforts towards a settlement of the Afghan and Kampuchean issues. 140. In the past year the situation in the Middle East, rather than improving, has become more tense. Israel is still clinging obstinately to an expansionist position. It has not only continued to" obstruct a reasonable settlement of the Middle East question, but has become more reckless by committing fresh atrocities against the Arab countries and peoples in violation of the Charter and the norms of international relations. It flagrantly raided Iraq's nuclear reactor, repeatedly invaded Lebanon and frequently bombed Palestinian refugee camps in open defiance of the relevant resolutions adopted by the United Nations. Is- rael's lawlessness is intolerable and must be stopped. The "Chinese Government and people sternly condemn these Israeli acts of aggression and firmly support the just struggles of the Arab people. We maintain that Israel must withdraw from the Arab territories it has occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem; that the Palestinian peo- ple must regain their national rights, including the right to return to their homeland· and the right to self-determina- tion and establishment of a state; that the PLO, as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, is entitled to participate on an equal footing in a comprehen- sive settlement of the Middle East question; and that all countries in the Middle East have the right to indepen- dence and existence. We are pleased to note that many Arab countries, the European Community and others, have been making positive effOl:ts to bring about a settle- ment of the Middle East question. Our attitude is that we welcome all initiatives that are conducive to a comprehen- sive and just settlement of the Middle East qnestion and to peace and stability in the region. 141. In southern Africa, the white racist regime is be- coming more and more unbridled in trampling upon the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of interna- tional relations. Not only does it continue to occupy Namibia illegally in defiance of United Nations resolu- tions and to strengthen the system of apartheid in South Africa, but it has launched repeated armed attacks against the front-line States. Not long ago it even carried out a large-scale invasion of Angola. Theseoutra~s constitute a flagrant provocation to the African people-',{lnd to the people of the entire world. In our view, Nami~ia should attain genuine national independence immediately on the basis of territorial integrity and national unity and in con- J9~i~ with the aspirations of the Namibian people and 142. The Middle East and southern Africa are two important regions rich in strategic resources. The Soviet Union has always regarded them as important targets for its aggression and expansion. Masquerading as a sup- porter of national liberation movements, it has long since infiltrated these regions in an a:,tempt to expand its influ- ence there. The crimes committed by Israel and South Africa have not only brought untold sufferings to the countries and peoples of those regions, but have also pro-- vided the hegemonists with more opportunities and pre- texts for infiltration, thereby posing a greater threat to peace in the Middle East, southern Africa and the rest of the world. 143. It must be pointed out that the arrogance and de- fiance of Israel and South Africa are attributable, in large measure, to United Stales support and protection. The United States has repeatedly expressed its willingness to improve its relations with the third-world countries and to join thel'il in safeguarding world peace. But what is the sense of expressing such sentiments when Israel and South Africa are being condoned and given support in- '::tead of being denounced for their flagrant breaches of the norms of international relations? This only antagonizes the hundreds of millions of Arab and African peoples and a large number of third-world countries. 144. The situation in the Caribbean region merits our attention. The peoples in some of the countries there have long been subjected to imperialist and colonialist exploita- tion and oppression and unbearable domestic, political and economic conditions. It is their inalienable right to uphold their national independence and State sovereignty, develop their national economy and carry out democratic reforms. This should be recognized in the first place. On the other hand, it must be noted that anether super-Power and its proxies have been meddling in the internal affairs of those countries and trying hard to inf1Itrate the region under the guise of supporting the progressive movements. In our opinion, the people of the region should be left alone to solve their own problems. We are opposed to all outside interferences no matter where they come from. 145. The situation in North-East Asia is also not tran- quil. The United States has thus far failed to withdraw its troops from South Korea. The peaceful reunification of Korea continues to meet with obstmctions from the 00- . thorities in South Korea. In October 1980, President Kim 11 Sung of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea put forward a new formula for the establishme~t of a Demo- cratic Confederai Republic of Koryo, which would incor- porate both North and South Korea. This reflects the fer- vent hope of the broad masses of the Korean people for the reunification of the!~,fatherland ~lDd ~rovi(h~s a l!~cti­ c;lJ. w~y for its realization. We maintam that resolution~· 3390 B (XXX) on the qilestion of Korea, sponsored by 43 countries aud adopted by the General Assembly at itsthir- tieth session, should be implemented expeditiously so as 147. The efforts of the developing countries to achieve economic independence af~er winning political indepen- dence represent an irresistible trend of our time. The ma- jor developed countries, however, refuse, to go along with this trend by changing their unequal and unfair relation- ship with the developing countries. This is the root cause for the ever-sharpeQing economic contradictions between the North and South. 148. The economies of nations are closely interrelated. The developed countries are increasingly dependent on the developing countries for their economic growth. From the long-term point of view, the prolonged impoverish- ment of the latter will not be in the economic interests of the former. A number of developed countries have come to realize that their own economic "stagflation" may be alleviated as a result of the economic growth of the devel- oping countries. We are ,of the view that the principle of equality and mutual benefit, which is the norm of interna- tional relations, should also apply to the economic field. 149. Moreover, one must not lose sight of the fact that the economic difficulties of the developing countries and the resultant domestic· ~litical turmoil, as well as the worsening North-South' contradictions, will provide the hegemonists with opportunities to stir up troubles. To support the developing countries in building their inde- pendent economies and to promote appropriate reforms in the international economic order so as to establish step by step a new international economic order is therefore not a purely economic matt.erbut a vital political question that affect~ ~e .I!!ai!lten~~~ .of world peace and stability. ISO.. It is ()ur hope that the major developed countries, proceeding from the over-all situation of the world, will give serious ~onsideration to the legitimate desires and demands of the developing countries, promptly come to an agreement at the current session or at the forthcoming Cancun summit to launch the' global negotiations, and take practical and feasible measures to meet the urgent needs of the developing countries and improve North- South relations. ISI. The political and economic situation of the world today is grim indeed. The maintenance of peace is the common aspiration of the people of the world. However, we .have to struggle fol' ~ace;' we cannot beg for it. To . . ,. ~,.world War certain countries failed to discern in time the :source of the threat and failed to unite effectively to op- pose it. The people of the world ended up paying a heavy price and the world learned a bitter lesson. IS2; China has consistently pursued a foreign policy of peace. Having suffered enormously from foreign aggres- sions and wars in the. past, the Chinese people know only too well how precious peace is. Today, as the Chinese people are engaged in building China into a modernized socialist country, they need all the more a lasting peaceful intc;;rnational environment. However, in pursuing the pol- icy of safeguarding world peace and opposing hegemo- nism, China is motivated not simply by its own interests, but also takes into account the interests of the people of the whole world. IS3. China is a developing socialist country; it belongs and will always belong. to the third world: China is ready to work together with other third-world countries as well as all countries that uphold justice and love peace and to contribute all it can to the defence of the purposes of the Charter of the United Nation~ and the norms of interna- tional relations and to the cause of opposing hegemonism and maintaining world peace. IS4.. Mr. ELVIR SIERRA (Honduras) (interpretation from Spanish): Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf,.I wish to extend the most sincere congratulations to you on your fitting choice to preside over the present session of the General Assembly. Your lengthy career in the field of international relations, as Secretary-General of the Ministry of External Affairs of your country, as representative of Iraq at many sessions of the General Assembly, as representative of your country and as a senior official of the Organization, provides. am· pIe assurance that your skill and experience, acquired over many. years of praiseworthy service, will enable you to obtain successful results in the exercise of your important function. ' ISS. I likewise wish to express our appreciation to the outgoing PresideiifofThe General Assembly, Mr. Rildiger von Wechmar, a mqst worthy representative of the Federal RepubIic of Germany~'who carried out his important func- tion~ ~ith forthrightness and tact and with the spirit and devotion of one who is imbued with the ideals of the United Nations.' IS6. I also wish to express my appreciation to the Sec- retary-General, who has unceasingly pursued the path of peace and whose report to the. General Assembly at this session is a document which illustrates very well not only the grave problems which the .international community faces, but also possible alternative solutions. Above all. it is an urgent and 'clear appeal for negotiation and under- standing to preserve peace and promote development. 159. Tensions are basically due to distrust, attempts at hegemony and the persistence of unjust situations which are contrary to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and make it difficult to apply the mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of disputes, to which all M~mber States are bound and to which Honduras has always ad- hered. 160. The arms race makes the world we live in in- creasingly dangerous. A tendency daily to improve on or invent new weapons of destruction .does nothing but heighten insecurity to the same degree, and thereby dis- trust, thus giving permanence to the spiral of terror. On the other hand, it is only fair to say that every.nation has a legitimate right to provide itself with appropriate means of defence. From that standpoint~ it should be to the search for regional balances and effective negotiation of multilateral disarmament measures that we should direct the efforts of the United Nations. 161. Accordingly, Honduras supports a careful and ap- propriate preparation for the secQnd special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, scheduled for 1982, and we welcome the submission of new proposals at the session of the Preparatory Committee which has recently concluded. 162. Nevertheless, one cannot expect progress in the various disarmament areas, nor will guarantees of fulfil- ment of the programme for disarmament be achieved un- less at the same time the safeguard mechanisms for the peaceful uses of atomic energy are improved. 163. Honduras, which has at all times supported the peace schem~ for the Middle East, laid down by the Camp David accords, once again reiterates its conviction that all efforts fully to carry out those accords with due thoroughness and promptness sbould be supported. 164. We believe that since the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Sinai is about to be carried out, we should proceed to the next stages of withdrawal by Israel from the occupied Arab territories and a start on the pro- cess of Palestinian autonomy on the West Bank of the Jordan and in the Gaza Strip. 165. We must be aware that the treaties between Israel and Egypt are in jeopardy, not only because of the delay in their implementation, but also because of the dan- gerous climate of open hostility which has prevailed in Lebanon for several years. , 166. In this very forum Honduras has un segeral occa- sionsreiterated its solidarity with the Lebane~ people and the urgent need to respect the sovereignty and ter- 167. Honduras has viewed with concern the COL ·'1uing conflict between Iraq and Iran and sincerely deplores the fact that this conflict is causing untold human and mate- rial losses. We therefore hope that, in accordance with the premises of international law and the principles which govern peaceful coexistence among States, the parties to the conflict will promptly find a solution so that nor- mality will once again prevail in that part of the world. 168. As regards Afghanistan, HOl)duras,in conformity with the relevant resolutions adopted by the General As- sembly, wishes to support the initimves which the Secre- tary-General may take in 3eeking a negotiating context for the Afghan question which will in the first place elimi- nate the causes of insecurity for the neigbbouringcoun- tries and subsequently assure Afgbanistan~s genuine inde- pendence. 169. As regards Kampuchea, our country. actively par- ticipated in the International Conference convened by the Secretary-General in compliance with General Assembly resolution 35/6. Although we regretted the absence of Viet· Nam and of the socialist countries, attendance by more than 90 countries and the attention given to the Conference by the international' community conflrDl its importance as an adequate instrument through which to find a just solution to the deHcate situation created in the Indo-Chinese peninsula. 170. The Conference remains open; its first stage .was concluded by the setting up of the necessary machinery to bring positions closer together, on which reports will be submitted to the Conference, and by the 'adoption of an, i~p.>rtant Decl~tion~ I of which we emphasi~e .the fol- lowing: flI'St, Kampuchea has the right tore mdepen- dent and sovereign, free from any external threat or armed aggression, free to pursue its own development and a bet~ ter life for its people in an environment of peace~ stability and full respect for human rights; secondly, with a view to reaching a comprehensive political settlement~ negotia- tions between the parties must include a cease·fire and withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea under the supervision of the United Nations, appropriate ar- rangements to ensure that armed Kampuchean factions will not be able to disrupt law and order, and the holding of free elections which, also under the supervision of the United Nations, will ensure the establishment of a new government. 171. In Latin America we suffered in 1981 the painful loss of the head of State of Panama, General Omar Torri- jos, a' statesman of outstanding personality, who led his country in crucial moments of its history. He was the driVing force in the struggle by the Panamanian people for full recognition of its sovereignty over the Panama Ca- nal, which he admirably achie"ed, after an intelligent and patient effort, through the 19771keaty and the Protocol thereto, signed with the United States of America and en- tered into force in 1979,8 which~ as is known, constitute one of the corner-stones of the renewed and growing rela- tions of friendship and co-operation between the United States of Americ"a and the countries of Latin America. 173. The Government of Honduras, in the midst of these internal convulsions in brother countries with their possible repercussions for the international order, urges a return to peace and hannony among the parties to the conflicts, who should strive to find solutions to their problems as SOOIills possible. 174. At present, our country enjoys internal stability, not as a result of repressive attitudes but because of the Honduran people's appreciation of its Government's meas- ures with their emphasis on social welfare, such as ad- vanced labour legislation an4 at agrarian reform law, the diligent and effective application of which has already benefited-and will continue to benefit in the future-a high percentage of our rural population. FUrthermore, the people of Honduras enjoy unrestricted freedom of the press, which has been internationally recognized and praised. All the inhabitants of our nation enjoy the right publicly to express I through the mass media, their ideas, thoughts and criticisms, without any censorship or fear whatever. . 175. For more than a year efforts were made with a view to convening a meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Governments of Costa Rica, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Panama and Honduras aimed at re- activating regional dialogue and establishing the basis for the setting forth of common Central American positions in the face of international economic problems, thus pro- moting not only the development of each country but also effective co-operation among them. Those efforts were crowned by the holding of the meeting of the ministers of central American countries at Tegucigalpa on IS and 16 August 1981. The results of that meeting are recorded in an important document known as the "Declaration of .Tegucigalpa" ,9 in which, inter alia. the ministers: "(I) Reaffirm the intention to work toward integral development of their countries so as to improve the spiritual and material well-being of all the inhabitants, within the framework of the development strategy that each of the countries sovereignly adopts; "(2) Decide to take maximum advantage of intra- regional co-operation to benefit the various internal de- velopment efforts, t.o facilitate and encourage equitable trade, to undertake new development projects whose execution can be facilitated by dealing with them col- lectively, and to readapt the fonnal instruments of Cen- tral American integration to current needs; "(3) Call upon the international community to co- operate with the countries of the Central American isth- mus in the internal and intraregional efforts they make to eliminate the obstacles to their development, through concerted and determined action which takes into ac- count the priorities that each of those countries has es- ."(4) Agree. so that the aforementioned external co- operation can be implemented as soon as possible, to establish a forum where the countries of the Central American isthmus, either individually or collectively, may explain their international co-operation needs to the sources that might provide them that co-operation, without prejudice to the arrangements that each country initiatr.:s, maintains or continues to maintain with those sources." 176. In accordance with what was established by the Declaration of Tegucigalpa, a working group met in the Honduran capital on 24 and 25 August this year. It in- cluded representatives of Central American Governments and the Government of Panama and prepared a proposal for the establishment of a group on co-operation -for the economic and social development of the Central Ameri- can isthmus. 177. Following -the course agreed upon at the meeting of the ministers of the Central American countries and of Panama, the Government of the Republic of Costa Rica informed the States participating in the meeting held at Nassau on 11 and 12 July 1981 of the contents of the Declaration of Tegucigalpa and invited them to participate in a preparatory technical meeting with the Central Amer- ican countries. That meeting took place on 7 and 8 Sep- tember at San Jose, with the objective of requesting the countries that signed the Nassau Declaration to join the countries of the Central American isthmus in their joint proposal to increase the volume of international technical and financial co-operation sufficiently to enable the Gov- ernments of the isthmus to face the adverse economic sit- uation in which, for various reasons, they -find them- selves, to obtain resources granted on concessionary terms so as to be consistent with the debt capacity of the recipient countries, to adjust the acquisition of technology to be used as a result of the financing obtained, and to see to it that all this forms part of a plan for external co- operation directed to the countries of the Central Ameri- can isthmus which would contribute to reactivating the process of economic and social development in all those countries. 178. The -representatives of the countries of the isthmus welcomed the participation in the meeting of representa- tives of the Governments of Canada, the United States, Mexico and Venezuela, who expressed their firm and de- termined support for what they described as the praiseworthy initiatives adopted by the States of the re- gion for the development ef greater co-operation and eco- nomic integration with a view to the establishment of the appropriate institutional machinery and the mobilization of resources .from outside the region in order to achieve faster and more effective economic and social develop- men~ in Central America. 179. The people of Honduras are at present engaged in a democratic electoral process. The freely elected Constit- uent National Assembly is drafting a new constitution for the RepUblic and has already handed down the legal in- strument creating the electoral organization and the rules governing the civic campaign which will result in the 180. Four political parties are participating in the pres- ent electoral campaign, together with independent can~i­ dates. This gives our citizens the greatest possible free- dom to select those who in their view would best serve the interests of the country as members of the Govern- ment. The Government and people of Honduras are thus showing their faith in democratic institutional solutions and their conviction that the power of the vote is greater and better than violence for the transformation of so- cieties. The armed forces are fully discharging their con- stitutional duty to guarantee the citizens their right to ex- press their will by voting. 181. I am pleased to inform the General Assembly that on 30 October 1980 Honduras and El Salvador, in the city of Lima, signed a general peace treaty which put an end to the conflict which for more"than 11 years had kept the two brother peoples apart, and that on 10 December of the same year, in Tegucigalpa, there was an exchange of the instruments of ratification of that legal document at a solemn ceremony which Was honoured by the'presence of the Presidents and heads of State of Guatemala, Nic- aragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia and Venezuela, who, with delegations from other countries of the conti- nent and of Spain, accompanied the President of Hon- duras, General Policarpo Pal Garcia, and two members of the civilian-military junta of El Salvador, Mr. Napole6n Duarte and Colonel Abdul Gutierrez, in that historic event that demonstrated to the world that a frank and sincere dialogue and the rules and principles of international law are the best means of settling disputes among States. 182. With other countries of the isthmus, Honduras maintains cordial relations of co-operation and -coexistence within the legal framework which has always governed its international life. The meetings of Ministers for Foreign Affairs and of representatives of the Central American Governments, to which I referred earlier, bear witness to the fact that understanding and the desire for unity are the bases 'of the course chosen by the Central American Stares. 183. As a consequence of various resolutions adopted by the United Nations and by the Organization of Ameri- can States WAS], a few days ago Belize emerged into independent life. Honduras hopes that the new Central American entity will base its actions on the patterns of democracy and exte~ds its best wishes to that people. 184. During one of the various stages of the search for a solution to the dispute between the United Kingdom and Guatemala over the territory of Belize, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of those two countries and the Prime Min- ister of Belize signed a document entitled "Heads of Agreement". In one of those Heads, Guatemala is granted the use and enjoyment of the Cayos Zapotillos. The Cayos Zapotillos historically, geographically and le- gally belong to Honduras. 185. For this reason, Honduras submitted to ,fhe Gov- ernment of the United Kingdom, with which we,D\aintain very cordial and friendly relations, a note of protest at the alleged cession of a sovereignty which belongs to Hon- 186. Our country continues to give humanitarian as- sistance to close to 35,000 refugees who have arrived from neighbouring countries because of the situations pre- vailing in those countries. 187. Honduras will continue its humanitarian policy as far as that is possible and wishes to express its sincere gratitude for the co-operation it has received from the UNHCR, the World Food Programme, UNICEF, the Evangelical Committee, World, Relief, OAS and some friendly Governments, both on the American continent and on other continents, which have made generous con- tributions. 188. Honduras strives to overcome the economic and social problems which afflict our country, but our efforts need to be complemented internationally. Accordingly, Honduras, represented by a delegation which I had the honour of presiding over, participated in the High-Level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held in Caracas from 13 to 19 May under the auspices of the Group of 77. Horizontal co-operation among the nations of the developing world opens new and broader perspectives for the adoption of co-ordinated re- gional and international economic policies and facilitates the introduction and implementation of specific co-opera- tion projects in areas of priority importance for the devel- oping countries. In this respect, Honduras continues to benefit from the agreement on energy co-operation for Central America arid the Caribbean establislied by Mexico and Venezuela. 189. The forthcoming International Meeting on Co-oper- ation and Development, to be held' next October at Can- cun, is of great importance and we hope that the dialogue of the heads of State and Government who will be attend- ing will take further indispensable decisions to carry out vigorous co-operative action for development. We believe that in the global discussions the united voice of the countries .of the Central American isthmus should be heard, as a reflection of both the spirit that prompts them and their needs and objectives. 190. We are concerned about a possible reduction or. freeze in the forthcoming years in the supply of funds for multilateral financing institutions, because that would im- mediately affect the viability of the many projects sched- uled for the next five-year period at a historic time when tension and insecurity might lead developing countries to greater levels of poverty, unemployment and disorder. 191. As regards the law of the sea, regrettably, despite the advances achieved after protracted negotiations, in which Honduras participated whole-heartedly, OD the sign- ing of a universal treaty On the law of the sea, when we were already very close to concluding that process and were about to sign the draft convention, theIe emerged dif- ficulties and positions so far removed from the veryprem- ises of the negotiations that today we must contemplate the possibility of having to conclude a convention in 1982 without some of the most important maritime Powers being party to it. " 193. As we see it, the question of the deployment of forces within the Territory and the question of security for Namibia's neighbours continue to be of singular impor- tance if a peaceful and complete solution to this problem is to be found. At this stage Honduras believes it is indis- pensable to rene~ the political will so as not to prolong further the paralysis of the independence plan. On the contrary, and with the full support of the international community, there should be prompt negotiation of practi- cal arrangements that will facilitate the holding of truly free elections in the Territory in 1982. 194. The foreign policy of Honduras continues to con- form to the basic principles which confer fundamental value on respect for human beings, the practice of democ- racy and the quest for the economic and spiritual progress of the population of the country. On this special occasion I wish to place on record our consistent adherence to the principles of the Chatter of the United Nations and again appeal for the strengthening of the peaceful means_for the settlement of international disputes as the most appropri- ate way to achieve the purposes of the Organization, in particular the maintenance of peace. 195. Mr. Muhammad GHAZALI (Malaysia): I am in- deed gratified to see an illustrious son of Iraq, with which " my country enjoys the most cordial relations, assuming the high office of the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I offer to Mr. Kittani my Gov- ernment's warmest congratulations. His election is a testi- mony to the special position and respect that he enjoys in the international commudty and a tribute to him as an outstanding diplomat. 196. In welcoming his election, may I express at the same time our heartfelt thanks to the outgoing President, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, for the outstanding manner in which he conducted the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and the emergency..special session on Namibia to a successful conclusion. 197. I should also like to take this opportunity, on be- half of the Government of Malaysia, to congratulate warmly General Carlos R6mulo, Minister for Foreign Af- fairs of the RepUblic of the Philippines, who earlier this month was bestowed the highly honoured and much-cov- eted United 'Nations Peace Award. It is indeed most fit- ting..As a member of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN], my Government considers this a matter of pride and glory. 198. We have at this thirty-sixth session one new Mem- ber of the Organization. It is a great privilege for me to welcome on behalf of my delegation ilie Republic of Van- uatu, and Malaysia looks forward in delightful anticipa- tion to the admission of Belize. By joining us in this au- gust body as a full-fledged Member" Vanuatu has, like all new---Members, made an important contribution towards 199. Nearly four decades ago, following the delibera- tions in Dumbarton Oaks, 50 countries gathered in San Francisco to draft the Charter of the United Nations. Hav- ing just witnessed the ravages of the Second World War and the suffering that mankind had undergone, they man- ifested in the Dumbarton Oaks .deliberations a new spirit infused with the ideal that they should be united in their. determination to ensure positive co-operation in the cause of peace and social justice~ 200. Since then the world has undergone major changes. While the ranks of independent developing na- tions grow each year, we do not see a corresponding ad- vance in development and social justice. Hence the just demands of developing countries for '110 equitable share of the wealth of the world, access to the benefits of modem technology and scientific know-how and participation in decision-making on global issues that affect the general well-being of mankind. Unfortunately, the realization of those demands has been.entwined with the complexities of East-West l-elations. Herein lies the challenge of our times: the solution of the NQrth-South dichotomy must be isolated from the vicissitudes of East-West relations. 201. In the:, complexity of the situation, should we not now ask ourselves, where is the spirit of Dumbarton Oaks, which inspired the authots of the Charter? It would seem to me that the progress, wealth and power acquired during the post-war years by the industrialized nations of the East and the WeGt alike have neutralized the moral and ethical values which the authors of the Charter tried to espouse. Even now, this Hall echoes with the reitera- tion of their commitments which, however, stand in sharp contrast to the reality in the world today. 202. Instead, there is the increasing tendency to use force in international relations. Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, the Vietnamese intervention in Kampuchea, the Chinese incursion into Viet Nam, that of South Africa into Namibia aild of Israel into Iraq and Lebanon provide only a few, but nevertheless glaring, examples of this, though more subtle interventions have taken place in other parts of the world. Only yesterday we witnessed the vio- lent overflow of the Afghanistan problem into the streets of New York, in front of this building, this magnificent edifice. This is a clear testimony of one of our failures. 203. These developments, amidst long-standing con- flicts in West Asia and southern Africa, further heighten international tension. Indeed, the breakdown of detente and the revival of the cold war will certainly have de- stabilizing effects in the global context. This could well increase the danger of the developing nations being sucked into the vortex of super-Power conflict, with grave ramifications for their peace, their security and their eco- nomic well-being. These are our fears and our concerns. Are .these not issues that we, States Members of the United Nations, must continue to reflect upon and must continue to face squarely? 204. Bc4d solutions are called for. Suggestions have been made for a return to detente. But the detente of the 1960s and the 1970s, which essentially sought to stabil- ize East-West relations in Europe through a policy of mu- 205. The failure of detente also drove home the point that besides needing common understanding and a com- mon interpretation among its so-called adherents; any fot- mula for long-term global stability must necessarily in- clude the participation of the third-world countries. Their role in the scheme of global stability. can no longer be , ignored. Their participation in decision-making is a pre- requisite for the solution of all those pressing problems confronting us today. This is all the more relevant in the context of finding solutions to the many economic and political issues besetting the United Nations. 206. On the economic front, in the developing countries the spectre of increased unemployment and little or nega- tive growth in an already difficult situation is more than worrying. But when such difficulties coincide with what is perceived as renewed intransigence on the part of the developed countries in opposing the urgent need of the developing nations for a more equitable economic system, the result can only be a sense of betrayal. A feeling of hopelessness arising out of the lack of progress in the North-South dialogue could breed desperate acts. This dangerous dimension is something which all of us must constantly bear in mind. 207. However, desperate acts are not the solution for the current economic ills of the world. A framework has al- ready been laid with the adoption by the Assembly in 1974 of the Declaration and the Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order [resolutions 3201 (S-Vl) and 3202 (S-Vl)] and the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties ofStates [resolution 3281 (XXIX)]. The various plans of action and codes of conduct and the targets envisaged for the International Develop- ment Strategy that we have collectively adopted in the last few years would be a good basis for meaningflll interna- tional economic co-operation. What is needed is the will to translate the programme into reality. This is oUt: collec- tive responsibility. We must have the courage to fulfil that responsibility. 209. While such endeavours must go on, our attention will have to focus also on the other pressing political problems which have eluded solutions year in and year out. 210. The situation in West Asia, of which the question of Palestine forms the core, has long defied sol~tion. Contrary to the spirit of Dumbarton Oaks, the aspirations of the people concerned have not received the recognition to which they are entitled. Any solution that fails to take into account the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and national independence will not succeed in bringing about peace in West Asia. Negotia- tions to resolve the problem must include the most re- sponsible party, in this case the PLO. We are gratified that, except for a handful of countries, the international community has come to accept and recognize the PLO for what it is-'the sole legitimate representative of the Pal- estinian people. As our contribution, my Government has decided to grant full diplomatic status to the representa- tive of the PLO in Malaysia. 211. Apartheid, an inhuman system imposed on the people of South Africa, is. yet another example of the gross violation of the principles of the Charter. Despite universal condemnation of such a despicable colonialist system at its worst, a handful of Governments still con- tinue to defy the most basic obligation to demonstrate their abhorrence of the system. For instance, their un- willingness to discourage their own citizens from making contacts with the sporting organizations of South Africa is symptomatic of this attitude. Of course, no'one is ex- pected to violate the individual constitutional right to play whatever games are allowed by law or to prevent citizens from going abroad to contact South African teams in the field of sport. But if a Govemnaent were serious enough about showing its abhorrence of apartheid, it could per- form a meaningful political act of discouragement by ex- ercising the absolute right of its executive to deny visas to citizens of South Africa as members of'visiting teams coming into the country with the advertised aim of mak- ing contact with the citizens in sporting activities. Gover- nor Carey of New York aptly said a couple of days ago, as I read in the newspapers, that sport. in South Africa is an arm of the system of apartheid. Therefore, any Gov- ernment which provides visas to any individual or sport- 212. The Charter of the United Nations holds the prom- ise of ft'eWom an4 independence for all peoples, and yet today we see a conglomerate of interest groups deliber- ately obstructing the process of decolonization. But the United Nations must be true to its purposes. We must exert greater efforts to hasten the completion of this pro- cess so that all peoples still under colonial rule can enjoy their inherent and legitimate rights without further imped- iments. In this context, Malaysia would be satisfied with any decolonization programme, in certain circumstances, where power was returned to the authority from which it had been wreste<h 213. In Namibia, we witness South Africa clinging to the 'F~rrit()ry in defiance of the clear ruling of the Interna- tional Court olt Justice of 21 June 1971 10 and the demands of the international community. Efforts by the United Na- ti~r.s to bling abtlut a peaceful transition to independence for the TelTitory have so far failed because of the continu- ing intransigence of South Africa, which continues its policy with impunity only because it feels confident that those Governments or countries in a position to exercise the necessary pressure will not, in the final analysis, do so, as we have just seen in the gambols and frolics of the Springboks. 214. The Indian Ocean is another potential area for big- Power conflict. In their desire to retain the strategic ad;. vantagef; that they possess in the area, the big Powers are unwilling to respond positively to the call of the littoral and hinterland States for the early implementation of the . Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace. This . must surely be a matter of concern to all peace-loving States. 215. West Asia, South Africa, Namibia and the Indian Ocean are but a few examples where progress in the di- rection of peace has been hampered because major Powers choose to act in defiance of the principles of the Charter and the expressed will of the international community. This is hardly surprising when solutions to these problems continue to be viewed in the context of East-West global stntegy, as opposed to the national and regional interests of ';he countries concerned. 216. Coming from South-East Asia, where dealing with external pressures has become a fact of life, as I men- tioned earlier, we have shown our conviction, by our es- pousal of the concept of the zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, that regional peace and security are best as- sured by recognizing the legitimate interest of all major Powers in maintaining peaceful relations with the coun- tries of the region. It is within this framework that we are pursuing our efforts to ensure' peace and stability in South-East Asia. 217. The recent International Conference on Kam- puchea, held in this very Hall in July this year on the initiative of the member·States of ASEAN, in order to pave the way for a comprehensive political solution of the Kampuchean situation, represents a .collective effort by the five South-East Asian States to,.contribute to regional 218.' In the search for an early solution to the problem. we are encouraged by the recent meeting in Singapore of Mr.Son Saun, Prince Sihanouk and Mr. Khieu Samphan, who have declared their intention to form a coalition gov- ernment. The fact that they have been able to ccme to- gether is an important development. It represern~r~ /;\ vital step towards the early political settlelllent of the pmblem. We are gratified to note that the three parties· are now seriously discus'sing~ the implementation of their Singapore declaration. We are confident that if patience and sin- cerity are shown by the parties concerned, these efforts will pave the way for a comprehensive political solution. 219. If ASEAN has been taking a strong lead in the search for a _solution to the Kampuchean problem, it is because we see the issue, in the context of the zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, as central to the larger is- sue of peace 'and security in the region. The escalation of the conflict in Kampuchea, anei in particular its spillover to neighbouring _countries, can have grave ramifications for international peace and security. For us, a divided South-East Asia is an unstable South-East Asia, for it will continue to be an open invitation to external interference and manipulations. The removal of the seeds of discord and suspicion is uppermost in onr mind. 220. It is in the context of ensuring peace and stability in South-East Asia that we seek a solution to the Indochi- nese refugee problem, which has burdened neighbouring countries. The "push and pull" factors that have brought about the current boat people problem must be tackled at the source. Countries of first transit that are already bur- dened with all kinds of difficulties should not be allowed to suffer residual problems by the unwillingness of third countries to absorb refugees for final settlement. We seek concrete measures both at the source and in countries of final settlement. 221. _ It must be apparent to the soUrce country that it is being drained of its best manpower and therefore· should prevent such an exodus instead of driving the people out. On the other hand, other countries and their mass media should do nothing to encourage such an exodus. The pull must be replaced by· some measures which could serve-as a humane deterrent. In this context, I should like to ex- press, on behalf of my Government, our deep apprecia- tion to UNHCR for doing sterling service in this thank- less job. Also I should like to thank countries of final settlement for their understanding and generosity. In this regard the final settlement of refugees has become one of the strong pillars in the relationshio between ASEAN and those countries. 222. While,Malaysia is concerned with the question of regional peace and security, We are not unmindful of other dangers that sap the energies of nations and threaten their 223. In my address at the sixth special session of the United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs, held at VieMa from 11 to 20 February 1980, I emphasized the grave danger of drug abuse to national security, stability and resilience and said that it was not just a neighbour- hood problem. The time has come to rethink the approach that the international community must take in dealing with this menace. It must be given a high priority·and seen in the right perspective. Such an approach demmtds that the question of drug abuse be looked at as a security problem that has the potential of destabilizing societies and nations and not merely as a social and humanitarian problem. 224. In this regard, I welcome the item proposed by Bolivia, entitled "International campaign against traffic in drugs" [item 129]. It is our view that while the Commis- sion on Narcotic Drugs and the Economic and Social Council can continue to look at the humanitarian and so- cial aspects of the problem of drug abuse, the political and security aspects of the problem could best be consid- ered by the Special Political Committee. Let us invite the Assembly to give serious and urgent attention to this problem. 225. With reference to international relations, these are our hopes, our tears and in many ways our dIsappomt- ments. We, for our part, will continue to be earnest in our approach and serious in our endeavours. Our hope for the future lies not in paying lip service or just standing in the chorus line, but in the honest implementation of prac- tical programmes in the spirit of Dumbarton Oaks, which inspirud the Charter of the United Nations that we are all pledged to uphold.

It is a very agreeable duty and indeed a true pleasure for me to be able·to associate myself with my colleagues in conveying to Mr. Kittani warm congratula- tions upon his election to the presidency of this session. The task which has been entrusted to him is an onerous one and the respon:;ibilities are heavy. But I am con- vinced that his distinguished qualities as an experienced diplomat and his extensive knowledge of the workings of the Organization, accompanied by a rare experience in in- ternational affairs, will make Mi Kittni a President who will conduct our proceedings with competence and con- viction. Loyal and constructive co-operation is something he can count on from Luxembourg. 227. Within the same context, we should like to thank most sincerely the President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, Mr. von Wechmar. 'fIlrQughout his presidency, which· was so difficult and arduOUs. on more than one occasion, he displayed rare courage and tenacity which were necessary, indeed indispensable, in the face of the situations with which he was confronted. 229. Although I am new here, I do know that the Or- ganization, if it means to satisfy its role of being a world forum, is gratified each time a new Member takes Its place among us. Today it is my pleasure to extend a warm welcome to the Republic of Vanuatu, which only a few days ago became the one hundred and fifty-fifth Member of the United Nations. To these sincere congrat- ulations I should like to add the assurance that we are for our part ready to do everything possible to increase our co-operation with the Republic of Vanuatu, in the United Nations or elsewhere. 230. At each new session the General Assembly gives us an opportunity each year to take stock of the world situation. It is also a time when the attention of our coun- tries and of our citizens is focused, sometimes with anx- iety, sometimes with hope, on the debates and problems which we undertake here. 231. My colleague, Lord Carrington, speaking" on be- half of the European Community in the eighth meeting, sketched a complete outline of the policies, views and aspirations of the 10 member States. I wholeheartedly en- dorse those views, and I can thus confine myself to just a few comments which the world situation in 1981 suggests to the representative of a small country which has been a member of the United Nations since the very first hour of its foundation. 232. To say that everything is for the best in the best of all possible worlds would, at the least, be taken for incor- rigible optimism, or rather to be a display of unusual in- genuousness, if not indeed t1tal cynicism. There have been very few years in the 36 years of the existence of the United Nations during which the international situa- tion has been more critical, more dangerous or bristling with more explosive issues than today, as the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is taking place. 233. In the face of this world situation, which is so dis- couraging, are we to resign ourselves to living in the shadow of danger contrary to the principle of the Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights? I say no. It is true that the challenge is enonnous, but it is often crisis situations which have compelled the Organization to give the best of itself, and there is plenty of evidence for this. I would even go so far as to say that it is in cases of extreme tension and imminent crisis that all of us, large and small, become even more keenly aware of the extent to which the Organization is indispensable to the survival of international society. Up to now we have succeeded together in avoiding the worst. Why should we, not be able to take thiscrocial step which will enable us to live in peace in a world free from hatred, envy and threats? 234. I am sure that some will rebuke me for ~ optimism and a lack of realism. Nothing of the kind. My optimism, like my realism, is similar to that of the found- ing fathers of the Organization, neither more nor less. reco~ize that it is, in peace and peace alone, and in re- spect .for one's neighbour, that victory lies, and that in war and confrontation there are only losers. 236. From this rostrum we are accustomed to speak as representatives of countries and nations. Let us not forget, however, that ultimately it is the citizens.of all our coun- tries who suffer or benefit from our successes or failures. 237. A year ago the Organization welcomed Zimbabwe into membership in the great world family. The negotia- tions which led this State to independence, thanks to the far-sightedness, courage and tenacity of the United King- dom, the people of Zimbabwe and the front-line coun- tries~ gave us every hope that we would finally see the whole region of southern Africa achieve peace in indepera- dence and prosperity. 238. Unfortunately, our hopes were dashed once again. Namibia is still illegally occupied by South Africa in spite of the many injunctions of the Organization. The initiative of the five Western members of the Security Council, endorsed by the Council in resolution 435 (1978), has so far not yielded the results hoped for be- cause of the interminable procrastination and delaying tac- tics of the South African Government. We regret this very much and we appeal urgently to the Pretoria authorities to seize the opportunity to accept an equitable solution in order to lead Namibia to independence. We continue to lend every support to this initiative because we sincerely believe that it can bring about an equitable transition, free from violence and without rancour, to independence for Namibia. In this context, I must stress that we condemn the. recent military incursions by South Africa into An- gola. 239. Unfortunately, the illegal occupation of Namibia does not constitute the only distressing problem in this long-suffering pa."1 of the world. In spite of increasing pressure on the' part of world public opinion, South Africa continues to pursue a racist ideology which is both un- natural and contemptible. Apartheid has never enjoyed the slightest sympathy in Luxembourg, and we will continue to urge South Africa, by..every means available to us, to give up this racist policy and to engage in the fundamen- tal reforms which will ultimately restore to that country its right to belong to the family of nations which respect fundamental freedoms and human rights. 240. Similarly, my Government will continue to oppose the establishment of bantustans. Ghettos of this kind are not and will never constitute a solution to the serious problems of South Africa. 241. Since we are meeting here to undertake a review of the situation, it should be done fearlessly, even if some- times the dismal truths are not to evef}Une's liking. 242. I would have liked to strike a more optimistic note in tUl"Ding to the problems of the Middle East, but grim reality forces me to give up that idea. How many sincere efforts have been devoted to this part of the world, this long-suffering region? Jiow ~any failures have aborted gr~titude is also addressed to· the United States and its peerless negotiator, Mr. Philip Habib. Contrary to certain allegations, we· believe that the mission of this dis- tingl)ished diplomat has served everyone's interest, be- caus~ peace is indivisible and concerns us all. . 243;.,' Th!s leads me naturally to the efforts to bring aQout a settlement in the Middle East on a broader scale. Whe~er. it be the Camp David accords or, more recently, the; peace ideas or plans developed by President Sadat or by .S@di Arabia,. they are all valid because they are all attempts to bring about settlement, of an extremely. com- plex and delicate problem. Of course, the initiative of the European Community, which my British colleague de- scribed yesterday, still remains valid as far as we are con- cerned, since my predecessor, Mr. Gaston Thorn, made an initial tour of world capitals in an attempt to find a solution to this ~rucial problem. 244. I hope that all those who are now still talking about pre-conditions or exceptions will think again and review their policy. A lasting peace in the Middle East is inconceivable without the following elements: the right to existence and security of all,States in the area, including Israel; justice and the right to self-determination for all the peoples of the region; the withdrawal of all foreign troops from territories now occupied; the participation of all parties concerned in the drafting of an equitable peace treaty negotiated under the aegis of the United Nations. 245. Of course, these req:lirements call for concessions on all sides, but I call upon all the parties concemed· to consider whether global peace is not well worth this price. 246. Unfortunately, we have recently witnessed a dan- gerous hardening of positions on the part of the political leaders of the countries concerned. We very much regret this, because here again, far from benefiting either side, such attitudes only serve to exacerbate a situation which is already all too explosive and to increase the suffering and hardships of the peoples concerned. 247. We deeply regret the new escalation of violence in Lebanon. Luxembourg has always supported international appeals for the preservation of a ,sovereign Lebanon whose integrity and territorial unity would be guaranteed. 248. As for ·the conflict in Cyprus, I should like to ex- press the sincere hope that negotiations will lead the two communities towards a harmonious solution to that con- flict. We welcome the work being done in Cyprus to achieve this by the representatives of the Secretary- General. 249. South-East Asia is another part of our turbulent world in which situations of armed conflict are continu- ing, .to the detriment not only of detente, but 8Iso of the well-being -of peoples who, over the past decades, have suffered all too m1!ch. Unfortunately, the questions of Afghanistan anti Kampuchea still remain on our agenda. 251. Why, I wonder, does the USSR persist in occupy- ing an Afghanistan that is hostile to its ideological at1& expansionist designs? How many human and material re- sources are needed in the attempt to prove, in defiance of world public opinion, that intervention is ever justified? Apart from the fact that such interventions are contrary to the fundamental principles set forth in the Charter, such acts and interventions-and here I am speaking on behalf of all the people of Lu!,embourg-are contrary to the most elementary human rights. Why cannot the initiative taken by the 10 member States of the European COIDIDU- nitiesll constitute at least a first step towards a solution? That initiative does, in any case, represent an honest at- tempt, inspired solely by a sincere desire for peace in that region. 252. The sam.e observations appl;Y:perhaps with some qualifications, to the situation .i~ Kampuchea. There Viet Nam has used the pretext of an'inhumane and genocidal regime, established in a country deserving of peace and economic and social progress, to attempt to alter the nor- mal course of history. Against the will of the population, it is attempting to impose a puppet regime ona .people resistant both to the exactions of the PoI Pot government and to the caprices of neighbours rather too eager to turn it into an earthly paradise. 253. I do not want to overlook here, in the United Na- tions, a problem that is becoming more serious every day and that is of serious concern to us-the problem of refu- gees, whether in South-East Asia, Africa or on the Latin American continent. Instead of seeing a lessening of -vio- lence and injustice, in accordance with the Charter, we are seeing new outbreaks of blind violence, often accom- panied by a total collapse of democratic values. 254. I have mentioned only some of the major problems that have for years been of constant concern to world opinion. Unfortunately, there are others, which have been dealt with by my British colleague, who spoke yesterday on behalf of the 10 members of the European Commu- nities. Yet I would be remiss were I not to touch briefly on some economic problems which at the present time are at the forefront of our leaders' concerns. 255. In the last decade, our world has had to deal with a vicious circle of recessions followed by'periods of infla- tion and social ins~ability which, in turn, have given rise to restrictive policies. Fortunately, we have thus far suc- ceeded in stifling the protectionist impulses that are the inevitable consequence of such economic phenomena. We must persist in this course and overcome our problems, even though insecurity and disor4er in the monetary sec- tor have not made our task any easier. 256. All these elements, which are fundamuntally un- favourable to any attempt to revive the world economy, and· even mpre unfavourable to a rapid establishment of what we have come to call the new international eco- nomic order, have certainly not helped to impro,ve the in- ternational atmosphere: We should; however, .,e. gratified that in spite of these disappointments, this lack of pro- 258. In this conn.ection, I personally p;-."e'ier to seek spe- cific solutions that will be suited to the interdependence that-is inevitable in the world of the future, rather than merely philosophizing on notions such as global negotia- tions or the new international economic order. 259. I am personally convinced that these'·actions and ideas are complementary and should.ultimately come to mean the same thing. In this belief, I remain' convinced that "interdependence" stands for a' specific idea, both from the economic and commercial standpoint and from the humanitarian and social standpoint. However, I fear that references to global negotiations and to the new inter- national economic order alone will-quite mistakenly- give rise in some quarters to doubts and misgivings, and consequently to a reluctant attitqde. This-would be a pity and contrary to our wishes and our commitments. 260. Whatever label is attached to the many economic discussions nO"W' under way, they certainly constitute a gi- gantic.undertaking. Much 'progress has'been achieved, but much remains to be done, and ultimate success has so far eluded us. Responsibility for this state of affairs, regretta- ble in itself, can in no way land at the door of Mr. von Wechmar. I should like to take this opportunity to tell him how much We have appreciated his commitment to such an eminently just CP)lSe and how much we have ad;. mired his perseverance, his courage and his gifts as an experienced negotiator throughout the long and difficult dealings of the past year. 261, It is now the task of the new President to take up the torch and to do his very best to conclude the work of giving our world an economic system that would be more just and more productive for everyone. 262. Luxembourg has always encclIraged fair and bene- ficial co-operation. In the association between the Af- rican, Caribbean and Pacific countries and the European Communities, we have seen an original method of pro- moting co-operation among nations that share the same· ideals ,and objectives. Ever since the first association be- tween the European Communities and the Associated Af- rican and Malagasy States, we have given every support to this undertaking and shall continue to do So. Similarly, we shall not be f(t':nd wanting when our Organization continues its efforts to settle economic problems at the world level. 263. In reviewing these problems and offering certain reflections on them, we must agree that the world situa- tion is hardly encouraging. Of course there are some en- couraging elements in all this. There are also~problerfis in regard to which the 'Organization can be proud of having,. if not finally settled conflicts or disputes, at least em- 265. These considerations lead me quite naturally to share with the Assembly a thought which seems to me to apply to all our problems at the present time, whether they concern political or economic matters. 266. There are in our societies universal laws and im- peratives applicable to the whole international community, whatever may be its ideology or religion. Those who be- lieve that they can,change these rules with impunity, Qe- cause at the time they seem to be contrary to their current interests, are seriously mistaken. 267. Our generation created modem civilization with its promises, but also with its threats. It is for us to fulfil the promises, which are immense, and to ward off the threats and dangers, which are no less so. Future generations, believe me, will judge us, and they will judge us se- verely.

Permit me, on be- half of the Sierra Leone delegation, to ext~nd to the Presi- dent our warmest congratulations on his election to pre- side over the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We have every confidence that his long association with the United Nations, both in the capacity of representative of his country and as an official of the Organization over the years, equips· him eminently well to discharge the functions of the high office he now occupies with distinc- tion. 269. Let me also pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, who during his tenure made excellent con- tributions to bringing us still nearer to the goals of the Unit\.».d Nations, particularly in the field of global social and economic justice. 270. The United Nations itSelf represents a culmination of the evolutio~ of man's historic yearning for peace and his universal desire to promote economic and social well- being, to improve the quality of life and to weave diverse political, ethnic, cultural and religious: particularisms into a more harmonious and accommodating system. The Gen- eral Assembly has come to represent a kind of shrine, as it we1'e, at which nations of the world forgather annually, as we do here today, to express this universal yearning for peace and progress. Notwithstanding numerous frustra- tions in its path throughout its 3§~years of existence, it !'as,persisted in keeping alive its noble and laudable ob- .)tetlves. . . 272. Three years ago the United Nations expressed its grave concern over this issue by convening a special ses- sion devoted to the question of disarmament. In its Decla- ration [resolution S-1012]; the General Assembly at the tenth special session recognized the widespread, retrogres- sive and disintegrative effects of the arms race on the fab- ric of world peace and security and concluded that, not only did it run counter to efforts to achieve further relaxa- tion of international tension ~nd the establishment of gen- uine peace, but it also constituted a considerable drag on the world's social and economic development. It is, there- fore, particularly distressing to see that three years later the situation not only has worsened but has in fact been compounded with the accret~on of new weapon systems added to an already diabolical collection, which further endangers the future of our world. All this is done under the pretext of defence and security needs. 273. One sure lesson of history throughout the ages has been that there is no security in armament, let alone in its accumulation. The only assurance of peace and survival is justice and tolerance. 274. It is, in our view, as pernicious as it is inhuman to ~lieve that a balance of terror can ensure the peace of the world; for there can be no dividends in a holocaust- we are all losers. Let those, then, who would condemn our world to the uncertainty of a nuclear future, hold a nuclear sword of Damocles over our heads, and hold to ransom the hopes of humanity, search their consciences. . . 275. It is against this backdrop of anxiety and uncer- tainty that we have come to wiiii~SS a depressing deterio- ration in the world political climate. Indeed, today we face veritable global crises of confidence'. There is a crisis of confidence between those who would arrogate to them- selves the responsibility of being guardians of world peace. There is also a crisis of confidence in regard to the very survival of our world. Moreover, there is a crisis of confidence among the overwhelming masses of humanity, stemming from uncertainty concerning whether the afflu- ent half of our world has any interest in their well-being and welfare. 276. How could this not be so, when today we observe helplessly the investment of some $500 billion annually in the accumulation of weapons of mass destruction, instead of these resources being made available for economi:: de- velopment and improving the life of our people? We, have within our grasp the economic, scientific and technologi- i~ems and measures to restore faith and confidence in the human will and desire to survive in peace and prosperity. This is the essence and raison d'etre of the United Na- tions. Above all, the United Nations must now more than ever before be instrumental in effecting global confi- dence-building measures to assure us of peace, prosperity and security. 278. We return on our annual pilgrimage to yet another session of the General Assembly, again, as in the imme- diate past, with an air of gloom over the world economy. The global economic situation, as in the past several years, still offers a familiar and depressing picture. 279. For developed industrialized countries, the post- war era of boom and prosperity seems to be running out of steam and the long period of growth seems to be halted in its track by a general recession, exacerbated by mone- tary instability, high interest rates and mounting unem- ployment. 280. For most. developing countries, the rising cost~ of imports of manufactures, oil and food, the deteriorating. terms of trade and the worsening balance of payment defi- cits have all, over the period, set in with particular sever- ity to make life more miserable for their peoples and make more distant and difficult the prospect of realizing their human development. 281. All this demonstrates that the world economy needs today the imagination, the courage and the neces- sary will not only to restructure it but to give it the neces- sary momentum to keep it on an even keel. In the mean- time, we in the developing countries have experienced and are experiencing great difficulty in obtaining the nec- essary co-operation in evolving lasting and more respon- sive solutions to the continuing deterioration in our eco- nomic situation. This, we submit, is not a case of special pleading. The object-lesson of the present global eco- nomic gloom clearly illustrates that our interd:pendent world will not brook prosperity in one half while the other half continues to languish in want and deprivation. Global well-being will remain illusory unless and until the aspirations and needs of the developing countries are reflected in the management of the international economy and in the decisions resulting from international negotia- tions. . 282. It is in this context that we believe that the United Nations must now more than ever before address itself seriously to the immediate necessity of launching the global round of negotiations, which would facilitate the implementation of the fundamental restructuring which we all voted for as far back as 1974 in adopting General As- sembly resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 ~S-VI). 283. Now more than ever before it is clear that changes in international economic relationships are necessary, in the interests of both rich and poor nations, in our quest for more equity, both within ,States and among Sta~es, and 285. Although the Mexico summit of 22 countries can- not negotiate for the rest of the world, we believe it can nevertheless raise the level of consultations and provide the improved climate necessary for torging that consen- sus so vital for tackling the ills of the encircling global economic gloom. 286. Ten years ago the Assembly, with dawning appre- ciation of the magnitude of the problem of international economic development, given the uneven availability and spread of global resources, identified a group of the most disadvantaged members of the world community [resolution 2768 (XXVI)]. It was felt that members of this group, the least developed countries, as they are euphe- mistically called, would have their prospects of self-sus- taining development and viability enhanced if they were the object of special care and attention. 287. Global concern for the distressing and deteriorating situation of this group of States came to a head at the recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held in Paris. Regrettably, the outcome of this Conference did not, in our view, match the hopes and expectations that inspired it. We can only, therefore, ap- peal to those members of the international community that can afford it to help; this is a clear case of self-interested altruism because ~ere can be no peace, justice; happiness or stability in this our interdependent world if a signifi- cant proportion of its members continue to wallow in pov- erty, ignorance and disease. 288. Every so often mankind confirms its ability to re- spond to crises with resilience, imagination and determi- nation. Such adaptation and resilience are no doubt essen- tial for the survival ~f the human race. Regrettably, however, man has ye\. to muster his technological ca- pabilities, skill, imagination and dexterity to achieve and ensure an adequate and reliable quantum of energy for his survival. Energy in its diverse manifestations remains one of the most important factors for progress, and its con- t;nued availability. on a sustained and reliable basis is without doubt indispensable to technological and socio- economic development. 289. We are therefore encouraged by the seriousness, dedication and direction demonstrated at the recent United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy. It is the view of my dele~ation that the Pro- gramme of Action adopted at Nairobi ,contains the neces- sary perceptions and policy guidelines for us to initiate practical measures to facilitate the effective and reliable supply of that essential resource in its various forms. 291. It is, therefore, particularly regrettable that a cli- mate of recession in the funding of these agencies seems to be setting in, which in our view will usher in a discon- solate and uncomfortable new ice age for international co- operation. It must be remembered that for many people throughout the world, indeed for the ordinary man in the street, these agencies represent the United Nations in ac- tion. Their task is to give practical meaning and purpose to the ideals and goals of international co-operation. 292. We therefore call on all members of the interna- tional community' to explore new ways of meeting the re- quirements and expectations of these bodies for the attain- ment of their goals. We should avoid subjecting the integrity and fabric of these agencies to unnecessary stress and tension for national or parochial ends. 293. The disapproval of certain activities of some of these agencies, expressed in cutbacks in contributions by certain Member States, does not, in our view, do a serv- ice to international co-operation; rather, it is a disservice to the spirit of international co-operation and impoverishes us all. We believe that these agencies can have only one ideology, and that is service to humanity, regardless of the world political and ideological divide. . 294. It is in this spirit that we want to launch an appeal to the international community, particularly the traditional donQr countries and others in a position to do so, to re- plenish the resource base of these agencies, for indeed they are the flagship of international co-operation and they deserve our support, individually and collectively. 295. After some seven years of consultations and nego- tiations, the world now stands in sight of the prospect of an agreed text of a comprehensive convention on the law of the sea. The importance of the realization of this pros- pect can hardly be overemphasized. It would mark the first time ever that the" nations of our world-old and new, rich and poor, and from both. ends of the global po- litical spectrum-have had the opportunity to sit down together to rationalize the rules that should govern the use and exploitation of the resources of our common heritage in the ocean space. The successful completion of this ex- ercise would, therefore, not only immeasurably enhance the prospect and reality of international co-operation, but also give meaning and vitality to the United Nations as a whole as a necessary instrument for the management of our common heritage and the peaceful solution of prob- lems arising therefrom. 296. It is in this spirit that we want to appeal to the Government of the United States of America and others that may be tempted to contemplate the unilateral path, because of current technological advantage and other con- siderations, to forgo such temp..tation. At best, this could , only be short-term, but it would in the event prove dis- 298. Even as the world grapples with its social and eco- nomic problems, it must still continue to find solutions to its political problems, some of them as old as, if not older than, the United Nations itself. These all attest to the crises of confidence I referred to earlier. The struggle for freedom and' independence in Namibia, the trouble spots around the world, the tensions and tragedies of di- vided nations, the struggle for internal political power within States, all have as their underlying cause the con- tinuing historical injustice inflicted by man on man. 299. Let us therefore, in our time and age, have the imagination, the courage and the vision to correct these injustices..We must have the courage to take action to wipe out injustice not only between nations but within States. This, we submit, is the challenge that faces the United Nations in the last half of the twentieth century. 300. A few days ago wlf witnessed in this Hall the ad- mission to our ranks as a new Member the independent, sovereign ~tate of Vanuatu. We welcome and rejoice with the people of Vanuatu on their assumption of indepen- dence. But, alas, in this very Hall, waiting in the wings, are nation-States yet to be free: Namibia, Palestine and many others. 301. I also want to take this opportunity to express the satisfaction of the Government and people of Sierra Leone at the accession to independence of the State of Belize. We look forward to its admission to our ranks. 302. The General Assembly recently concluded its eighth emergency special session, on the question of Namibia. But Namibia is yet to be free. This is without doubt a standing indictment of the political will and, I dare say, the moral commitment of the international com- munity. It is the view of the Government of Sierra Leone that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) has all the ingredie~nts necessary to bring Namibia to independence. What is lacking is the will and courage to implement that resolution. We are deeply saddened to note that the apartheid South African regime is being aided and com- forted in its defiance of the world community's desire to see Namibia free, through extraneous considerations in certain quarters. 303. Paradoxically, the South African regime itself has never rejected Security Council resolution 435 (1978); rather it has made allegations of partiality regarding the means for the implementation of the resolution. 304. Today,. however, we hear talk about confidence- building measures to implement that resolution; we hear talk aboJit constitutional guarantees for minorities. We do not quarrel with those; alas, if only they did not serve as an alibi for non-performance by the South African si~n of Namibia to independence and sovereignty, and we want to reiterate here our support for that resolution, wi~out qualification or amendment. 306: In South Africa itself, the inhuman system of apartheid is still entrenched, in spite of numerous United Nations condemnations of the odious and distasteful pol- icies of that regime. 313. The continuing inability of the international com- munity to find a just, peaceful and lasting solution to the question of Palestine has given a new, disturbing and dan- gerous dimension to the conflict in the Middle East, rang- ing today from the abuse and c~llous disregard of the ter- ritorial integrity and independence of Lebanon, to the alignment of States in the area with one or the other of the super-Powers, to the possibility of introducing .dan- gerous and inhuman weapons into that area. I want here to express the sympathy and support of the Government and the people of Sierra Leone for Lebanon in its trials and tribulations which have resulted in grievous loss of life and property as a direct sequel to the continuing trag- edy in the Middle East. 308. Some weeks ago, the whole world watched with incredulity and consternation the naked, wanton and crude invasion of Angola by the troops of the apartheid regime of South Africa. The Security Council, entrusted with the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security under the Charter, could not agree on even a mere condemnation of that manifest and brazen aggression against a State Member of the Organization because of the capricious and ill-considered use of the veto by the United States of America. Inasmuch as we deplore that and other irresponsible uses of the veto, my Government vigorously condemns the racist Pretoria re- gime's aggression against Angola. We reaffiml our abid- ing solidarity with the Government and people of Angola and salute them for their heroic stand against fascism and racism. 307. The untold suffering of millions of black people, attested to by the recent recourse to policies of resurgent oppression by that regime, takes the form of wholesale bulldozing of black settlements, separation of families, political assassinations and massive arrests' of the leader- sbip of the black consciousness movement and other na- tionalist leaders who remain exiled. Externally, that re- surgent oppression has resulted in a policy - of destabilization of the region, manifested in wanton and open aggression and subversion against neighbouring States, the latest victim of whi~h is Angola. 309. The situation in southern Africa admits of neu- trality inasmuch as one can afford to be neutral in a choice between right and wrong, between justice and in- justice. The whole edifice of the apartheid regime in South Africa represents, in our view-and indeed, in the view of all of the world-a negation of our common hu- manity. It is therefore our duty, severally and collectively, to bring it to an end. 310. We wish therefore that those who would talk about constitutional guarantees for minorities would exert the same effort in securing for the' vast majodty of the people of South Africa itself their basic rights as.. human beings, in conformity with our common human· dignity. 311. We also note with regret and dismay that out of a so-called concern for strategic, economic· and other se- 312. The Middle East situation, at its core, exemplifies that historical and con~~nui.n,.g. injustice by man to man that I referred to earlier. In 1947, in the halls of the Organ- ization, the fateful decision was taken to correct part of that injustice, and this resulted in the creation of the State of Israel. Alas, the story remains incomplete even today, and that is the core of the tragedy of the Middle East. For unless and until the people of Palestine can have their own right of self-determination and independence re- affirmed) recognized and realized, there will be no abid- ing peace in the region. 314. For several years now, <in eclectic approach has been taken to the Middle East problem. The present deter- ioration in the situation is therefore, in our view, clear testimony of the failure of the search for peace through separate negotiations and arrangements, which skirt around the heart of.the matter, namely, the imprescriptible right of the Palestinians to self-determination-not. to au- tonomy, but to self-determination-and an independent sovereign State. 315. Peace in the Middle East is one and indivisible; it is either pursued as a whole or not at all. There" is not, nor can there be, a halfway house. 316. The right of the Palestinian people to a State of their own, like the right of all States in the area to live in peace, must form the guiding principle and, indeed, the very bedrock of any durable peaceful solution to the Mid- dle East problem. 317. The continuation of the Middle East tragedy with all its ramifications is without doubt one of the supreme historical challenges confronting the international commu- nity. We believe that with tolerance and justice and with the active participation and co-operation of all the peoples and nations in the region a comprehensive and abiding solution to the problem is achievable. 318. But what is necessary and vital is not a backward- looking historical perspective blurred as it must be by im- ages of past iQjustice, but rather a forward-looking and 319". ~ To sustain and maintain this peace in our world it is vital and necessary that immediate action be taken to defuse all the trouble spots we have on our hands today which clutter the international agenda. In this connection, it·is the firm belief of my Government that the people of Kampuchea and Afghanistan should be left, without the heavy hand and overweening presence of foreign inter- ference, to settle their own internal problems without let or hindrance by any other Power. 320. My Gll.vernment also welcomes the recent profes- sion of intention by the leadership of the two halves ef the Korean peninsula to enter into negotiations for the peaceful reunification of that historic and vibrant nation, the united dynamism of the people of which will undoubt- edly be a significant as.set to the international community. We hope. that everything will be done to facilitate and enhance thiJ process and to bring it to fruition. 321. Also, inasmuch ~s my Government regrets the de facto partition of the Republic of Cyprus, we welcome the establishment on a regular basis of the inter-communal talks, through which we hope that the fear, prejudice arid bigotry that gave rise to the present unhappy state of af- fairs on that island will soon be dispelled, leading to the consolidation and preservation of the' territorial integrity and independence of Cyprus. My Government commends the Secretary-General for his efforts in the pursuit of those objectives. 322. Even as the world continues to address itself to global political and economic issues, we must at the same time keep constantly in view respect for the integrity of the human person. The pursuit of global security and in- ternational economic and social justice is only meaningful if, in the end, it contributes to the well-being of the indi- vidual, the focus of all our preoccupations and exertions at the end of the, day. 323. In my delegation's view, the attainment of the wel- fare of the individual and the observance of and respect for the integrity of his person should be the measure of our conviction and commitment. It is right and proper, therefore, that the United Nations should concern itself with human rights throughout the world, for it was, as an organization, conceived on the premise and the determi- nation, stated in the Preamble to the Charter, "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, '" in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small ..."; and,)n the daily round of its activities, it is dedi- cated to the proposition "to promote social prog~ss and better standards of life in larger freedom." 324. It is therefore particularly gratifying to my delega- tion and my country to note that at the regional level the Organization of African Unity at its last summit meeting at Nairobi adopted the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights. 12 This, in our view, represents an ad- vance for human rights and adds to the growing corpus of international provisions for thc"protection and advance- ment of those rights. . 326. The Secretariat has often, amidst the'clangour and clash of interests among States,been reduced .to the role of,the silent sentinel. but one· that faithfully stands guard over the principles and purposes' of the Organization. This is as it should be, for in truth the United Nations is ~he instrument through which we hope. to .forge together a better future world order. It has, over the years, suc- ceeded in keeping fresh and clear our vision of thal fu- ture, whether in the difficult field of moderating the'polit- ical differences among State~' or trying to, forge a consensus on the economiC! rela~on~hip of' ~ur~ in- creasingly interdependent world, and even in the human- itarian help and relief which must be rendered to the indi- vidual. ' 327. The Secretariat, through all its efforts and untiring devotion to the principles of the Charter, has striven to keep us together in our collective venture for a better world. . 328. The United 'Nations itself represents a kind, of ves- sel in man's odyssey for a better world', In the past.tqree and a half decades the journey has not been smOotli; in- deed, the vessel has been bpffeted by the billows of frus- tration, sometimes verging on despair. But we must all persevere together in this ventUre" for it is the only right course, and for now the United Nations is the only vessel we have.

I , now call on the representative of Viet Nam, who wishes to speak in exercise of his right of reply.

In his statement this afternQ9n the represen- tative of China deliberately distorted the reality of the sit- uation currently prevailing in Kampuchea and made slan- derous allegations concerning the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, following the tactic of the thief shouting "stop thief!" and attributing to others act& which the reactionary circles among the Chinese leadership intend to carry out themselves. My delegation categorically rejects the men- dacious remarks of the Chinese delegation and wishes to state the following. 331. No manoeuvre of the Chinese leaders can absolve them from their crimes of genocide against the Kam- puchean people and their crimes of aggression against the Vietnamese people. The Chinese leaders are precisely those who were and who continue to be the protectors of the Pol Pot clique, which is guilty of the massacre of s.ome 3 million innocent Kampucheans and is at present seeking by every means at its disposal to foist the genoci- dal regime upon that people once again. The Chinese leaders are also those who ordered 600,000 Chinese troops to invade Viet Nam in i979, committing unspeak- able crimes against the civilian population, and who at present have amassed dozens of divisio~s near the Viet- namese-Chinese and Laotian-Chinese borders, ready to "give Viet Nam a second lesson" and to invade Laos at any moment. 333. This is what China's foreign peace policy truly rep- resents. This is the policy of which its representative boasted a few moments ago before this very Assembly. 334: .The United States of America, having failed in the most atrocious war of aggression of our time in Viet Nam; the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Kam- puchea, is at present seeking to tlke revenge by entering into close complicity with China to attempt to sabotage the task of reconstruction of the three Indo-Chinese coun- tries ravaged by millions of tons of American bombs and toxic chemical weapons. 335,. Confronted by these colonial, imperialist and hegemonist aggressors, the peoples of these' three Indo- Chine~e countri~s,_ now as in the past, have as their most efficient toots solidarity and co-operation in every field to enable them to exercise their natural right to legitimate individual and collective defence in strict compliance with the Charter of the United Nations. As long as the Chinese threat persists, the measures taken by the three Indo-Chi- nese peoples to ensure their collective defence are essen- tial. That is precisely why the enemies of our three peo- ples are striving to destroy our solidarity and co- operation, as this would enable them to achieve their dream of imposing their control over the Viet Namese, Lao and Kampuchean peoples once again. The meeting rose at 7.45 p.m. NarES I See Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.20), annex I. .l See Secretariat for Infonnation of the Federal Executive Council, Belgrade, 1973, Documents of the Gatherings ofNon-Aligned Countries 1961-1973. sect. Ill, paras. 21-23. 4 World Bank, World Development Report 1981. Washington, D.C., August 1981, pp. 17-18. 6 Ibid.• resolution 426 (XIX). 7 See Report of the United Nations Conference on New alld Renewable Sources of Energy (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.24), chap. I, sect. A. 8 See The Department of State Bull"tin. vol. LXXVII, No. 1999. (Washington, U.C.,U.S. Government Printing. Office, 1978), pp. 483-496. 9 See document OENSer.G, CP/INF. 1795/IH of the Organization of American States, 9 September 1981. 10 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstallding Securit)' Council Resolution 276 (/970). Advisor)' Opinion. I.C.J. Reports 1971. p. 16. 11 See Bulletin of the European Communities. No. 6, 1981, vol. 14, para. 1.1.13. .12 See American Society of International Law, International Legal Materials. vol. XXI, No. I, January 1982. p. 59.