A/36/PV.15 General Assembly

I convey to you, Sir, the wann fe- licitations of my delegation on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly. It was a memorable election, not without its drama. We have every confidence that under your dynamic and competent leadership the GeneraI Assembly will be able to deal effectively and comprehensively with the many tasks before it. 2. I would also like to take this opportunity to express our appreciation of the resolute and efficient leadership provided to the Assembly during its thirty-fifth session by your predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar. 3. The tolerance and patient diplomacy of the Secretary~ General aTf' well known. I would like to place on record our sincere appreciation of the statesmanlike manner in which he has carried the awesome responsibility of his post. 4. On behalf of the people and Government of India, I have great pleasure in welcoming Vanuatu and Belize, which have recently achieved their independence and joined the United Nations. 5. The contours of the world landscape have indeed changed within the past year to such an extent that the shifts and turns make some of us wonder whether interna- tional peace and security can at all be preserved intact if the present slide continues. The tension around us is very palpable. Confrontation has become acceptable for bol- stering up otherwise sagging egos. Meanwhile, those who are weak and small in terms of defence capability and economic muscle worry about their very survival as free nations. Additional weapons are being injected on a large scale into fragile regimes and areas where tensions are already high. There is a conscious and dedared attempt to make relations with the developing countries il function of the East-West variable and to evaluate these relations in terms of t~e ~tility factor in the East-West gaQ'le. Consid- NEW YORK erations of the material well-being, peace or stability of a country are being subordinated to those of strategic supe- riority and containment. 6. The grim international situation is perhaps both the cause and the consequence of the vast inequities and dis- equilibrium of the world economy. Tr.i~ present structure is so designed and managed as to prel)~rve and perpetuate its oases of privilege and affluence amidst a desert of dearth and deprivation. There is a strange scenario con- sisting of the economic problems of the developed world caused by what has been called a "system overload" aris- ing from the divergent pulls of economic surplus, de- celeration of demand, inflationary spirals and exiguous unemployment on the one hand, and of the grim problem of diminishing economic opportunities faced by the devel- oping countries on the other. It is this dramatic contrast which is in part responsible for the mood of frustration and desperation in the world today. But what is most sur- prising is that there is an increasing tendency to tackle economic problems through political means. Obviously this will not work in the new context of a world com- posed of States having sovereign equality but steeped in gaping economic inequalities. No, it is time to realize that there can no longer be political solutions to economic problems. 7. The pursuit of such a strategy for development can at best be described as misguided and unfortunate. We do not presume to prescribe panaceas to others, but we can- not possibly accept a denial of our own experience, namely, that an unbridled play of the forces of profit and acquisition can lead to confusion and anarchy in eco- nomic relations. In structurally weaker economies it leads inevitably to an unbalanced allocation of priorities, dis- tortingthe social fabric by widening disparities, heighten- ing tensions and leading ultimately to destabilization. Par- ticularly in the developing countries, the State is the main instrument of change and almost the sole repository of power. It would be very unfortunate indeed if State power were employed ZO support those who are already powerful in the society, resulting in a disequilibrium which inevita- bly would generate centrifugal foTt:es that would tend to destroy the society itself. This is already threatening a number of recently emancipated societies. Such societies therefore need a structure wherein State power uncom- promisingly stands by the powerless and maintains a bal- ance between the underdog and those who have a long enough reach and strong enough hands to help them- selves, no matter what. Within this over-all structure there ought to be full scope for individual initiative, en- trepre~eurship and ~ civilized, as opposed to anarchic, in- teractIon of markel forces. I have no doubt that this logic holds good in international economic relations as well. 8. The Charter of the United Nations is based upon the yearning of mankind for peace and. prosperity: peace A/36/PV.15 9. We in India have asked ourselves some basic ques- tions and found som~ answers to them. The philosophy behind the answers is a simple one and was beautifully articulated by Jawaharlal Nehru in a broadcast he made to the United ~ates of America on 3 April 1948 from New Delhi. It was entitled "The Age of Crisis". He said: "Today, fear consumes us all-fear of tht; future, fear of war, fear of the peoples of the nations we dislike and those who dislike us . . . But fear is an ignoble emotion and leads to blind strife. Let us try to get rid of this fear . . . and t4en gradually the crisis of the spirit will be resolved, the dark clouds that surround us may lift and the way to the evolution of the world based or. freedom will be clear." 10. It is against this background that we see the destiny of India, both within, and in the world, more especially in our own region. Within India the reaffirmation of the policies set out by Prime Mini3ter Indira Gandhi has been accompanied by a renewed dedication to national recon- struction and the consolidation of a secular and pluralistic political system. The stresses and strains of the interna- tional economy have impinged upon various aspects of our own economic growth but have not shaken the s~lf­ confidence of our people. Our dedication to our chosen objectives, especially to self-reliance, remains un- diminished. If the successful inauguration of the APPLE geostationary satellite by our scientists represents one frontier of India's efforts and achievements, the harness- ing of animal powel'" through redesign:ng the bullock cart or the grinding wheel is symbolic of another equally rele- vant application' of technology. 11. Our self-reliance consists in trying to find solutions to our problems primarily according to our own genius. Our problems are basically simple-food, clothing, shel- ter, health and education. It is their sheer magnitude that is baffl!ng, not their complexity. There are no psychoso- matic ailments, no paranoia of any kind afflicting us. We will therefore persevere, in our massive effort to lift our- selves up as a whole mass and not piecemeal, using methods and technology most relevant to our situation, nmging from the most sophisticated to the most simple, neglecting nothing useful because of its plainness, taking nothing irrelevant because of its dazzle. I am sure that many more developing countries now accept this pattern and that some of them have arrived at it by the circuitous and hard route of disillusionment arising from inappropri- ate models. 12. India's relations with its neighbours are based on a recognition of the fact that the interests of the countries are so linked that there is no reason for us to be on any 13. Some constructive steps in the direction of strength- ening regional co-operation among the States of South Asia have been considered. We are confident that, given a sense of realism and the requisite poiitical will, such co- operation would be feasible in advancing the development of the countries in this region. I would like to pay a spe- cial tribute to the wisdom and foresight of former Presi- dent Zia-ur-Rahman of Bangladesh for his dedicated efforts in this direction. 14. All countries in our region face similar economic problems, and we should devote our energies towards de- velopment and developIlJ.ent alone. India wants to have strong and self-reliant neighbours, since we are convinced that this alone is in our interest. We are, however, gravely concerned by the deteriorating security environment in our region. While India does not find itself helpless in any way, we view with deep concern the possibility of the strategic calculations of outside Powers engulfing coun- tries in our region. 15. We are committed to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We are-committed to the principles of non-alignment. Our twin commitments in the field of for- eign policy are based on the objective necessity·to con- tribute in a positive manner towards the creation of a peaceful and co-operative world. In India today, I am glad to say, there is complete unanimity regarding the content and relevance of the policy of non-alignment and the prin- ciples of Pdncha Shila. Our commitment to non-alignment has made us unafraid to stand by ourselves, if need be, on our own conviction, whenever a point of principle is involved. 16. More than two decades ago Prime Minister Jaw- aharlal Nehru spoke of the threat of the cold war coming to our doorstep. After a slight let-up, this threat seems once again to have come back today. lWenty years since its inception, the non-aligned movement once again faces a situation which calls for the utmost ingenuity and pur- posefulness. However, despite the changes in the environ- ment tending to exert pressure on the movement itself, the non-aligned countries can stili :'ring a semblance of sanity in international relations. No one has claimed or should ever claim that the non-aligned movement is a monolith. Its resilience and effectiveness, which unfortunately seem to be lost on some, are being recognized by more and more countries. It is not for nothing that every new inde- pendent nation promptly joins the non-aligned; the deli- cate plant of nascent freedom needs a non;.aligned climate in order to grow and find its identity. Alignment saps it; alliances spell blight for it. It is a happy augury, both for the movement and for humanity as a whole, that on an increasingly large number of issues, such as decoloniza- tion, rejection of apartheid, the Middle East question, more equitable international economic relations, global in- terdependen~e and, we hope, many others that will 17. I shall now briefly refer to some of the world's un- resolved problems, whose number unfortunately tends only to increase with each succeeding session of the Gen- eral Assembly. The most important of the problems is, of course, the very survival of mankind. 18. Nothing proves the unreality and mockery of inter- national politics today so much as the failure of all at- tempts at disarmament. Despite this unreality, the world cannot afford to ignore the fateful implications of the arms race, particularly in its nuclear aspects, for the very future of life on this planet. Along with increasing levels of sophistication, new claims are being made regarding the possibility of waging "winnable" wars. On top of ev- eryth~ng, we now have the neutron weapons. This devel- opment will set the stage for a qualitative jump in the nuclear arms race. While the Governments of the nuclear- weapon States ostensibly practice deterrence, the choice which they are presenting their own people with seems to be one of death by their own bombs or by those of the enemy. Most certainly, it is not a choice bc::tween death and survival. I have no doubt that in spite of the intense psychosis created by these Governments in a variety of ways, the people of the nuclear-weapon States themselves feel disaster in their bones all the time. It is time that this feeling finds increasing articulation and leads to active opposition before it is too late. It goes without saying that for the rest of mankind this is a matter of the greatest concern. The world cannot afford to permit any State or States to endanger the survival of an mankind. Peace-lov- ing States should assume, in a more strident manner, the moral responsibility to urge nuclear disarmament on a high-priority basis. 19. The non-aligned countries have clearly and consis- tently stressed the primacy of their concern about nuclear issues. We are aware that each time there is a move to modernize a weapons system on one side, a correspond- ing mirror-image action is taken by the other, resulting in the escalation of fear, anxiety and suspicion in the whole world. Each upward spiral in the arms race becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. It is our sincere belief that this vicious cycle of action and response can be broken. We hope that the dialogue between the United States and the USSR which has just started will result in genuine and practkal measures to give a fresh start in this respect. Meanwhile the world waits with bated breath, teetering on th~ brink of disaster. 20. The Indian Ocean is another theatre witnessing a great accumulation of sophisticated military hardware. This is in flagrant violation of the Declaration of the In- dian Ocean as a Zone of Peace adopted in 1971 [resolution 2832(XXVI)], in which the General Assembly expressed opposition to the military presence of the great Powers in the context of their rivalry and calls for its elimination. There is an effort to divide the littoral and hinterland States. Arguments are being improvised to jus- tify great-Power presences in the Indil;ln Ocean area. There is ~ need for determined efforts 'to stop these moves, which ruin our security environment" Further, it needs to be reiterated that great-Power prese~es in the 21. India has consistently expressed its disapprovw of all kinds of outside intervention and interference in any country. We have unequivocally opposed the presence of foreign troops in any country and all countries. For us this includes Afghanistan, whereas, presumably, to some other countries this should apply only to Afghanistan. A running argument has ensued on this question, and those who started with condemnatory polemics have now come round to prefer a political solution on the lines of the New Delhi Declaration adopted by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries last February [see A/36/116 and Corr.I, annex], The Secretary-General is now considering the question and is currently engaged in removing the cobwebs to enable a dialogue between the countries concerned. We wish him well in this quest. Meanwhile, the people of Afghanistan can only hope devoutly that the Secretary-General's efforts may succeed; they have such a.large stake in his success. 22. The people and Government of India are saddened by the continuation of the conflict between Iran and Iraq. This conflict has taken a heavy toll in life and property, leading inevitably to the retardation of developmental ac- tivities of both these non-aligned countries. On their part, the non-aligned have attempted to find an acceptable solu- tion to the conflict and will continue their efforts in con- sonance with the mandate of the New Delhi Declaration. 23. India's ties with the countries of South-East Asia are based upon the closest social, cultural and intel!ectual links developed over the centuries. Having supported them in thl~ir struggle for independence, we cannot but be deeply interested in the developments in this region, par- ticularly those affecting international peace and security in our own neighbourhood. We continue to be prepared to join in all constructive efforts aimed at seeking a peaceful solution to the problems of the region. 24. The people of Kampuchea have only just begun to emerge from the holocaust visited upon them by the Pol Pot regime in addition to the privations they had to endure earlier during the struggle of the peoples of Indo-China for national liberation, independence and sovereignty. They have just begun to look to the future with a sem- blance of hope and expectation. The prospects of famine and disease have receded. At this stage, the effort of the outside world should be to reassure the Kampuchean peo- ple that the process they have embarked upon will not be reversed and that their erstwhile persecutors will never be allowed to return and unleash once again a reign of terror upon them. It is, therefore, a great irony of the times that the same despotic regime should bring the stench of their genocidal acts into this august chamber in order to repre- sent, as it were, their own victims in a bizarre inversion of the principles of the Charter. We still hope that before long wiser counsels will prevail. Indeed~ at the Con- ference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs at New Delhi, it was clearly underlined that a comprehensive political so- lution should be found, providing for the withdrawal of all foreign forces and ensuring full· respect for the sov- ereignty, independence and territorial integrity of all 25. The political situation in West Asia continues to smoulder as a result of Israel's adventurism and intran- sigence. If anything, it has been rendered more serious by IsraeUs arrogation to itself of the right to launch "pre- empnve" attacks against its neighbours, as happened re- cently in southern Lebanon, on the spurious pretext of safeguarding its own security. Similarly, the 7 June attack on and destruction of the Osirak atomic reactor by Israel F-16 aircraft-a reactor known to have been intended en- tirely for peaceful purposes-was an example of blatant aggression. 26. A just and comprehensive solution of the West Asian proble1'\l, can be achieved only by ensuring the total and unconditional withdrawal by Israel from Arab territo- ries occupied since 1967, including the Holy City of Jeru- salem, and the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable national right to self-determination, including the establishment of an independent Palestinian State. as well as the recognition of the right of all States in the area to live within recognized and secure boundaries. Such a peaceful solution cannot be attained without the full and equal participation of the Palestine Liberation Organiza- tion [PLO], the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people, in any settlement or negotiating pro- cess. We have already seen convincing evidence of the failure of a partial solution undertaken without the par- ,ticipation of the PLO. 27. The recent emergency special session on Namibia ha£ served to focus the attention of the international com- munity on the grave situation in southern Africa. The credibility of the United Nations will be seriously erod~d if it is unable to secure freedom and justice for the people of Namibia. Only through an early implementation of Se- curity Council resolution 435 (1978) could the peaceful decolonization of Namibia be achieved. All attempts to dilute, modify or attenuate the details of the United Na- tions plan to which that resolution refers for any further purpose are unacceptable to the overwhelming majority of world opinion. The Government of India reiterates its full solidarity with the South West Africa People's Organiza- tion [SWAPO] as the authentic representative of the Nami- bian people and will continue to extend moral and mate- rial support to it in its struggle for national liberation. 28. We had all hoped last year that the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea would successfully fi- nalize a comprehensive. convention. However, the Con- ference has since met twice and our hope has not yet been fulfilled. The Government of India is deeply con- cerned that the efforts of the Conference have been frus- trated, creating uncertainty- about its future. Some 150 countries have laboured hard· for over eight years to arrive at an acceptable compromise package relating to the law of the sea which, in our opinion, serves the best interests of the community of nations as a whole. In this era of multilateral interdependence, national interests of one country cannot override the overwhelming interests of the entire international community. The resources of the inter- national sea-bed area have been proclaimed the common heritage of mankind. An orderly and safe development 29. All of us, each in a different way, have found that peace is stable only when prosperity is equitably shared. Mutatis mutandis, the same is equally true in the context of our global village, this little earth of ours. What are the mechanisms to be evolved so that the worthwhile things in life are within everyone's reach? That is what all of us are striving for in building a new international eco- nomic order in which production expands, labour is shared, and the products of labour are available to all, without pockets of misery or wasteful pockets of sur- pluses. 30. ' While there may be no simple solution to the global economic crisis, the erosion of a multilateral framework will certainly make the situation much worse. A with- drawal from the processes of international co-operation is bound to lead to increasing recourse to bilateralism. This was not the vision of the founding fathers of the Charter of the United Nations, to which every speaker before me has expressed an unqualified commitment. Total bilateral- ism at the expense of multilateral co-operation would run into alliances that may not be in the interest of harmo- nious relations and relaxation of tensions. 31. The attempts to erode the multilateral framework of economic co-operation appear even more indefensible in view of the rapid and continuing aggravation of the eco- nomic situation of most developing countries. Their terms of trade have further declined, and their exports have faced the rising walls of protectionism erected by several powerful industrialized countries. Food and energy have become more scarce. Balance of payments deficits are growing alarmingly, and external debt is assuming un- manageable proportions. 32. Developing countries are unable to improve their terms of trade when the wall of protectionism keeps rising in one form or another in response to every innovation that they make. Access to capital markets is practically blocked through artificially inflated interest rates. The re- sult of all these phenomena, which lire mariipulated by a few centres of economic power and over which the devel- oping countries have no control, becomes manifest in sluggish economic activity at home and further aggravates balance-of-payments and debt burdens. 33. Closely linked to this process is the role of the inter- national financial institutions. Only a few months ago, at the second regular session for 1981 of the Economic and Social Council, we welcomed the many innovative mech- anisms evolved by these institutions, making it possible for larger financial resources to become available to de- veloping countries. I must note with some regret, how- ever, that even while more rigorous conditionality has been maintained some of the progressive mechanisms of lending by these institutions have come into question in recent months. After the tremendous effort during the past decade to impart a greater and more effective devel- opmental role to these institutions, this retrograde trend is most unfortunate. I would like to express my strong con- viction that the achievements of the past decade and the progress ma~e in making these institutions more respon- 35. The Caracas high-level conference of the Group of 77 made progress in a pragmatic manner in the field of economic co-operation amongst the developing countries. The attitude of the developed countries towards technical co-operation amongst the developing countries has not been negative, though not exactly enthusiastic. In both the South-South and the North-South context a number of proposals designed to alleviate 'the burden of oil-importing developing countries ~ave been under consideration. It is necessary to devise an early action-oriented programme to solve this important problem in its various aspects. This has perhaps been delayed because of the failure to launch the global negotiations. The energy resources of the de- veloping countries can be developed on' the basis of a definitive expansion of the multilateral flow of public fi- nances, about which interesting ideas have- been adum- brated, including that of an energy affiliate of the World Bank. Both the objective and the urgency of these steps need to be underscored. 36. One of the major obstacles to a meaningful North- South dialogue so far is the widespread impression that on issues of resources and technology transfer it is the South that needs the North, without having much to offer in return. This is not a correct reflection of the situation. The intimate dependence of the economies of the North on world markets makes it impossible for them, as the Brandt Commission notes in its report, I to put even their own house in order if they forget the rest of the world. This is the lesson of the 1980s, which the North could ignore only at its own peril. 37. We would like to reiterate, therefore, that the inter- national community should face squarely the reality of in- terdependence among nations. The benefits of strength- ened international economic co-operation and the dangers inherent in the growing tendency towards il;olation and protectionism need to be realized more in practice. This should be reflected in the full participation by all devel- oped countries in the process of solving international eco- nomic issues in the context of North-South co-operation. There can be no exception or reservations to this process or any ground whatsoever-historical, ideological or merely rhetorical-. While the task of apportioning blame should now appropriately belong to Rcademic endeavour, all developed countries should put their shoulders to the wheel. 38. While saying this I am not underestimating the diffi- culties that willing Governments of the North would face in convincing their own people of the fact of interdepen- dence in terms intelligible to the members of a self-solic- itous affluent society. The realization thilt· the purchase of the next automobile by one family in a deveIQped country would· be truly dependent on the availability <:>f the next 39. Let there be no mistake. The United Nations, being the largest multilateral system, must have the capacity to provide the umbrella under which the urgent and complex task of restructuring international economic relations could and should be undertaken. From an almost purely political institution, the system has gradually come to grapple with complex economic issues.lying in the bowels of international relations today. A successful launching of the global negotiations on major economic issues and a coherent and integrated framework in the spirit of mutual benefit will constitute the real success of the United Na- tions system. We reiterate, therefore, that this process should be started without further delay. 40. We are today on the eve of the International Meet- ing on Co-operation and Development, to be held at Can- cun, which will bring together leaders of some developed and developing countries to enable a better understanding of each other's perceptions, achieve a real meeting of minds and generate the requisite political impetus to make hopefully a determined assault on all questions concerning international economic relations. The growing frustration and cynicism generated over the years by frequent set- backs to every North-South exercise represent a dan- gerous trend. We, for our part, will continue our serious commitment to work tirelessly and ceaselessly to reverse this trend. We wish godspeed to the Cancun conclave. 41. In the course of the general debate so far, we have heard several statements which rekindle one's faith in the desire of the North to engagt. in a mutually advantageous dialogue with the South. I was particularly heartened by the question posed by the Minister for External Relations of France in his statement before the General Assembly on 23 September wp.~n he said: "But how often do you hear it,acknowledged . . . that the progress of the North- South dialogue is a prerequisite for world progress and perhaps even for world peace?" [9th meeting, para. 26.] He himself provided the answer with characteristic finesse: "The South has become part of the life of the North." [Ibid. para. 27.] 42. I would like to join whole-heartedly in this state- ment, as weil as in similar inspiring statements made by several colleagues from other developed countries. These pronouncements are indeed refreshing trend-setters, in- asmuch as they seek to demolish the hitherto impregnable North-South divide. North and South must, therefore, share the same objectives, as their destinies are inter- twined. Together, we can make sure that while following our paths, we can contribute to each other's prosperity as well as security, provided we follow the logic of peaceful co-operation and steer clear of the twin mistakes of isola- tion and confrontation.

Mr. President, please accept my congratulations on your election to the high post of President of the 45. The current session of the General Assembly is tak- ing place in an extremely complicated international situa- tion"characterized by a dangerous intensification of ten- sioni'in the world. The question now is in which direction humanity will proceed: whether along the road to easing tension, maintaining and further developing detente and strengthening international peace and security; or along the road to militarism and confrontation, which would lead to a devastating nuclear catastrophe. That situation predicates a special role for the United Nations, whose basic task is to serve as an effective instrument for ensur- ing peaceful co-existence and co-operation among States. 46. The cau~es for the aggravation of the international situation are the actions of militaristic circles of the United States, which have resurrected their claims to world supremacy and have stated their intention to resolve world problems from a position of strength. They are now attempting to upset the established strategic balance, to obtain military superiority over the countries of the so- cialist community and to acquire dominating positions on a global scale. 47. In order to conceal tteir adventurist intentions they are whipping up a slanderous campaign about the myth of the so-called Soviet military threat and encouraging dis- , trust and hostile attitudes towards the socialist countries. At the same time they are continuing their unprecedented military build-up and provoking a new round of the arms race. With the decision to deploy new American medium- range nuclear missiles in Western Europe and to produce the neutron weapon, which is designed chiefly for Eu- rope, the old continent has been assigned the fate 'of being the theatre of a devastating nuclear war. 48. The United States is increasing its military presence in various parts of the world. Entire regions, thousands of kilometres away from the United States, are declared "spheres of vital American interests". A rapid deploy- ment force has been. created, existing military bases are being enlarged and modernized and new ones are being built. The disarmament talks are being stalled and exist- ing agreements in that field are being undermined. The dOctrine of the possibility of waging a limited nuclear war is extremely dangerous in that respect. 49. Certain circles in the United States are doing every- thing possible to involv~ their allies in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] in carrying out their own militaristic plans. 50. The imperialist forces. are attempting to raise bar- riers to halt the progressive changes in a number of States in Asia, Africa and Latin America, pursuing a policy of blackmail and provocation, interfering in their internal af- fairs and threatening to use force. They openly support reactionary dictatorship regimes, which conduct a policy of mass terror against their own peoples. The forces of imperialism are doing everything possible to check the liberation struggle of peoples; they take the liberty of de- scribing national liberation movements as international ter- 52. An unseemly role in that dangerous game is being played by the Peking hegemonists, who are entering into open military and political collusion with the most reac- tionary forces of imperialism. 53. Those are only a few of the most substantive aspects of the present situation, which is cause for concern and anxiety on our part. However, we believe that there are no grounds for pessimism. The situation is indeed complex, but not hopeless. B~sides those forces which have wors- ened the international situation, there exist certain factors in the world which continue to exert a stabilizing influ- ence upon international developments and which contrib- ute to the maintenance of peace and actively counteract the danger of war. The most powerful of those factors is the will of minions of people who are vitally interested in preserving the life and peaceful future of the present and succeeding generations. 54. A way out of the present complicated situation would be to hold a wide-ranging and frank dialogue on all contentious issues of international relations, based on the principles of equality, equal security and mutual re- spect for the interests involved. We are deeply convinced that there is no problem which cannot be solved through negotiations. 55. As Todor Zhivkov, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and President of the State Council of the People's Republic of Bulgaria, stated recently: ". . . what· we need now is a dialogu~, not confronta- tion; a dialogue between the USSR and the United States; a dialogue between the East and the West; a dialogue between States, parties, politicians and na- tions; a dialogue seeking ways of preventing war, safe- guarding peace and promoting detente, co-operation and disarmament." 56. A sound basis for such a dialogue is to be found in the Programme for Peace adopted by the twenty-sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the peaceful initiatives put forward by the Soviet Union, the proposals made by States parties to the Warsaw Treaty and the constructive ideas formulated at the Crimea meet- ings of the heads of the countries of the socialist commu- nity. Such is also the essence of the concrete proposals set forth by the twelfth Congress of the Bulgarian Com- munist Party. 57. The acceleration of the arms race and the constant increase of expenditures on the production of weapons of mass destruction have reached such dimensions as to ren- der very real the threat of a world catastrophe. The elim- ination of that threat is the cardinal problem which must be solved by States and by Government leaders as well as by the international community, which is becoming in- creasingly aware of the aggressive and inhuman nature of 58. Naturally, the People's Republic of Bulgaria, as a European country, is vitally interested in preventing that danger. We call for a successful conclusion to the Madrid meeting and for the convening of a conference on military detente and disarmament in Europe. Significant pos- sibilities for progress in the field of military detente are provided by the readiness of the Soviet Union to have confidence-building measures extend over the entire Euro- pean territory of the country, provided that the Western States also agree correspondingly to extend their zone of confidence-building measures. Creating nuclear-weapon- free zones on the European continent and turning the Mediterranean into a region of lasting peace and co-oper- ation could also be a substantial contribution to strength- ening security throughout the world. 59. The implementation of the NATO decision to station new American medium-range missiles in Western Europe will upset the present military balance not only from a tactical but also from a strategic point of view. When speaking about balance, we must not forget the forward- based American nuclear weapons as well as those nuclear weapons deployed aboard airplanes and airaraft carriers. That is why we have repeatedly called for immediate ne- gotiations to limit nuclear weapons in Europe, and we welcome the agreement reached a few days ago between the Soviet Union and the United States to begin such ne- gotiations. 60. The new neutron menace must be nipped in the bud. We resolutely support the complete prohibition of that barbaric weapon. 61. The socialist countries are making every effort to achieve specific results at the Vienna talks for the reduc- tion of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. To that end, it is necessary for the Western States to abandon their unconstructive approach and to show politi- cal willingness so that progress can be made at those ne- gotiations. 62. The continuation of the SALT process is also an urgent necessity, dictated by the interests not only of the Soviet Union and the United States, but indeed those of all countries of the world. 63. The call by the Soviet Union for a restraint in the field of strategic armaments and for the continuation of talks on their limitation, while preserving everything posi- tive reached in that field thus far, is specifically designed to serve that purpose. 64. The People's Republic of Bulgaria is of the opinion that among the multitude of disarmament issues the prob- lem of nuclear disarmament is of paramount importance. To arrive at a radical solution of the problem, it is neces- sary immediately to begin talks on the termination of the manufacture of all types of nuclear weapons and the grad- ual reduction of their stocks until they are completely eliminated. At the same time, however, it is necessary to continue those efforts aimed at the final removal of the danger of the further proliferation of nuclear \v~apons, the 65. In that connection, the People's Republic of Bul- garia fully supports the proposal. of the Soviet Union to include in the agenda of the thirty-sixth session' of the General Assembly an item entitled "Prevention of nuclear catastrophe: declaration of the General Assembly". 2 The adoption of a declaration on that question would block the way of those who would thoughtlessly push mankind into a thermonuclear conflict. 66. The proposal by the Soviet Union to conclude a treaty on the prohibition of the stationing of weapons of any kind in outer space [agenda item 128] also contrib- utes to the task of curbing the arms race. Outer space can and must remain an arena to be used only for the peaceful endeavours of States for its exploration and utilization in the interest of all mankind. My country is making its own contribution to that process. 67. An active role in speeding up talks on the \lrgent questions concerning the limitation of the arms race can and, indeed, must be played by the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. That could pave the way for the holding of a world disarma- ment conference. 68. My country attaches particular importance to the idea of converting the .region of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, as well as to the well-known proposals for ensuring peace and guaranteeing security in the region of the Persian Gulf. 69. We welcome the readiness of the Soviet Union to reach an agreement with interested countries in the Far East on confidence-building measures in that important region. We also welcome the proposal of the Mongolian People's Republic for the conclusion of a convention on mutual non-aggression and renunciation of force in rela- tions between the States of Asia and the Pacific [see A/36/388]. 70. The eradication of hotbeds of tensio:! and conflict, as well as the peaceful settlement of crises in various parts of the world, are of great importance in improving the international situation and enhancing internatJonal se- curity. 71. The People's Republic of Bulgaria reaffirms its con- sistent position of principle with regard to the settlement of the Cyprus question by peaceful means, in the interests of the Greek Cypriots and the Thrkish Cypriots, while preserving the independence, sovereignty, territorial integ- rity and policy of non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. 72. Certain imperialist circles are to blame for the fact that the Middle East crisis continues to deteriorate and to threaten peace and security in the world as a whole. -Israel is continuing its aggression against Lebanon and is black- mailing Syria and Libya, and it carried out a piratical raid against the nuclear research centre in Iraq. Those actions add heat to an already complex situation in the Middle East. de-n~ of all States of that region. Such a comprehensive solution could be reached at a special international con- ference, with the participiiltion of all the parties con- cerned, including the PLO, the sole legitimate representa- tive of the Arab people of Palestine. 74. My country calls for a settlement of the conflict be- tween Iraq and Iran through negotiations. 75. We resolutely insist on the ending of the outside in- terference ini\the affairs of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, and we favour the provision of guarantees that such interference will not be repeated. The problems surrounding Afghanistan can be settled by a political so- lution on the basis of the proposals made by the Govern- ment of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan on 24 August 1981 [A/36/457]. , 76. It is essential to put a stop to Chinese aggression against the countries of Indo-China. The People's Re- public of Bulgaria supports the proposal of Viet Nam, Laos and Kampuchea to turn South-East Asia into a zone of peace, stability and co-operation [Af36/86] and to solve existing problems on a regional basis through negotia- tions. 77. We' categorically reject any attempt to interfere in the domestic affairs of Kampuchea. The people of that country have already made their choice and no power can divert them from the chosen path. The existing political realities and the norms of international law require that thePeople's Republic of Kampuchea be represented in the United Nations and other international organizations by their legitimate representatives who have been duly elected by their peoples. 78. Bulgaria supports the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for a peacefUl solution of the Korean question. 79. My country resolutely condemns the illegal occupa- tion of Namibia by South Africa and South Africa's ag- gressive acts against Angola and other African States. South Africa's provocative conduct is a direct result of the assistance given to Pretoria by certain imperialist States. The People's Republic of Bulgaria fully supports the deci- sions of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] and the International Conference on Sanctions against South Af- rica, as well as those of tb..e eighth emergency special ses- sion of the General Assembly, on Namibia. We reaffirm our solidarity with the people of Namibia in their struggle to exercise their right to self-determination and indepen- dence under tbe leadership of SWAPO. 80. The People's Republic of BUlgaria has always been and will continue to be on the side of those peoples fight- ing for national independence against colonialism, neo- colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid. 82. Together with the other countries of the socialist community, the People's Republic of Bulgaria has always sided with newly liberated States in their struggle for eco- nomic independence, for the elimination of exploitation and inequitable relations inherited from colonialism and imperialism, for the consolidation of their national inde- pendence and for the attainment of true national sov- ereignty that will guarantee their right to control their own natural resources~ 83. We consider that the United Nations is precisely the body in which it is possible to reach an effective solution of the broad and complex range of problems pertaining to international economic relations. 84. The solution of the problems of the present day ne- cessitates the co-operation of all democratic, peace:..loving and progressive forces. In this respect, an important role is being played by the non-aligned movement, which, through its struggle against imperialism, colonialism, war and aggression, exerts a positive influence on the devel- opment of the contemporary international situation. 85. The position of the People's Republic of Bulgaria on some of the most important questions of the present inter- national situation is a direct reflection of the consistent foreign policy of my country, inspired as it is by the hu- mane principles and ideals of struggling for peace and understanding among peoples. That policy stems from the very nature of the socialist system and from' the fact that the People's Republic of Bulgaria is an inseparable part of the socialist community. 86. The peaceful policy of the People's Republic of Bul- garia also underlies its relations with its neighbours. My country will continue in the future to do everything in its power in order to turn the Balkan Peninsula into a zone of good-neighbourliness, understanding and co-operation and into a factor making for peace in Europe and in the world. Further evidence of this is to be found in the con- structive proposals which Todor Zhivkov, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and President of the State Council of the People's R€(public of Bulgaria, made from tile rostrum of the twelfth Congress of the Bulgarian Communi~t Party. 87. The People's R(;pubHc of Bulgaria is ready to sign bilateral agreements with its neighbours which would cover a code of good-neighbourly relations, the renuncia- tion· of territorial claims and the use of the territories of the contracting parties for any hostile purposes and ac- tions against each other, and readiness to develop bilateral relations in various spheres, as well as co-operation on a multilateral basis with the other Balkan countries on mat- ters of mutual interest in those specific spheres where un- derstanding has already been reached. The idea of estab- lishing a· nuclear-weapon-free zone in. the Balkans also aims at enhancing peace and security in our peninsula. 89. The Bulgaria of today views its future with opti- mism. For us there is no objective loftier or more pre- cious than peace and social progress. The People's Re- public of Bulgaria will continue to pursue a consistently peaceful and constructive policy aimed at preserving and developing detente, strengthening international security and broadening understanding and co-operation among all countries and peoples in full conformity with the pur- poses and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. 90: It is precisely to the achievement of those objectives that the efforts of the People's 'Republic of Bulgaria will be directed.

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Royal High- ness Crown Prince Hassan Ibn Talal of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. I have great pleasure in welcoming him and inviting him to address the General Assembly. 92. Crown Prince HASSAN (Jordan) (interpretation from Arabic): Sir, I should like first to express my sincere congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. That election is a sign of the high regard in which your per- sonal accomplishments are held and of your country's important role in strengthening international understand- ing and in cementing genuine co-operation among na- tions. I am confident that your contribution to the achievement of a positive outcome to the deliberations of this session will be enhanced by your personal qualities and wide experience. 93. I wish also to express my thanks and appreciation for the efforts of your predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, of the Federal Republic of Germany, which is bound to my own country, Jordan, by strong bonds of friendship, mu- tual respect and co-operation. His valuable contribution as President of the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth ses- sion helped significantly to foster the atmosphere of posi- tive dialogue which characterized the work of the session. 94. It also gives me great pleasure to acknowledge the considerable efforts of the Secretary-General aimed at lessening global tensions and increasing the chances for peace in all parts of the world. 95. It is also my pleasure on this occasion to express our warm congratulations to Belize and Vanuatu on their accession to independence and to membership in the in- ternational family of nations, which associates them with the creation of a better international community in which peace and prosperity prevail. 96. A close examination of the current world situation clearly reveals a divergence between the commonly shared hopes for a world ruled by peace and justice and the existing reality, where power rules and tire politics of fait accompli dominate. . 98. The arms race, which involves vast wQrld expendi- tures averaging $450 billion annually, very seriously in- creases tension. It forces many developing countries to allocate huge segments of their limited incomes for de- fence purposes at the expense of their economic and so- cial development. 99. Disarmament is basic and vital to world security and peace. We appreciate all the efforts and resolutions adopted and implemented in that field by the United Na- tions in past years. We all hope that at the second special session devoted to disarmament, to be held next year, the General Assembly will achieve substantial progress in thlit area. It would protect humanity from a grave danger- and would safeguard developing countries against being drawn into conflicts and struggles for influenre which threaten their very existence and survival. 100. Here I am referring in particular to the dangers that threaten our Middle East region as a result of Israel's accumulation of a major arsenal of both conventional and nuclear weapons. Items 46 and 56 of the agenda of this session are concerned, respectively, with the establish- ment of a nuclear-"weapon-free zone in the Middle East and the dangers stemming from Israeli nuclear armament. 101. Consideration of those items in the As~mbly is an indication that we have realized the dimensions of the danger threatening the Middle East because of nuclear ar- mament by Israel aimed at imposing hegemony through aggression in the region. Israel has refused to sign the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and has further refused to allow the specialized international organizations concerned to inspect its nuclear installa- tions. We in the Middle East regard the United Nations and the Charter as the proper framework within which should fall any arrangement for making the Middle East a nuclear-weapon-free zone. Such a step should lead to the halting of the Israeli nuclear programme, with its sinister objectives, saving the region from the horrors of the use of these destructive weapons. 102. The second important issue for the present and the future of the contemporary world is the. creation of a new and more just international economic order which would conform to the aspirations of a majority of the peoples of the world and which would contribute to raising their standard of living. It is clear that tbeproblems facing in~ ternational economic relations have reached such a critical stage, as Jordan pointed out to the Assembly in the pre- vious session [25th meeting], that the very survival and continuation of the human race depend on their speedy solution. 103. An objective view clearly reveals that poverty, ig- norance and disease are rife in many communities, as well as drought that regularly threatens life in many na- 104. My country is conscious of the essential role the LtntPed Nations should play in ~volving a major change in present international economic relations. We need to de- velop criteria to regulate international relations on an equitable basis for an acceptable pattern of world trade. It is unfair that developing countries have to import indus- trialized goods at ever-rising'prices, while they sell their raw materials at comparatively lower prices. 105. The situation also calls for an immediate solution to the energy problem and the spiraling costs involved. The United <Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held last August at Nairobi, con- stituted the first concrete step towards dealing with this very important issue. It highlighted the need to provide sources of energy for projects in developing countries, thus reducing the financial burden on their economies. 106. Furthermore, we need to use modem technology in order to provide for a comprehensive international food security programme. This will help to eradicate hunger and overcome the problems involving low agricultural production and creeping desertification and will help land reclamation and water resource development. 107. Within this framework any practical formula de- signed to set up co-operation between developed and de- veloping countries has to take into consideration the im- portance of establishing a "technology bank" in order to transfer to the developing countries all aspects of technol- ogy from the industrialized world. Such a bank would also facilitate technical co-operation between the develop- ing countries themselves. 108. We alsc hope that a well-thought-out programme within a structured framework to which all nations can subscribe will arise out of the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development to be held next month at Cancun, within the.framework of the North-South dia- logue. 109. The third issue I should like to discuss, among the many important SUbjects submitted for discussion during this session, is the aspiration of many peoples for self- determination and for independence from foreign domina- tion which impedes their legWmate hopes for a better fu- ture. In line with our Arab and Islamic heritage and our belief in the absolute right of peoples to liberty and inde- pendence, Jordan supports the struggle of the people of South Africa. We call upon the international community to exert further pressure upon those who aid and abet the racist South African regime. The apartheid policy of South Africa must end, as should its aggression against neighbouring countries. South Africa must end its oc- cupAtion of Namibia and abide by United Nations resolu- tions, specifically, Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The international community should put an end to the aggressive South African-Israeli co-operation in the political, economic, military and cultural fields. As a re- sult of nuclear co-operation, these ties pose a direct threat 111: I mentioned earlier some of the general i~sues which face the world of today and which will threaten the future of mankind unless they are addressed adequately and with genuine concern by the international community. A~other important and grave.issue, in addition to those J have mentioned, is .the Middle East problem, at the base of which is the tragedy of the Palestinian people and their land. . 112. I do not wish to go into the details of that issue, ' which is 33 years old. His Majesty King Hussein of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, in his two speeches to the General Assembly-in 1967,3 immediately after Israel treacherously occupied the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, Sinai and the Golan Heights, and again in 1979-ade- quately dealt with the various aspects of this problem, its evolution and its implications. Therefore I will not bore delegations with repetition. In his 1967 speech, His Maj- esty was the first to underline that real peace can be built only on justice, if it is to lead to. the achievement of.the desired objective. He concluded his second speech as fol- lows: ' "If I have spoken at length about the problems of our region, it is because they are fateful problems af- fecting the life and future of my nation and touch in a very direct manner on the peace of the world."4 The Palestinian problem has become the concern of the world at large and has commanded the attention and efforts of the United Nations' as has no other problem. 113. Israel occupied the greater part of the land of Pal- estine in 1948, dispersed its people and suppressed its character and political identity. After its aggression of 5 June 1967, Israel occupied, as it still does, all the land of Palestine as well as a part of other Arab lands. A quick glance at the map of the area shows the difference be- tween what the United Nations accepted in 1947 as the territory of Israel in General Assembly resolution 181 (1I) and what that territory is today. It goes without saying that Israel has violated the Charter of the United Nations and the resolutions of the Organization, which accepted Israel as a member on condition that it implement resolu- tions 181 (11) of 1947 and 194 (Ill) of 1948. Israel did not consider it enough to drive the Palestinians out of their own land as refugees and displaced persons or to persecute them under its occupation, but has sought delib- erately to change the identity of the Arab and Palestinian land which it occupied as a result of the aggression of 1967. Israel is intensifying its settlement efforts and has filled its new settlements with settlers from elsewhere; it has confiscated Arab public and private property as well as water and other natural resources and placed them at the disposal of those new settlers. Israel has challenged 114. The Arab people living under occupation, who re- sist the Zionist plans for annexation with great heroism, are subjected to severe punishment comparable to the worst used throughout human history. Under Israeli mili- tary occupation the P.:tlestinians have suffered mass punishment, the demolition of their houses and the exile or physical liquidation of their leaders. Israel has even forbidden the municipalities and village councils to re- ceive aid and support in order to develop their localities and offer basic services to the population. As a result of this measure, which has halted the activities of public services and administration, the population has been left without the necessary resources by either the occupation authorities or their fellow Arabs. The occupation au- thorities are linking the economy of the occupied Arab territories to that of ISrael, thus forcing the P.:tlestinians to leave their land so that Israel may accommodate new set- tlers on it and consequently annex the occupied Arab ter- ritories to the ~''''Ilist entity. 115. Israel would not be able to continue in its aggres- sive and expansionist policy or to challeng~ international law without the total political, economic and military sup- port it receives from certain countries, in particular the United States of America. United States support for Israel has enabled it to continue to occupy Arab lands, chal- lenge the will of the international community, violate the resolutions of the United Nations and cause instability and insecurity in the region. 116. United States support for Israel is based on the claim that the United States is committed to ensuring the security of Israel, a claim about which the United States has so far failed to be totally precise. Is the United States committed to the Israel of the 1947 P.:trtition Plan, or the Israel of the armistice of 1948 or the Israel of 1967? The United States support for Israel on such an ambiguous basis and Israel's alteration of the basic features of Arab lands are understood by the Arabs to mean that the United States is committed to an expansionist Israel at Arab expense. 117. The continuous supply of advanced weaponry to Israel on the false Western assumption that it will provide security for Israel is proving to be largely counter-produc- tive. It is the Israeli arsenal, including nuclear capability, that constitutes a direct threat to stability and peace in the region and in the world at large. The recent agreement between Israel and the United States involving strategic co-operation and complementary arrangements has in- creased the dangers of polarization. It also adds to the doubts and fears of the Arab nation and increases the ex- isting dangers. This continuing and total support for Is- rael has encouraged it to expand its sphere of aggression in the area. To it can be attributed what Israel has achieved in a short span of time. 118. First, the Zionist entity has annexed Arab Jerusa- lem despite international objections and condemnation and despite the reverence in which all' peoples and re- ligions, whether Christian, Moslem or Jewish, hold the Holy City. 120. Thirdly, Israel continues to interfere in Lebanon, thus intensifying the suffering of 01:1r sister country. The continuous Israeli efforts are aimed at dismembering Lebanon and at occupying the south of the 'country, with its water resources. We all vividly remember the victims of the savage Israeli air strikes against residential areas and P.:tlestinian refugee camps in Beirut and south,,~rn Lebanon last July. 121. Fourthly, Israel committed an unprecedented vio- lation of international law by attacking Iraq's nuclear in- stallation last June, after Iraq had announced the peaceful purpose and use of its nuclear installation, which was reg- ularly open for inspection by lAEA. The peaceful pur- pose of the installation was re-emphasized by the Director General of IAEA in his report to the Security Council last June.6 Furthermore, while Iraq is a signatoty to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, Israel re- fuses either to sign that Treaty or to allow inspection of its own nuclear faciiities. 122. In contrast to Israel's belligerence in attempting to control the Middle East, there is a sincere Jordanian and Arab desire for peace built on justice that will lead to stability for the Middle East region asa whole. 123. Jordan, which has experienced the full dimensions of the tragedy of the P.:tlestinians and their land and has suffered its consequences owing to unjust international practices, firmly supports, together with all other Arab countries, the international initiatives on the P.:tlestinian and Middle East problems. Our co-operation with Mr. 9unnar Jarring was total and genuine, as was our par- ticipation in the Geneva Conference of 1973. Jordan also welcomed the Joint Soviet-United.States communique of I October 1977 and the Venice Declaration of June 19807 as positive steps in the right direction. In the same spirit we welcomed the Soviet call for an international conference to discuss these problems, with the participation on a basis of equality of all the parties concerned, including the- PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Pal- estinian people. 124. Jordan's position springs from the consensus on national principles adopted by the Arab summit con- ferences in Baghdad, Thnis and Amman, which empha- sized the Arabs' demaild for justice and peace in the framework of their commitment to the attainment of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East 125. It is with this clear and positive outlook that we are ready to co-operate in any sincere initiative aimed at finding a just and comprehensive solution to the Palesti- nian and Middle East problem. We have rejected any at- tempts at achieving a unilateral peace through partial so- lutions that benefit only one side. Accordingly, we have clearly and consistently rejected the Camp David agree- ments, which ignore the core of the problem and the most elementary u.alienable national rights of the Palestinian people and which take no account of the minimum basic requirements for a comprehensive and just solution. Fur- thermore, those agreement~ have strengthened Israel's in- transigence and encouraged it to defy the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and the Security Coun- cil, which should be binding upon all States. 126. Another issue related to the security and stability of the region in which we live is the continuing war be- tween Iran and Iraq. This armed conflict has caused great sadness in Jordan, as it involves a confrontation between two brother Islamic States. Jordan's position is based on the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and its resolutions and on interna~ional law. Furthermore, it ema- nates from a national Arab commitment whereby Jordan stands by Iraq in its defence of its legitimate national rights over its .lands and waterways and stands by Arab interests in the -Gulf region. However, Jordan still hopes that the Islamic Republic of Iran will respond positi:vely to Iraq's offer of peace, as well as to the efforts of other Islamic and international mediators and, in particular, that it will accept the role of the special envoy of the Secre- tary-General and the non-aligned nations. These efforts, we hope, will resolve the conflict and bring peace while safeguarding the rights of each party. The principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries must be respected within a policy of good-neighbourly re- lations based on international law. 127. We appreciate fully the positive resolutions adopted by the various international organizations, such as the group of lshlmic States, the non-aligned movement and the OAU, as well as by peace-loving Member States ei- ther through their regional conferences or in the General Assembly. We consider the stands taken by these organi- zations and States as a principal source of the legitimacy of our·rights, and the justice they invoke is a clear con- demnation of Israel's policies, mentioned earlier, which,_ place hurdles in the way-of peace. 128. There is no doubt that the peace and security of the world depend largely on achieving peace and security in the Middle East. Should its present instability be al- lowed to continue, it will threaten the entire human race with destruction, in view of super-Power polarization in seeking to control our vital region. 129. If the human race is to maintain its claim of being civilized, then it is imperative that humanitarian principles 130. I should like to propose to the Assembly the pro- motion of a new international humanitarian order parallel to the efforts being made in the economic and other fields. Before dealing with economic and political prob- lems, let man learn to be more human. I believe that just as the 1948 Universal Dechrration of Human Rights has become the springboard for a number of international covenants and legal principles, this comprehensive inter- national humanitarian order may offer a new impetus for a code of conduct in human and international relations of which we are so desperately in need. In this connection I quote from the Holy Koran: "Oh thou man! Verily thou art ever toiling on towards thy Lord-painfully toiling-but thou shalt meet Him." 131. Jordan is willing to co-operate with you, Mr. Presi- dent, and with the General Assembly in crystallizing this idea and translating it into reality.

On behalf of the General Assembly I wish to thank His Royal Highness Crown Prince Hassan Ibn Talal of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan for his important state- memo . 133. The Assembly will now hear a statement by the First Vice-Presidem of the Supreme Military Council and Commissioner for External Affairs of Equatorial Guinea, Mr. Florencio Maye Ela Mengue. I have great pleasure in welcoming him and inviting him to address the G(~neral Assembly.

Sir, it is a particularly great privilege for me to have the opportunity to join with the eminent speakers who have preceded me in extending congratulations on your election to conduct the proceed- ings of this session. I am convinced that your recognized ability and experience as a politician and diplomat will fully guarantee successful results in our work. Likewise, I must express to the Secretary-General our sincere appre- ciation for his' selfless efforts for consistent achievement of the objectives and purposes of the United Nations. 135. I wish to state from this rostrum the special satis- faction with which Equatorial Guinea greets the new States that have recently joined the great international community of free nations. I wish to refer especially to the Republic of Vanuatu, which recently became indepen- dent and was the one hundred and fifty-fifth Member ad- mitted to the Organization, and Belize, which on 21 Sep- tember acced,~d to national sovereignty and is today the one hundred and fifty-sixth Member of the United Na- tions. 136. My country, which considers that the independence of these two States strengthens the ranks of the countries 137. We are well aware that th~ present session is taking place at a time of crucial and d~~cisive events created by the present crisis in international relations. This factual state of affairs requires, therefore, the adoption during this session of objective and concrete measures which can be implemented. Our concern is understandable, since the non-implementation of many of our resolutions on crucial and obviously serious situations leads to a lessening of the credibility and thus the effectiveness of the United Nations, which nevertheless remains the major source of hope for our States, particularly since the present world situation clearly shows that international peace and se- curity have never been so s~riously threatened. In the midst of such deterioration, it is obvious that the role of the United Nations must become a more effective one if we do not want to be helpless witnesses to a new world conflagration with consequences that would be as unpre- dictable for the human species as they would be deadly. In the opinion of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, the world situation imposes and requires a global view of problems. It is hardly realistic today to characterize and regionalize international tensions, since the' cnsis affect- ing us is general and multifaceted. Accordingly, we be- lieve that the time has come to review, not only within the Organization but also by the means available to each of our countries, the methods and procedures by which the present international crisis can best be resolved. 138. This new direction is all the more important in that the world scenario in which we act is increasingly com- plex, and a growing number of countries like the Re- public of Equatorial Guinea see in the United Nations a secure, continuing and decisive guarantee of the mainte- nance of our national independence and an essential basis for the solution of international problems. 139. We wish to state that peace, security and the crea- tion of more just and equitable international political rela- tions are an inseparaole part of the global policy being developed by the Government of the Supreme Military Council. Thus, the political philosophy of my Govern- ment is founded on adherence to the principle of the indi- visible character of world peace. In its external policy, therefore, my Government fully shares and supports efforts designed to safeguard and consolidate world peace and security. Yet, we must recognize with regret that that peace and security will not be achieved as long as they are at the mercy of fear and distrust, the arms race among the Powers, the policy of spheres of influence and exacer- bation of the cold war, nor can they be achieved as long as we do not succeed in replacing with dialogue and ne- gotiation the confrontation and wars that afflict thousands of human beings in various regions of our planet. 140. My Government views with deep concern the obstacles that exist to true disarmament that is both gen- eral and complete. In this connection, we advocate the effective implementation of United Nations resolutions on the non-nuclearization of the African contirtent, the Indian Ocean and ott1er zones in the world. 142. We believe we speak on behalf of all countries whose primary concerns are the well-being and progress of their peoples when we say that we welcome such state- ments with a special hope, and we make an appe'.d that they should not remain mere political statements or ex: pressions of good intentions on the part of those nations, but that reason and sanity will once and for aU succeed where resolutions have failed. The world and marikind need this, for a nuclear war would not mean the victory of one country over another but the destruction of man- kind by man hLnself. 143. When we speak of a better future for our children, we are faced with the contradictory question whether we shall be able to create a paradise among the flames. 144. Equatorial Guinea looks with a feeling of impo- tence at the disconcerting future that looms before us, for it is true that we cannot speak of a peaceful future when human beings of our generation are scattered throughout the world seeking shelter. Palestine continues to be an il- lusion because no place exists for it as a country. Lebanon is fed by flames and reduced to ruins. Two .:Irother peoples, Iran and Iraq, are testing their warlike policies at the sacrifice of their populations, sowing their fields with the blood of their children. With :l total ab- sence of sanity, the Arab territories continue to be oc- cupied, while Kampuchea and Afghanistan regress from freedom to slavery. In like manner, the world witnesses the problem of Korea. Equatorial Guinea hopes that in the not-too-distant future the parties concerned will find for- mulas that will bring about peaceful unification to' their mutual benefit. 145. We advocate the freedom of peoples in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), and yet our brothers in Namibia clamour for their freedom, sacrificing their children in their sacred mission for the redemption of their people. Today, Angola again suffers from the bombings and attacks that destroy its homes and its fields and render any progress impossible. The problem of skin pigmentation grows more serious with each day, vig- orously intensified by discrimination and apartheid. 146. This is our children's inheritance. My country wonders whether this is due to the absence of practical and conVincing solutions, or whether it is because such solutions are being distorted by the intransigence of some and the consent of others. The so-called great Powers have transformed the world into an arena for their own rivalries and covetousness and have made our peoples mere spectators. All of this is the result of what was de- nounced here a few days ago [5th meeting] by the leader of our brother country, Venezuela, Mr. Luis Herrera Campins, in his eloquent statement. In the face of this bitter truth, we are unit~d in our opposition and condem- nation in the conviction that the world belongs to man and that we are men, regardless of the colour of our skin, 148. It wilh soon be 10 years since the world realized that there wat; a deterioration in economic co-operation among peoples. Accordingly, President Boumediene called in 1974 for a special session of the General As- sembly for the purpose of considering an item entitled "Study of the problem of raw materials and develop- ment".8 Since theu we have been striving, as far as our means allow, to abolish the old international economic order based on the extreme domination and exploitation of some peoples by others and subsequently to establish and build up a new international political and economic order based on democracy, sovereign equality, national indepen- dence and multinational co-operation; we are striving for all such factors and principles which can ensure peaceful co-existence among countries and constitute active ele- ments which would lead to the well-being of peoples by speeding up the economic and social progress of the de- veloping countries. Yet we cannot conceal our disappoint- ment at the fact that the opportunities for the developing countries to achieve their just claims and safeguard t~eir legitimate rights become mom remote daily. . ~49. The inequities in ~rade between the industrialized countries and the third world countries must cease. The industrialized Powers must also stop seeking to establish as accepted practice a trade with the third world which always benefits the 'former to the detriment of the latter. 150. The practice by the industrialized countries of pay- ing little for our raw materials but seeking exorbitant prices for their manufactured goods is a premeditated brake on our development. The third.world, as the sole owner, should impose the conditions of trade in its raw materials. It should determine the bases which would en- able it freely to exercise control over its resources, free from. outside pressure., It is a right to which the third world is not only entitled, but one for which it should fight, iD order that it be accepted and recognized by the industrialized Powers. Such recognition would be a major contribution to the establishment of an adequate platform for the success of the North-South dial~gue. 151. We advocate closer trade links among third world countries, as well as the establishment of adequate re- gional economic and fininancial institutions and organiza- tions which will promote our trade and provide us with the structures we need in order to impose our conditions on our own materials. That is necessary in the face of a world deteriorating through inflation and economic in- 153. We are realistically following a policy of peace, tranquility, order and justice. Truly, and despite the natu- ral difficulties involved in a task of this magnitude and scope, no one can doubt that today one of the main achievements of our Government has been the establish- ment of full observance of respect for human rights in the present society of Equatorial Guinea. On repeated occa- sions we have stated that respect for fundamental human rights is one of the pillars of our Goyernment's policy, a position which we have invariably advocated in interna- tional forums. We have therefore actively co-operated with the United Nations and humanitarian institutions whkh have shown an interest in human rights in our country. Through such action we are seeking the recovery of the moral values of our people, and therefore we re- stored their individual and collective freedoms and guar- antees, making social justice another basic principle guid- ing our policy. We are striving to improve the social life of our people with the material and spiritual means avail- able to us, and we can say that the results achieved are there for all to see. We are fully committed to continue improving our system until we bring about the desired national unity, concord and recondliation. 154. Nevertheless, there are isolated elements and sec- tors which, prompted by selfish and. personal ambitions, seek to distort our action by a campaign of slander and lies. Our people realize tha~ that campaign is intended to confuse international public opinion concerning the real facts about our country today, so as not only to demoral- ize our people in their struggle for peace, ju.stice and na- tional reconciliation, but also to ineit., and revive par- tisan, tribal and regional ideals which, among other negative factors, gave rise to the political tragedy which we experienced during the last decade. To try to ignore those facts would, in our opinion, be tantamount to wish- ing to return Equatorial Guinea to the tragic circum- stances which led to its destruction. 156. We can indeed affirm that at every step our Gov- ernment is translating its vast political, economic and so- cial programme into concrete works and achievements. We have always affirmed that the historic decision of the armed forces to save the ~ountry on 3 August 1979 was not due to a desire for power, but was an effective re- sponse to the solemn appeal and cry of alarm of our peo- ple which were then being martyred. Since then the armed forces have taken over the management of the State and the responsibHity for undertaking a genuine pro- cess of bringing democracy to the country, a process which is not the result of improvisations likely to return our people to their previous condition. 157. Obviously, any objectively set course in this pro- cess of democratization should not be radically dissociated from the indigenous mental character of our national eth- nic groups in so far as their traditional forms of organized life are concemed, although neither can we avoid our commitment to modem times. Hence, we advocate the imperative need for Equatorial Guinea to harmonize the social values of our indigenous traditions with modern forms of democracy. We are in favour of importing tech- nological resources which will contribute to our develop- ment; yet our people, which has a wealth of deeply rooted traditions and customs, could not conceive of the import of political and ideological formulas which attempt to de- stroy it once again. In that respect, and on the occasion of the second anniversary of the blow for freedom, cele- brated in the city of Bata, the President of the Supreme Military Council of Equatorial Guinea, Colonel Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, declared: "Following the guidelines designating the historical responsibility assumed on 3 August 1979 to democra- tize the country, and contrary to the false statements and concerns of some anachronistic pseudo-politicians, the Government of the Supreme,Military Council, in fulfilment of its unswerviilg commitment adopted be- fore the people and internationa! public opinion, for- mally and solemnly declares in this act that, in the third year of its mandate, which begins tomorrow, 3 August, it will convene a popular referendum to submit a national political constitution to consultation with the people of Equatorial Guinea for their approval or rejec- tion, on a date to be made known in due time." 158. What is more, my Government, with the firmness and sincerity that characterize its action, has enacted the Organic Decree-Law, of a constitutional nature, number 111981, of -2 May, on the government and administration of settlement& in Equatorial Guinea, which without doubt 159. Parallel with that action which we are carrying out internally, the two years of the existence of the Govern- ,'&lent of the Supreme Military Council have enabled us to express our optimism about the results achieved in our international policy by broadening and strengthening our relations of friendship and co-operation with all countries of the world on a basis of equality and mutual respect. We are pleased to note the vast improvement in our coex- istence with neighbouring countries, as well as in our re- lations with the other countries of the continent within the OAU. 160. In that context, special mention should be made of the excellent relations of all-round and fruitful co-opera- tion which we have maintained in the two years of the Government of the Supreme Military Council with the Kingdom of Spain, to which we are united by ties of his- tory and culture. 161. Our political philosophy of Afro-lbero-Ameri- canism takes shape at every step through the fruitful con- tacts we have established with the brother States of Latin America, which foreshadow a promising future in our re- lations of friendship and co-operation. 162. With growing interest, the organizations of the United Nations system, international financial institutions and other humanitarian bodies have unceasingly enzour- aged us through their valuable assistance. One result of that co-operation is the holding of the forthcoming con- ference of donors of aid for the reconstruction and re- habilitation of Equatorial Guinea under the sponsorship of UNDP. We invite all countries and organizations desirous of helping us in our work of national reconstruction to attend that conference. 163. My delegation is funy convinced that the General Assembly at its present session will create new conditions that will make it possible to strengthen the role of the United Nations in its sacred mission of safeguarding the maintenance of international peace and security and of promoting fruitful co-operation among nations.

On behalf of the General Assembly I thank the First Vice- 17esident of the Supreme Military Council and Commis- sioner for External Affairs of Equatorial Guinea for the important statement he has just made. 2 SUbsequently included in the agenda as item 135. ,t 4Ibid.• Thirty-fourth Session, Plenary Meetings, 7th meeting, para. 53. ... \ 7 Ibid., Thirty-fifth Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1980, document S/14OO9.