A/36/PV.11 General Assembly

This morning we will hear an address by Mr. Daniel T. Arap Moi, President of the Republic of Kenya. On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome him to the United Nations and to invite him to address the Assembly.

At the eighteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment of the Organization of African Unity, '''hich was held at Nairobi in June, my colleagues bestowed upon me the great honour and high responsibility of the chairman- &hip of the Assembly. of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] for the next 12 months. In that capacity, it became my privilege to address in Paris the recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries. Just before that Conference, I also had the privilege of formally inaugurating the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, which was held at Nairobi in August. Today, on the heels of such impor- tant commitments and endeavours, I have the truly great honour of submitting, on behalf of Africa, a statement to the General Assembly-the highest respresentative body responsible for the management of all matters affecting the intemational community. 3. Mr. President, on behalf of the independent nations of Africa, which comprise one third of the whole mem- bership of the United Nations, I bring. and convey to you, to the representatives attending this session of the Assem- bly and to the Secretary-General warm greetings and good wishes for your deliberations. 4. Allow me, while doing so, to observe as well that the . OAU has been unwavering in its support for and loyal adherence to the ideals of the United Nations and its prac- tical efforts to progress towards them. Our continental in- stitution ~s inspired by the same highp.rinciples in the conduct of human affairs and shares with the United Na- tions the conviction that the noblest causes, of develop- ment and human destiny must be founded uPon the bas- . tion of peace. NEW YORK 5. Mr. President, before I proceed any further I would like to congratulate you on behalf of Africa and on behalf of my country, Kenya, on your election to the high posi- tion of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The work of the current session of the Assem- bly covers matters of great importance. In addition, many of those matters are of extreme urgency. The international \;ummunity is therefore most fortunate in having a man of such experience, talent and commitment to the promotion of truly international solutions to global matters presiding over the current session of the Assembly. I aSSJ,lre you, Sir, of the fullest support of the African nations. May I also add that I look forward to working with you as I carry out my responsibilities as Chairman of the OAU As- sembly this year. 6. On this occasion I should like to pay a tribute to the work of the outgoing President of the General Assembly, Mr. RUdiger von Wechmar. Mr. von Wechmar carried out his responsibilities with great skill, competence and un- derstanding. I know I am speaking for all nations when I thank Mr. von Wechmar for having worked so hard.and conscientiously to promote international co-operation and understanding. 7. I should like on this occasion to pay a tribute to the tremendous commitment to the general welfare and future of mankind of the Secretary-General. Mr. Waldheimcon- tinues to display an amazing amount of energy and dedi- cation in his job. I know that we in Africa have always found him sympathetic, knowledgeable and quick to listen and take action. We also appreciate the fact that he fre- quently visits various parts of the world to see at first hand the problems and opportunities facing the regions individually and the international community in general. Mr. Waldheim is now one man who knows all the leaders in all parts of the world, and he has used that knowledge and his well-known diplomatic skills to great advantage in his service to the international community. 8. 'fuming now to this session of the General Assembly, let me observe that these annual gatherings should never be regarded as routine features or performances of global administration. There must always be fresh vigour on such a great occasion to introduce new ideas, to enhance the effectiveness of programmes earlier established and to bring within reach some potential which hitherto had proved elusive. At this particular session the Assembly will discuss many matters of great importance, some of which I shall refer to later in my speech. I know that under your guidance, Mr. President, concrete progress on many of those matters will be made. 9:' I shall begin the main portion of my statement with a review of the tense situation and the circumstances now prevailing in southern Africa. The situation in that un- happy part of the world constitutes a critical test for the whole conceptJon of an organized and stable international 11. Since the adoption by the General Assembly of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, in its resolution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960, a tremendous contribution has been re- corded by the United Nations in work designed to secure the political independence of territories once held in colo- nial or racist bondage. This global Organization, unique in its nature and experience, has grown to maturity upon the rock of human dignity in freedom. It is recognized as well, reaching back to the first essential purpose of the United Nations, that global peace must be imperiled by any forfeiture of human rights. 12. In dealing with a succession of problems in this whole regard, Africa has been relying to a certain extent on the tangible and world-wide support of the United:Na- tions. It is, of course, perfectly rational that such confi- dence should be placed in the United Nations, if only because the Organization was designed to represent, to assist and to inspire the concerted striving of mankind for freedom and well-being. We are all glad that in the major- ity of cases the United Nations, operating within its own Charter, has effectively discharged its responsibilities. 13. Unfortunately, in a few cases the objectives and the efforts of this international body have been frustrated by some nations. One of these cases is Namibia. I am sure that in respect to Namibia representatives will not need the prompting of any catalogue of historical facts. It will be readily recalled that over a period of years many reso- lutions have been adopted, conferences "have been con- vened, structures have been created, all in the cause of pursuing the mandated task of ushering that Territory by peaceful means towards the elementary right to self-deter- mination. 14. Yet today, despite all the decisions and the patient efforts, Namibia is still not independent. It is not hard to discern within the historical records basic reasons for this failure, but analysis of the past seems to me of far less importance than reappraisal of the future. In my SUbmis- sion the General Assembly must consider most earnestly and urgently whether this is a circumstance requiring the enforcement, at whatever cost, of international law and paramount principles, or whether the United Nations can safely continue to accommodate.the burden of weakness and the stigma of futility. This- is of course a rhetorical question. The General Assembly has no alternative but to 16. The system of apartheid has been rightly con- demned by all those, including the vast majority in South ' Africa, who want peace for themselves and others and who recognize that human rights for all and in every part of the globe are an essential element in securing that peace. Howe:ver, after decades of condemnation and pro- test, we are still faced in South Africa by the evil and inhuman system of apartheid, which embraces the total denial of political rights and of human outlet of ex- pression. At times, on occasions of this nature, diction- aries have been consulted to find words which might cOn- vey something stronger than mere abhorrence. But the Assembly is not a theatre, and so, rather than elaborate, I prefer to reduce this issue to its basic simplicities. 17. Across the whole spectrum of impact and meaning, apartheid torments the conscience of all civilized men. It violates those universal principles of human dignity and conduct which the United Nations has been authorized to codify and to harness. And there is no doubt that it af- fronts' the very foundation of international law. On these three grounds alone, and there are many more, the only conclusion to be reached is that apartheid must be de- stroyed. In any case, there should never be any compro- mise with evil-and apartheid is, in every aspect, evil. 18. The word "destroyed" can often seem to have some particular implication. Permit me; therefore, to make it clear at' this point that nobody is anxious for Africa's clear duty in this matter, or, indeed, for global obligations in this matter, to be approached and discharged by violent means. We do not advocate violence. Our quarrel is with the system of apartheid, not with the people who live in South Africa. Further, we are of the· view that the system should be changed peacefully. But when all such methods have failed, and logic has failed, what alternative is left? The significance of that question is that in some cases, as history shows, violence may have to be undertaken as a last resort. 19. I should like to assure you that in this whole con- text, the OAU has examined all possible alternatives. In fact, resolutions passed during the thirty-seventh ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the OAU, held at Nairobi in June 1981, have been circulated to all States Members of the United Nations [see A/36/534, annex I] for endorsement or adoption if deemed appropriate by the General Assembly. These cover a diversity of tactics and topics. For example, there was condemnation by the OAD 20. Aiready, some of the countries around South Africa have reported to the General Assembly and the Security Council acts of aggression against them by South African forces. To give a recent example, there has been an inva- sion and occupation of Angola by South African military forces. This clearly constitutes a most dangerous threat to international peace and security. The OAU demands the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of South African forces from Angola. We are confident that the Assembly has no alternative but to support that demand, for not to do so would betray the very principles for which the United Nations stands. 21. Then, as another instance, we have reaffirmed what the OAU previously had insisted-that one of the effec- tive weapons for dealing with the situation in South Af- rica is the complete isolation of that countfy. The effec- tiveness of that weapon is blunted every time commercial ties and sporting links with that· country are established, maintained or strengthened. And this is Why we regret-so deeply the concessions recently made by certain States which have accepted the continuation of sporting links with South Africa. We in Africa have an increasingly im- pressive record of contribution and achievement under many headings of sport and athletics. Indeed, we find no enjoyment or relish whatsoever if sport anywhere in .the world is disrupted. But we cannot stand idly by without protest or countermeasures while some countries encour- age South Africa through sporting links to continue with its defiance of world opiuion and accepted standards of human behaviour. 22. Even more damaging, albeit less widely publicized, is the economic support by some nations of the South African regime. In this regard, I must call attention to the resolution adopted by the Council of Ministers of the OAU [ibid., resolution CM/Res. 865 (XXXVII)] on sanc- tions against South Africa, including a global ban on the supply of oil to that country. 23. We are all well aware that in the past a majority resolve-indeed, an overwhelming resolve-to take such punitive economic action against South Africa was blocked, finally and technically, by veto in the Security Council. Here again I would submit that the General As- sembly must urgently concern itself with those procedures and motivations which permit the system of veto to con- tinue .to be deployed as a protective shield around any State which poses a threat to world peace. Let there be no doubt that the South Africa situation constitutes, directly and indirectly, a serious threat to world peace and sta- bility. 24. Mqch of this whole question of SQuth Africa con- cerns the exercise of responsibility to the plP'amount inter- ests of mankind by those Member States'c.ommonly re- ferred to as the big Powers, and here I refer to the United States of America and to the Soviet Union. Africa will 25. All of us in this Assembly Hall are members of the human race, whether we be white, black or what have you. God created us all. And those whom we represent would like to have peace, and only peace can enable them to prosper. We understand the language. For me, should :myone act to undermine human dignity, even if he be a friend, I shall tell him straight: you have made a mistake. This planet is too small for us to quarrel. We should work for the common good. Those who have had the advantage of advancing in their technology should help those of us who have not. One day we may be able to advance. We may offer our own contribution in the humblest way, but not in terms of what the super-Powers can offer. 26. While the United States and the Soviet Union meet peacefully in a room to discuss global matters, people outside, especially in Africa, quarrel, fight and shoot each other, while others flee as refugees in their own countries instead of enjoying stability. I hope that people will see reason and be able to discuss human problems as they are, and I appeal to the two super-Powers to help the world maintain peace. We may not have powerful weap- ons, but at least as far as God is concerned we are all equal. All of us here, and those to come, will have to depart, but we should leave the world better than we found it. All the super-Powers have solemnly affirmed their loyal adherence to the principles and obligatiops of the Charter. One would then expect that the demands of integrity would cause) them'to su~0~4hlat~ ~~qw self-!!!- terest so that the objectives set for all humanity could be achieved. 27. I frequently find it impossible to comprehend where the big Powers stand on this matter of South Africa. There have been promises to "exert pressure" as a means of securing some solution, but all such assurances have proved to be empty of meaning. The big Powers have in fact positively declined to exert, or even to support, the kind of influence which, emanating from such sources, could not fail to have an instant impact. They have said to us that we should never think or plan in terms of military force or in terms of economic sanctions or even in terms of psychological pressure. Instead, they still exhort us after all this time to fall back upon the comfortable and unproductive cushions which suit them so well of moder- ation, tolerance and patience. I can only urge, with due respect for sensitivities within this body, that this hypo- critical approach be brought to an immediate end; Further, it is abundantly clear that unless that is done relations between nations will rapidly grow sour, with immense dangers to all, at a time when all those who want peace and stability should be working even more closely to- gether. 28. I repeat that Africa believes that there is a moral duty devolving upon all peoples and all nations to defend and sustain above all else the fundamentals of human dig- nity and human rights, for these are the prerequisites for any worth-while evoJ.~~ion and destiny of mankind. Those who deny that such a duty exists should at least have the courage to make their viewpoint plain, so that we would know where sanity is enshrined and where evil is be- friended. We .in Africa are determined to destroy by what- 29. I should now like to refer briefly to a few other issues which reflect upon political events in Africa. In some of these instances there is a welcome glimpse of progress and promise. Then in respect of all of them, I would make the point that negotiations and ultimate set- tlement should be left to the leaders and people of Africa. I say this because in the past many problems have been made more complex or more intractable by external inter- vention. This has often been part of the ideological power game, buti\even well-meaning interference has often proved clumsy in its ~mpact. 30. To begin with, I would mention a recent disagree- ment between the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the United Republic of Cameroon which might very possibly have escalated into a serious collision between these two neighbouring States of Africa. Today, happily, the danger has passed, and I am left only with the pleasant duty of commending the two Presidents concerned for their adroit handling of the situation and for agreeing that the border dispute between, their two countries should be solved in a brotherly atmosphere. 31. The second issue concerns the difficulties in West- ern Sahara, which have been persisting for some time, but I am glad now to inform the General Assembly that during the most recent session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the DAU the way was finally cleared for the holding of a referendum by means of which the people of that Territory will determine their own future. An Implementation Committee was established by the OAU for the task [ibid., annex II, resolution AHG! Res.I03 (XVIII)], and I am again glad to report that it held a very successful meeting at Nairobi towards the end of August. This Committee will work alongside the United Nations in'ensl:ring that referendum procedures are so designed and supervised as to encompass, without challenge, the popular will. 32. Then there is the case of Chad. Here also a number of concrete steps have ~been taken to re-establis4 peace and good order [ibid., resolution AHG!Res.102 (XVIII)! Rev.I]. Within this framework, the DAU has declared its support for the Transitional National Union Government while at the same time reaffirming unqualified opposition to any aggressive intrigue from outside. It also recognized the urgent need to assist the Government and people of Chad in their program~es of economic reconstruction. 33. The Horn of Africa is a region in which genuine economic co-operation could hold out immense promise for human development. It is most regrettable therefore that, over some period of time now, this potential has been frustrated by the unceasing encroachment of cold war politics and ideological divisions. More recently, however, there have been some heartening signs of new awareness about the common interests and opportunlties which should constructi~'ely liQk the various nations and people in the Horn of Africa, 35. Finally, regarding specific issues relating to Africa, I should include mention of the refugee problem in tite continent. This problem was examined sympathetically during the International Conference on Assistance to·Ref- ugees in Africa held at Geneva last April. There are now about 5 million refugees in Africa, driven away from their homelands by fear which has its roots in turmoil or op- pression. But mere figures cannot adequately portray all ' the misery for innocent families and the colossal squan- dering of human resources. 36. This whole crisis-it can hardly be described as anything less-is the primary responsibility of African Governments and peoples themselves. Thus, working in conjunction with United Nations agencies and with non- governmental organizations, including the African churches, we have embarked upon many programmes for immediate aid and relief in the fields of food, clothing, shelter and medical care, while beginning as well to intro- duce education and training projects. 37. In all this compassionate work, we require and would appreciate additional assistance from the interna- tional community. In giving such support, the interna- tional community and individual donors should be assured that the DAU and its member countries recognize the urgent need to deal decisively and comprehensively with the ultimate challenge-that of eradicating from the conti- neQt the diverse causes of the refugee problem. 38. I should also like to record some disappointment, which must be shared by all representatives, in respect of issues which have for too long remained unresolved de- spite all the anxious efforts and dispassionate recommen- dations of this global body. I would submit yet again that the General Assembly might usefully examine the rea- sons, in certain particular cases, for the ineffectiveness of decisions taken and resolutions passed. It must be re- garded as disturbing and a most serio\!s matter whenever Member States fail to honour their obligations under the Charter. Difficulties are then compounded whenever Member States ignore or contravene provisions and prin- ciples of international law. Such considerations, however, are merely two components of the total dilemma-which remains that of how to introduce and implement consen- sus in a more positive way while somehow keeping intact the vital concept of the sovereignty of nations. 39. In the Middle East, for example, it is clear that all States, including Israel, have the right to enjoy recognized and secure boundaries, within which they are entitled to defend and sustain their lawful interests and freely to con- duct their internal affairs. But equally, the Palestil1ian people are entitled to speak for themselves and to pursue their just aspirations within a recognized national home- 40. As I mentioned before, we all belong to the human race. We in Kenya stand on three principles: peace, love and unity. There can never be peace if people have no love for the human race. There can never be unity unless there is love for the human race. There can never be un- derstanding and confidence created unless people have love for one another. We may pass 101 resolutions in the Assembly and not achieve anything if there is no love for one another. I hope that all of us will have respect for humanity if we are truly mem~ers of the human race. 41. Another example, also of primary concern to Af- rica, is the question of preserving the entire Indian Ocean area as a zone of peace. This has in fact been stipulated by the General Assembly [resolution 2832 (XXVI)] ~or the noble purpose of strengthening the foundations of human development over a large and productive segment of the third world. But it seems, in the event, that a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean is already, or potentially, being eroded by military adventuring and ideological rivalry among thf" big Powers. And I wonder, we in the OAU wonder, just what attitudes or measures might be formu- lated within the General Assembly in response to chal- lenges of this kind wherein a yearning for peace as the fulcrum of progress by so many nations and peoples is threatened by a few nations. 42. I wish now to turn to some matters bearing u!'on economic and social development within Africa, and at the outset I should thank most genuinely those nations which have lent support to development projects in Africa for motives which have added a whole new dimension to the concepts and the potentials of a growing global human fraternity. In other instances, of course, seemingly attrac- tive aid programmes have been dangled before Africa, but with a great deal of small print in all the qualifying clauses. There should really be widespread recognition nowadays that the hapless and vulnerable period when colonialism could be practised has passed into history. Yet still there have been some persistent attempts to chain Af- rica as the periphery of the so-called donors and benefac- tors. 43. The African nations are aware of this danger of neo- colonialism, and as a form of reaction to that wearisome impulse the OAD, as it acquires more so'phisticated execu- tive machinery and economic mfrastructures, is now de- termined that Africa itself must play a new and principal part in the planning of development on a continental scaJe. Tn this connection, and following studies and nego.. tiations throughout me 19;Os, at an extraordinary session held at Lagos in April 1980, the Assembly, of Heads of State and Government adopted the Lagos Plan of Action, 2 ~hich in turn was incorporated by the General Assembly lOto the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56, " annex]. . 45. To bring about a number of such fundHmental changes, we are rapidly engineering far-reaching measures of economic and technical co-operation among ourselves. This strategy of collec~ive self-reliance will result in more effective deployment of resources, the expansion of exist- ing enterprises, the better use of managerial skills and the full harnessing of human and material ingredients for rapid and diversified development in general. 46. I am not suggesting that Africa does not need finan- cial and technical support from outside or that Africa is going to isolate itself from the rest of the world. But it is clear that past strategies, with their great dependence on foreign aid and export of primary commodities, have failed to produce real development in Africa. For exam- ple, the aid given is often more than offset by lower ex- port prices and higher prices for Africa's imports. 47. In addition, the dangers of neo-colonialism are visi- ble. It is basically for these reasons that the most effec- tive way in which the international community could help Africa in its development of collective self-reliance would be to agree on the early establishment of a more favour- able and just international environment in terms of peace and stability and in terms of economic justice. This is' essentially what the new international economic order is all about. And that new order would be in the best inter- ests of all, the developed and the developing, the rich and the poor, the small and the big. 48. It is within that kind of international envh'onment that efforts in such things as financial aid and technical assistance take on real meaning. It is also within that kind of framework that they will be what aid efforts should be, namely, international programmes for international devel- opment for all. I am sometimes asked to identify a few of the priority areas within which such international pro- grammes for genuine co-operative development might make the most profound impact. In response to this, es- pecially in the short term, there is no difficulty in sin- gling out the precarious food situation. 49. The African States recognize the food crisis facing them and the fact that their own survival and political independence are at stak~. They also recognize the need for comprehensive solutions to the problems and the vital i't 50. The other area is manufacturing. In terms of indus- trialization, Africa is the least developed of all regions. Although some of the OAU member States have an indus- trial sector that is far from negligible in size and diver- sity, over the African 3cene as a whole there is boundless scope and need for expansion. Here again, therefore, is an important and worthwhile field of human effort within which there could be rapid and effective response to inter- national investment. I should like to be able to .discern, in practice, firm global support for an industrial develop- ment decade throughout Africa, with its provisions and- locations and end-products all sensibly mapped out. The OAU WQuld be greatly heartened if r~al progress along such lines could be made prior to the Fourth General Conference of UNIDO, to b~ held at Nairobi in 1983. Here again, such a programme would have clear interna- tional benefits. 51. As a third and final answer to the question posed, I would identify as another urgent necessity the develop- men~ of transport services and facilities and the improve- ment of all kinds of communications throughout Africa. This is yet another field in which global and bilateral ini- tiatives would be most welcome. It is easy enough to head towards Africa or consign goods to Africa from any- where in the world, but within the large continent of Af- rica the lack of well-maintained internal routes and mod- em communications has served as a constant frustration. This situation must be swept aside so that trade. within Africa can be made to·flourish, so that areas which are at present untapped may be developed and so that what I have described as collective self-reliance can have at :t8 command the nuts and bolts, the working parts, that will enable it to function. I therefore take this opportunity to call upon the international communlty to support the pro- grammes already designed within the strategy of the transport aull communications decad~ in Africa. 52. What may loosely be termed the global or interna- tional economy is really structured upon a series of long- standing assumptions and arrangements, which so fre- quently serve either to overlook or to distort the facts of life. 1 should now like to discuss this situation briefly. 53. Thinking back 20 years ~r more, all of us can re- member the so-called wind of change which, within a concentrated period of history, made a tremendous impact upon the political shape of human values and relation- ships. Wrapped up in so much transformation, we find the origin of expressions like "developing countries" and "third world", which today have become part of our commDnplace vocabulary.. During the 1950s and 1960s 54. There has been no sharing, no spread, no move to- wards regional balance. As the economic system has evolved since 1960, the majority of developing countries has continued to be regarded as sources of cheap raw ma- terials and as markets for manufactured products. That has not only perpetuated-indeed, worsened-problems that were clearly inherent at the time of independence, but has also made. the deve!oping countries increasingly vul- nerable to the economic trends and pressures which have come to have serious effects upon advanced and indus- trialized nations. 55. As years went by, the analysis of global realities became more' accurate, more sophisticated and always more ominous. On the stren&th of such analysis efforts to secure redress became more urgent and persistent. There was Q'luch basic wisdom in the designs underlying the In- ternational Development Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade, which was launched by the General Assembly in 1970 [resolution 2626 (XXV)]. It was hoped that under that broad heading world economic relations could be sensibly restructured, but the outcome, in practice, was negligible. Then came debates and nego- tiations for a new international economic order, to which I referred earlier. But endeavours to reach and to activate that hard-headed and practical ideal, efforts made by the entire international community and by many specialized assemblies, have resulted so far in failure. Consequently every bright human prospect continues to be thwarted, at this very hour, by disorder and disparity. 56. There is sometimes said to be a lack of political will among the advanced and industrial nations to support the development of the poor countries. What seems to me even more extraordinary is an evident lack of perception: the blinkers that are worn against the gleam of simple common se,nse. No one can reaBy believe that the sys- tems, attitudes and provisions combined in some new in- ternational economic order could represent some plot hatched by the weak to undermine the strong. A new order would so obviously be for the benefit of all. 57. w.e occupy a planet on which all nations and human communities are now completely interdependent. Al.ld the whole existing system, apart from being clearly inequit- able, is also extremely inefficient in practical terms. How can there be benefit, either for the advanced or for the developing countries, when there is such a high rate of inflation and. such vast idle capacity of plants and man- power in the North? How can there be benefit for the advanced and developed countries when there are such huge. untapped and idle natural and human resources in the South? How can benefit be drawn from wasteful use ,1 58. The meeting last month in Mexico of the foreign ministers of 22 States will be followed by a summit meet- ing next month at Cancun, which is projected as a di~ alogue.between the advanced and the less developed countries. The task of that meeting, as it has been de- scribed, will be to reach some understanding on key ne- gotiating issues, which may then be debated and trans- lated into effective processes by the General Assembly. Never will the work of this world forum have enshrined a more critical responsibility. 59. I should like to conclude this part of my statement on. a rather whimsical note relating to the coming di- alogue. For decades there has been constant affirmation of the fact-which is perfectly true-that the South could never: 'advance and prosper, as we would all like it to do, without the North. But when all considerations and crite- ria are taken into account, there is another side to this coin as well: the North could not even survive without the South. 60. I am told that there are animals called lemmings, which periodically gather in some great concourse and hurtle towards mass destruction by casting themselves from cliffs into the sea. There are moments when I won- der whether the.human' race is any more intelligent or can hope for any more exalted outcome. As I have said, we occupy a small and, in many ways, fragile planet, with a narrow biosphere made functional by rather delicate bal- ances and cycles which alone can support human life. And on this planet we proceed to behave, metaphorically speaking, just like the lemmings. Oxygen is vital to us, yet we constantly deplete the phenomena and systems which govern water-flow, while silting or polluting lakes and rivers. Soil is vital to us, yet each year huge quan- tities of topsoil, which cannot be replaced in the foresee- able future, are lost through practices giving rise to its ero- sion. Plant cover is vital to us, yet we destroy it and create spreading deserts. All the processes of natural growth and decay are vital to us, yet we inhibit them through the liberal use of toxic chemicals. Wildlife is es- sential to ,us, inasmuch as without ecological diversity there can be no full enjoyment of life, yet we set out to destroy o~ thrust aside all other living creatures. 61. Mankind has gone on blindly decimating and dis- rupting the natural environment, thereby compounding an overriding human peril which is often obscured beneath the more popular obsession with economic. failures and shortcomings. If we are not to be like lemmings, there will have to be a further revolution in the ~cope of human intellect and hI the sense of values commanded and ex- erted by the human mind. . 62. Leadership today must not be narrow-minded. Do- mestic sUccess or contentment must henceforth be mean- 63. There have been some signs-heartening signs- that leaders of the international community have recog- nized sporadic warning lights of crisis, of such a nat1lre and scale as to demand countermeasures having the effec- tive impetus of world administration. This fact broadly underlies the recent examination, organized by the United. Nations, of environmental questions, food prospects, em- ployment, water resources, the problem of desertification, human settlements and renewable sources of energy. But these approaches have be.;n cautious. Judgements have not been unanimous. Coordination has been lacking. Im- plementation has been most disappointing. And we are running out of time. 64. All world spokesmen henceforth must be moulded in common awareness that leadership is not only an im- mense responsibility, but also a new kind of responsibil- ity-not to an electorate or a party machine or an ideo- 199ical purpose, but to the service of mankind. For on this planet,already brought close to catastrophe by' the undisciplined pillage of resources and the futilities of eco- nomic injustice, only from this concept of dedication to mankind might there be snatched, before it is too late, some lustre with which human destiny could finally be- come adorned.

On behalf of the General Assembly I wish to thank.the Presi- dent of the Republic of Kenya and the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity for the important statement he has just made..

The delegation of Barbados wishes to add its congratulations to tbose which have al- ready been expressed on your election, Mr. President, to preside over the thirty-sixth session of the General As- sembly. . 67. The decade of the 1980s is probably the most dan- gerous, certainly the most critical, since the Second World War. The world economy is in crisis. Inflation in all countries, rich and poor, bas got out of cogtro1.The recession 1n the developed market economies has gener- ated a concomitant downturn in the economy of the devel- oping countries. There was a sharp slowdown of world economic growth in 1980. The year 1981 has so far not prOVided much. hope for economic comfort, and politi- cally the prevailing atmosphere and forecasts for the fu- ture are equally dismal. The level of violence across the globe is awakening the consciousness of world leaders to the need to look for solutions to the social, economic and political problems confronting us. Under your guidance, Mr. President, we hope to resolve some of the problems which paralyse the world community and to arrest some of the numerous disturbing trends in the international sit- uation.· , , 69.. As we bid farewell to a President from the North and say welcome to you, Sir, a President from the South, my delegation continues to observe the overwhelming economic and social disparities between North and South. We note that repeated attempts to thrash out the manifold problems of North-South co-operation have so far pro- duced little. It is indicative of the cynicism and lack of political will of the developed countries that the Brandt report,3 a useful blueprint for economic co-operation be., tween the d~eloped and developing countries, is gather- ing dust in the chancelleries of the North. 70. Unless there is significant progress in North-South co-operation in the immediate future, the lives of the peo- ples of the South will continue to be ravaged by poverty, starvation and disease. My delegation, therefore, regrets that the Governments of the United States and the United Kingdom are cutting back further on aid to the developing world. . 71. It may be ~imely to warn that continuing mass un- employment, mass poverty and mass starvation will de- stroy the world community as we know it today. The third world will not collapse and die in splendid isolation. Ei- ther we eat together, work together and prosper together or we die together. It is time for those developed coun- tries to reorder their priorities and spend more on foreign aid to alleviate the SUffering of peoples in the developing countries.· : 72. Barbados has given unstinting support to General Assembly resolution 34/138, calling for comprehensive negotiations on international relations in the fields of raw materials, development, energy, trade and the monetary system. Barbados itself has, as far as its resources would permit, laid great stress on policies such as the proper management of the economy, improved trade relation- ships, the development of new sources of energy and the more equitable distribution of its resources. We. are firmly , convinced that economic development has a better chance of being achieved if there is a commitment to social jus- tice, for then the entire" population of each one of our countries will believe that they have a stake in their coun- try's prosperity. 73. To illustrate the general slowdown in the rate of eco- nomic growth, it may be noted that world output has fallen steadily from the modest growth rate of 4.7 per cent in 1976-78 to 3.8 per cent in 1979 and to a mere trickle of 2.2 per cent in 1980. ' 74. The economic indicators point to an even gloomier outlook for 1981..82, The World Development Report 1981, recently published by the World Bank, wsrns that if the world economy does not reduce poverty and expand international trade, 220 million more people will become absolutely poor by the year 2000. Unfortunately, there is every indication that rather than ~ expansion of interna- tional trade there is an ever increasing tendency towards '.'.' .. 76. But this is exactly what the .world Developmem<Re· port 1981 does. Continued- use of per ,capita:gross.'lna- tional product and population size .as' basic'criteria for al- location of resources works seriously "againstri' small developing countries like Barbados. The Report states that; unfortunately, aid flows tathe third world are unlikely.to grow, that they are already too fieavily biased towards the middle-i~come countries and that realloca.ting concession., . al aid from the middle-income to low-income countries is almost as important as increasing its Over.,all amount. 77. This ominous admission suggests that it .will be- come increasingly difficult for developing countries to re- ceive the assistance necessary for their economies to·.take ~ff. But !here is a solution. The Brandt repoJ;t ~fe~Q.ll() It when It stated: . ..,. .;'( "One-half of one per fent of one year's world mili- tary expenditure would pay for all the farm equipment nc;eded to increase food production and approach' self- sufficiency in food-deficit low-income countries by 1990. "4 78. For all these countries there is no substitute for in- ,creased development assistance. In 1979 the combi~ed current account deficits of the non-oil-producing cou~tries amounted to $43 billion, while their accumulated debt burden totalled $330 billion. At the same. time, net offi- cial development assistance to them from· member coun- tries of the Development Assistance Committee of the Or- ganization for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD] fell from a level of 0.4 per cent of the latters' ~oss national products in ,the .l~t~ 1960~ to 0.3 ~r cent 10 1978. Thosedevelopedcountnes which have attained'. the agreed objective of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product are to be commended for their efforts.· . " 79. The Report states that for the developing countries the 1980s will be a difficult decade of adjustment to ex- .,' ternal conditions and recommends that third-world coun~ tries should adopt an 'outward orientation thaUncludes ex.. , port promotion and import substitution in line' with international prices. 80. Is it not a fact that after the Second World War some developing countries attempted to develop industry to achieve import substitution but failed because of inher-. ent infrastructural weaknesses? Their base was weak be- cause the local market was small. They were faced with such drawbacks as limited technological infrastructure; Products were of inferior quality, and their prices were far higher tha~ those of similar products in the international markets. 82. The lesson that the' world has become an interde- pendent unit and that it is impossible for countrie&really to develop and achieve autarky in isolation has obviously not sunkin, in spite of'all the evidence so far. Duriilg the Second·United~ations Development Decade a number of possible solutions to the deep-seated structural imbalances in .the. international· economy' were identified. Although some of the quantitative targets have been achieved, the social aims in particular have not been realized. 83. 'Barbados was among those countries which wel- comedthe opportUnity to start afresh with the Interna- tionalDevelopment Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, which was adopted at the thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly. It set a clear frantework of realistic objectives and targets.•The obliga- tions and commitments 'placed on both developed and de- veloping-countries should form a major plank in our efforts towards a transformation of the world economic order. , . 84. We also believe that colleetive self-reliance and eco- nomic co-operation at all levels among developing coun- tries should be encouraged. Particular emphasis should ~ placed on regional co-operation, In this respect, Barbados will continue to exert every possible effort to achieve ef- fective' economic integration with its neighbours in' the Caribbean area and to develop further economic and other links among the peoples of the wider region. 85. My delegation represents a tiny but proud and in- dustrious Caribbean nation-State. We are peace-loving, forward-looking and rigorously democratic. We support the principle of the equality of States and the principle of the. universality of the United Nations. My Prime Minister said from this Podium at the thirty-tir.~t session that "we island people from the Caribbean stand at the cross-roads where historYll1eets and where alien civilizations con- verge." [26th meeting, para. 5.] 86. At this time; as we look across the Caribbean Sea and to our brothers· and sisters to the south of us, we are painfully aware that history, politics~ economics and alien civilizations have.merged seemingly to negate the peace- ful development of the islands of the archipelago and our continental neighbours. 87. It is with grave concern that we view the open com- petition in this region between the two major super- Powers. It is unfortunate and frightening that Moscow and Washington should choose the internal conflicts of Latin America ·and the Caribbean to extend theit·~eatre -of war. We reiterate our fll1l1 commitment to ensuring that'the Caribbean will remain a zone of peace. Barbath)sbelieves that the problems of Latin America and the Caribbean must be solved by the people of Latin America and the Caribbean. 89. Only ethnocentrism and neo.cQlonial ambitions could inform the super-Powers that the peoples of ~tin America and the Caribbean cannot settle their problems themselves. Implicit in the fact of political independence and national sovereignty in the Caribbean and Latin America'is the rejection of imposed solutions. 90. My delegation does not claim to have any unique insight into how the numerous and seemingly intractable problems of the world can be solved. Indeed, we have no particular optimism that they can be easily solved. We are aware, however, of the primary motivating factors born of realpolitik priorities in Latin America and the Caribbean. 91. In recent times plans have been designed to revital- ize the economies of the Caribbean and Central American States and provide what is categorized as "sustained eco- nomic development". While my delegation welcomes capital and other development-assistance in the region, I would caution that the essential objective of such activity should be the genuine and unfettered economic develop- ment of the area, rather than the promotion of the security interests of exogenous Powers. . 92. The development of any plan for the Caribbean and Central.America should involve at all stages the people ·of the region and the indigenous regional financial institu~ tions. This would help us to avoid. the adverse socio-cul- tural appendages and the political and social conse- quences that could result from imposed solutions to the :rea's problems. 93. The decade of the 1980s is a period of challenge, contradiction and rampant cynicism..On the one hand, the march of science and technology has pushed back the frontier of ignorance that inhibited our understanding of our environment and of ourselves. The potential for the·' improvement of the quality of the human condition is V3L't. On the other hand, mankind seems unwilling' fully to come to terms with and effectively to harness the vast potential of science and technology which could signifi- cantly improve the human condition. 94. It is a cruel cynicism that the human race seems to have identified as its imperative mission and ultimate des- tiny the annihilation of itself. An endless torrent of meet- ings, speeches and mechanisms has failed to promote real progress in halting the arms race or lowering the tensions among nations. The goal. of general and complete dis- armament remains elusive. Mankind continues to live in the lengthening shadow of burgeoning nuclear arsenals. 95. The economic and social problems which form the basis of the North-South dialogue cannot be viewed in isolation from the arms race and'the ever-increasing mili- tary expenditure. Nations cannot fulfil the just aspirations of their peoples in an atmosphere of tension. Peace and security cannot <;oexist with immense stockpiles of arma- ments. 97. The continuing absence of the required political will to.adopt national policies and implement appropriate strat- egies to engender confi(fence among States has resulted in the persistept squandering of scarce resources on military budgets. TOday's announcement on the new round of talks on the reduction of nuclear arms gives the world a small ray of hope. The extent of the misuse of the world's re- sources and the contradiction between ~rgent human needs and tardy and reluctant responses call for no re- capitulatiop here. It is necessary only to remind ourselves that more is spent on t.'1e means of self-extinction than is available to the poor of this world to spend on the means of survival. 98. It is a fact of life that in 1980 the two super-Powers accounted for 58 per cent of world military expenditure. , In collaboration' with their respective allies they account1d for 80 per cent of all military budgets. Military expendi- ture tends to contribute to the aggravation of inflation and to adverse balance-of-paymentsproblems. It should be re- membered that more money spent on the military in- creases inflation and consequently generates a reduction in foreign aid to the developing world. We ignore at our peril the nexus between the menace of the arms race and the encroaching economic, social and security crisis. 99. The five nuclear Powers, which bear special respon- sibility for safeguarding peace and international security, and in particular the two super-Powers, should assist the Unit~d Nations to make general and complete disarman ment ·a triumph of experience over seemingly spurious hope. 100. It saddens me to have to say that the studied avoid- ance of the seriou~ and pressing problems facing the cori~ tinent of Africa is nothing short of scandalous. Too many words have been spoken· on the problems of apartheid and Namibia, .and far too little realistic action has been taken or even attempted. Apartheid and Namibia are mat- ters that have been the subject of debate in one form or another since the first regular session of the Assembly. They have also been subjects of consultations and discus- sions in·the Security Council and at speC'ial conferences and meetings. 101. The General Assembly and Security CouficH have passed resolutions, and special conferences have formu- lated declarations. There is not a single delegation here that is prepared to stand up in public and defend South Africa for its adherence to the inhumane system of apartheid. or for its occupation of Namibia. Indeed, 15 years ago the United Nations declared that occupation illegal [General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI)]. 103. The Gove~ment and,peopleofJ3~b.~d.os"we~dis­ tressed wl,len we realized that the SpringbOk~gby;t.opr of Ne~ Zealand was.. to.. proc~ed as. p~apne~;:: g",~. ,di~~.ss was, however, somewhat relieved by tne)arg~:nlJm~r.,of countries that not only spoke out agailfst the "tour;, 'but, took action which was ~imed at stopping it, or at least making it more difficult for !t to pr,oceed. We were partic- Ularly gratified by some.of the positions ..adopted,a~dthe actions taken by some of the. older members of tlie.'Go~­ monwealth and by a large number of New ZealaJ:lders themselves. '. 104. I will not attempt to dictate to those who have for centuries been dictating to others and have been d~tennjn­ ing the course of ~istory in. less' po~ert:~l .S:!J~ttj~~~~~lr over the globe. I wIll not attempt to tell them how..ifpj ~n~ the misery of millions of black people who are held hos- tage and captive in the la~ds of their birth in Namibia and Azania. They know wh~ should and must be done as w~ll as anyone else-and better than.many. 105. The illegal and racist regime in Pretoria should not. be allowed to defy further the collective decisions of the international community. I call upon this body today to end the charade, to close ranks and to move with dis- patch to bring the South African Government to its senses, or to iis knees, befure we meet -here again for the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly. 106. Another important matter about which my Govern- ment feels very strongly is the question of mercenaries. The General Assembly has already touched on this'matter at two sessions without making any notable pro~~ss. 107. From jthe point of view or'a small devel<:;ping ~ country, for which self-defence is. difficult at the besto,f times, the need for ensuring combined and.(;:oncert~d .ac:" tionagainst mercenaries is of vital importance. 1 rt~ed do: no more than to cite the designs on the Commonwealth of Dominica by a group of Fascist adventurers, including some members of the Ku Klux Klan. 108. Barbados will continue to do 'all in its~wet'to work towards the early preparation of a. convent~on :~ga.i~st the recruitment, use, financing and training of merceQ- aries and urges all concerned countries not only 'to join in this attempt, but to apply the spirit of the future conven- tion even before its letter has taken. shape. 109. We are extremely concenied' by the recent turn .of events in the Middle East, which would seem to put any hope of ~ reasonable solution further out of reach. h is ourho~ that the actors in the area, as well as the reac'" tors from other areas, will find the magnanimity to look beyond purely narrow self-interest and work towards guar- anteeing peace and security in the region. Beliz~., ,.: ~ ill.' We note with satisfaction that, after a series of ne-- gotiations between Belize, the United Kingdom and Guatemala, the terms of the resolution are being imple- mented and. that three days ago Belize became indepen- dent and will tomorrow, we hope, become a Member of the Organization. Barbados rejoices with the. people of Belize: However, there is a tinge of sadness in all this, . becal1seBelize's neighbour has not acknowledged its inde- pendence. 112. We call on all countries in the area to give general support to Belize, whose territorial integrity and sov- ereignty' must be upheld. We hope that there will be no necessity to take any action other than the steps which have already been given full publicity. 113. 'Last week we had the pleasure of welcoming Van- uatu to the family. Later in this session, we may have the pleasure of welcoming another State, the Caribbean island ofl'Antigua; , 114. These developments underline the continuing suc- cess of the United Nations in achieving solutions to seem- ingly intractable problems. The Government of Barbados believes the Organization has the capacity to influence world opinion for the good of all mankind. Let us to- gether keep that faith alive. 115. Mr. CZYREK (Poland)* We should like the Presi- dent to accept our'sincere congratulations on his well-de-' served election· to the exalted and responsible post of President of the.thirty-sixth session of the General Assem- bly. 116. Let me also take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Rudiger von Wechmar, for tile manner in which he presided over the proceedings of the thirty-fifth session. 117. . I wish to address our grateful appreciation to the Secretary-General for his dedicated and unflagging efforts to strengthen international security and promote peaceful co-operation. . 118. As a founder of the United Nations and an un- swerving advocate of the liberation of all colonial and de,. ~ndent peoples and countries, Poland welcomes its one hundred and fifty-fifth Member, the Republic of Vanuatu, and- wishes its· people every success in developing its statehood. 119. The thirty-sixth session' is convening in the first year of a new decade of efforts aimed at the implementa- tion of the lofty purposes and principles of the Charter of the Uniteq Nations. The decade that endei last year will pass into. the history of international relatiorts as a period of painstaking, though not always successful,,,endeavours 120. The policy of detente has brought tangible benefits to the whole world, to all States and peoples. It has proved above all that among the participants in the- pro- cess of detente there are no losers, that within humanity's practical reach there lies the possibility not only of ban- ishing and burying the spectre of war, but also of embark- ing on specific action towards the just settlement of inter- national disputes by means of negotiations and -towards the development of equi~~,hleand mutually profitable co- operation between States with.different social and pOliti- cal systems. We are greatly disturbed, however, that the world is entering its new decade in a qualitatively differ- ent situation, fraught with serious threats that impair many of the achievements of the seventies. 121. Contrary to the noble objectives Qf the current Sec- ond Disarmament Decade, the arms race continues un- checked. We are confronted with a situation in which it is becoming not only more intense, but also more universal. It constitutes the central problem of our times; it ad- versely affects the security of all States; it saddles na- tional economies with a huge burden, especially in the case of those countries which are at this stage overcoming the effects of underdevelopment. Decisions concerning deployment of 'new medium-range nuclear weapons in Western Europe and the production of new kinds of nu- clear arms, like the neutron weapons, offer a striking il- lustration of the intensification of the arms race. 122. . Extremely disturbing in present international rela- tions are the attempts to revive the ill-famed policy based on strength. They are governed by a short-sighted logic, since the unequivocal message of the whole of the past 36 years is that in the present-day world an imperialist policy based on strength is a throwback, both dangetol,ls and· risky. It undermines confidence in international relations. Its effect has been and still is to generate tensions Which push humanity towards the quicksands of self-destruction. 123. Regional and local conflicts continue to be a source of growing tensions. Not only have most of them remained unsolved thus far, but new flashpoints have ap- peared. . 124. This unfavourable picture of the international situa- tion also includes a stalemate in the implementation·of the new international economic order. Attaining prompt agreenlent on effective measures to increase the rate of growth of the developing countries has become' a particu- larly burning problem. . 125. In the world of today, the connection between the establishment of peaceful relations on our planet and the requirements of the social and economic development of nations and of the whole international community is be- coming clearer than ever. It rests on two crucial premises. 126. Respect for these rights is especially important for us in Poland. In the recent historical past, their total vio- lation resulted in a holocaust for millions of Poles, vic- tims of barbarian Nazis. It took the great common victory over fascism, the transformations of the socialist system and our alliances to guarantee us a peaceful existence and to give us the chance to tackle the challenges of develop- ment in today's world. (\ 127. The Polish delegation has arrived at the present session well aware of the necessity of fIrmly counteracting everything that worsens the international situation and ready to make an active contribution to the Organization's joint efforts to reverse world trends of negative develop- ment. We conceive of Poland's traditional involvement in mOUlding peaceful relations in Europe and in the world at large also in the context of our efforts to surmount the serious problems and diffIculties which our country is currently experiencing. 128. I said from· this rostrum at the previous session [10th meeting] that we are tackling and solving those problems with absolute openness and discretion, within the framework of our nation's indisputable record of ac- complishment and in accordance with our principles, our socialist political system and the rule of law. We have remained faithful to this policy. It was reaffirmed in full by the Ninth Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party last July and in the successive resolutions of the Polish Parliament. We shall fIrmly defend it against all anti-socialist internal threats, aided as they are at times from the outside. 129. We are aware that the situation in Poland is fol- lowed with keen interest in the world. We understand the concern and anxiety of our friends that we successfully overcome our diffIculties, in· the interest of strengthening socialist Poland as a steadfast member of the socialist community of States, in the interest of that community's strength and security, and as a stabilizing factor of peace- ful order in Europe. All this is ow' common concern. We are grateful for the great"assistance and understanding which at this trying time we are receiving from our allies and friends, most of all me Soviet Union. 130. We highly appreciate the sympathetic approach to our problems of many States with which we have tradi- tional ties of co-operation. It must, however, be noted that there are also forces which would wish to trade on events in Poland for purposes of discrediting socialism, under- mining the cohesion of the community of socialist States, interfering in our internal affairs, fomenting tensions and justifying the arms race, for purposes of threatening inter- national peace and security. To such forces our answer is a categoric "No". Poland needs peace, both internal and external. Poland will defend these supreme values consis- tently and with unyielding determination. 131. Poland's present and future are inseparably bonnd up with socialism. This is also in keeping with the fund~­ ..rfiental axioms of the Polisl),raison d'etat. It is only such ~ .,/ J 132. The quality of internation~l relations depends and will continue to depend substantially on the state of So- viet-American relations. Indeed, they represent an objec- tive element of the relationship of forces. and of the prQ- cess of ensuring security in the contemporary world. 133. Poland would welcome improvement· of l'elations between the Soviet Union and the United States. It would be to the benefIt not only of the two nationsconcetned, but also of the peaceful existence and co-operation of all nations. This is, in fact, the objective at which numerous Soviet initiatives are aimed. 134. The second requirement is intensifIcation of posi- tive action in the area of international security and dis- armament. The experience of the past few years has, shown that fomenting distrust, the influence of the mili- tary-industrial complexes, the argument that the arma- ments of the other side must be matched and, most re- cently, the highly dangerous doctrines of military superiority and the possibility ofa limited nuclear war rob disarmament negotiations of their essential dynamism and effectiveness. What is nt!eded, therefore, is the will and political perception of the imperative of real disarm&- ment.. 135. We view the following points as of special impor- tance: the readiness to resume negotiations on the limita- tion of strategic arms and on medium-range nuclear weap- ons in Europe; the proposal for an agreement on widening the scope of confIdence-building measUres; and creative support for the idea of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in northern Europe. A signifIcant means of limiting arma- ments would be the conclusion of a treaty on the prohibi- tion of the stationing of weapons of any kind in outer space. A proper platform for fundamental negotiations on the basic problems of the contemporary world might be created by a high-level meeting of members of the Se- curity Council and possibly leaders 'of· other interested States. It is with special attention that we have noted the important proposal contained in the statement made from this rostrum by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Andrei Gromyko, concerning the adoption by the General Assembly of a declaration on preventing·a nuclear catastrophe [7th meeting, para: 116]. Particularly noteworthy is the profoundly humanistic essence of the new initiative. We extend our full support to all these pro- posals. 136. We place considerable hope in the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. An appropriate contribution to a well-prepared special session would be long-awaited progress in the Committee on Disarmament, at Geneva, at least over the issues where it is being held up not so much by substantive dis.. agreement as by the absence of the politic~.will neces- sary for their successful resolution. We set great store by universalization and strict implementation of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, tied to guaran- 138. The third condition for a fairer outlook on the in- ternational horizon is the elimination of conflicts and focal points of tension. There is now an ominous prospect of a dangerous belief in the "normality" of wars taking root in the minds of societies and desensitizing them to human injustice and suffering. There is, therefore, in the fIrst place, a very pressing need for discontinuing the im- perialist policy based on strength, for rejecting h~gemo­ nism, and for eradicating the remnants of colonialism, neo-colonialism and racism. The vast majority of current conflicts and crisis situations are precisely a direct prod- uct of these negative phenomena. They are also derived from failure to recognize the realities and ~istorical pro- cesses. 139. This is the situation in the'Middle East, where we still await a solution of the basic problem, that of assufing . the Arab people of Palestine independent statehood. Until such time as this issue is made an integral part of a com- prehensive rather thana separatist formula, attempts to ease tensions in this region will remain fruitless. 140. This is the situation in southern Africa, where a glaring example of neo-colonialism has been the recent aggression by the racist regime in South Africa against Angola. We roundly condemn this brutal new step and support in full the decisions taken so far by the United Nations against the policies of apartheid and on the ques- tion of Namibia as summed up to resounding effect at the recently completed eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly. 141. This is the situation in South-East Asia, where the peoples of Indochina are plagued by non-recognition of. realities and interference in their internal affairs. They are revealingly disclosed in the absence from this Hall of the representatives of the People's Republic of Kampuchea. In our opinion, the solution to problems in this region must spring from the position of the Governments directly con- c~rned. We therefore support the latest. proposal~ of the three Indochinese States in this regard [see A/36/86, an- nexes 1 and 11], which we find conStr'\lctive. 142. As timely as ever remain the initiatives of the Gov- ernment of Afghanistan regarding normalization of the sit- uation in South-West Asia. They have our full support. 143. I also voice our firm solidarity with the struggle of the Korean people for the settlement of the question of Korea on the basis of the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. ' 1.44. Our growing concern is aroused· by the mounting tide of international terrorism, both in its State form, as exemplified by the unprecedented Xsraeli attack on Iraqi nuclear installations, and in its individual manifestations. 145. Finally, there is the fourth, though not least impor- tant, factor in improving the climate in the world: estab- lishing a new and just economic order and surmounting through joint efforts the crisis developments in itlterna- tional economic co-operation. Destructive attempts con- tinue to be made to subordinate economic relations with other countries to political and strategic considerati()ns. EqUality, non-discrimination and reciprocal benefit are the basic principles of a healthy world system of economic relations. 146. Their present condition has pinpointed with partic- ular clarity the necessity of their restructuring, taking spe- cific account of the interests of the developing countries, particularly the least developed ones. A creative role can and should be played here by global negotiations consis- tent with the progressive objectives of the new interna- tional economic order and the International Development Strategy. Focusing as it does all shades of interests and needs, the Unite . QS system is best equipped to meet these requ' ments. T~ sooner there begins to be an improvement in the world pg\itical situation and the more tangible the effi ts of disarm8p1ent agreements in better- ing standards of n"ing, the more qur.;;k!y can this goal be achieved. \ 147. The Organizati'On-is--after all a mirror of the 'com- plicated condition of the surrounding world. This requires all the more a joint effort of all who are genuinely ready to strive to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war" and who look upon the United Nations as indeed a "centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends". 148. It is with such an approach tllat the Polish delega- tion is participating in the thirty-sixth session. Stemming from the humanistic nature of the socialist. system, our foreign policy has complete endorsement iQ. the Charter of the United Nations. Even in periods of gravest tension we have patiently sought solutions and explored avenues to keep international dialogue alive. We are follOwing the same course today in spite of the domestic problems we are facing. 149. Together with its socialist allies, Poland has been unsparing in its efforts and perseverance with a view to improving the international climate, particularly on the corJtinent in the heart of which we are situated. Europe is the common home of the peoples inhabiting it. Poland has been and will be among the pioneers of the struggle for peace, for European detente, security and co-opera- tion. This accounts for the efforts we had made in con- vening the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe and in the process of implementing the Final Act of the Conference. It also determines our stance at the Vieooa talks on the reduction of armed forces and arma- ments in central Europe. For this same reason, we uphold the proposal discussed at the Madrid meeting of represen- .tatives of European and North American States to con- vene in Warsaw .'i conference on military detente and dis- armament in Eljrope~ By the same token, we are actively participating in United Nations disarmament efforts. This, too, is the meaning of the appeal addressed by the Ninth Congress of the Polish United Workers' Party to our part- 151. We feel close to the just aspirations of the develop- ing countries. Aside from our traditional solidarity with their struggle",for full political and economic emancipa- tion, we declare our readiness to co-operate on a partner- ship basis in all areas of mutual interest. In order to serve their further development we are ready to make available a substantial number of Polish experts and specialists. We positively view the endeavours of the many developing nations which treat social progress as all integral part of development. NarES I AHG/105 (XVIII). 2 See AlS-1lI14, annex I. 3 North-South: A program for survival; report of tbe Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the Chainnan- ship of Willy Brandt (Cambridge; Massachusetts, The MIT Press, 1980). 4 Ibid.. p. 14.