A/36/PV.14 General Assembly

For reasons of brevity, given the lengthy agenda of the pres~nt session of the General Assembly, the delega- tion of Paraguay will refer only to a few items that call for its immediate attention. 2.. Mr. President, we wish you success in the important functions entrusted to you, and we hope that at the end of your term we will be congratulating you, as we now con- gratulate Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar for the skill with which he conducted the thirty-fifth session. We also wish to thank the Secretariat and its distinguished and diligent head, Mr. Kurt Waldheirn, for the assistance they have rendered to the Organization during the past year. 3. We welcome the two new States of Vanuatu and Be- lize on their joining the United Nations, and we present our best wishes to them for the prosperity Wld well-being of their respective peoples. 4. Peace, the raison d'etre and supreme purpose of the 1945 Charter, is a source of continuous concern for us, dominating our meetings and constantly challenging the ingenuity of our c.reative capacities. 5. It is natural that it should be thus, for, without excep- tion, we are all here to speak of peace: to praise it, to call for it, and to defend it. All of us, every one, are un- swerving protagonists in' this common effort, and all con- ventionalism vanishes before that inevitable equality. We all have the right to express our opinions on the state of the world, where peace is concerned. 6. In this bnportant field, the world is reelin! from one shock after another. It is true that war, terror apd crime cast shadows on our hopes, threaten them and even ann;- hilate them. We need only go over the geography of our planet in order to fmd that every day violence reigns. We raise our voice here to denounce it, as in the case of Afghanistan, which has been trampled underfoot by the invasion of Soviet troops, or that of Kampuchea, which has been militarily occupied by Vietnamese forces. The Middle East and various regions of Africa are also hot- beds of tension jeopardizing world peace. 7. I~ is because every effort must be made to preserve peace that my delegation favours a proposal made by President Chun.of the Republic of Korea aimed at bring- ing about a resumption of talks, at the highest level, with the People's Democratic Republic of Kore~ with a view to reaching an honourable solution that would ensure a peaceful future for the peninsula in which, in the not-too- distant past, the United Nations made such great efforts. The Koreans themselves must, in an independent and peaceful manner, resolve the question of. Korea-which for 36 years has been divided-through direct negotia- tions between the North and the South of the peninsula. Accordingly, it would be most desirable for the Secretary- General to conti,.ilJe the efforts that began in 1979. 8. The Americas are also feeling the scourge of vio- lence. For more than two years the Republic of El Sal- vador has been prey to the ravages of a·war of extermina- tion, which is being encouraged by sinister, designs of political domination. In keeping with its tradition of com- plete respect for the sovereignty of· others, Paraguay re- jects any attempt at bringing El Salvador under a power other than one that is freely and democratically chosen by the Salvadorian people themselves. 9. Accordingly, because my country has cons~stently de- fended the principle of non-intervention-and the Assem- bly will recall the case of Nicaragua, which in 1979 was },~otable for Paraguay's single and solitary vote-we re- pudiate any attempt at foreign interference in that tor- mented sister Republic. It is a pleasure and a source of pride for me to say that the international position of my country in this I~gard has never wavered nor shifted one iota. We are faithful, loyal and convincl~ performers of our international commitments and t!)e governing princi- ples maintaining the dignity of nations. 10. My country has understandably taken an interest in everything which has to do with the law of the sea since the start of the conferences on that issue almost a quarter of a century ago. We are a country without a coastline, but our situation as a landlocked country is a challenge which we must meet with dauntless will. We must over- come the obstacles that limit our access to the sea and seek other beklefits from it; thus, protected by the future convention, my country will at the appropriate time re- quest the legitimate advantages to which it is. entitled. .12. An annual growth rate of 10.4 per cent, a rate of mflation lower than 16 per cent, a favourable balance of payments for 10 years, per capita income above $1,000, an exchange rate between the guaranf and the dollar wh!ch has remaine~ practically unchanged for 20 years, a national budget without deficit and a considerable in- crease in exports-all are eloquent data which we in Para- guay can show today. 13. As has been so nghtly stated by President Stroessner in his message last 1 April to the National Congress: ': ... our powerful reality is the fruit of peace, whlch we have been able to affirm and which we are yvilling .to defend with all our energy, without ever giv- Ing. up In the struggle against factors which oppose our natIOnal greatness. We have replaced the opprobrious regime of anarchy by freedom with order. We are not interested in any democracy which means the weakness of free institutions and sterile demagoguery. For us, de- mocracy represents the rule of the popular will within a framework of law. For us, freedom means the recon- ciliation of all rights with a view to the common good." 14. The Government of President Stroessner has a for- ~ign policy. based on full respect for the norms of interna- tIOnal coexIstence and the promotion of ties of solidarity with those countries which share the same ideals of inde- pendence, democracy and freedom. 15. Paraguay has throughout its history maintained a well-defined American position, which in the course of this century has led it to take an active part in all political and economic organizations which have been established in the continent and to which we naturally belong by rea- son of geography or trade links. 16. By reason of the same principles of solidarity and integration, Paraguay participates in the River Plata Basin System, in order to speed up the economic and social development of one of the potentially most wealthy re- gions in Latin America. With regard to specific achieve- ments, my country has begun construction of two major hydroelectric plants on the Parami River-one in conjunc- tion with Brazil. which will have an installed capacity of 12.6 million kilowatts and the other with Argentina, with an installed capacity of 4.2 million kilowatts. These major sources of energy open up tremendous possibilities for the River Plata basin and will be true monuments to the fruit- ful and creative peace in which many million people will live. This is our significant contribution to the well-being and progress of mankind. 18. The policy of open criminal interference in the inter- nal affairs of other States practised by Fidel Castro, a kindred satellite of a super-Power, was experienced by Par- aguay in 1959 and in 1960 when international brigands who entered our country across the long border with Ar- gentina were found to be in possession of weapons and equipment belonging to the Cuban army. That attempted invasion, the sinister design of which was to bring com- munism to my country, was severely repulsed by the Para- guayan people themselves taking up arms and by the reg- ular army of the nation. Paraguay severed diplomatic and consular relations with Cuba in 1960 and ever since then has maintained unchanged its position of repudiation of Fidel Castro's bloody tyranny. My country never compro- mised by granting that regime concessions which proved fatal for other nations of the Americas. That is why we are not surprised or frightened by the bullying attitude of the arrogant Minister.

The outstanding per- sonal qualities which the representative of Iraq brings to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly assure its success. We sincerely congratulate him on his election. Our delegation pledges its full sup- port and co-operation. 20. A special tribute is owed to his predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Ger- many. He earned the admiration of all for the keen wisdom and outstanding skill with which he conducted the deliberations of the thirty-fifth session, as well as those of the special session held this year. 21. Our delegation is again grateful to the Secretary- General for his unstinting efforts to promote peace and development throughout the world. 22. The, Government and people of Jamaica warmly wel- come the recent advance of the people of Belize to inde- pendence. Bound as we have been by close and varied ties for many years, Jamaica joined with many in sup- porting the legitimate struggle of the people of Belize for unfettered sovereignty and territorial integrity. That strug- gle has been conducted with persistence and dignity. Much praise is also due to the non-aligned movement, in which Belize had a special place, for making the cause of Belize its own. 23. On this happy occasion we extend our most cordial congratulations to the Government and people of Belize, and look forward to continued close and fruitful relations. We wish for them a prosperous and secure future. They can be assured of our unstinted efforts on their behalf as they seek to participate fully in the international commu- nity. 24. We also extend a warm welcome to Vanuatu, which has recently joined our community of nations. 25. Jamaica fully recognizes that the international com- munity has become increasingly interdependent. Indeed, 27. In our view the most urgent task confronting the countries of Latin America is that of halting and reversing the impoverishment, stagnation and in some cases decline of already low standards of living for our people. It is equally important to do so within political and institu- tional parameters which do not circumscribe or threaten their fundamental rights and freedoms. 28. In this respect, it is the unshakable conviction of the Government of Jamaica that the understandable aspirations of the people of the region to social and economic ad- vancement cannot be met or fully realized in an environ- ment in which democratic processes and fundamental freedoms are imperiled. 29. Jamaica continues, therefore, to be deeply con- cerned at certain events elsewhere in the region. We also frankly acknowledge our scepticism and fundamental dif- ference of opinion regarding the viability of some other political strategies and approaches to the .region's sociai and economic problems. But Jamaica continues to main- tain as a matter of fundamental principle and policy our ~ognition and acceptance of the right of States and peo- ples to choose freely their own path to social and eco- nomic development. This we believe to be not only an inherently sound and logical principle in a community of sovereign States, but one which, if practised and adhered to by all States, will ensure that it is the people of our region themselves who determine their own future. 30. It is necessary and timely to reiterate this becaus~ the geographic location of the Caribbean has imparted to the area an unhappy history as a prime theatre of com- petition in the ideological, strategic and, in an earlier pe- riod, colonial conflicts of major Powers. That era and the policies it entails must fully and fInally be put behind by all States, whether within or outside of this hemisphere. 31. The people in many countries of the region are seeking to chart a new course for the future. We are con- vinced that the time is opportune for our region to be- come a theatre of co-operation. Jamaica is gratified that there has been some response to its call for concerted efforts of economic assistance to the region as part of a renewed assault on social and economic deprivation in the Caribbean basin. 32. The elusive goal of economic transformation, which we believe to be consonant both with the aspirations of our people and the best interests of the international com- munity, will not be met in the foreseeable fu~re without large-scale assistance and increased economic. and func- tional co-operation within our region. \ 34. But at this point, and particularly in the context of the history of my own region, I would wish to express Jamaica's concern at the heightening level of international tension and polarization. This is for us, as it must be for the entire international community, a cause for grave un- ease. We can but be hopeful that events do not indeed portend the chill wind of the cold war. 35. Jamaica is well aware that in our region, a!' else- where, peace and development are inextricably linked and are certain casualties of rising tension and exacerbated disputes. This is the spirit in which we repeat our call for the establishment of a zone of peace in the Caribbean and emphasize our Government's general support for and en- couragement of such policies and measures as serve to lessen tension and promote peace irl the region. 36. Jamaica is aware that if the 19808 are to become, in economic terms, a watershed decade for Latin America and the Caribbean, as for other developing countries, cer- tain adverse trends in the international environment must be reversed, and certain pressing issues of interest to the global community must be addressed soon. 37. Recent trends towards confrontation and militarism are contributing to the weakening of the fabric of interna- tional security. There is now a new momentum in the es- calation of the arms race and in the resurgence of the notion that force and military power are necessary ele- ments for national existence. The arsenals of nuclear'and conventional weapons that have been accumulated threaten the very survival of man on this planet and mock our alleged rational}ty. The nuclear-weapon Powers should le~d the way and begin to curtail further nuclear.weapon development. Now, more than ever, we need to strengthen the non-proliferation regime, to have universal application of effective safeguards and to put a stop to vertical pro- liferation. 38.· The buildup of increasingly sophisticated conven- tional weapons and the dramatic increase in international trade in arms over the last decade are also cause for great anxiety. Sadly, developing countries, often a theatre for war in recent times, have become an important market for weapons. This squandering of scarce resources on spirall- ing military \.mdgets has to be halted and reversed. 39. All States have accepted that the goal of general and complete disarmament is both desirable and attainable. It is time that this consensus on the principle be translated into a consensus for action. It is our expectation that the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly on disarmament in 1982 will produce new and more effective approaches to disarmament. ~ave already been identified by a broad consensus in the international community. They involve, first, the with- drawal of Israel from territories occupied in the 1967 war; secondly, the implementation of the right of the Palestin- ian people to self-determination and national indepen- dence; and, ~hirdly, the establishment of appropriate ar- rangements to enable all States in the region, including Israel, to exist in peace and security within their recog- nized boundaries. These elements would require adjust- ments of position on the part .of all the parties concerned !lnd would.establish a basis for negotiating a just and last- ingpeace. . 41. At present Lebanon is being absorbed into the Mid- dle East conflict and is being tom apart by forces from without and within. The tragedy of Lebanon is the trag- edy of a small country caught helplessly in the cross-fire of a larger conflict. But we cannot abandon Lebanon to this fate. What is necessary is stronger international sup- port for the Government of Lebanon in its efforts to ex- tend its authority throughout the entire country. The time has come for the United Nations to insist on the with-. drawal of all foreign troops from Lebanon. In addition, we require an end to the attacks by Israel, an end to out- side exploitation of internal divisions and an end to inter- ference in the internal affairs of Lebanon. 42. Elsewhere, there are conflicts and tensions of vary- ing degrees and intensity. None of them appears as intrac- table as that of southern Africa. There, the racist regime of South Africa, with the support of its newly acknowl- edged ally,. continues to maintain an illegal colonial domi- nation of Namibia and to entrench further the inhuman policY'Df apartheid. We reiterate our total condemnation of the system of apartheid and our full support for the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and its struggle to liberab)' Namibia. .. 43. On the Korean peninsula stubborn problems await a peaceful negotiated solution, but we note the encouraging signs of practical proposals for the resumption of a di- alogue. In South-East. Asia the withdrawal of one super- Power has not brought the hoped-for peace and tran- quility. Intervention and pretensions of domination have aroused instabilit~ ~lDd fear, instead of the needed trust and co-operation. 44. This year Jamaica had the honour of being chosen as the site of the International Seabed Authority. Once again we should like to thank the international community for this honoutThe Government and people of Jamaica are gratified at the trust placed in them and give the as- surance that everything is being done to live up to that trust. We look forward to acting as hosts to the prepara- tory commission as soon as it is established. Like the vast 45. The world economy today is beset by difficulties and uncertainties. The pace of world economic growth has fallen to its lowest level since the recession of 1975. .This has been accompanied by a slow-down in the expan- sion of world trade, by worsened imbalances in current account, by increasing unemployment and by accelerated inflation rates reaching levels unknown for many years. No country or group of countries has been able to escape their effects. . 46. These difficulties are but a reflection of the underly- ing structural maladjustments and the persisting lack of equity in international economic relations. 47. The economic circumstances of the North cannot be divorced from those of the South. Attempts by countries to find individual solutions have not worked. In fact, the , restrictive policies pursued to combat inflation in the in- dustrialized countries have not brought prices under con- trol. Instead they have adversely affected world trade amI have contributed to a further deterioration in the global economy. As the economic crisii~ persists we witness an intensification of protectionist tendencies in the indus- trialized countries. But resort to such measures merely serves to impede the structural adjustment process and leads to a contraction in world trade. 48. At no other time in history has the reality of inter- dependence been more evident. At no other time has there been a greater shared need to find solutions and to formulate collective policies. The international commu- nity must commit itself to managing the process of change, which is so vital to us all, if we are to achieve peace, equity and growth. 49. Jamaica is still convinced that one such opportunity lies in the launching of global negotiations which will al- low us to treat vital issues such as money· and finance, trade, energy, raw materials and food in a coherent and integrated manner. The launching of the negotiations is already one year behind schedule. Time is not on our side, and we cannot afford to wait much longer. We must take a decision at this session to launch the global nego- tiations. 50. We haveJust seen a temporary slow-down in the movement of world oil prices. It is, however, no more than that-a temporary halt in the rise of world oil prices. The international community should not delude it- self with visions of a glut in oil supplies on the world market and a consequent fall in the price of crude oil. Not even a stabilization in the world price of oil is to be expected. 51. The high cost of energy and high interest rates in the capital markets of the world are still the major obsta- cles which lie in the way of development for us, the en- ergy-deficient oil-importing developing countries. These two major items render all current development program- ming an exercise in futility. The re(.urrent deficits con- tinue to rise for the oil-importing developing countries; they were over $80 billion last year. This major aggregate of deficit must be financed at ruinous rates of interest. 53. The inability of the international community to find measures for implementing the Nairobi Programme has not removed the need for energy investment in developing countries. The energy-deficient developing countries still need to diversify their sources of energy supply away from oil and gas. , 54. The Jamaican delegation regards it as a major mis- fortune that the World Bank has been unable to embark upon the expanded programm~ of energy investment which the proposed energy affiliate would have made possible. It has been unable to do so because important members of the Bank -are opposed to its creation. The investment which is required cannot be financed by pri- vate enterprise. Jamaica therefore calls upon the indus- trialized countries and those developing countries which possess surplus resources of cash to, expedite .their nego- tiations so as to bring the energy affiliate of the World Bank into existence as rapidly as possible. 55. It is in the context of energy needs that my Prime Minister proposed at the Nairobi Conference2 the estab- lishment of a centre for research and development of new and renewable sources of energy, and a means of promot- ing equipment which will bring important energy supplies within the reach of the poorer rural people of the world. Jamaica has discovered that a long road will probably have to be traversed by the sponsors of our energy centre before the centre is established, but we shall reach the end of that road in due course. The Jamaican delegation expresses the hope that the decision to establish a centre for research and development of new and renewable sources of energy will be made before the end of another regular session of the General Assembly. 56. The interest of the world community in having bal- anced and sustained economic growth and development will not be met if the critical needs of any group of coun- tries are ignored. The growth and dynamism of the inter- national economic system as a whole can be assured only if we ensure the growth and development of its compo- nent parts. This is perhaps the single most important les- son to be leamed when we look at the p-:..•l'ormance of the international econ~my over the years. 57. It is a disturbing history of uneven growth, depres- sions and recessions. Indeed, even the crisis we now face is the result of insufficient regard for what on the face of it should be a truism: the whole can only be as buoyant as its parts. That is why Jamaica is increasingly con- cerned at the growing tendency in the international com- munity to underestimate the needs of the so-called mid- dle-income developing countries at this juncture of their development. This, we believe, carries with it a.regretta- ble element of myopia and does not augur \\>ell for the future dynamism of the world economy as a wbole. 59. Jamaica believes that the international community, without prejudice to the real and pressing needs of others, must take seriously the need to assist middle-income countries in such areas as diversification and strengthen- ing of export capacity, inducing high levels of investment flows into their development, improving the terms of their access to the international capital markets and removing tariff and non-tariff barriers to their exports. That is not an exhaustive list, but those are measures which we be- lieve are suited to the needs of many middle-income countries and which therefore urgently recommend' them- selves if dynamic and sustained growth is to be generated within this group. 60. Jamaica is pleased to find that the developing coun- tries have at last decided to devote serious attention to economic co-operation among themselves. We are pleased with the Programme of Action that was approved at the High Level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held at Caracas last May [see A/36/333 and Corr.I]. We thank those countries' which have offeted to host the series of expert groups which have been identified and trust that these groups win pur- sue their programme of activities with vigour and"will discover how wide an area of co-operation is still open to devc:loping countries without assistance from the devel- oped world. 61. The industrialized countries are sometimes heard ex- pressing the view tha~ agencies in the' United Nations family should reserve their resources exclusively.for ac- tivities which are universal in character and which con- cern all Members of the United Nations. It is said that to apply resources and facilities in order to deal with prob- lems which are of direct concern only to one group of States Members of the United Nations is to misuse such resources. Economic co-operation among develqping countries i~ sometimes singled out for that p31""ticular criti- cism. 62. Jamaica most strongly dissents from that view. It cannot be said that economic co-operation among devel- oping countries should not be a major concern of the United Nations because it is of interest to only 130 or 135 of the 156 Members of the United Nations.. It is neither parochial nor a misuse of resources for UNCTAD or UNDP or IMF to devote resources and manpower to mat- ters which are of interest primarily to the developing countries of this Organization. 63. What greater anomaly is there than the devoting of our human and material resources to arms while in this very Assembly, year after year, we continue to hear that in many parts of our globe man is losing the struggle against hunger and malnutrition? stunte~ by malnutrition."3 65. The failure to eradicate hunger within the decade is a glaring reminder of the priorities of the international community. 66. That pledge will not be kept, not because of any intrinsic impossibility of attainment but simply because the food problem has not been treated seriously enough by the international community, nor have efforts at the national level, tin most cases, been anywhere near suffi- cient. 67. Food production will continue to lag in the develop- ing world, unless effective measures of agrarian refonn, tax credit and investment policies, improvement of the rural infrastructure and appropriate education and exten- sion programmes are carried out. Jamaica notes with con- cern that food production is further hamp::red by the in- creasing cost of inputs such as energyalild feniHzers and by high interest rates. 68. The establishment of IFAD and the recent cl~ation of a food facility within IMF had proffered SDme hlope, but, unfortunately, there has been a growing resistance to prcvid- ing more funds for IFAD. Jamaica hopes that the major contributors to IFAD will"be able to conclude negotiations wi~ regard to the replenishment of that Fund's resources at arieatly. date~This' is· an urgent matter. 69. We urge the intenlational community to recognize fUlly the urgency and dimensions of the food crisis and to do all that is necessary to ensure that the call of tbe Inter- national Devel~pment Strategy for the· Third United Na- tions" Development Decade [General Assembly resolution 351561 for the elimination of hunger and malnutrition at least by the end of the century does not begin to ring hollow. 70. All of us as States Members of this noble Organiza- tion are custodians of the hopes and aspirations of man- kind for peace and security and for a better way of life. We must translate these aspirations into realities. There- fore let us summon anew our energies; let us pledge our- selves anew to the principles and objectives of the Char- ter; let us act wisely, lest; as custodians of the future, we betray irrevocabl:' that trust which has been placed in us. 71. Allow me to close with a few words which are taken from a UNICEF calendar of some two decades ago but which I think are still relevant: "There shall be peace on earth, But not until each child shall daily eat his fiU, Go warmly clad against the winter wind, And learn his lessons with a tranquil mind And, thus released from hunger, fear and need, Regardless of his colour, race or creed, Look upward smiling to the skies, His faith in man reflected in his eyes. U 73. May I also congratulate his predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, who presided over the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly with such dedication and distinction. We have no~ed his persistent efforts during his presidency to seek solutions to the major and pressing problems of our time, particularly in the area of international economic co-opera- tion. We wish him well in his new assignment and hope that he will continue to devote himself to these issues. 74. I wish also to pay a tribu.te to the Secretary-General for his commitment and tireless efforts in pursuit of the noble goals of the Orga..'liza!don. I am particularly happy to expT'~ss our appreciation for his dedicated services, since I ha~ the opportunity to work closely with him during the period that I was privileged to represent my country at the United Nations. '15. My delegation takes particular pride in welcoming into our midst the newly independent Republic of Vanuatu. The emergence of new countries from colonialism will always be a source of great joy to my country. . 76. In th~ same spirit, therefore, we warmly welcome the accession of Belize to independence and its membership in the Organization. 77. The agenda before the thirty-sixth session of the As- sembly is long and; in most cases, not new. Many items have remained on the agenda and have been debated over and over again. As solutions to these problems elude us, tensions continue to rise. In turn, these tensions make it even harder to search for lasting solutions: Problems that plagued the 1960s and the 1970s are still with us in the 1980s and have led to the creation of new and hitherto unknown problems which not only have added new dimen- sions to the old ones but have, in fact, compounded them. The world continues. to witness the worsening state of the international politkal and economic situation. The welfare of aI! nations and the well-being of all peoples are at stake. Amidst these disquieting developments, there is mounting disillusionment and even resignation among the peoples of the world. . 78. There are today dangerous signs symptomatic of the cold war and reminiscent of the early post-war period. The danger of polarization of the world has again cast the world into a state of extreme uncertainty.. The spirit of detente, which served to lubricate the relations between East and West, seems to be fading fast. All era of con- frontation, with its imponderable consequences,. appears to be superse(lmg dialogue and tolerance; there is amon- umental escalation of the arms race; and regional conflicts and areas of tension are multiplying. Unless the present trend is arrested, the threat to the very survival of the present and 'succeeding generations is very real indeed. 80. The problems'of the arms r~~e and disannament are much, too familiar to all of us, and I therefore need··not give a lengthy account of the issues involved. Perhaps the time has come when a mere restatement of the problems is not sufficient. There is a need to explore new ways and means to.cope with the problems of peace and security in the world. We must ask ourselves whether savingu'1e world from a nuclear holocaust is not a fair price to pay for our tolerance in diversity. The promotion of the prin- ciples of peaceful coexistence among all nations, ideologi- cal differences notwithstand~ng, can be an important de- veiGpment in the process of conflict resolution. Whether it be in the consideration.of the comprehensive'test ban treaty, the Indian Ocean or outer space, solutions will continu~ to elude us unless there is a finn commitment to peace through the restoration of confidence among States and a- mutual respect for the sovereignty, territorial integ- rity and independence of all States. 81. There can be no peace for people who continue to live in the darkness of humiliation or suffer the indignities of racism, colonialism and other fonns of domination. History teaches us that people who have been denied their funClamental rights have invariably stood up defiantly in defence of such rights. Their resistance has taken differ- ent forms. To those millions who are oppressed, who suf- fer the ordeal of colonial domination or foreign occupa- tion, or who face the nightmare of racial discrimination, the United N~tions must be a source of hope and inspira- tion. 82. While the decolonization process has perhaps been one of the most remarkable achievements of the United Nations, the final stages of this process seem to be the most difficult and painful. In Namibia, for example, we continue to witness colonial oppression and suffering which its peo- ple has gallantly resisted for decades. Oppression and suf- fering are rapidly being extended to peaceful independent States through aggression and m'ovocation by a racist minor- ity regime. 4 83. The numerous meetings at which the question of Namibia has been considered, culminating 10 the eighth emergency special session vfthe Assembly, are testimony to the importance which the international community attaches to this problem. This underlines the need for an urgent solution before peace and security in the region are put into further jeopardy. 84. As we had occasion to state during the Security Council debate on the issue in April,4 as well as during the eighth emergency special session [9{h meeting], we remain committed to the scrupulous impleII1entation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). In this process, we have ins,isted and shall continue to insist ~t first the 85. South Africa's continued intransigence and illegal occupation and use of the international Territory of Namibia as a spring-board for repeated acts {If aggression against the neighbouring front.;line States of the region are a matter for serious concern. Its recent massive aggres- sionagainst and -occ-upanon·of part of. the territory of, the People's Republic of Angola was carried out in total disdain for the reaction 'of the international community, as well as for its consequences for international peace and security. Tanzania, in concert with other African States, will continue to render all the necessary assistance and support to the people of Angola. 86. In South Africa apartheid constitutes a constant crime against that country's people and seriousiy threatens international peace and security. The General ASdembly would be talking in rather abstract terms of blatant vio- lation of human rights if it were found lacking in its com- mitment to the elimination of this evil. We say so because nations have not been lacking in expressions of verbal outrage against apartheid. Yet apartheid is still with us, certainly not because of its invincibility" but because of the failure of the international community to back con- demnations w~.th effective action. On our part, we will spare no effort in supporting the struggle against apartheid. In doing so, we are bound by our conviction that the system of apartheid is an affront to the dignity of man. Tanzania is also convinced that the process of total isolation of the Government of South Africa until it aban- dons its apartheid policies is aimed at averting conse- quences harmful to peace and security. 87. The explosive situation in the Middle East remains a source of serious concern to the world community. Thnzania continues to stress that peace in the region will continue to elude us if the root caUse of the conflict is not resolved. While the observance of the principle ofthe non-acquisi90n of territory by force·and respect fot the sovereignty,' inde- pendence and territorial integrity of all the States in the area are conditions necessary for the attainment of a genuine, viable and lasting solution to the problem, the core of the Middle East problem remains the continued denial of the iilalienable rightsof1he Palestinian people to self-detenni- nation, including the right toestabiish a homeland of their own. 88. We cannot make reference to the Middle East situa- tion without voicing our concern at the anguish and suf-' fering of Lebanon and its people. We support that coun- try's legitimate aspirations for the safeguarding of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity. 89. It is a matter of profound regret to my country that despite the efforts of the United Nations, the non-aligned 90.. We note with hope the possibility of a solution to the qaestion of Western Sahara. As the current Chainnan of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, Mr. Daniel T. Arap Moi, President of the Republic of Kenya, reported yesterday [llth meeting], the session of the Assembly held recently at Nairobi adopted important decisions which, inter alia, provide for a fair and free referendum in the Territory which wii~ enable the people of Westerq Sahara to deter- mine their own future. We are gratified that through the Org8l'Jzation of African Unity [OAU] it has been possible to establish a"'framework within which this problem can be settled. As a member of the Implementation Commit- tee, Thnzania will continue to work for the successful im- plementation of the recommendations adopted by the Committee at its session at Nairobi in August. 91. The problem of Cyprus remains unresolved. It is, however, a source of hO»6 th,11 the intercommunal talks have now gained momentum with the submission of com- prehensive proposals (\rtcompassing both the territorial and constitutional aspects. Those effor~s deserve the sup- port and encouragement of all of us so that they can culminate in a final and lasting solution which ensures the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non- alignment of Cyprus. 92. Developments in the Korean peninsula, Indo-China and' Afghanistan continue to preoccupy the Organization. While we strive'to search for viable solutions, we must continue to promote dialogue and eliminate courses of ac- tion which may further exacerbate tensions. . 93. We witness also the deepening of the world eco- nomic crisis, which continues to have particular1y severe consequences on the economies of the developing coun- tries. That crisis has led to a further deterioration of the terms of trade of the developing countries, slow economic growth, imported inflation and a sharp deterioration in their balance of payments. That situation aggrava1es the already poor economic conditions of the third world. 94. While the developing countries continue to bear the brunt of the world economic crisis because of the vul- nerability of their weak economies to external conditions beyond their control, the impacc of that crisis is also increasingly being felt by the developed countries. The impact of the crisis on the economies of the developed countries is characterized by high rates of inflation, wide- spread unemployment, recession and fluctuations in ex- change rates. Those conditions have led to widespread dis- satisfaction and social tension in the developed countries. Unilateral efforts by some developed countries to seek na- tional solutions to those global problems have not only failed to resolve such problems but have also had a severe cumulative impact on the economies of the developing countries. 95. The failure of those efforts to find lasting solutions to those global economic problems confirms our convic- tion that the present world economic crisis is structural 96. The demand for the new international economic order is not simply a moral appeal. It is a call for the attention of the world society to the interdependence of countries in economic development. For the truth is that in a world of economic interdependence, it is unrealistic to think that a solution to the economic problems of one part of the world can be achieved in isolation from' the rest of the world. Nor is it possible to deal with one issue in isolation from the rest, as there is always, a direct link between all the various issues of development. 97. The proposed global negotiations. offer the best framework for the, comprehensive, coherent, integrated and therefore effective treatment of the entire world eco- nomic malaise. It is the hope of my delegation7 therefore, that all efforts will be made during this, session of the Assembly to reach an agreement which would enable launching of the global negotiations as early as possible. Tanzania also looks forward to the forthcoming Interna- tional Meeting on Co-operation and Development to be held at Cancun, which we hope will provide the neces- sary positive political impetus and create an atmosphere which would be conducive'to progress in the currently stalled North-South negotiations on international eco- nomic co-operation. 98. The United Nations provides the most viable forum for the promotion of freedom, peace, justice, international security and co-operation. We must therefore endeavour to make it well equipped to face the new challenges be- fore us. The United Nations must truly become an effec- tive instrument for the promotion of world peace and eco~ nomic and social progress for all. if the Organization is to continue as an effective instrument for peace, the peo- ple of the world must place their confiderice in it. Our commitment to its aims and principles must likewise never be in doubt.

My delega- tion wishes to express its great satisfaction at Mr. Kittani's election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. As he is a fellow representative of an Asian State with which my country has very close rela- tions, it is also a source of great pleasure to us to see him preside over our deliberations. It is most fitting that one renowned for his commitment to the cause of co-operation among nations as well as for his deep dedication to the work of the Organization should lead us during the cUr- rent session. We are sure that he will distinguish himself and the Assembly through his leadership.' 100. My delegation also wishes to convey its deep ap- preciation to the outgoing President, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, for the efficienttnanner in which he guided the deliberations of the thirty-fifth session and the eighth emergency. special session. The record of his dedicated and deterntined leadership, especially in furthering inter- Wc J in which he has consistently promoted the objectives of the Organization and for tlle many initiatives that he took in the course of the year for the promotion of global peace. 102. My Government and people salute the Govern- ments and peoples of the Republic of Vanuatu, a neigh- bouring Pacific Ocean State, and Belize on the attainment of their independence. We welcome them warmlv to the Organization and look forward to fruitful co-oI>eration with their delegations. 103. While the decade of the 1970s was characterized by perplexing and complex problems, this was until recently also a world in which the danger of war between the great Powers had considerably lessened, thanks to an increased willingness to undertake negotiation rather than confronta- tion. We had in fact hailed detente as a process of great importance in easing the atmosphere of suspicion and en- mity, thereby greatly enhancing the prospect for more con- structive relations between all countries. Thus, the trend of events in the 1970s offered us hope that less emphasis would be put on armamants or ideological rivalry in the'conduct of international relations and that the world would be moving finally from strife and confrontation to peace and pros- perity. 104. Unfortunately, our optimism has proved ill- founded. Instead of a progressive relaxation of tension, once again confrontation and strife plague various regions of the world. Political and economic pressures, the use and threat of the use of force and subversion have again beCome dominant features of present-day l'Jlernational re- lations. Indeed, tensions have reached such frightening proportions that a minor conflict can now ignite a con- flagration or have repercussions of world-wide dimen- sions. 105. The crisis in detente has affected the security of the world, especially thatof the smaller and weaker na- tions. The continued stalemate in the North-South dialogue has further widened the inequalities between the industrialized nations and the third world. The intensified rivalry among great Powers, their frantic efforts to expand their spheu"es of influence and.domination and the escalation of the frenzied arms race to unprecedented levels have led to the worsening of the global situation and have dissipated the hopes for a stable world order. In brief, the world is relapsing into the old order of spheres of political and economic infl~ence based on hegemony and depen- dence. This tendency must be avoided, and our collective determination should be directed towards correcting this dangerous drift. 106. History has shown that such determination was evi- dent in and demonstrated by the non-aligned movement two decades ago when the world was on the. brink of war. As we obse~e the twentieth anniversary of' ~ founding with.a special item in the agenda of the· p}enaty\ meeting, it is fitting to recall that the movement made ve~y\ signifi- cant contributions to defusing the danger of confrontation 107. Now when the world is faced with the return of the old order of international power politics, the movement is again called upon to reassert its responsibility as an inde- pendent non-bloc factor and play a more decisive· role in the preservation and strengthening of peace and security. 108. Indeed, as the movement is commemorating the twentieth anniversary of its founding, we must all recog- nize that its continued strengthening is indispensable to arrest and reverse the frightening escalation of tension. The non-aligned States can respond to these challenges by stoutly upholding the true principles which they enunci- ated at Belgrade, by adhering to their political and eco- nomic systems, free from external pressures, and by re- fusing to be drawn into the antagonism of great-Power politics. 109. The non-aligned movement also recognizes its his- toric responsibility by playing a dynamic role in resolving international conflicts, especially in halting the ever~spiral­ ling arms race and in the establishment of a new system of intemational relations based on freedom, equality and jus- tice. I am confident that in this very difficult phase of international relations the contribution of the non-aligned countries to strengthening world peace, and their role, de- riving from their traditional strength, insights and dedica- tion, will become even more crucial and evident. This role will be played constructively, especially in the United Na- tions, for the peaceful resolution of disputes and for strengthening the Organization and its efficacy. 110. My dele:sation would now like to address itself to some of the major problems affecting various parts of the world, problems that have·continued to occupy our atten- tion. 111. There has been no change in the situation in Kam- puchea. There has been no withdrawal of foreign troops, and no elected government has been installed to give ex- pression to the people's right of self-determination. Against this bleak background, it is indeed heartening to note that the International Conference-on Ka~puchea was held in July with the participation of an overwhelming majority of States Members of the United Nations. thus underscoring the international dimensions of the conflict. 112. The Conference adopted a set of proposals that could lead to a comprehensive political solution by bring- ing together the warring factions in the peace process. Noteworthy among those proposals are measures for the withdrawal of foreign forces, a cease-fire and the disann- ing of all factions so that elections supervised by the United Nations can be held, thus enabling the people of Kampuchea to regain their sovereignty and non-aligned status. We believe that thos~ proposals can form the basis 113•. The Conference also set up an ad hoc committee to establish contact with all the conflicting parties and to be a vehicle for facilitating the search for a comprehen- sive solution. My delegation is confident that that com- mittee lan play an active role in the formulation of con- structive proposals acceptable.to all. We look forward to the day when Kampuchea will regain its rightful place in the comity of nations and will no longer be used by oth- ers for actions inconsistent with the provisions of the Charter. 114. We are happy to note that after two years of inte- grated emergency aid operations, the people of Kam- puchea, although still in dire straits, are no longer in dan- ger of mass <Starvation. However, the fate of the Kampuchean refugees who fled their homeland remains bleak, and further international assistance to rescue them should be provided. 115. Ther~ is no doubt that the establishment of peace in Kampuchea would promote stability':•. South-East Asia and speed up the creation of a zone of pr-ace, freedom and neutrality in the region. The establishment of such a zone, which has been endorsed by the countries of the region and by the United Nations, is the express will of the peoples of South-East Asia for ensuring conditions of peace and tranquillity. The countries of the region have , dedicated themselves to secure the recognition of, and re- spect for, South-East Asia as a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, free from any form or manner of inter- ference by outside Powers. Thus they are committed to rid the region and their countries of foreign political and economic hegemony, and they refuse to be used as an instrument of policy of any outside Power. They are con.., vinced that only within that framework can the region be removed from big-Power rivalry or even big-Power con- frontation. It is their finn belief that only through such an approach can they build their societies and live with each other in conditions of peace ~nd fraternity. 116.. On. the question of Afghanistan, my delegation is also convinced of'the need for a comprehensive political solution as a way out of that dangerous situation. Ele- ments for a solution; including the withdrawal of foreign fortes, have already been included in the declaration adopted by the Conference of Ministers for FO;"eign Af- fairs of Non-Aligned Couqtries, held at New Delhi in February [see A/36/116 alld Corr.1, allnex]. Within the framework of that declaration, further consultations should be held to prepa-rg the ground for the re-emergence of an independent and non-aligned Afghanistan. In this regard, we laud the efforts of the Secretary-General, his Special Representative, and other parties, as well as the constructive attitude shown by Pakistan, to facilitate nego- tiations to achieve a political solution and ensure that the Afghsm- people will be able to determine their own destiny free from foreign intervention and interference. 117. Despite the growing consensus in the international community on the modalities and principles for a Middle East settlemeht, the situation there has of late dramatically worsened. Israel's 'indiscriminate bombing of Beirut, result- ing in massive casualties and destruction, coupled with its military raid on the nuclear installation in Iraq, has rightly 118. It is sad to note that for too long the Middle East conflict has been enmeshed in great-Power politics and that, in the onward rush of the major Powers to confrontation,the crux of the problem has become secondary, and their strate- gic and other interests have gained pre-eminence. The cen- tral issues in the Middle East continue to be unconditional' Israeli withdrawal from all occupied territories, including Jerusalem, and the upholding of the right to self-determina- tion and independence of the Palestinian people. Until those issues are resolved, the Middle East will remain the most critical danger point in the world. 119. In the context of the Middle East situation, my dele- gation joins others in urging Iran and Iraq to redouble their .efforts to seek a peaceful solution to their conflict. 120. In Africa, no progress has been made towards the independence of Namibia, despite the overwhelming wishes of the international community. South Africa's defiance was clearly exhibited at the Geneva pre-implementation meet- ing. For this same reason many other diplomatic efforts also failed to bear fruit. However, we believe that Security Coun- cil resolution 435 (1978) provides a solid framework for achieving self-determination an(1 independence for Namibia and that any changes or modifications of that resolution will not bring Namibia's freedom nearer. The Security Council itself has failed to play its assigned role in the maintenance of international peace and security by enforcing its resolu- tion 435 (1978) through the imposition of sanctions against the Pretoria regime for its defiance of that resolution. The need for Security Council action was highlig~lted when that regime used Namibian territory as a base to launch its recent aggression against Angola. 121. Faced by such continuous failures, the international community convened the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, which has now called for compre- hensive mandatory sanctions on, and for the to~al isolation of, South Africa [resolutioll E8-8/2]. My delegation fully supports the resolution and is committed to its inipfementa'- !ion. The question of.Namibia is a question of illegal oc- cupation, pure al.d simple. It is therefore disquieting to note. that extraneQUS issues are being injected to stifle the pro- gress towards freedom in Namibia. 122. Despite United Nations condemnation of apartheid> as a crime against humanity and the dignity of man, the Pretoria regime has not displayed any willingness to adhere to the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Now, when the struggle against· apartheid is reaching a crucial stage, international unity should be maintained; any breaking of ranks amongst those ofus who abhor apartheid will only encourage South Africa to susmin that abominable and odious system. Meanwhile, before the Security Cou~cil adopts decisions to force South African compliance, Member States should scrupulously , implement the unilateral sanctions agreed on by the Interna- tional Confe~nce on Sanctions against South Africa held in Penis in May.'[see A/36/319, anllex 1]. 124. It is essential, therefore, that serious negotiations begin morder to arrest the momentum of the arms race. Although tbe Committee on Disarmament has been in ex- istence for over three years, it has not been able to initiate serious negotiations on questions that have been accorded the highest priority, namely, the comprehensive nuclear test ban, the cessation of the nudear arms race and nu- clear disarmament. For those reasons the second special session on disarmament has assumed greater importance, and we should proceed with renewed determination to en- sure its success. 125. Effort':; to implement the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Pe.ace have, regrettably, reached an impasse. The arms buildup, both on land and at sea, has intensified in the g~l1eral area, leading to a deterioration in the climate of p'~ace and security in the Indian Ocean region. If we are ~nable to reverse this trer-d, we may in fact be e!!!e!ing a more dangerous period in which con- front~.~ion with all its disastrous consequences will finally be inevitable. For those reasons Indonesia believes that it is imperative that serious efforts be exerted to convene the proposed conference to implement the Declaration. The deterioration in the military and political situation in the area cannot and should not serve as a pretext to postpone the conference; on the contrary, it should set the stage for such a conference. 126. My delegation had placed considerable hope last year in the forthcoming Second United Nations Con- ference on the Exploration and Peaceful Uses of Outer Space. However, crucial issues relating to its preparation have remained unresolved. In view of time constraints, we urge more determined t\fforts by the States involved to overcomethe remaining obstacles in order to enhance in- ternational co-operation in space exploration, science and technology for the benefit of mankind, especially for the" developing countries, which space technology could greatly benefit. 127. The Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, during its recent session at Geneva, succeeded in overcoming a number of major difficulties, despite the reluctance of the United States to commat itself to the agreements already reached. The painstaking endeavours over the course of the past seven years of negotiations have resulted in the formalization of the informal draft convention. My delegation is confident that all States will extend their whole-hearted co-operation to ensure the suc- cessful conclusion of the Conference. Indonesia, together with the overwhelming majority of participllnts in the Conference, looks forward to a definitive, final1!ession in New York next spring and the signing of the cQnvention later in 1982 at Caracas. ... 129. More than ever before, mutual economic survival is now at stake. In the developing countries, severe exter- nal pressures have led to increased poverty and degrada- tion of the quality of life and, in many cases, have shat- tered prospects for achieving social and ~onomic goals. In consequence, the gap between the rich and the poor nations has widened further. 130. In my opinion, there persists an inconsistency be- tween our recognition of the state of the world economy and the vacillations on the part of some Members about committing themselves to a commensurate remedy. For some time now the reality of interdependence has been increasingly evident, not only between countries but also between sectors of the economy. Therefore, we could not meaningfully address problems through ad hoc and piece- meal measures. Yet, short-sighted considerations and nar- row self-interest unfortunately still persist, thereby inhibit- ing some from joining the consensus for a global solution. 131. My delegation is deeply disappointed with the failure of the international community to launch the global negotiations in accordance with the schedule al- ready agreed upon. We note with great concern that the momentum already generated is now being dissipated. Yet these disappointing set-backs do. not weaken our belief that the comprehensive approach, as embodied in the pr0- posed round of global and sustained negotiations within the framework of the United Nations system, is the only one capable of genuinely solving the real problems con- fronting the world economy_ 132. Indonesia is firmly committed to' a process of dia- logue and co-operation and deeply believes that, no mat- ter how intractable the current international economic problems remain, they are still solvable through such a process and in such a spirit. My delegation therefore ap- peals once again to those who are still opposed to joining the consensus for launching a global round of negotiations to reconside~ their position. In this regard we share the hope that the International Meeting on Co-operation·and Development to be held at Cancun next month will assist in effecting a breakthrough in the present stalemated sit- uation and thereby stimulate the launching of the global round. 133. The operational activities of the United Nations de- velopment system have also felt the full impact of the grim economic situation. The disappointing result of the recent pledging conference is now further aggravated. by the prospect of new deficiencies in resource mobilization for the coming years. 134. My delegation has already stated on an earlier oc- casion that we are deeply concerned with these adverse trends in the availability of resources for operational ac- tivities of the United Nations development system. Such prospects not only create problems .among the recipient countries.but also do not augur well for the furore of mul- 135. The United Nations Conference on New and Re- new~~le Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi recently, was certat~ a major step forward towards co-operation in this field. However, while we welcome the adoption of the Programme of Action at the Conference, we very much regret the continuing opposition by some major de- veloped countries to certain specific proposals of the Pro- gramme. Therefore we earnestly hope that the General Assembly at its thirty-seventh session will be decisive in solving the still-pending problems of institutional mecha- nism and financial arrangements. 136. By the same token, we welcome the recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris. Although it must be admitted that the Sub- stantial New Programme of Action adopted by the Con- ference6 has fallen short of our expectation, it neverthe- less has given us renewed hope for a revitalization of the development of the least developed countries. This posi- tive step is essential not only for addressing the .worri- some problems besetting the least developed countries, but, it is hoped, also for furthering the overall prospects for revamping international co-operation for development. 137. On the more positive side of this rather grim pic- ture of the world economi~ scene is the steady progress achieved in the pursuit of co!lective self-reliance among the developing countries. South-South co-operation, while not designed to be a substitute for the restructuring of North-South economic relations, is a crucial imperative of our times for altering the legacy of endemic colonial eco- nomic patterns and structures that have stymied the efforts to accelerate the development of the developing countries. In this connection we salute the progress registered at the High Level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held at 'Caracas and the meeting on technical co-operation among developing countries held in New York. 138. While we recognize that the primary responsibility for the development of the developing countries resides with those countries themselves, it is also. obvious that the -international community has a useful role to play. It is our firm conviction that the international community should create a fully supportive environment for these efforts because they too, in fact, have a vested interest in the success of South-South collaboration. Indeed, a stronger and more prosperous South would have great dy- namicpotential for revitalizing the ailing international economic situation and the stalled North-South negotia- tions. 139. It is widely recognized, even by the developed countries, that the successful adaptation to growing world economic interdependence and the stronger resilience of the developing countries are important factors in world stability. The dawning of this global consciousness gives us renewed hope. In this spirit we must lose no time and spare no effort in marshalling our collective resolve and political will to build a new economic order of accelerated development and structural change. 141. I have painted a gloomy and pessimistic picture of the world situation, but, despite the many obstacles which lie in our way, we must be steadfast. Our ability to find solutions to the major issues of which I have spoken may well determine man's capacity to survive in the decades to come. Unless we accord these problems the necessary priority, we run the risk of soon reaching a point where they will be beyond peaceful and rational solution. 142. My delegation is confident that faced with tasks of such enormous proportions, our common search for peace and security is not mere day-dreaming about accomplish- ing the impossible~ Man'sintellectual capacity and his technological prowess and sheer determination in the past have succeeded in taming mighty rivers, making the des- ert bloom and sending mar. to the moon. Let us, there- fore, not abandon our hopes and ideals for a peaceful, better and more equitable world, but rather muster the will and determination· to make these hopes and ideals come true. 143. Mr. NorHO~B (Belgium) (interpretation from .French): I take particular pleasure, Sir, in congratulating you upon your election to the presidency of the thirty- sixth session of the General Assembly. In awarding you this high office, the Assembly has chosen a diplomat whose invaluable personal qualities, long experience and profound knowledge of the workings of the Organization will ensure the successful outcome of our work. 144. I should also like to express once again my pro- found appredation of the dedication, determination and efficiency with which your predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, carried out a most difficult task. 145. I take this opportunity of extending cordial greet- ings to the delegation of Vanuatu. I recently had the pleasure of being host in Brussels to a mission from Van- uatu. My country looks forward to maintaining and devel- oping the close ties which we established on that occa- sion. 146. On this very day Belize has joined the United Na- tions. I should like to extend to it our warm welcome. The alphabetical order will mean that our two delegations will be neighbours in most meetings, and we take pleas- ure in that. 147. The highest aspiration of human society is to or- ganize its solidarity in justice and peace. The United Na- tions is the trustee of that aspiration, and the essential meaning of the general debate in the Assembly should be to gauge each year our achievements and to plan ahead. The General Assembly is the place for Governments to meet annually and .examine their conscience. It should 149. When we view the present state of the world it is all ~oo easy to emphasize the injustices, the conflicts and the danger. The agenda of the current session is, in pilrt, a catalogue of the problems which endanger international relations. We have discussed many of these problems year after year without finding any satisfactory solutions. 150. I shall speak on a single theme, that of peace, ,be- cause my British colleague, Lord Carrington, on behalf of the 10 member States of the European Community, has already explained our views, our activities and our hopes concerning the main agenda items [8th meeting]. I need not cover all the points he has dealt with, for his speech was also that of Belgium. The very fact that the 10 mem- ber States of the European Community speak with one voice is in itself a concrete contribution to peace and to the transformation of a world of confrontation into a worId of co-operation. We have here 10 countries oLEu- rope, many of which for a .century have repeatedly battled againsi each other and which, hardly 22 years after the .First World War, were all caught up in another war which set the world aflame. Today, war between these countries of Western Europe has become unthinkable. What is more, they have embarked on building a genuine commu- nity. The results are not yet perfect, but they demonstrate that reason, a sustained will, a clear vision of the basic solidarity among peoples and the pa1jent alignment of in- terests can overcome the age-old curse. Starting from this example, I should like to consider practical ways which could ensure peace on a more stable basis, granting to all a real solidarity. 151. Article 1 of the Charter defines the purposes of the Organization. Foremost among these is the maintenance of international peace and security. Belgium, a victim throughout the centuries of the quarrels of its neighbours, has traditionally been particularly devoted to the search for peace. Few peoples have had as much experience as we have of the disasters of war and therefore also of the blessings of peace. But this experience has also freed us from simple illusions about ways to achieve and maintain peace. 152. Taught by its past and conscious of its own particu- lar situation, Belgium has entrusted its security to a re- gional defensive alliance, in conformity with the provi- sions of the Charter of the United Nations, an alliance characterized by ahigh degree of permanent consultation among its members. Determined participation in this al- liance enables my country to contribute fully to the diffi- cult but essential dialogue between East and West without which world peace would be no more than a precarious truce. 153, When we view the problems of peace today, sev- eral facts stand out. In centuries past war was the ultimate instrument <?f international policy. When all ether methods became impossible, it was through war that the divergent views and interests and conflicting passions Of, men and Governments were finally resolved. Disputes found their 154. It is this unorganized and savage world, in which force takes precedence over the rule of law, that we have tried to change by adopt;ng the Charter ofthe United Na- tions. Such a change is the fundamental meaning and highest ohjective of the Organization. Have we com- pletely succeeded? We know very well that we have not, but we have sparked some hope in the world and have opened the way to another ambition for mankind, that of a world based on international law, on the sovereignty of States, on respect for the weak, on reciprocal assistance and on the refusal to use violence. Several elements tend to lead us to believe that war is no longer a normal in- strument of international policy: regional co-operation among States, the balance brought about in some regions by strong alliances, the will to independence of peoples in the face of the biggest Powers and their contesting the fruits of invasion, and finally the devastating power of the weapons themselves. 155. The most striking and hopeful development, how- ever, is the coming of age of world public opinion, which makes itself heard here in the United Nations, its point of convergence and its preferred means of expression. Ag- gression is not yet banished from the world-.we see this from' recent and still current instances-but it now in- volves a higher political cost and offers less promise of success. Aggression faces the general condemnation of the General Assembly, and its victims, feeling themselves supported, refuse to submit. 156. Such is the progress achieved. It is still modest, but it shows us a direction in which our efforts can usefully be aimed. Our awareness and our solidarity rep- resent the principal chance for peace. Our first concern should be to develop them at the regional level, as well as in the world Organization. 157. A particular and spectacular question that strikes public opinion is obviously the accumulation of arma- ments. It is a scandal that huge resources are thus spent each year to the detriment of the production of goods more beneficial to mankind. It is easy to wax indignant and to content oneself with words or to recommend radi- cal disarmament measures. This is a natural and popular response, and it corresponds to a deep-seated sense of morality. However, if we look at the question dispas- sionately some basic facts stand out. 158. The first is that in the disarmament field, rhetoric cannot take the place of action. It is not the pOOlars of dreams who best serve humanity. On the contrary, they tend to waste on illusions energies that could better be spent on the patient search for .practical solutions. 159. The second point is that only those States or groups of States which nurture deep-seated mutual distrust enter the arms race. Many countries do not maintain any military apparatus against their neighbours, even though the means to do so are available to them. This is the case 160. Armam~nts, therefore, are the consequence rather than tlJe cause of distrust and hostility. If we truly wish to curh tile arms race-and Belgium certainly does-we must 'first of all tackle the causes. Several approaches could, I think, be followed simultaneously. 161. The first and essential one is respect for the princi- ple of non-interference in the affairs of other States, which was reaffirmed by General Assembly resolution 2131 (XX) of 21 December 1965. Without strict obser- vance of this principle, no genuine progress towards peace can .~ achieved. ,. (\ 162. Next, we must engage in the difficult but neces- sary dialogue on problems that divide us. Even though conflicting viewpoints and interests cannot immediately be reconciled, such a dialogue would gradually promote the accurate perception of the various motivations and views, the recognition of legitimate interests and, ulti- mately, a certain degree of tolerance and moderation and even co-operation in the search for solutions acceptable to all. 163. The third approach, without waiting for this gen- eral dialogue to bear all its fruits, is to begin well-defined conversations on security problems. Such conversations should not be limited solely to armaments but should also bear upon the ideas different sides have of their security and the suitable means to ensure it. Between potential ad- versaries, secUlity can best be grounded in the existence of an equilibrium, but this equilibrium itself is difficult to achieve. Each seeks to counter the opposing strategy as it guesses or fears that strategy to be. At times, such strat~ egies determine which arms will be produced, and at other times they are themselves modified by the ap- pearance of new weapons. We therefo(e seem to be wit- nessing a pitiful race taking place in darkness and confu- sion, in which each participant pushes himself to the limit for fear of taking a risk where his opponent's supposed strategy is concerned. In this area of dialogue on disarma- ment, therefore, we must focus more sharply on the ex- change of the precise ideas the parties have of their own security problems, their strategies and their weapons pro- grammes. 164. My fourth recommendation would be to stress in the negotiations those measures which might decrease dis- trust and fear. Here, I shpuld like to recall the steps taken in this regard by the Final Act of the Conference on Se- curity and Co-operation in Europe, signed at Helsinki, which, among other things, provides for prior notification of manoeuvres and militm:y movements of a certain scope. We think tfis is of great importance and are very anxious to see those agreements respected. 165. We should like to see further progress in this direc- tion, leading to the holding of a conference on disarma- ment in Europe in the near future, the first aim of which would be to agree on militarily significant, compulsory and genuine confidence-building measures extending to the entire European continent. I mention the efforts un- dertaken on our own continent. because I believe that this approach should also be attempted)n other regions of the 166. More clarity concerning military situations and a mQre accurate forecast of their possible modification by means of confidence-building measures on a regional level would allow all States concerned to proceed in an atmosphere of security towards genuine and far-reaching arms reduction measures. Indeed, is it not obvious that when States have divested themselves of the means of suddenly menacing their neighbours and have ceased to fear being suddenly menaced themselves, their interest would certainly be to reduce their military expenditures and to negotiate a stabilization of the balance at a reduced level of armaments? . 167. A fifth approach pertains to arms limitation itself. We welcome the fact that a few weeks from £iOW the United States and the Soviet Union will start negotiations on the limitation of medium-range nuclear weapons. My Government has aetively encouraged the holding of such negotiations. If the rapid and genuine progress that we desire is to be made, it is essential that a number of prin- ciples be clearly established. First, we have to put a stop to the exchange of allegations and accusations; which poi- sons the atmosphere of the negotiations and tends to turn them into a propaganda exercise rather than a search for concrete results. 168. We must then recognize that the maintenance or ',restoration of equilibrium is a perfectly legitimate con- cern. Negotiations must start with the certainty that the equilibrium will be firmly assured in any eventuality, so that the negotiators can make a genuine, concerted at- tempt to reduce that equilibrium to its I lowest possible level. If this certainty is lacking there can be no as- surance of the det.ermination to hold genuine negotiations. 169. From the outset we should concentrate our efforts on a limited number of arms and systems chosen from among those which are the most modern and of greatest concern-that is, the most dangerous-in a way that ren- ders possible concrete and rapid results. 170. I am well aware of the fact that the negotiations to which I am referring involve chiefly the United States and the Soviet Union, which possess these types of arms. But the negotiations are of concern to all of us, because they are an element of the strengthening of peace, to which we all aspire. 171. . War, as I stated at the beginning of my speech, seems and should seem to be less and less a normal in- strument of policy. But we must be aware of another dan- ger, namely, the sudden creation by a brazen nation of faits accomplis, the results of which are then difficult to undo. As the penalties for war are forgotten, so the temp- tation for frustrated and ambitious States to resort to it, hoping for impunity, will increase. Thus, the defence of international law should remain our constant concern. It is our guarantee, particularly the weaker among us, in the face of the most powerful. It alone can ensure the sta- bility and security of our day-to-day relations, on which 173. The defence of peace and international law there- fore necessi~ates a search'for solidarity and justice. 174. Hence, development co-operation is also essential in the search for peace. Just as transfers take place from richer to poorer areas within a country, so should they take place between nations. Balanced development of the family of nations and the reduction of economic dis- parities within it are thus prime concerns of the interna- tional community. 175. Aware of the fact that the poorest countries with practically no access to capital markets require an in- creased amount of official developmental aid, Belgium has progressively increased this type of assistance. At the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Coun- tries, held recently in Paris, the Government of Belgium stressed the imperative need significantly to increase the volume and efficiency of the assistance to those countries. It announced that Belgium would pursue its efforts to at- tain, by 1985 at the latest, the goal of 0.15 per cent of its gross national product for assistance to the group of 31 most disadvantaged countries. 176. This assistance will not be at the cost of other de- veloping countries; Belgium wishes to remain among the most active countries in matters of co-operation. The position taken by Belgium at the Paris Conference-the latest manifestation of the dialogue between developing and industrialized countries-illustrates the positive and constant attitude of my country in the field of interna- tional economic co-operation. 177. Over the .last few years, and especially since the adoption of General Assembly resolution 34/138, calling for the launching of global and sustained negc:.iations on international economic co-operation, the Belgian Govern- ment has persistently demonstrated its detennination to promote such negotiations, taking into account the mutual advantages, the common interests and the responsibilities of the parties involved. 178. The International Meeting on Co-operation and Development to be held at Cancon will bring together at the highest political level the representatives of 22 coun- tries, from the most powerful to the neediest. We expect that this meeting will provide a new and much needed stimulus for the resumption of consultations leading to global negotiations. . 179. The present difficulties should not blind us to the true progress that has been achieved in increasing'ihe gen- eral awareness of the strong link which exists between 180. The Secretary-General in his report [A/36/1] rightly underlines the need to use the essential instrument-the United Nations-in a much more systematic, organized and regular manner so that it may better deal with the various aspects of international relations. 181. I fully share the Secretary-General's conviction, and I should like to pay a tribute to his untiring efforts to ensure respect for the laws and principles that the interna- tional community has laid down with such care.

Mr. President, permit me first of all to express to the General Assembly our profound appreciation for the con- fidence it has placed in our country, Iraq, by electing you to the presidency of the current session. Iraq, as one of the founding Members of the United Nations, will take this honour as an added impetus, despite the persistent efforts by some Powe(S in the opposite direction, for the intensification of our efforts towards the achievement of the purposes of the United Nations and the imp)ementa.. tion of its principles in such a way as to serve the rights and interests of peoples in freedom, sovereignty, indepen~ dence and well-being. 183. I should also like to pay a tribute to your.predeces- sor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, for the distinguished efforts he made in presiding over the General Assembly throughout a busy year. 184. I am also pleased to welcome to our midst tbe States of Vanuatu and Belize, to which I extend, on be·· half of the Government and people of Iraq, sincere con.. gratulations on their independence and admission to mem- bership in the United Nations. We wish to convey t9 '(;he two States our best wishe~ for their progress and well- being. 185. On 7 June this year American-made military air- craft of the Zionist entity, after violating the airspace of two neighbouring Arab States and hence violating their sovereignty and political independence, raided the nuclear installations situated near Baghdad. The raid caused many civilian casualties and much material damage. The au- thorities of the Zionist entity accepted full responsibility for the raid, which was carried out on the pretext of de- fending the security of that entity. 186. The raid constitutes the gravest act of Israeli ag- gression to date, as it represents a dangerous qualitative turn in the violation of the international nonns observed by the h~ternationa1 community. If we desire to com- prehend the real motives for this Zionist aggression, we must put it in its correct perspective. 187. It is obvious today that the founders of the ·Zionist entity had contemplated from the very beginning of their occupation of Palestine the possession of nuclear weapons as a means of.intimidating the Arab nation in order to ,188. In fact, the Israeli nuclear programme goes back to 1949. The most'important experiments conducted by the Weizmann Institute in the early 1950s concerned ~he de- velopment of techniques for extracting uranium from phosphates in the Negev as well as others relating to the production of heavy water. 189. In 1952 the Ben-Gurion Government established the Israeli Atomic Ene\rgy Commission within the frame- work of the Ministry of Defence, with a separate budget and special lab<Katories, which confirms the military ob- jectives of the Israeli nuclear programme from its incep- tion. The existence of that Commission was kept secret until 1954. In 1966 the Commission was reorganized and placed under the direct control of the Prime Minister, who became its chairman. 190. In 1953 a nuclear .co-operation agreement con- cluded with France marked a turning point in the Israeli nuclear programme. The fact remains" however, that the United States was the first country to provide israel with a nuclear reactor, under an agreement concluded in 1955, namely, the reactor at Nabal Sorek, south of Tel Aviv, with a capacity of 5 megawatts. This was in addition to providing Israel with a vast library of studies and reports on nuclear science, as well as 6 kilogrammes of enriched uranium-235, not to mention training 56 Israelis at United States nuclear establishments. Subsequently Israel ob- tained another United States reacJor, with a capacity of 8 megawatts, which was installed at tile Teclinion Institute. 191. On page 68 of his book entitled Nuclear Arms in the Third World-U.S. Policy Dilemma, published in 1979 by the Brookings Institution, Washington, D.C., Ernest W. Lefever has pointed out that both France and the United States have contributed to Israel's nuclear de- velopment. 192. In 1957 Israel took the decision to build the highly secret reactor at Dimona, in co-operation with France, and in 1958 a reactor with a capacity of 5 megawatts was built at Rishon Le-Zion in co-operation with the United States. Israeli co-operation in the nuclear field with the Federal Republic of Germany began at the end of the 1950s, through which Israel was provided with an accel- erator enabling it to strengthen the department of experi- mental nuclear physics at the Weizmann Institute. How- ever, Israeli co-operation with the Federal Republic of Germany assumed its official nature only in 1963. -193". The Dimona facility remains without any supervi- sion or control and is operated by the Israeli Defence Ministry. The most striking fact about the Dimona reactor is that-the truth about it was not disclosed until the United States Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] revealed in 1960 that the installation at Dimona, which the Americans were told by Israel was a textile factory, was in fact a nuclear reactor. Subsequently, Israel and France acknowledged this fact. The New York Time;r stated on 20 December 1960 that the Dimona reactor was particularly well suited for producing fissionable piutoniu,nl used in nuclear 194. Furthermore, in addition to the reactor, there are large-scale facilities for separating weapons-grade pluto- nium from spent fuel at the Soreq research establishment at Dimona. In an article entitled "Israel's Nuclear Policy" by Lawrence 'Freedman, contained in the May/June 1975 edition of a periodical called Survival, published by the International Institute for Strategic Studies, it was stated that the natural uranium used in the Dimona reactor was obtained from France, Argentina and South Africa. It was also stated that Israel had become capable of producing increasing amounts of uranium from its expanding ~t~~'t,­ lizer industry and that it would soon pass the limits of self-sufficiency. 195. It has been well known for some time that the Zi- onist entity has had a nuclear capability since the 1960s. The Arab Governments have been issuing warnings since 1965 that Israel had 'obtained the basic technology for manufacturing nuclear weapons and that it might have de- veloped its capabilities for manufacturing such weapons. In 1969, the Buffalo Evening News published on 9 May a Reuters report which had appeared in the West German magazine Der Spiegel. stating that Israel had become the world's sixth nuclear power and possessed six Hiroshima- type bombs of 20 kilotons. Lawrence Freedman, whose article I have already referred to, also stated that the Pres- ident of the Zionist entity, Ephraim Katzir, told a group of scientists on 1 December 1974, "It has always been our intention to develop a nuclear capacity. We now have that capacity." In another article written by Anthony M. Cordesman entitled "How Much Is Too Much?", pub- lished in The Armed Forces Journal International in November 1977, it was stated that Moshe Dayan had said in March 1977, before becoming Foreign Minister,··we have to develop an option for ourselves, that iS,an ability to produce nuclear weapons . . . we should develop this in addition to and not instead of the conventional weapons we have". Cordesman, who served as Civilian Assistant to Deputy Secretary of Defense Robert Ellsworth and as Secretary of the Defense Intelligence Board, continues in his article: "These remarks take on an added meaning given press reports of Israeli and South African, cooperation in developing nuclear weapons, and that the weapon the South Africans were going to test was Israeli." 196. It is worth mentioning that Israel pursued various illegitimate means of developing its nuclear capacity, in- cluding piracy and theft. At a conference on a "non- nuclear future" held at Salzburg in May 1977, Paul Leventhal, a fonner staff nuclear weapons expert for a committee of the United States Senate, revealed that 200 tons of natural uranium, enough to build 24 nuclear weapons, which had been placed on a ship that had disap- peared nine years before, had ended up in Israel. The 197. Shortly after the Salzburg revelation, Norway's for- mer chief prosecutor stated that the Israeli agent Dan Aerbel had admitted taking part in the operation to divert the uranium-laden ship. Aerbel was seized in 1974 by the Norwegian authorities with four other members of Mossad, the Israeli secret service, for the killing of a Mo- roccan national who was mistaken for a Palestinian by· the Israeli agents at the Norwegian town of Lillehammer. In the mid-196Os, the American Government discovered the disappearance of 200 pounds of highly enriched uranium, enough to make four atomic bombs, from the factory of the Nuclear Materials and Equipment Corporation. at Apollo, Pennsylvania. The New York Times recalled on 27 January 1978 that the United States Department of Energy had made public two previously secret ciocuments indicat- ing tha~ American intelligence agencies believed in 1976 that Israel might have obtained uranium in the mid-196Os from a Government-sponsored nuclear facility at the town of Apollo, Pennsylvania. 198. On page 65 of his book Nuclear Arms in the Third Wor/d--U.s. Policy Dilemma, Lefever says that on 26 January 1978 the CIA released a memorandum dated 4 September 1974 entitled "Prospects for Further Prolifera- tion of Nuclear Weapons", which disclosed in its conclu- sion that Israel had produced atomic weapons. The con- clusion was based on the " . . . Israeli acquisition of large quantities of uranium, partly by clandestine means; the ambiguous nature of Israeli efforts in the field of ura- nium enrichment; and Israel's large investment in a costly missile system designed to accommodate nuclear war- heads." 199. Moreover, The New York Times of 16 March 1976 reported that the CIA estimated that Israel had 10 to 20 nuclear weapons available for use. A report in Time mag- azine of 12 April ,1976, entitled "How Israel Got. the Bomb", stated that Israel possessed a nuclear arsenal of 13 atomic bombs, assembled, stored and ready to be dropped on enemy forces from especially equipped Kfir and Phantom fighters or Jericho missiles. 200. On page 301 of the SIPRl Yearbook 1981 of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, it is stated that "Israel, which has been reported to possess sev~ral untested nuclear bombs, acquired its nuclear weapon capability due to a reactor supplied by France many years before the Non-Proliferation 1i."eaty and not covered by international controls, as well as heavy water supplied by Norway." 201. As regards a nuclear weapons delivery system, it is certain that the Zionist entity has not ignored this. In ad- dition to what I have already mentioned, the International Institute for Strategic Studies indicates in its Strategic Survey 1974, in Table 6 on page 38, that Israel's nuclear weapons delivery system is represented by the French Mi- rage III and the American Skyhawk A-4 and the Phantom F-4. The same report refers to an Israeli pro~Ii1e for missile production relating to nuclear weapons,' On page 39 it states that "in the 1960s the Marcel Dassault Air- 202. Although the Zionist aggression against the nuclear installations in Iraq falls within the framework of the Zi- onist acts of premeditated aggression against the Arab na- tions .and the people of Palestine, it is qualitatively dis- tinct from the inhuman practices employed by the Zionists since the beginning of their illegal colonization of Pal- estine and of occupied Arab territories. The Zionists usurped Palestine in response to the strategic interests of the Zionist movement and world colonialism, which are based on exploitation and dictating the destinies of other people and plundering their riches. 203. Since the Balfour Declaration of 2 November 1917,7 zionism has usurped Arab territories and posses- sions by force and terrorism. Since its establishment in Palestine in 1948, the Zionist entity has been embraced by those in colonial quarters who see it as their advance base of aggression for the purpose of wielding hegemony and influence in the Arab world. They have provided the Zionist entity with extensive political~ economic, and mil- itary support. They have installed in it an arsenal of so- phisticated weapons and encouraged it to launch repeated acts of aggression against the Arab nation, beginning in 1948 and followed by the tripartite aggression against Egypt in 1956, the war of 5 June 1967 and the present war· against Lebanon and the Palestinian resistance move- ments. In all those acts of aggression the Zionist entity occupied more Arab territories and sought to impose sur- render on the Arabs. World imperialism, especially Amer- ican imperialism, has always been anxious to preserve its strategic alliance with that racial entity, a major alliance throughout the course of Israel's terroristic, aggressive and expansionist evolution. 204. Although the Arab nation does not bear any re- sponsibility for the persecution of the Jews, the great Powers made it pay the penalty for that persecution. They detached by force a part of Palestine, expandable accord- ing to the wishes of the Zionist entity, in order to estab- lish there the "State of Israel". If the Zionist entity pre- tended to the world that it was peaceful and desired nothing but recognition by the Arabs and permission to live in peace and security within the borders of the land usurped from Palestine, that pretension was proved false after the 1967 aggression. It has become clear that the Zionist entity is, in its very nature and objectives, an ag- gressive and expansionist one, since it has occupied the whole of Palestine, Sinai in Egypt and the Golan Heights in Syria. Since that.aggression that entity has imposed by force and blackmail a special theory of security that is most qdd and contrary to all nonns and traditions of inter- 205. The Arab nation has no illusions about the nature and intentions of the Zionist entity. The slogan adopted by the Zionist&l "From the Nile to the Euphrates", for the frontier of the State of Israel represents the real Zion- ist strategy. Israel's firm objective is aggression, expan- sion. and the imposition of its control by blackmail on the whole region to prevent its peoples from achieving libera- tion and progress. If there were ever any doubt as to that, Israel's aggressive and expansionist policies from the 1967 aggression to its aggression against Iraq and Lebanon have removed all doubts and exposed all these facts clear.ly. 206. Zionis.m from the beginning envisaged the seizure of the whole territory of Palestine. In his writings in the yearbooks of the Zionist e~tity for 1952 and 1953, Ben- Ourion emphasized that the Jewish State was established in a part of the land of Israel and that that part did not correspond with the hifltorical borders which had been de- tennined and fixed at the beginning of time. 207. As for Menachem Begin, he said at the time of partition: "The Jewish homeland, the area which covers both sides of the Jordan, is a complete historil: and geo- graphic entity. Dissection of the homeland is an unlaw- ful act; agreement to dissection is also unlawful, and is not binding on the Jewish people. It is the duty of this generation to return to Jewish sovereignty these parts of the homeland which were tom off from it and given to foreign rule."8 It appears from this that Begin will not be satisfied by holding the West Bank and annexing it to the Zionist en- tity, but also intends to annex Jordan in the next step in the Zionist expansion plan. It is worthy of mention that Begin stated in the Knesseton 12 October 1955: "I deeply believe in launching a preventive war against the Arab States without further hesitation. "By doing so, we will achieve two targets: first, the annihilation of Arab power; and secondly, the expansion of our territory." Now that Begin has returned to power and has appointed Ariel Sharon as his Minister for Defence, he will no doubt carry out more of this policy. 208. There is no difference between the Likud and any other Zionist party regarding the Zionist ambitions in Arab territories. Moshe Dayan, for instance, said after the 1967 aggression: . "Our fathers had reached the·frontiers which were recognized in the Partition Plan. Our ~eneration That was quoted in The Times of London of 25 June 1969. Could there be a more blatant pronouncement of Zionist expansionist plans? Could any politician in any other country in the world issue such a statement, which represents the peak of insolence, and the world remain silent? What is worse is that Dayan is now considered a moderate Zionist compared with Begin and SharoD. 209. The racism of the Zionist entity is evident in the Zionists' view of the Palestinians and their treatment of them in order to evict them from their homeland and es- tablish a purely Jewish .State. The Zionist historian, Michael Bar-Zohar, wrote: "Ben-Ourion remained skeptical about any pos- sibility of coexistence with the Arabs. The fewer there were living within the frontiers of the new Jewish State the better he would like it . .. a major offensive against the Arabs would not only break up their attacks but would also greatly reduce the percentage of Arabs in the population of the new state. (While this might be called racialism, the whole Zionist movement actualiy was based on the principle of a purely Jewish commu- . . Pal' )" 9 OIty 10 estme... . 210. The most revealing evidence regarding the Zionist racist outlook towards the the Palestinian people can be seen from the refusal of Zionist officials to use the word "Palestine". lit 1969 Golda Meir contended that there was no such thing as the Palestinian people. It was further contended by her information media and her academic ex- perts that this people belonged, in fact, to southern Syria. While Yitzhak Rabin referred to the Palestinians as the "so-called Palestinians", other Israeli leaders claimed that the Palestinians were, in fact, Jordanians, whose country ought to be Jordan. As for Menachem Begin, he de- scribes Palestinians in occupied Arab territories and within the Zionist entity as the Arabs of "Eretz Israel", considering them the blacks of Israel, to be compared with the blacks in the United States of America. This is in addition the policy aimed at the complete annihilation of the Palestinian people, wherever they may be. 211. This approach means, in fact, that the Arab nation has to submit to and be at the mercy of the aggressive and, expansionist aims by which the Zionist entity im- poses its hegemony upon that nation and thwarts its goal to live in peace and enjoy freedom and progress. 212. The Israeli theory of security is the most dan- gerous and aggressive in modem times. It is even more dangerous than fascism and nazism. Those who support the Zionist entity are openly standing for aggression'and expansion and encouraging the worst and most dangerous theories, against the interests of mankind and its legiti- mate rights. If the Europeans thought they had the right to struggle against fascism and nazism by all the means at their command and at whatever cost and sacrifice, sn do the Arab people- have the right to struggle against zionism by all legitimate mea.. and whatever the sacrifices might be. The Arab nation is struggling for freedom, sov- 213. World zionism and the Zionist entity, with the sup- port of imperialism, are not the only forces which have sought to expand through aggression at the expense of the Arab nation. Iran and its successive Governments have sought the same objective throughout the centuries. The successive regimes of the Persian State have pursued a policy of expansion at the expense of the rights of kaq and the Arab nation, particularly in the Arab Gulf region, for those regimes have always considered that region as a sphere of influence and domination. This policy has been expressed in various forms at different times according to the particular circumstances of the period. 214. On several occasions and in various international forums Iraq has fully described to the international com- munity how it welcomed the new regime in Iran in genu- ine good faith and the sincere efforts it exerted to estab- lish fruitful relations with that regime. However, the course of events revealed deliberate action by the new Ira- nian regime aimed at breaking the existing relatio!ts be- tween the two countries, thereby creating a dangerousiy critical situation which led to the start of an aggressive war on Iraq on 4 September 1980. It was later established that the new regime in Iran had been harbouring such intentions since the first day of its accession to power. This has been revealed by a number ot political leaders who until v~' recently carried weight in the Iranian po- litical arena. 215. In his statement to the French newspaper Le Matin on 3 August 1981, Mr. Massoud Radjawi, leader of the Mujahideen Khalq organization, pointed out that the se- nior religious leaders were responsible for the war against Iraq and stated that his organization possesses, tape- recorded evidence of the provocations carried out against Iraq. The former president of Iran, Mr. Bani-Sadr, also acknowledged this in an interview on 4 September 1981, published in the London-based magazine Ad-Dastour. In that interview he declared: "I remember that during the first monb~s of the revo- lution and the accession of ¥..homeini to power, Presi- dent Saddam Hussein sent a special envoy to Iran to infonn us of his readiness to co-operate with the new regime and to establish good-neighbourly relations . . . I conveyed to Khomeini what the Iraqi envoy had said to me, but Khomeini said that Saddam's initiative m~ant that he was weak and afraid of Iran and that he was looking for peace with Iran so that he could stay in power, and consequently we had to work for the down- fall of Saddam Hussein's regime." 216. The aggressive, expansionist course of the Iranian rulers has made them reject all peace initiatives to put an end to the war, whether they come from Iraq or from international organizations. The Iranian rulers persist in waging the \yar that they launched in the belief that it will enable them to achieve their expansionist goal~ at the ex- pense of others. '. 218. As a matter of fact, the similarities between the Zionist views and those of the Iranian regime are conspic- uous. Both are based on religious and sectarian fanati- cism; both pursue a policy of expansion at the expense of others and with extremely narrow horizons; anrl both are deeply entrenched in their racist philosophies and reac- tionary tendencies. It is no wonder, therefore, that the re- lations between Iran and the Zionist entity remain un- broken. 219. It has been considered that sinc~ the fifth day of air raids against Baghdad-27 September 1980-the ira- nian air force was trying to cover the Israeli air force's strikes at Iraqi nuclear instaliations. 220. The news media have recently revealed-although we have known about it f'!:\r some time-the co-operation between Iran and Israel d the field of armaments. The British new&paper The Sunday Times stated on 26 July 1981 that ~he affair of the Argentinian cargo plaue that crashed n~ar Yerevan, the capital of Soviet Annenia. on 18 July 1981 was kept secret because it was carrying mil- itary equipment from Israel to Iran as the result of a se- cret deal by which Israel undertook to supply Iran with 360 tons of arms, ammunition and spare parts at a cost of $28 million. The newspaper further mentioned that .the Argentinian plane, a turbo-prop CL-44, was hired from a commercial finn in Buenos Aires, that it was flying be- tween Tel Aviv and Tehran via Larnaca, Cyprus, and that it crashed after havmg completed 3 out of the 10 flights agreed upon. Military supplies were delivered to Tehran on 12, 14 and 17 July. The newspaper also stated that this information was revealed to it by a certain Andreas Jenny, the Swiss partner of the British pilot, Stewart AlIen McCafferty, who died when the plane crashed. 221. The scandal of the military co-operation between Iran and Israel clearly reveals the difference between the claims of the Iranian regime and the reality of its unprin- cipled actions. It further shows that the United States of America strove to keep that co-operation secret, claiming no prior knowledge of it. But the American position be- came clear when Jody Powell, the press secretary for the fermer American President, acknowledged on the ABC television network on 20 August 1981 that Washington had had prior knowledge of the export of American" arms and spare parts to Iran via Israel. The Unit~ States un- doubtedly took an active part in that co-operation. It is worth mentioning in this connection that the fonner ira- nian President, Mr. Bani-Sadr, in an interview given to 222. Despite all those 'facts, Iraq, which is fighting in self-defence to repel the Iranian aggression and to achieve its legitimate rights, remains ready to reach a just and honourable settlement of the conflict, one that would guarantee the p~ies their legitimate rights and create the conditions conducive to the establishment of just and bal- anced relations far removed from expansionist ambitions and acts of aggression. 223. While the .political aniJ military considerations of the First World War played a basic and direct role in the issuance by the United Kingdom of the Balfour Declara- tion, it was the United States which played a decisive part in the creation of the Zionist entity, lending it material and moral support and encouraging it to pursue its ag- gression and expansionist policies, to continue k; ,"'ccupa- tion of Amb lands, and ~o deny the rights of the i\ilestin- ian peop by scattering them. The United States is the principal supplier of modern sophisticated arms to Tel Aviv, besides granting it financial assistance reaching as- tronomical figures. The total American financial as- sistance to Israel from 1948 to 1977 exceeded $25.6 bil- lion. On that basis, and given that the United States population throughout that period was about 200 million,. United States financial assistance to Israel comes to' $6 tr]LO'.~ daily for the period-that is, over $10 a year for '~\'erj' man, woman and child in the United States. That r.;fi!resents a sum far exceeding any Federal Govern- ment ..::s:;istance granted to any American State. 224. It is equally noteworthy that in 1976 the United States Government proposed to offer Israel assistance to- talling $2.3 billion, or one fourth of all financial as- sistar-::e extended to the rest of the world. Furthermore, Mr. Gt'orge Ball, former United States Under-Secretary of State, declared that the total assistance extended to Israel during the previous four years exceeded $ll billion. American financial assistance has exceeded $2 billion an- nually ever since the October war of 1973-the equiv- alent of $3,500 annually for every Israeli family of five members. Besides, the Unite" States Government has often cancelled huge amounts vI the credits extended to Israel. 225. One of the basic facts that emerge from the record of American financial assistance to Israel is that the major part of that assistance is devoted to military purposes and that a large proportion of it is in the form of tax-free grants, quite apart from the opening up of the American market for the sale of Israeli bonds. Thus the American citizen has lost huge sums of money which could have been allocated for education, social services, health and welfare in the United States. Hence, the United States has become the principal contr'.butor to the continuing exist- 227. During the debate in the Security Council in June following the Israeli aggression against the Iraqi nuclear installations, this unholy alliance became evident. Al- though the Governments and the peoples of the interna- tional community as a whole, represented by IAEA, the non-aligned movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the OAU. condemned this aggression and found it to be a dangerous act threatening international peace and security and violating all the norms which the international community had been able to agree upon con- cerning the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes as provided for in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nu- dear Weapons-despite all that, the United States in a clear case of aggression, by threatening to use its veto power, prevented the Security Council from taking .meas- ures to impose sanctions on Israel in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. That took place in spite of the fact that the Security Council had warned Israel on previous occasions that the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter would be applied should it again resort to committing acts of aggression. . 228. In this connection it is fitting to note that succes- sive American Administrations have often turned a blind eye to illi~gal Israeli actions to obtain uranium and even tried to conceal them, as, for example, in 1979. It is no secret that the means by which Israeli nuclear bombs could be delivered to their targets have been supplied by the United States, including the F-15 and F-16 aircraft used by the Zionist entity in its aggression against Iraq. 229. Finally, I should like to refer to an article by Jack Anderson in the Washington Post of 30 September 1980, in which he stated that the American Defense Intelligence Agency had warned President Carter that the Israelis were undoubtedly planning to attack Iraqi nuclear installations. Another article by the same author in the Washington Post of 16 June 1981 recalled that an abortive raid against the Iraqi nuclear reactor had taken place at the time when the previous article had appeared. The author further said that in the light of Washington's claims that the Israeli raid had come as a complete surprise, it was relevant to men- tion the report which the Defense Intelligence Agency had submitted to the White House eight months earlier, which stated that it was wise to assume that Israel was 230. Israel is the only Member of the United Nations which enjoys absolute freedom to avoid its commitments under the Charter, thanks to the United States. The Gen- eral Assembly should realize before it is too late that Is- rael's persistence in aggression against the rights of the Arab nation is the main cause of the weakening of the Organization and that the achievement of its objectives of safeguarding international peace and security and ensuring the rights of peoples to self-determination will be im- peded as long as Israel is allowed to set the dangerous precedent of violating the Charter without being brought to account. Consequently, if the United Nations wishes to maintain its objectives, its principles and its future, to ensure international peace and security and to discourage other Member States from following in the footsteps of Israel, it has no choice but to take a more firm attitude towards the Zionist entity. 231. In this respect, the United Nations need go no fur- ther than applying the principles and provisions of its Charter. It must oblige Israel to withdraw completely from all occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, to enable the Palestinian people to enjoy their inalienable rights, including the right to return to their homes, to self-determination and to the establishment of their inde- pendent State. As long as Israel rejects the United Na- tions resolutions in this respect, and as long as Begin de- clares Israel's determination to remain in the occupied Arab territories, the General Assembly ought to look into Israel's fulfilment of the conditions of its admission, which were set out at the time of the creation of the Zionist entity. 232. Regarding the new and dangerous dimension of the Israeli aggression against the Iraqi nuclear installations, which is a warning that the Zionist entity will not hesitate to use the nuclear arms in its possession, it is necessary to expose Israeli nuclear armaments and to implement Se- curity Council resolution 487 (1981), adopted on 18 June 1981, on the placing of Israeli nuclear activities under intemational safeguards, as required by the General As- sern'oly in the past. The General Assembly should also oblige other Member States to desist from extending any eC1rJOomic, political, technical and militalfY assi~tance to !sl'ai~l, so that it cannot persist in its poIiey of aggression

Sir, I extend to you my delegation's warmest congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. We are confident that with your enormous ex- perience and your well-known diplomatic skills, the As- sembly will be able to discharge its responsibilities ~ith wisdom and efficiency. 235. May I also pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, of the Federal Republic of Germany, for the outstanding leadership he gave the Assembly during both the thirty-fifth session and the eighth emergency special session. We wish him all success and happiness in future endeavours. . 236. I also wish to take this opportunity to pay tribute to our Secretary-General for his dedication to the service of the United Nations. 237. It is with· much pleasure that my delegation wel- comes into our midst Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu as new Members of the United Nations. 238. Uganda reaffirms its unequivocal commitment to the realization of self-determination and independence for all peoples who are still under colonial domination. In this regard, we welcome the recent step taken by the As- sembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organi- zation of African Unity towards constructing a framework for a just and peaceful solution to the question of Vvestern Sahara [see A/36/534, annex I1, AHG/Res.J03 (XVIII)]. We appeal to the parties to the conflict to gi'!~ full co- operation to the OAU !mp!ementation Committee in order to ensure that the efforts of Africa are rewarded with a genuine and speedy exercise of self-determination by the people of Western Sahara. 239. One of the most important items on the agenda of the thirty-fifth session was that on the launching of global negotiations on international economic co-operation for development [item 123], an endeavour aimed at correcting the present structural imbalances in the world economy. The international community has placed its hopes in the General Assembly for a positive move towards this objec- tive. It is thus with a sense of frustration and disappoint- ment that we observed the Assembly's failure to launch the global round. 240. Our frustration is all the more profound because this issue has been under discussion for a very long time. Indeed, the eleventh special session was devoted ex- clusively to it. Yet to this day no agreement has been reached on the fram(;work and procedures for negotia- tions. 241. It is the view of my delegation that discussions on such substantial issues as the reform of the international 242. Contrary to the impression that is sometimes given, the new international economic order is not simply e.oo~t some massive transfer of resources from North to South without any benefits accruing to the industrialized countries. Clearly, the countries of the North and the countries of the South have many common interests in the long run, much more perhaps than some countries are now willing to acknowledge. This'sense of global interde- pendence and mutual benefits was well expressed by the Brandt Commission in its .report: .. . . • all nations will benefii from a strengthened global economy, reduced inflation and an improved cli- mate for growth and investment. All nations will bene- fit from better management of the world's finite re- sources (and from stabilization of the world's population). All nations-industrialized and developing . . . -have a clear interest in greater security, and in improved political capability and leadership to manage global problems." 10 Thus the restructuring of the world economy serves the long-term interests of both the industrialized and develop- ,ing nations. 243. Uganda commends the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Paris, for rec- ognizing the special tIlature of problems faced by this group of countries and for unanimously adopting the Sub- stantial New Programme of Action/' It is our hope that there will be a speedy and successful implementation of this Programme and that it will not suffer the same fate as the Immediate Programme of Action which preceded it. 244. With regard to official development aid, we appeal to those countries which have not yet attained the target of 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to endeav- our to do so. We commend those countries that have ful- filled their commitment in this respect. 245. International measures for assistance are meant to be supportive of, and cannot be substitutes for, efforts by the developing countries themselves. The primary impulse for development, as all our countries recognize, must come from ourselves. In this regard, we can maximize our development through economic co-operation among developing countries. Uganda and its neighbours, for their part, have taken the initiative in strengthening re- gional co-operation in the -area of eastern Africa in all spheres. 246. The sharp rise in the cost of energy in recent years has underlined the urgent need to expand and diversify our present energy supply and move from the present international economy, which is heavily dependent on hydrocarbons, to one increasingly based on new and renewable sources of energy. 253. Last year and at the beginning of this year, we had all hoped that 1981 would be the year for Namibian inde- pendence. I1'!stead of progress towards independence, we have experienced a record of set-backs and a painful pe- IJII!lIIII! 248. The Government of Uganda attaches great impor- tance to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. We have viewed with great concern the deci- sion taken in March this year by the United States to review the entire draft convention, the text of which is the outcome of 10 years of arduous negotiations and compro- 'mises. The present text is by no means satisfactory to my delegation, but we accept it as a reasonable compromise in the circumstances. In this connection, my delegation welcomes the recent decision of the Conference to trans- form the informal negotiating text into a draft convention. A speedy and successful conclusion of the Conference on the Law of the Sea would be a worthy credit to the efforts of the United Nations and a contribution to bridg- ing the gap between North and South. 249. Another issue which has widened the gap between North and South is the question of the flow and dis- semination of information. Uganda welcomes the Interna- tional Programme for the Development of Communication approved by UNESCO at Belgrade in 1980. 11 For us in the third world, the quest for a new international informa- tion order forms an integral part of the overall framework of· the new international economic order. The' political, economic, social and cultural development of our commu- nities is inevitably hampered by our lack of participation . in the field of information dissemination. The near mo- nopoly of mass-media communication sustained by the in- dustrialized countries perpetuates such imbalance in the flow of information as to deny us the oppoIt\lnity for ade- quate self-exposition, both internally and internationally. 250. Our desire to restructure this imbalance should in no way be misconstrued as an attempt to undermine the principle of freedom of the press. On the contrary, our action is prompted by a concern to universalize that free- dom. 251. The year 1981 has witnessed a general deteriora- tion in the international political situation. Events in most regions of the world, particularly in the existing areas of conflict, have dimmed our hopes for greater peace and security. We have this year experienced increased human affliction caused by senseless acts of aggression and con- tinued warfare. We have also experienced heightened ten.. sion caused by a deplorable return to· the vicious arms race between West and East. 252. In our own region, Africa, 1981 has turned out to be not only a year of broken promises, but also one of great frustration. We have seen a more emboldened and belligerent South Africa consolidate its oppression in Namibia and in South Africa itself while committing mas- sive aggression against the front-line States. 254. Consequent upon that failure, a globaJ consensus emerged in favour of the Security Council's applying en- forcement measures against South Africa under Chapter VU of the Charter in order to compel the racist regime to comply with the United Nations plan. However, this global consensus suffered a rebuff last April when the three Western permanent members of the Security Council vetoed the proposed measures. 255. Since last January, the Western contact group has been urging us to be patient and to await the results of _ their various consultations. We were even made to believe that they would have some concrete proposals by the time of the emergency special session. But to this day nothing substantial has emerged. 256. Instead of movement towards the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), there has been an inordinate preoccupation with strengthening. that reso- lution and protecting minority rights. My delegation is disturbed that these peripheral concerns should postpone the attainment of freedom for the overwhelming majority of Namibians, who continue to suffer untold indignities under the most vicious machinery of colonial occupation. 257. There have been some unfortunate attempts to cast the problem of Namibia in the mold of East-West rivalry and global strategic considerations. We wish to emphasize that the problem of Namibia remains fundamentally a colonial issue. To present the issue otherwise is to justify the illegal colonial occupation and the continued atrocities being committed against the people of Namibia. j 258. We must state clearly here that the five Western States bear collective responsibility for the continued suf- fering of the people of Namibia. They have a moral and political obligation to compel South Africa to comply with the United Nations plan for Namibia without further delay. In this connection, it must be emphasized that reso- lution 435 (1978), which is a compromise document pro- duced by the five Western States and accepted by the par- ties to the conflict, is the only basis for a peaceful settlement in Namibia. 259. There is an urgent need for immediate action to bring about an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia. The consequences of any further delay are too grave to contemplate. South Africa is already taking full advantage of the increased East-West tension, as well as the equiv- ocation of the five Western States. 260. The machinery of oppression in Namibia has be- come more vicious. The Territory of Namibia is being used as a spring-board to launch unceasing acts of aggres- sion against neighbouring African States. Only a few weeks ago, the People's Republic of Angola suffered a massive invasion by South Africa. That in~sion con- tinues today, with the racist troopS occupying 3 portion of the southern part of Angala. The scale and natute of this 262. Will the international community stand idly by while South Africa is creating D Lebanon situation in southern Africa? 263. Within South Africa itself, the abominable system of apartheid is strengthening its machinery of oppression. The policy of bantustanization is being pursued with in- creasing ruthlessness. The forcible deportation of blacks from the urban centres to barren and ov~"populated re- serves is being carried out with cynical resolve. ~everal freedom fighters have recently been sentenced to death for acts of resistance against apartheid, and many more are in gaol and detention camps. Clearly, the persecutor is now so terrified of his victim that he wants to silence him for ever. 264. But this escalation of the machinery of oppression has not silenced the voices of resistance. On the contrary, it has strengthened the resolve of the oppressed. The re- cent attacks on selected institutional symbols of apartheid are sufficient testimony to the determination of people of South Africa to continue the struggle by all necessary means. 265. In the lahdscape of southern Africa, there is no fence on which to sit, and there is no middle ground.for equivocation. The choice in southern Africa is between the forces of oppression and racism and the forces of free- dom and dignity. To speak of neutrality is to add a voice in support of the system of apartheid. We commend the front-line States which, against formidable odds, have maintained a steadfast commitment to the cause of justice and freedom in southern Africa. I wish to reaffirm the total solidarity and, unflinching support of the Government and people of Uganda for the liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia and for the front-line States. 266. In considering the increase in world tension, we are struck ~y the unhappy developments in the Middle East. Just as ideological and military collaboration has strengthened South Africa's hand in Africa, so also has the same collaboration strengthened Israel in its sangui- nary arrogance in the Middle East. This has enabled Is- rael to commit acts of unprovoked armed aggression against Arab countries. 267. Last June, in an unprecedented incursion, the Is- raeli .air force attacked and destroyed Iraq's' nuclear re- search facility. In July, the Israeli air force carried out intensive bombardmentl~ of civilian targets in Beirut, causing massive destruction of lives and property. In all these incidents Israel invoked the doctrine of self-defence, 268. Meanwhile,' in the occupied areas of the West Bank, Israel has unleashed a policy of harassment and depOrtation of political leaders, detention and torture of detainees, indiscriminate destruction of homes, collective punishdtent and expropriation of Palestinian lands. Uganda has consistently maintained that a durable peace in the Middle East is possible only if certain principles basic to the solution of the problem are recognized. 269. These principles are: the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people in its homeland without any ex- ternal interference; the right of the Palestinians'to national independence and sovereignty in a State of their own; the right of the displaced and .dispossessed Palestinians to re- turn to their holnes, coupled with a guarantee of prompt and adequate compensation for those who may choose not to return; the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories; and the restoration of the city of Jerusalem to Arab sovereignty and the preservation of its historic and religious character. Since the Palestinian question is at the core of the Middle East problem, it is imperative that any initiative for a solution involve the full participation of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. 270. Whatever imperfections the system of detente con- tained, it was itself a landmark in the easing of world tension. It focused attention on areas of co-operation, the need to resolve conflicts through negotiations and the need for a reduction in armaments. Above all, it focused on the need to avoid a nuclear holocaust. Today, however, the world is experiencing a fateful relapse from detente into a race between East and West for armed supremacy. This has manifested itself in terms of increased military spending and the development of new weapons, on the one hand, and the replacement of negotiations between the super-Powers by verbal rhetoric exchanged through the news media, on the other. 271. The impact of this development has been an in- crease in world tension, with the super-Powers vying for spheres of influence. This has led to what is now called "the global view of all conflicts". What is not realized by those who take this global view of all conflicts is the fact that the peoples of Africa, Latin America and Asia have their own interests which they seek to protect and consoli- date. In this regard, Uganda has followed with concern the recent developments in Central America. In particular, we cannot remain indifferent to the suffering of the peo- ple of El Salvador. These people must be allowed freely to determine their own destiny within a democratic politi- cal framework. 272. In a world threatened"'by the forces of domination and exploitation, those who' seek freedom and dignity must stand firmly together. Today, more than ever before, it is imperative that the peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America strengthen their solidarity. In that solidarity lies our hope for collective survival, and it is to the cause of that solidarity that the Government and people of Uganda wish to renew their commitment today.

First of all, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, I wish \0 extend to Mr. 274. I should like also to take this opportunity to pay the warmest tribute to the President of the thirty-fifth ses- sion of the General Assembly, Mr. von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, for the able manner in which he guided the proceedings in the past year, when the Assembly was faced with many major issues of war and peace. It is to his credit that during his tenure of office he displayed great personal qualities, a sense of fair play and a complete dedication to the cause of peace in serving the Assembly as President. 275. I should like also to take this opportunity to extend my warmest congratulations to Vanuatu and also to Belize on their accession to independence and on their admission as the one hundred fifty-fifth and one hundred fifty-sixth Members of the Assembly and the comity of nations. With their admission, we are now nearer our dream of attaining the universality of the United Nations. 276. I believe that we also owe our Secretary-General . much gratitude for his dedication to duty and his unfail- ing concern for the welfare and good health of the Organ- ization. At no time have these sterling qualities served the United Nations better than in the past few years, when the international system has suffered considerable strains and tensions. 277. It is with great concern that my country and dele- gation view the general deterioration in the international situation since last year. On many of the prevailing global issues, we are no nearer to a solution. In several cases the prospects for resolving the problems are actually dimmer. Our willingness and capaCity for the resolution of the ma- jor problems which now plague the world seem to have diminished considerably, despite the fact that here in the Assembly and within the United Nations system we have all devoted considerable time and energy to our common search for a durable solution to the strains and tensions in the internatfonal situation. Yet the need for a peaceful res- olution of these problems has never been greater or more urgent, in view of the great danger to international peace and security engendered by these international tensions and strains. 278. My delegation is particularly concerned about the situation now developing in southern Africa, an issue over which a special session of the Assembly met only two weeks ago. There are three major elements in the situa- tion now evolving in southern Africa, each one of which has the potential for erupting into a major world conflict. First, there is the continued occupation of Namibia by the racistregim~of South Africa despite repeated pronounce- ments by the Assembly and the International Court of 279. .It is, therefore, a matter' for deep regret that the danger posed to international peace and security by the continuing illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist re- gime of South Africa is not recognized by some Powers which wilfully, and in an arrogant display of power, now openly encourage the racist and illegal regime of South Africa to continue its open defiance of the Organization. We have in recent weeks witnessed the bizarre spectacle of racist South Africa's forces launching a v,icious, un- provoked and barbaric attack on the sovereign State of Angola under the pretext of pursuing SWAPO freedom fighters in that country. 280. No other subject has provided such absurd theatri- cals this year as has the subject of Namibia's indepen- dence; but we ate far from amused. We have witnessed otherwise civilized nations cannibalize some of the most sacrosanct tenets of democracy in a desperate effort to make southern Africa safe for exploitation by the West, by the denial of freedom to the people of Namibia. We have witnessed nations that in February 1981 condemned South Africa for its duplicity and disruptive tactics during the Geneva pre-implementation talks veto sanctions reso- lutions against South Africa two months later in the Se- curity Council in order to save the apartheid regime from economic, cultural and political ostracism. We have seen a leading advocate of a peaceful.solution of the problems of Namibia's independence recently veto a Security Coun- cil resolution condemning South Africa's criminal inva- sion of Angola in violation of that nation's sovereignty and territorial integrity. Indeed, only a few weeks ago, at the eighth emergency special session of the General As- sembly, we were witnesses to the callous indifference of a cluster of Western nations which abstained on a consensus resolution that could have enhanced and accelerated Namibia's independence. 281. However, these are merely symptoms of the times, an index of the convoluted rationalization of evil by a new breed of leaders of men and nations that has made it pos- sible for otherwise rational beings in so-called civilized nations to agree to coexist with apartheid South Africa, that has enabled the exponents of democratic principles ·on earth to stifle the buds of freedom in Namibia and that has permitted and rationalized the use of naked aggression against Angola by South Africa, ostensibly as part of the white man's self-imposed burden to expurgate commu- nism from southern Africa. For our part, we 'reject these tendentious premises, which provide no more than a 283. Of the many things with which the world's ,histor- icallandscape is strewn, the wreck of an abandoned liber- ation struggle is not one of them. And it is certain that, as night follows day, the struggle for the genuine indepen- dence of Namibia, under a democratically elected Gov- ernment led by SWAPO, will never be abandoned. In plain language, it means that the day will never come when African nations will despair of the struggle for Namibia's independence and cast it adrift as a hostage to South Africa. That would be a gesture of abject surrender and appeasement to which no true African, with the blood of his proud ancestors running through his veins. will ever subscribe. If any proof of this were needed, the recent emergency summit meeting of the front-line States and Nigeria in Lagos should provide ample testimony of the continuing pursuit of the goal of that country's inde- pendence. The achievement of that goal remains a cardi- nal objective of the foreign policy of my country. and we will not relent until victory is won. Indeed, on the issue of Namibia's independence. all African countries are front-line States, and our continental commitment to the achievement of that goal will never waver or falter. come what may. no matter what the price. In this connection. we reiterate our unflinching support for SWAPO and our commitment to the early implementation of the Namibia plan approved by the Security Council in resolution 435 (1978) without amendment. modification Qr amplifica- tion. 284. In recent months. the element of super-Power ideo- logical rivalry has been introduced into the already muddy political waters of southern Africa. with a view to confusing the direct and simple issue of the independence of the oppressed in that area. The underlying aim. no doubt, is to provide a pretext for the entrenchment of neo- colonialism in that part of our continent through its Achilles' heel. We know that the most strenuous efforts are being made to forge a link between the withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola and progress towards Namibia's independence. We see none. and unreservedly repudiate the claims of extra-continental Powers to dictate to any African country who their friends shall be when their national survival is threatened. 285. As long as South Africa continues its criminal mil- itary rampage over the territorial boundaries of sovereign African States, as long as that criminal State continues . with its efforts to .destabilize Angola. Mozambique and other neighboUring States with the active encouragement and support of some Western Powers. so long will Angola and, indeed, every Afric·an State which is threatened feel obliged to obtain military assistance from any quarter in order to preserve its sovereignty. The termination of South Africa's presence in Namibia and of its acts of aggression 286. Only very recently, the Foreign Minister of that pa- riab State was alleged to have called for co-operation be- tween his country and Nigeria in the interests of the se- curity, .peace and progress of Africa. The racist x:egime needo~ pull out its aggressive troops from Angola and other front-line States, co-operate fully with the intermi- tional community to achieve independence for Namibia and replace the obnoxious apartheid system within its borders with genuine democratic majority rule based on universal adult suffrage. It will then find Nigeria and, in- deed, all African States ever willing and ready to extend the right hand of fellowship and to welcome it whole- heartedly into the fold of the OAU. 287. The multiPle) crises which have continued to be- devil international :relations reveal one of their worst fea- tures in the economic sphere. That the world economy has suffered an alam~ing deterioration .since the Assembly met this time last year is a fact well known to everyone. One has even heard it said by authoritative analysts that mankind may in fact be witnessing now the worst eco- nomic recession since the Great Depression. Of course, that is th~ painful fact of the situation as the prospects for sustained grOwth and development are seriously con- strained by persistent high levels of global inflation, acute payments imbalances, instability of commodity markets, growing protectionism, declining volume of official devel- opment assistance, deteriorating terms of trade and unsta- ble exchange rates. fuelled by an archaic international monetary system. 288. The cumulative effect of these phenomena has been a drastic slow-down in economic growth for all. countries, particularly the developing countries, most of which have in fact registered negative growth over the last couple of years. One does not have to go far in the search for an explanation for this sorry state of affairs, because the incontestable fact is that our economies have been most particularly vulnerable to the factors enumerated above, which for the most part are of external origin and underscore the question of the structural maladjustment of the international economic system. 289. We in the developing countries cannot but feel graveltconcemedabOut the extreme severity of the im- pact of the current global economic crisis on us. The food situation has been particularly critical as many developing countries have resorted to massive food importation, which in turn has aggravated their foreign exchange posi- tion with adverse effects on their development process. So also has the very high cost of manufactured and capi- tal goods slowed down the prQCess of industrialization in developing countries, thereby curtailing opportunities for the diversification of their economies so crucial to the at- tainment of self-:reliant development. 290. To this must be added the consequences of the pre- vailing instability in the export markets for primary com- modities, which has resulted in the steady decline in our export earnings and, indeed, the purchasing power of the unit cost of primary exports. As contemporary events show, even crude oil has not escaped 'Ute fate which raw materials have ttaditionally been subjected to, as those with !heir hallds o~ the levers of economic power, namely, ----- 291. Thus, by the most surreptitious strategic ma- noeuvres, as it has done and is still doing with other raw materials, the industrialized North has managed to induce an artificial glut in the world supply for crude oil. My delegation cannot but deplore any strategy which is de- signed to strangle oil-producing developing countries with the sinister purpose of making energy a non-issue at any resumed global negotiations. We are convinced that ~he prevailing adverse trends in the world economy must not be allowed to continue, as this can only spell doom for all of us. 292. Urgent solutions are therefore called for. There must be a steady flow of additional financial resources to developing countries, which also need increasing access to technology, in respect of which the developed countries still enjoy a monopoly. These and other requirements are well-accepted prerequisites fer the accelerated develop- ment of developing countries. Of course, they are clearly underlined in the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, the faith- ful implementation of which we see as a historic responsi- bility from which the international community, espedally the developed countries; cannot afford to shy away. 293. The moment has been reached when something has to be done about the flagging spirit of multilateral eco- nomic co-operation. The hope of peace and plenty which is held forth by our great Organization must not be denied "to the vast mass of humanity simply because of the pres- ent financial constraints faced by every nation. For many, particularly in the developing countries, the role of the United Nations development system in resource transfer can hardly be underestimated. It is, therefore, important that Member States, particularly the developed countries, should continue to give their full support to the system. 294. It would be unrealistic, of course, not to acknow- ledge some encouraging developments which have oc- curred in the last few months. Happily, .the developing countries themselves, which have been hardest hit by the prevailing economic crisis, have not stood still with arms folded. On the contrary, believing in the practical wisdom and the rewards of self-help, representatives of those countries gathered in Caracas in May of this year for the High Level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries. The Programme of Action which was adopted on that occasion [see A/36/333] has since become an invaluable instrument for enhancing the col- lective self-reliance of developing countries, while it also represents their contribution to international economic co- operation for development. We earnestly hope that this noble endeavour of the developing countries will continue to receive the maximum support of the international com- munity, and in particular the United Nations system. 295. Right now attention is being turned to another important international meeting which will take place next month, the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development to be held at Cancun. It is true that this meeting will be held outside the United Nations system, but the potential contribution which it can make to strengthening international economic co-operation will 296. The internatiorial community has waited too long for the global negotiations to get under way. A further delay could be ominous because, as earlier underlined, the world economic crisis is deepening with each passing day. There must be a return to the commitment solemnly made when the Assembly adopted resolution 34/138. 297. Increasingly, our world is ruled by contradictions and ironies, and nowhere is that more true than in the issue of man's survival. Every year there are ritualistic exhortations in this forum calling for global disarmament. Instead, we are made helpless spectators of accelerated deadly rearmament on a global scale in a sort of geo- metrical progression. Conversely, the security supposedly guaranteed by this upsurge in armaments buildup proves more elusive in direct' proportion to the increase in the armaments stockpile. It is a vicious circle which would be laughable if its consequences were not so deadly se- rious. 298. However, we must point not only to the-great dan- ger of stockpiling those lethal weapons but also to the growing aggressiveness of nations and the ominous new phenomenon (if a ready, even eager, disposition to engage in the so-called tactical nuclear warfare. Nuclear warfare was always thought of and regarded as a last resort in the worst type of scenario, unlikely ever to happen because of the existing balance of terror, and the assured destruction capacity of a retaliatory second strike. Now, the new gen- eration of tactical nuclear missiles, with their fiendish ca- pacity for alleged "contained" warfare, makes the early deployment of nuclear weaponry in the event of war a much desired strategy. 299. We need not, and will not, bow in despair before the awesome might of the nuclear Powers. Rather, we must oblige them to accept and recognize the fact that part of the attributes of sovereignty which every State en- joys is the prerogative to determine the manner in which its citizens can live or die and that any abridgement of that right constitutes a 'violation of the most fundamental of all human rights-the right to live. When some coun- tries decide to embark on a reckless arms buildup, it be- comes the legitimate right of other States to express their concern anll apprehension. That is why we feel compelled and justified to call upon those who have so obstinately sought to intimidate the rest of mankind with the greatest arms buildup the world has ever known to recognize that thl~ earth is ours too, and that we are unwilling to permit its wanton and mindless destruction. We believe that enough is enough. The United Nations must redouble its eflfort to bring some sanity to the arms race, but such effort will succeed only to the extent that nations, indi- vidually and collectively, decide to turn their swords into ploughshares and release for peaceful development the vast resources at present devoted to missiles. 300. Nigeria welcomes the decision to holp the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to dis- armament in 1982, in the expectation that the opportunity will be used to reassess the disarmament postures of 301. May I now draw attention to some of the other flashpoints of our troubled world. It is the earnest hope of my country that during this session progress will be made in the relaxation of tensions in the Middle East, through involving the long-suffering Palestinians in a peace pro- cess that will ultimately secure for them a homeland of their own, as well as assuring security to the State of Israel. We also hope that this session will see the end of the fratricidal war between Iraq and Iran, two friendly non-aligned nations that need to divert their attention to improving the lot of their people. It is also to be hoped that genuine progress will be achieved in the settlement of the Afghanistan and Kampuchean issues, through the' withdrawal of all foreign forces and allowing the peoples of those countries to sort out their international problems peacefully with the help of the United Nations. 302. The Organization faces today the greatest-ever challenge throughout the history of its existence. Whether it be in the political, economic or armament field, our world is on the brink of colossal disaster. A few nations have acquired the capacity to save the world from, or plunge it into, Armageddon. Let us hope that the leaders of those nations will rise above petty, narrow, selfish in- terests. Let us hope that they will refrain from bP.ing the victims of the arrogance of power. Let us hope that the peace, welfare and betterment of the human race as a whole will be their prime concern as it is the concern of all of us as Members of the world Organization. Let us hope that together we will be true and faithful to our great Charter in the interest of peace, prosperity and pro- gress of the whole of mankind.

I now call on those representatives who have asked to speak in exercise of their right of reply.

Reference was made here yesterday to the Constitution of Cuba and to Jose Martf. Our Constitution, approved by 98 per cent of the electorate of the Republic, states in its preamble: "We, Cuban citizens, heirs and continuators of the creative toil and the traditions of combat, staunchness, heroism and sacrifice fostered by our ancestors: "by the natives, who preferred extermination to sub- mission; "by the slaves who rebelled against their masters; "by those who aroused the national consciousness and the Cuban people's. hunger for their country and for freedom; "by the patriots who in 1868 began the wars of inde- pendence against Spanish colonialism and those who in the last drive of 1895 brought them to the victory of 1898, victory usurped by the military intervention and occupation of Yankee imperialism; "by the workers, peasants, students and intellectuals who fought for more than 50 years against imperialist domination, political corruption, the lack of rights and freedoms for the people, unemployment and exploita- tion by capitalists and landowners; "by the members of the vanguard of the generation of the centenary of the birth of Martf who, imbued with his teachings, led us to the people's revolutionary victpl1 of January; ·'by those who, at the sacrifIce of their lives, de- fended the Revolution and contributed to its fInal con- solidation; ". . .We declare our will that the law of laws of the Republic be governed by this profound wish of Jose Martf, at last achieved: 'I wish the fundamental law of our republic to be the tribute of Cubans to the full dig- nity of man.' " 305. Referring to the Liberator, Sim6n Bolivar, Jose Martf said in hiS article "Three Heroes", published in The Golden Age: "When there are many men without dignity, there are men who embody in themselves the dig- nity of many men." 306. Carlos Aponte-a Venezuelan patriot who fought in Segovia with the General of Free Men, AugustoCesar Sandino, and who fell in Cuba in El Morrillo in 1935, at the side of Antonio Guiteras, fIghting against the tyranny of Fulgencio Batista-embodied the dignity which is to- day lacking in the men besmirching Bolivar's name, de- fending Yankee imperialism, which the Liberator of the Latin-American Union expressly excluded, and weaving a curtain of pr&ise around the fascist Christian-Democrat junta of El Salvador's pocket Napoleon. 307. The illustrious poet And..es Eloy Blanco-he really was :.1 Venezuelan democrat-put it very well when he referred to his country during his exile in Mexico, in his book Giraluna, as follows: "Venezuela, more peopled in glory than on earth . . . There is something the matter with it and no one knows where, whether in the blood or in the placenta, for the good son dies outside and the base son stays for ever within . . ." 308. .It is these base men, who have none of the stamp of Carlos Aponte, who are now trying to set free those who perpetrated the crime in Barbados, those who in a cowardly way murdered 74 civilian passengers in the Cuban Airlines flight which, departing from Georgetown, was flying to Havana from Bridgetown in 1976. .. 309. To the murderers of Monsignor Romero, the Arch- bishop of San Salvador; to.the murderers of the American nuns and of tens of thousands of children of the people of El Salvador; to the wretch who, using another's voice, tried to ridicule the staunch solidarity of the Cuban Revo- lution with the fIghting people of El Salvador; we reply with the words of Roque Dalton, a revolutionary poet of El Salvador: "The fact is that the police andt1}e guards always saw the people from the other side and the bullets came only from over there. Let them think about it very carefully. Let them themselves decide whether it is too late to head for the people's side and to shoot from there, shoulder to shoulder with us. Let them think about it very carefully, but in the meantime they should not look surprised and far less put on a hurt expression. ,

The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Cuba yesterday [l2th meeting] accused the United States Government of using biological warfare against the people of Cuba. The world had already heard this charge, that the United States had spread among the people of Cuba a dread epidemic- dengue fever. 311. this charge is a base lie-totally without founda- tion-made all the more outrageous by the fact that the United States Government has co-operated with the Pan American Health Organization [PAHO] in helping to stem this latest outbreak of dengu.e fever in Cuba. Let me ex- plain. 312. On 17 July, the United States Department of Com- merce received a licence application from PAHO to ex- port to Cuba 300 tons of abate, a United States-made granular pesticide which kills the mosquitoes that spread dengue fever. The application was approved that same day. 313. The point is clear: the United States not only has not used and will not use biological warfare against the people of Cuba, but, in co-operation with our colleagues in PAHO, it has actually helped the people of Cuba fIght this disease. The United States cares about the long- suffering people of Cuba. • 314. Fidel Castro knows this. Castro also knows the real origin of this ~isease. For, prior to Castro's decision to blame the United States for the dengue fever epidemic, Cuban health offIcials actually told offIci~s of PAHO, American diplomats in Havana, and tropical health spe- cialists both in the United States and in other countries, that the dengue fever had been introduced into Cuba by Cuban troops returning from Africa. 315. Exposure to exotic diseases such as dengue fever is not, of course, the only price being paid by the people of Cuba for the military adventurism of their Government. The separation of families, the deaths of husbands and of sons in distant lands-these are other costs of Fidel Castro's global imperialist policies. 316. Yesterday's charges were hardly the first of this kind that tbe Castro Government has made against the United States.. Castro has also charged, for example, that the United States was responsible for Cuba's sugar cane rust. In fact, that plant disease was caused by Cuba's de- cision to plant.a variety of sugar cane that is not resistant to the disease. 317. It is no small matter to a people when its own Government allows its chief crop to fail. But rather than confront his own failures, Castro thrashes about desper- ately looking for scapegoats. 318. No one is fooled by these tactics. Cuba's stunning economic failures can simply nr longer be hidden behind a screen of revolutionary rhetoric and posturing. Hard facts simply contradict such rhetoric. World Bank statis- tics show that Cuba's per capita gross national product 319. We hear it said that the Cuban regime denies its people liberty, but that at least it has given them bread. But now we see that it cannot even give them sugar. As the outbreak of dengue fever shows, neither can it protect the health of the Cuban people against the high costs of imperialistic adventures. Small wonder that when the gates of the Peruvian Embassy in Havana were opened last April thousands of Cubans rushed inside to seek es- cape from Castor's so-called paradise. 320. Finally, while the United States has not turned and will not turn tobacco rust, sugar mould or any other plague against the people of Cuba, there is a place in the world today where, according to our preliminary but strong evidence, the vile "yellow rain" does fall from the sky, causing those on whom it falls-almost at random- to grow dizzy, to choke, to vomit their own blood, to fall into shock, and to die a painful death. These illnesses visited upon the suffering people of South-East Asia and the noble people of Afghanistan are an appropriate subject for this body's concern. We in the General Assembly should not allow our attention to be diverted from such real human sufferings by such Cuban tactics as we wit- nessed yesterday. 321. The United States does not desire to exchange charges and countercharges. The Secretary of State's The meeting rose at 7.35 p.m. NarES I See Report of the United Nations Conference on New and ReMW- able Sources of Energy (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.24), chap I, sect. A. 2 Ibid.• chap. Ill, para. 60. 3 See Report of the World Food Conference (United Nations publica- tion. Sales No. E.75.II.A.3). chap. 11, resolution 1, para. I. , See AlCONF,951l5 and Corr.2. 6 See Report of the United Nations Conference on the Least De~l­ oped Countries (United Nations publication. No. E.82.I.8), part one, sect. A. I See Moshe Menuhin, The Decadence of Judaism in Our Time. Beirut. The Institute for Pcllestine Studies. 1969. p. liS. 9 See Michael Bar-Zohar. Ben-Gurion. The Armed Prophet. En· glewood Cliffs, NJ., Prentice-Hall. Inc., 1968. p. 103. 10 North-South: A program for survival. report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues. under the Chair- manship of Willy Brandt (Cambridge, Massachusetts, The MIT Pre'iS, 1980), p. 23. 11 See Records of the General Conference of the United Nations Edu- cational. Scientific and Cultural Organization, Twenty-first Session, vol. I, Resolutions, resolution 4/21.