A/36/PV.18 General Assembly

On behalf of the Somali del- egation I should like to extend to Mr. Kittani sincere con- gratulations on his well-deserved election to the office of President of the General Assembly. His long and dis- tinguished career as a diplomat eminently qualifies him to guide the affairs of this session. 2. May I also take this opportunity to express to his predecessor, Mr. Rtidiger von Wechmar, of the Federal Republic of Germany, our appreciation of the compe- tence, dedication and statesmanship he displayed in di- recting the work of the thirty-fifth session. 3. The admission of the newly independent States of Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu to the family of na- tions is indeed an auspicious occasion, and my delegation extends its congratulations to the peoples and Govern.,. ments of both States and offers them all good wishes for a prosperous future. 4. Before touching on some of the substantive issues on the Assembly's agenda, I should like to pay a special trib- ute to the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts to pro- mote peace and international understanding. He has dis- tinguished himself' by the energy and vitality he has brought to his task and by his active interest in the con- cerns of nations large and small. 5. As we review current world events, our attention is drawn to the deteriorating international climate, charac- terized as it is by persistent armed intervention, inter-State conflicts, political and economic upheavals and a worsen- ing international refugee situation. Such developments di- rectly thi'eatenthe maintenance of international peace and security and Pose a serious challenge to this wttrld body. Today we live in a perturbing world in which differences NEW YORK among States are allowed to escalate very rapidly and dangerously, a world in which opposing power blocs.are engaged in rivalry, competing for world domination. Their aim is to subordinate others to their strategic inter- ests and to impose their wills and hegemonisticdesigns upon them. We also live in a world in which the gap between the rich and the poor is ever widening, thus pre- venting the latter from realizing their aspirations to peace and security, which would enable them to exploit their natural resources and promote the industrial and economic progress and development of their couiltries. We live in a world whose situation, philosophy and morals are thus characterized. 6. In the Horn of Africa, a tragic and perilODS situation currently prevails. The most basic and fundamental human rights of people are trampled upon through the use of brutal military force. Through massive armament w~n beyond the requirements of normal defence of the benefi- ciary State, in terms of both quantity and level of sophis- tication, coupled with the deployment of foreign troops there, a super-Power has succeeded in imposing its will on me States and peoples of the region and usurping their right to control their own destinies. Local conflicts that could have been resolvled ami(:ably between the States and peoples concerned hlwe been deliberately escalated in order to pre-empt that possibility and instead allow for direct foreign military intervention, heightened tension and dangerous confrontation. The implications of such a state·of affairs in terms of regional, continental and inter- nation~l peace and security are quite ominous. 7. Through indiscriminate and unparalleled brutality, en- tire populations are being massacred, their properties rav- aged and their means of livelihood destroyed in a desper- ate bid at total extermination. The millions of forcibly ejected refugees-men, women and children-cared for in camps in the region is a sad consequence of that barba- ric policy and adds yet another more serious dimension to the tragic human situation in the Horn. 8. In most problem areas around the globe where there exists a systematic denial of fundamental human rights, we also find, without exception, gross violations and abuses of those very rights. In reality that is what the crisis in the Horn is all about. In the face ofthose legally and morally insufferable excesses it is the responsibility of the Organization to exercise its intemational duty in conformity with its humanitarian, legal and moral obliga- tions by calling for the immediate withdrawal of all for- eign interventionist forces in the region and reaffirming the right of all peoples and nationalities to free and unfet- tered exercise of their self-detennination. 9. My Government is desirous of peace, stability aud tr'dnquility in the regic~ &lId has already made genUine and meaningful efforts in the pursuit of this objective. This emanates from my Government's firm conviction peace~~~ stability in the area and allow for the safe and volunUlfy repatriation of refugees. 10. As has been stated by my President, Jaalle Mohamed Siad Barre, "We are convinced that given ample courage, good- will and understanding between the States and Govern- ments in the region, this goal of peace is not unattaina- ble. The cessation of inter-State hostility and conflict, the withdrawal of foreign troops from the area, genuine demonstrati6n of preparedness to reach a negotiated set- tlement, and recognition of and respect for the funda- mental human rights of peoples, are some of the more basic issues at stake with which Somalia, Ethiopia and the liberation movements concerned can engage them- selves in fruitful negotiation in the quest for a just, durable and amicable solution to their conflict. 'P 11. Unfortunately, the other principal party to the con- flict, Ethiopia, instead of responding favourably to the positive and sincere gesture of goodwill and co-operation shown by my Government, has so far opted to persist arrogantly in its aggressive policy of conflict and confron- ,tation, thereby threatening regional and international peace and security. 12. One of the most serious and challenging problems of the African continent is that of the refugees-over 5 million in number-who have sought asylum across the borders of African States, often imperilling their lives and seriously affecting the economic and social stability of the host countries. Driven, in most cases through no fault of their own, by man-made or natural disasters, or by both, they have become a responsibility which can only be shouldered with the help of external assistance. 13. My Government is gratified that there is a growmg international awareness of the magnitude of the refugee problem in Africa. The International Conference on As- sistance to Refugees in Africa, convened at Geneva last April by the United Nations and the Organization of Af- rican Unity [OAU] , was a most welcome and valuable means of securing pledges. of assistance and gaining pub- licity for this humanitarian cause. 14. It must be stressed, however, that the problem con- tinues unabated and has even become more serious in some areas. Generous assistance has been given by indi- vidual governments, particularly the traditional donor countries, by the United Nations system, and by govern- mental and non-governmental organizations. However, the international response still falls short of the need. 15. It is, of course,. well known that Somalia, one of the least developed countries, has the most serious refugee problem in Africa. It still remains true that our resources, which could barely support our own population, have been critically depletedl and that severe pressures are damaging the economic, social and ecological fabric of 16. Of course, fundamental solutions for the refugee problem in Somalia, as in many other countries, depend on political even more than on economic factors. In this context, my Government welcomed the decision of the General Assembly at its thirty-fifth session to examine the question of international co-operation to avert new flows of refugees, and its strong condemnation of policies and practices which are primarily responsible for the massive exodus of these displaced people [resolution 35/124].. .17. Looking towards the future, it must be noted that refugees are unlikely to seek voluntary repatriation unle~s they can return to conditions of security and of respect for inalienable fundamental human rights. It is the profound hope of my Government that such conditions will be es- tablished and that the refugees will be able to return home under regional and international guarantees for their safety and well-being. 18. While I have dwelt on Somalia's need for additional assistance, I must also emphasize the fact that it is diffi- cult to imagine what the situation in my country would have been over the past three years, in the face of the refugee situation and the disastrous drought. had we not been able to depend on the concern and active assistance of a number of States Members of the Organization, gov- ernmental and non-governmental agencies, the United Na- tions system and voluntary humanitarian organizations, to all of whom we express our gratitude and appreciation. 19. Uppermost in the minds and hearts of Africans is our profound disappointment that Namibia remains under South Africa's illegal and oppressive occupation. We are dismayed that the treacherous Pretoria regime has been allowed to repudiate three years of painstaking negotia- tions and to negate the constructive approaches of the rep- resentatives of the Namibian people. The Western veto of Security Council sanctions against South Africa has un- doubtedly confirmed the Pretoria regime in its belief that it can continue to defy the United Nations with impunity. 20. My Government is further concerned by the appar- ent hesitation of the Western Powers about their commit- ment to Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Adopted by the Security Council without a dissenting voice, that resolution remains as the legally valid framework for a settlement of the Namibian problem. We hope that the Western Powers have overcome their initial hestitation and now recognize the need to prepare a new and more deter- mined approach to implementing Namibia's independence within the guidelines already approved. 21. My Government remains frrmly committed to its support of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] as it seeks to achieve those same political and social rights long ago acquired in the Western world through revolution and armed struggle. 22. The successes achieved so far in the liberation of southern Africa have been brought about, first of aJI, by the determination and sacrifices of the oppressed people themselves to achieve freedom by all means available. However, the United Nations has given important support 23. The Middle East question remains a cause for grave international concern. My Government strongly deplores the steady deterioration of the situation in the area, where Israeli belligerence has escalated to new heights of mili- tary aggression. 24. We ask where Israel's arrogance will end. We won- der also for how long the world community will accept that country's position that it is not accountable for any action, however contemptuous it may be of international law, the sovereignty of States and human rights, and how- ever dangerous it may be to world peace and security. 25. The wanton destruction of Iraq's nuclear facility, which operated uilder international safeguards, was an act of overweening arrogance on the part of a State which has refused to be a party to the Treaty on the Non-Prolifera- tion of Nuclear Weapons [General Assembly resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] and which, as everyone now knows, used the most questionable methods to develop :ts own nuclear capability. Israel, however, remains defiantly com- mitted to its irresponsible course, a course which can lead only to continued conflict and bloodshed. The futility of mere condemnations by the Security Council has been il- lustrated time after time in the past, and graphically in recent times. It should be obvious that Israel wiil con- tinue its illegal occupation and annexation of Arab terri- tory and its denial of Palestinian rights as long as it feels protected from the punitive measures available under the Charter. My Government hopes that those most closely concerned will address themselves honestly and objec- tively to the real causes of turmoil in the Middle East, in the interest of regional and international peace and se- curity, through unequivocal commitment to the rigt."! of the Palestinian people to independent existence in their own homeland, the withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territory and the restoration of Al Quds Al Sharif to Arab sovereignty. 26. The crises and conflicts in various areas of the world continue to be engendered by foreign intervention, military occupation and denial of the right to self-determi- nation and independence, all of which confict with funda- mental principles of the Charter. 27. My Government deeply regrets the existing situation in Afghanistan brought about by super-Power military in- tervention in the affairs of a third-world non-aligned country, in contravention of international law and moral- ity. The Secretary-General and the Organization of the Is- lamic Conference are to be highly commended for their efforts to bring about a political settlement of this tragic conflict. 28. However, the mounting bloodshed and the enormous refugee problem engendered by foreign occupation are an intolerable _addition to the sum total. of hUil\an misery in the world. We join the vast majority of MerriQer States in calling for the withdrawal of all foreit;D forc~s and the 30. Recent developments in the world economy reflect the little progress made so far in the achievement of lhe goals and objectives of the sixth and seventh special ses- sions of the General Assembly. The economies of the de- veloping countries, and in particular those of the 31 least developed countries, have reached an alarming situation. It is distresssing to note that many of the adverse trends of the past few years have brought about unbearable eco- nomic difficulties. The continuous inflationary trends in the world economy have given rise to worsening terms of trade, an adverse balance-of-payments situation and crip- pling debt burdens, which are far beyond the capability of the least developed countries tQ meet their debt-serviCe obligations. 31. The international comtnunhy has realized the mag- nitude and urgency of this problem. The United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in PMis from 1 to 14 September, highlighted the need for the co-operative effort of the international conrmiunity in levelling and reversing the downward trend of the world economy. The compromise reached in' PMis with the adoption of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed CountriesI will no doubt constitute a new era of international economic co- operation which will lead to better understanding and fur- ther economic progress. 32. My delegation fully supports the outcome of this Conference and will spare no effort to implement its pro- gramme at the national level. We pay a special tribute to the United Nations system and other organizations for their tireless efforts in organizing this Conference. 33. It is the hope of my Government that the interna- tional community will take concrete steps to follow up and implement the Substantial New Programme of Action for the benefit and economic progress of the developing and the dev~loped world. In addition, the implementation of the Substantial New Programme of Action will lay the foundation for the future establishment of the new interna- tional economic order. 34. On the African continent we are ~eeking to gain ground in the struggle for economic stability through in- creased inter-African co-operation and continental self-re.. liance. My Government fully supports the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implementation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Development of Africa and the Final Act of Lagos,2 which emphasize these goals and place African development within the framework ofa more just world economic order. 36 The very real spectre of famine in underdeveloped areas of the world provides an ironic counterpoint to the astronomical sum now routinely spent on the arms race in nuclear and other weapons.. My Government renews its c&11 for a comprehensive test-ban treaty and for substan- tial reducti~n§. :n the quality and quantity of the nuclear arsenals of tlle super-Powers. Without significant leader- ship of this kind, other disarmament goals such as hori- zontal non-proliferation are unlikely to be reached. 37. My Government regrets that it has not been possible for a date to be set for the convening of the conference on the Indian Ocean and reaffirms its belief that the con- ference is an essential stage in the formulation and adop- tion of guidelines for the implementation of the Declara- tion of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. In addressing itself to the central issue of the growing super-Power presence in the Indian Ocean un the context of tt.eir global rivalry, the , Conference will have to take note of the presence of for- eign interventionist troops and surrogate forces which continue to subvert legitimate liberation struggles and to undermine the stability of the area. 38. Each session of the General Assembly reminds us of the wide sweep of the global activities of the world 'Or- gllnization. Projects such as the: combating of desertifica- tion, the securing of drinking water and sanitation over the next decade and the exploration of new and renewable sources of energy are indispensable for the survival of un- derdeveloped countries and will also benefit mankind as a whole. 39. The drawing up of a treaty on the law of the sea has been a monumental task, and the recent achievement of the world body pointed to its ability to establish a world order gov~'lrned by both humanitarian and legal concerns. My Government sincerely hopes that the outstanding ob- jections to the treaty can be overcome and that there will soon be general recognition that the proposed treaty repre- sents a fair balance of the interests of various groups and that it has been negotiated for the ultimate benefit of all. 40.. .n conclusion, it is a matter of great satisfaction to us that the United Nations continues to respond in an ac- tive and creative way to the problems and the needs of our interdepend~ntworld'. The world Qrganization clearly has the ability to surmount and survive any attempts to weaken or discredit it, and it deserves the firm allegiance and support of all States. 41. Mr.. TALBOYS (New Zealand): Mr. Vice-President, will you please congratulate President Kittani on his elec- tion as President of this Assembly. His long and dis- tinguished service to the international community makes 43. The recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries sharply focused international atten- tion on this issue. That was useful, but in concentrating on the need for developed countries to raise the level of their official development assistance to a limited number of the poorest developing countries the Conference did not really get to the heart of the matter. 44. The problems which face the developing countries are well known. They affect some of the developed countries also. They include the soaring cost of imported energy, inflated prices for manufactured imports and fluctuating prices for primary exports. These factors are compounded by increasing protectionist pressures in the advanced econo- mies and a reluctance to contemplate the kind of restructur- ing which would expand trading opportunities for the devel- opIng countries. ~ 45. These problems cannot be solved by financial sub- sidiesalone or even, in itself, by successful internal eco- nomic development. Economic self-sufficiency is not a practicable goal for the developing countries, nor is it for most d~veloped countries. Even a modest level of pros- perity and economic stability can only be achieved through a continuous expansion of international trade. This, in turn, can only be achieved in a different interna- tional climate, in which there is a better balance between access to manufactured goods and access to agricultural products. There is too great a ten~ency to concentrate on reducing barriers to trade in industrial manufactures and to push aside agriculture as some kind of an exception with which it is too difficult to cope. That cannot be al- lowed to continue. 46. It is, surely, self-evident that successful economic development merely creates new problems unless there is a corresponding expansion of trading opportunities. What fu- ture is there if the rich countries continue to deny access in order to protect their own agricultures, if prices of agri- cultural exports fluctuate wildly or are distorted by subsidies and if those prices are far outstripped by the cost of essential industrial goods and services? 47. The prosperity of my own country de.pends on the exp~ of a relatively small number of agricultural com- modities. That means we share some of the problems faced by developing countries. We know what those problems are. Because we are small, and because we face economic diffi- culties ourselves, we try in a number of ways to ensure that our development assistance programme is efficient and ef- fective. All our aid is given in the form of grants. We make sure it is directed into the kind of projects in which New 48. In our view, the criteria for inclusion in the United Nations list of least developed countries are unduly nar- row and rigid. Only one South Pacific country, at present, qualifies for inclusion in that list. A number of others, because they suffer from all the disadvantages of ex- tremely small size, isolation and lack of resources, also deserve the special treatment accorded to the least devel- oped. Indeed, if it were not for the level of aid they do receive, we believe they would qualify even under present criteria. I would certainly.like to see those criteria revised and made more flexible. 49. Because their populations are tiny and because of the poverty of their resources, many of the island nations of the South Pacific are going to have a long and hard struggle to become more viable. And yet their very small- ness and isolation, which ought to make the world com- munity more responsive to their special circumstances, has caused them to be overlooked by some of the major donors. Thus there is every reason for New Zealand to concentrate its aid efforts in the South Pacific, and we intend to continue that policy. 50. External financial assistance, however essential, is not enough in itself to bring about successful develop- ment. New Zealand recognizes that the developing island countries need outlets for the goods they produce and has set about meeting that need in a practical manner. To- gether with Australia, we have joined in a treaty with our neighbours in the South Pacific to give them unrestricted duty-free access, on a non-reciprocal basis, for the great majority of their exports. We have also established an in- dustrial development scheme to promote the growth of the manufacturing sector in the island economies through joint ventures with New Zealand firms. We have given strong support to the establishment of a regional shipping line to ensure that the exports of the island countries reach their markets. 51. I make no boast that what we have achieved has solved the problems of our developing neighbours. Ob- viously not, since their economies are still for the most part in a precarious state. 52. Economic and social development can progress smoothly only in conditions of political stability. Recent history has shown how true that is even in countries which are blessed with great natural wealth, and all the more starkly in others which are not. Sometimes the causes of instability have been internal. Too often they have been made far worse by external pressure, interven- tion or military invasion. At present there is dangerous instability in several Widely separated areas of the world, inclUding South-East Asia, South-West Asia, the Middle East, southern Africa, eastern Europe and the Korean peninsula. 53. If I refer first to Kampuchea it is because that is the area of tension nearest to my own land;btcause New Zealand regards itself as a friend of the Assqciation of 54. New Zealand cannot and does not condone the past crimes of Pol Pot and his associates. But, as the latest vote on Kampuchea's credentials shows, there is no dis- position amongst the majority of Members of this Assem- bly to replace the delegation of Democratic Kampuchea by one representing a puppet Government propped up by a military occupation. 55. We welcome the eaorts that are being made to form a more broadly based successor to the present Democratic Kampuchean leadership. We expect that the International Conference on Kampuchea will continue its efforts to find a solution to the Kampuchean problem-a solution which takes account of the legitimate interests of all sides. We hope that Viet Nam and the Soviet. Union will be. per- suaded to join in the negotiating process through the me- diating efforts of the Ad Hoc Committee and the President of the Conference. The need for a settlement is urgent, for the longer the fighting continues' within Kampuchea, the greater the risk that it will spread beyond the borders of that war-torn land. 56. Instability in South-East Asia is paralleled in South- West Asia by military intervention and continuing hostili- ties in Afghanistan. International concern will continue to be reiterated in this Assembly until Soviet forces are withdrawn. Whether or not the Soviet Union has come to regard that entang~~ment as a mistake, my Government most earnestly hopes that the Soviet Government will not compound that error and deal a final fatal blow to detente by similar action against the people of Poland. 57. Almost since it began, this Organization has been trying to find a solution to the problem of a .divided Korea. Yet there is still no genuine dialogue between the leaders in the North and those in the South. The latest call by the Republic of Korea for a summit meeting be- tween the two Koreas has been rejected. Surely the Korean people as a whole at least deserve that theh" lead- ers should talk seriously about the future of their country. It makes no sense for the two sides in that divided penin- sula to go on forever pouring so much of their resources and energies into military preparations. My Government hopes that the authorities in the North will reconsider their stand. 58. It is a matter of deep regret that all our hopes for urgent and positive steps towards a just and durable Mid- dle East settlement should have had so little to sustain them. New Zealand welcomed the steps agre~d upon by Israel and Egypt to restore peace between them. But the process cannot be allowed to come to a stop at this point. mate aspirations of the Palestinians, including the right to self--~termination. That, ip our view, means the right to establlsh a separate State if that is their wish. The annex- ation of East Jerusalem and the continuing establishment of settlements in the occupied territories are obstructions to a negotiated settlement. A resurgence. of terroris.m, a build-up of ever more sophisticated armaments, or re- course to pre-emptive military strikes simply threaten to undermine what has with such difficulty been accom- plished so far. Only a genuine will to negotiate fairly and realistically will bring lasting results. . . r. 59. In southern Africa we still see a people denied the right of nationhood. South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia must end. The Prime Minister of my country said in this forum at the thirty-fifth session [109th meet- ing] that there was no good reason why the few issues that remain outstanding in the search for a settlement in Namibia should not be .settled quickly. We believe that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) provides the basis for that settlement and we support the continuing efforts of those seeking to achieve the early and peaceful inde- pendence of Namibia. 60. We c1eplore South Africa's aggressiveness against its. . neighbours and its violation of Angola's territory and sov- ereignty. In South Africa itself the detestable system of institutionalized racism and injustice-apartheid-re- mains entrenched. South Africa's black majority are de- nied the right to participate in the choice of their Govern- ment and are shut out from the full enjoyment of the resources of their own country. . 61. Change in South Africa is inevitable. Whether it will come peacefully or through violence is in South Af- rica's hands. Time, though, is running desperately short. - 62. We cannot expect international co-operation in bringing about economic and social development ~o flour- ish while confrontation and conflict persist in so many parts of the world. Heightened tension threatens not only detente but the orderly development of international law, the negotiation of arms control agretments and the pro- motion of human rights. .National security and rearma- ment become matters of overriding priority for Govern- ments. Legislatures tend 'to focus more determinedly on domestic political considerations, to the detriment of en- lightened foreign policies. The humanitarian and altruistic instincts of ordinary people all too often become dulled. Their natural instinct for peace is overshadowed by a nar- rower and more belligerent patriotism. Thus is created an international climate inimical to the peaceful settlement of disputes and the orderly conduct of international relations. 63. All those who have traditionally cherished the rule of law and the fundamental freedoms. of the individual, both at home and abroad, surely have a special duty to resist such dangerous trends and to throw their weight be- hind the negotiating process by which the United Nations seeks to achieve those objectives. 65. In the field of human rights, the United Nations has .' concentrated, rightly, on the needs of people who are so-' cially disadvantaged or who have been traditional victims of discrimination. 66. A striking example is the United Nations Decade for Women, now at midpoint. The adoption of the Conven- tion on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women [General Assembly resolution 34/180] has been one of its major achievements. It is significant that it has come into force so quickly. All nations, whatever their stage of economic development, their cultural tradi- tions or their geographic circumstances, have been re- minded not only of the rights of half of humanity but also of the enormous contribution made by women. It was right that the United Nations should lead that world movement, because the discrimination to be eliminated- the discrimination we must ~eliminate-has been univer- sal. The activities of the Decade have been followed With close attention in New Zealand and its aims have our full support. But the convention will only achieve its aim if it is universally ratified and, more important, given full ef- fect in each country. 67. Similarly, the current International Year 9f Disabled Persons has focused attention on the rights of handi- capped people. It has provided impetus and the practical framework for action. In my own country, the response has been quite remarkable. A mass fund-raising effort for the disabled resulted in the largest collection of voluntary funds for a charitable purpose in our history. We have been made more aware than ever before not only of the needs of the disabled, but of the contribution they can make to our society as a whole. 68. Next year we shall be summoned to the second spe- cial session devoted to disarmament. Nowhere is the need for a renewed effort to achieve progress in international negotiations more apparent. If we are honest, we must acknowledge that since the first special session the pros- pects for effective disarmament measures have not ad- vanced. Indeed, they may have receded. Much of the work of the first session has been undercut by the deterio- ration in the international climate and in relations among the nuclear Powers. I do not consider it unfair to assign to those Powers the principle responsibility for that loss of impetus and to demand that they take the initiative in re- suming serious and active negotiations. It is they who have the weapons which, by universal agreement, are the most dangerous and in most urgent need of control and numerical reduction. My delegation's keenest disappoint- ment is that the negotiation of a comprehensive nuclear- 69. Only the nuclear Powers can negotiate a test-ban treaty which will work or, for that matter, any agreement designed to reduce the threat of nuclear destruction. But the remaining Members of the United Nations have a duty to their peoples to renew their pressure on the nuclear Powers, who are also the largest manufacturers and pur- veyors of conventional armaments, to resume movement towards disarmament. In that regard, we welcome the de- cisionof the two principal nuclear Powers to resume dis- cussions on the reduction of nuclear weapons in the Euro- pean theatre. 70. I referred earlier to some of the obstacles in the path of economic progress, especially for developing countries. There is no greater corlsumer of development resources than the armaments industry, and none that is more waste- ful. We must never lose patience in pursuing i.nternational agreements which will cut the burden and the danger of rearmament and strengthen the fragile fabric of peace. 71. It is natural that each of us should seek to advance the interests of his own country, that we should work for the well-being of our own people. National pride and pa- triotism are admirable and necessary virtues. But every coin, every medallion, has another side. Nationalism and pride of country are nOt. in themselves enough. All of us-North and South, committed and uncommitted, East and West-belong to one world. We have got to work together. Our world has become too small and too dan- gerous a place for any of us to pursue narrow nationalism regardless of the interests of others. 72. We must move the world community away from the dangerous road it has been following: that is, the course of rivalry, confrontation and the naked struggle for power. It can lead only to conflict. We must learn, more than ever before, to couple national pride with a real commit- ment to international co-operation. There is, I believe, no other way to move ahead, to achieve a decent life for all our people. That, I suggest, is why we are meeting here. For all our peoples, whether our countries are large or small, have an equal right to peace, progress and justice.

Mr. President, the Republic of Iraq and the Democratic Republic of Madagascar enjoy very close re- lations, and therefore you will understand the special sat- isfaction we feel at seeing you preside over the work of the thirty-sixth ses~ion of the General Assembly. In you, Sir, we greet a representative of the non-aligned third world who has already placed at the disposal of his coun- try, of our movement and of this Organization the devo- tion and the faith with which you are naturally endowed, as well as the experience that you have acquired in many international bodies. 74. We should like to address our thank~ to your prede- cessor, Mr. Rfidiger von Wechmar, for the perfect fashion in which he conducted the diverse and very complex work of our last session. We also wish to pay'.tribute to the Secretary-General for the efforts he has undertaken in 76. In the course of the general debate at the thirty-fifth session [llth meeting], we tried to explain to the Assem- bly our concern regarding the maintenance and the strengthening of peace in our region, the need to formu- late a new definition of collective security based essen- tially on mutual acceptance of interests, the equality. of those interests and their integration in the search for the common good. 77. Since then the feeling of insecurity has become gen- eralized. The interdependence of the 19708 has been over- taken by a dependence considered more reassuring. The basic imbalance of political power has caused a renewal of the efforts aimed atbipolarization, to the extent that we can again speak of a new realignment that·has become a source of tension, confrontation and open or covert con- flict. 78. We are therefore justified in saying that, far from being dissipated, the concern we expressed at that time has been confirmed and the development of a situation marked by the elaboration ofantinomian strategies- has stood in the way of the search for co-operative solutions of international problems in accordance with the avowed mission of our Organization. Are we then to conclude that there is a deliberate desire to challenge the purposes and principles of the Charter? We dare not think that, since many Powers would be forced, be~ause of what they per- ceived to be the facts, to bend the principles to suit their purpose, thus frustrating the desire of the peoples for the world of peace and security promised by the Charter. 79. Specific alliances and the policy of force have pre- vailed· at the expense of the collective security that was envisaged in 1945, to the extent that, instead of enjoying C<t.ual security in accordance with the Charter,.we are liv- ing in equal insecurity under the thre!llt ef nuclear weap- ons capable of destroying the world many times over. Peace has ceased to be the major concern, putting the survival of mankind at risk, and the dangers of nuclear warfare have unfortunately become a reality. World~wide and extended confrontation in the military, political, com~ mercial and technological fields has taken the place of detente. 80. The new doctrine of a limited nuclear war, which is intended to make acceptable what is unthinkable, is ac· companied by other dC'cisions, such as those concerning the scbstantial and constant growth of military expendi- tures, the unilateral designation of so-called zones of-vital interest, the extension of areas of intervention, not to mention such projects as the treaty of the soutli~m Atlan- tic, in which the South African racist regime is the key- stone. 82.- At best, that system might function, and those Powers would settle world affairs in accordance with their own· interests, completely ignoring the right of other States" to equal security. At worst-and this seems to be the present situation-,the nuclear 'Club would fail to fulfil its responsibilities, bilateral, regional and multilateral ne- gotiations would be broken off or blocked, and the rest of mankind would realize with anguish how precarious the situation was. 83. It is for these reasons that we cannot hide the dis- may we feel at the lack of true progress since the adop- tion in 1978 of<lhe Programme of Action for disarmament [see General Assembly resolution S-1012]. 84. We hope that the second special session devoted to disarmament, planned for next spring, will allow us to draw some lessons from the negotiations which have taken place in the Commi~tee on Disarmament during the last three years, while it will still be useful to pay greater attention to the definition of those measures that might give new impetus to the process of disarmament. At this stage we shall not take up the questions of the pro- gramme, the priorities or the specific measures; we shall merely limit ourselves to recalling that the will of State" for peace must precede disarmament, not follow it. 85. The success of that session, as of any disarmament undertaktng" must depend on the proof given by States that they are inspired by that will for peace and not by the search for domination, hegemony, military sup~riority !lr confrontation. : 86. It is for this reason that we believe that the non- aligned nations can contribute to the achievement of our common goal by defending the principles of peaceful co- existence which underlie the p<lllitical philosophy of the movement, by refusing to be treated as pawns in an anti- nomian political game, by refusing to allow themselves to be dragged into. military alliances, by rejecting the efforts to rationalize the arms race, and, by denouncing the de- ceptive propaganda which establishes an inverted priority between disarmament and security and, with equivocal selectivity, ignores the alliance between the imperialists and the Zionist entity ana the South African racist re- gime. 87. These last considerations inspired the initiative that led to the adoption of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace [General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI)], of which this year we celebrate the tenth anni- versary. This is more pertinent than ever, despite the in- ability of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean to decide upon the date of the Colombo cOQference, which had originally been scheduled for 1981. Need we recall the understandable disquiet that was shown by the littoral and hinterland countries which almost unanimously recog- nized, contrary to certain claims, that the existing condi- tions of insecurity militated in favour of the holding of that cr..mference? 89. The difficulties that we encounter in the Indian Ocean area lead us to recall' the crises "that'affect"other' regions too, for which solutions must be found on' the,' basis of our principles and not seen through the deform-" ing prisms of bloc interests. . 90. Elimination of the apartheid regime has always come up against the mental block of certain circles who fear change and contend that the liberation of the Africans and their assumption of political power in South Africa would be a threat to specific interests. That attitude, which contributed to delaying the breakup of former colo- nial empires, explains the will of some to liken liberation movements to terrorist groups. It also justifies the mainte- nance of so-called normal relations, even a policy ofrap- prochement, with the racist regime, raised to the rank of a stable and strategic ally. Finally, it is shown by opposi- tion to the policy of sanctions and by the subordination of the future of the African majprity to the hazards of East- West confrontation. * 91. We consider that no specific interest is worthy of being opposed to the restoration of human dignity, justice, freedom and peace for the Victims of apartheid. We strongly support the struggle of the African majority,' un- der the leadership of their authentic liberation movement, and demand that the Security Council impose mandatory global sanctions on South Africa in accordance with Chapter VU of the Charter. 92. In Namibia, the same causes have produced the same effects. The complaisance--I would even say the complicity-of certain western Powers has encouraged the racist regime to defy the United Nations, which, through the United Nations Council for Namibia, is the legal Administering Authority of that Territory. 93. The adherence of the Western contact group to the idea of imposing constitutional principles, even before the future constituent assembly of Namibia has been elected, seems to us to be an inadmissible restriction on the sov- ereignty of that assembly. It is, to say the least, ironic that those who have insisted most on guaranteeing that that assembly shall be the true reflection of the will of the Namibian people should today be the first to usurp some of its powers. That is not our idea of independence and sovereignty, which must be vested in the Namibian people aiune. 94. We reaffirm the position of the Government of Madagascar, as communicated to the Secretary-General and made known at the eighth emergency special session [6th meeting]. Either the United Nations should decide tG implement 'immediately and unconditionally Security 95. The recent aggressions of the racist regime against Angola have rightly been condemned by the whole inter- national community. It is to be regretted that the veto of one Power prevented the Security Council from joining in that condemnation. 96. We also note that the ministers and heads of delega- tions of the Don-aligned countries have taken note with satisfaction of the decisions adopted by the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity held at Nairobi from 24 to 27 June 1981, on the organization of a general and free referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara [see A1361534. annex If. AHGIRes.103 (XVI/I)]. 97. In a declaration made public on 31 August 1981, the President of the Democratic Republic of Madagascar said that he considered as positive the recommendations of the Implementation Committee on Western Sahara of the OAU [see AI361512, annex] which met at Nairobi from 24 to 26 August 1981 to give effect to the Assem- bly's decisions. He believed that the acceptance by the Committee of the idea of setting up in Western Sahara an intedm, international, non-aligned authority to ensure the carrying out of the referendum was a further positive step. However, no genuine free and democratic referendum can possibly be held while the Moroccan army and admin- istration remain on Sahraoui territory. 98. In the Middle East, true to its policy of expansion and regional hegemony, .Israei increases its aggressions and "preventive reprisals" against its neighbours. Its raid on Iraq's nuclear installations was rightly and unan- imously condemned by the Security Council. 99. At the same time, using as a pretext troubles caused by one faction, the Tel Aviv authorities implacably con· tinued their dismemberment of Lebanon, 'taking the op- portunity at the same time to implement their campaign . of genocide against the Palestinian refugees. We reaffirm our support for the sovereignty of Lebanon and respect for its territorial integrity, unity. and political indepen- dence, and call for the full implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978). 100. Those acts of aggression only further. complicate the search for a solution to the question of Palestine" which more than ever lies at the heart of the Middle East problem. We shall continue during this session to give our support to the proposals of the Committee on the Ex- ercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. We welcome the increasingly widening consensus given to the recognition of those rights, including the right of return, the right to self-determination and the right to es- tablish an independent and sovereign State in Pdlestine. 101. It is high time for the Security Council to take note of that consensus and to agree to amend and to ~om­ plete in this sense the all-too-notorious resQlution 242 (1967), which otherwise is in danger of becoming a mon- ument to injustice. \ 103. Apart from any ideological considerations, we be- lieve that two principles are valid-the clearly expressed will of the peoples and the need at all costs to find a politically negotiated solution to all disputes. That is why the question of Afghanistan could be solved on the basis of any constructive proposal, particularly that which was made public on 24 August 198I by the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan [see A/36/457, annex]. Likewise, in the case of Kampuchea, we believe that a meeting between the countries directly concerned, without external interference, could lead to a solution which would not thleaten the credibility of our Organiza- tion. 104. We offer our support to the proposals of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to convene a con- ference of the democratic parties of the North and South, which should lead to the \ ~ation of a great Korean con- federation, the Confederal Democratic Republic of.Koryo. 105. The recrudescence of tensions' in Central America and the Caribbean causes us.disqUiet. As .a non-aligned' country, we uphold the legitimacy of.the struggles of peo- ples subjected for years to injustice and domination, At- tempts at destabilization, economic press\Ues and other hostile. acts against the States of the region can meet with nothing but general condemnation .and provoke.reactions that are not always to the taste of certain parties. 106. Our solidarity with the peoples concerned is known, for, here as elsewhe~, only they have the right, in full sovereignty and freedom. to decide their own polit- ical, economic and social affairs. 107. In the economic field the outlook is not much bet- ter, because the crisis of which we have seen the omens for over a decade is now upon us, and has been given added impetus by the inroads of contention and coun- terclaims, which are undermining existing structures and for which we can find no more than palliatives in the absence of a real dl~velopment ethic. We are resentful of the basic injustice of growth by groups, cwhich is now losing sight of the basic idea of bridging the gap and in- stead is far too close to parallel but separate, and there- fore basically unequal. development. 108. This bUnkered approach favours the notion of im- mediate or short-term benefits, as well as what might be called, for want of a better tenn, international profiteer- ing, based on selfishness, impatience and short-sighted- ness. Is there still a true desire to find any answer to this crisis, Or are we resigned to the fact that two humanities exist, looking at one another across the divide created by unrepentant imperialism? 109. This is well. illustrated by our inability this year to undertake the global negotiations provided for in General Assembly resolution 34/138, the hold-up in the Third United Nations 'Conference on the Law of the Sea. so many events which demonstrate that in spite of our pro- testations the' commitments assumed under the Charter Uto employ international machinery for the promotion of 110,. All our countries are affected by that crisis whose hallmark is a breakdown in economies, currency fluctua- tions, a chronic international payments deficit, the con- tinuing trend towards higher interest rates, inflation and unemployment, the inadequacy of traditional adjustment measures and the uncertain prospects of growth, even for the medium term, all of which encourage a return to a more or less disguised protectionism. Ill. But egotism is not solely to blame, for we see that the countries",that are most seriously affected are the de- veloping countries, above all the non-oil-producing coun- tries, whose external debts and balance-of-payments defi- cits have become disastrous. We are also paying dearly for the rhetoric in which some of our partners try to wrap up global prospects for development, since we are being offered only a patching up of the present system, which is fl nctionally unsuited to restoring stability and ensuring :he growth of our economies. i 12. Once again we can fall back on scepticism and res- ignation. But we reaffirm that the only way of establish- ing equality of opportunity and eliminating the damaging effects of mistrust is the multilateral and global approach to the problems that underlie the present crisis. The Inter- .. national Meeting on Co-operation and Development to be held at Cancun may contribute to providing a fresh mo- mentum to co-operation between two worlds that are con- demned to interdependence, to the extent that the lines decided on in the context of the new international eco- nomic order are respected. 113. The principles agreed on from Arusha to Caracas concerning co-operation among developing countries were not conceived in a spirit of confrontation or competition, but in reaffirmation of our will to provide ourselves with institutions aesigned to solve the major problems posed by the requirements of an equal and integrated develop- ment. 114.. We need not conceal this any longer: the 1980s will be difficult years and we will have to temper the optimism of 'the last two decades. Each State will have to bear its part. Each Stat~ will have to find the means to survive the crises that will occur and recover the security, equilibrium and prosperity to which it has a right. But what should oUr Organization do to reverse the new polit- ical alienation, to revive the vision of one world united economically and socially? 115. More than once ,we have undertaken a redefinition of the role of the United Nations. Studies have been un- dertaken, committees have been set up, and yet we find ourselves at the same impasse, which seems to confirm the views of tho~ who defend the status quo. because our efforts have been·reduced to attempting to reconcile irreconcilable interests or, at best, to collate divergent na- tional reactions. And thus we are forced to ask ourselves whether the collective will to restore international life to its universality can still exist. 117. From one session to another we reaffirm our faith in the purposes and principles of the Charter, and from one session to another also we see this increasing reluc- tance to resort to the existing machinery embracing prac- tically every area of co-operation or to make it more ef- fective, by taking account of change or even, I venture to say, of resolutions adopted since the machinery was first established. J18. National sovereignty and national interests are put forward to hamper the role and the activities of the United Nations. But how can the preponderance of the United Nations which we accepted in the Charter restrain a sovereignty that cannot be more absoute? What interest do we have, acting collectively and in unity, in preventing world problems from being dealt with by a multilateral approach and being given global solutions? 119. If the principles of the Charter remain valid for us at all times and in all circumstances, as experience shows, if we are ready to revitalize the objectives of the Charter so that they are more responsive to the aspirations of all 'peoples, if we have the courage to set aside our contra- dictions and accept the in~uctable evolution of mankind towards peace, progress and justice, then let us give our Organization the political means to fulfil its purposes, be;. cause that is the best way of reaffirming our confidence in ourselves and really promoting mutual confidence.

I should first like to extend to you my warmest congratulations on your election to the impor- tant office of President of the General Assembly. Your long experience in the United Nations and your wisdom guarantee the success of your high mission. My delega- tion wants to assure you of its full co-operation in achiev- ing that objective. 121. I also w8nt to offer my thanks and congratulations to Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, the outgoing President, who, during the year that has just elapsed, so admirably guided both a regular and a special session with very heavy agendas. 122. My delegation also W2llts to address its thanks to the Secretary-General for his persevering efforts aimed at reaffirming the noble principles of our Charter. His emi- nent contribution made it possible to convene the Interna- tional Conference on Kampuchea last July. 123. It is with great satisfaction that my delegation cor- dially welcomes Vanuatu and Belize, which have just joined the United Nations. We are convinced that those two new Member States will make an active contribution to the realization of the ideals and objectives of the Char- ter. 124. The international situation continues to be marked by accrued tensions. The older hotbeds of tension such as 126. Even though we must face an aggression of a most b&baric kind, the people and the Government of Demo- cratic Kampuchea are paying continuous attention to the great problems of the world, and we wish to reiterate our support for the efforts of the Democratic People's Re- public of Korea to achieve the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea. Its IQ-point programme for re- unification, presented by its President, Kim Il Sung, at the Sixth Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea, is in keeping not only with the deep aspirations of the Korean people bu~ also with the interests of peace. We support the heroic struggle of the Afghan people against the So- viet invasion to regain its independence and the right to choose its Government and its political, economic and so- cial regime and to restore the Islamic and non-aligne:d character of Afghanistan. We continue to give our support to the struggle of the Arab and Palestinian ~Gples to re- cover the territories that have been occupied by Israel since 1967, including Jerusalem. We maintain that the Palestinian people mus be able freely to exercise its fun- damental national rights, -including its right to return to its homeland, its right to self-determination and its right to establish a Palestinian State. All the countries of the Mid- dle East must have the right to existence and indepen- dence. Concerning southern Africa, we would renew our support for the rapid achievement of independence by Namibia in accordance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), and we wish to reiterate our support for the struggle of the Azanian people against the colonialist and racist apartheid regime of South Africa. 127. The causes of the increasing deterioration of the international situation are many and complex, but the dominating cause continues to be the aggressive actions of global and regional expansionists in every part of the world. 128. 'Since the invasion and occupation of Kampuchea and Afghanistan, one year apart, in similar conditions and under identical pretexts, an undeniable fact has be- come evident to the international community in all its acuteness, cruelty and scope: the emergence of a new kind of imperialism, an international expansionism of a global and regional character, which now constitutes the greatest danger to -the independence of peoples and the peace and security of the world. 129. This new force of domination and enslavement speaks of anti-imperialist struggle but acts as an expansionist and hegemonist. It speaks of support for the national liber.ation struggle and proclaims that nothing is more important than independence, but in fact is cynically destroying the independence that has recently and heroically been acquired by peoples and nations. That force constantly speaks of respect for national\s.overeignty and of the territorial integrity of countries' but at.~e same time cruelly invades neighbouring countries, using as a 130. This awareness of the international community has been expressed in a firm and co-ordinated will to oppose the increasing danger of expansionism. International pres- sure on the invaders has increase:d to'make them withdraw their forces from Kampuchea and Afghanistan and allow the peoples of those countries freely to exercise their in- alienable right to decide upon their future destinies them- selves. 131. This increased awareness on the part of the interna- tional community of the growing danger of expansionism and the support that results from that awareness con- stitutes valuable encouragement for the people and Gov- ernment of Democratic Kampuchea in their struggle for the survival of the Kampuchean nation. In the field, the strUggle is continuing and increasing. The Vietnamese en- emy, despite its numerical ~md material superiority" has suffered considerable losses. The so-called "Khmeriza-; tion" of the war undertaken by the enemy has failed. The troops in the field are only Vietnamese troops, and the result is that the Vietnamese enemy has now lost the ini- tiative on all fronts. It has been r.-:duced to being in- creasingly on the defensive. It is no longer in a position to eliminate Democratic Kampuchea through the force of arms. 132. Those· successes of Democratic Kampuchea in the military sphere could not have been achieved without the active participation of the population in. the war for na- tional surviVal. Without the effective contribution of all the people, who nourish, guide, cover, inform, and help the struggle logistically and otherwise, and send to it their sons and daughters, it would be inconceivable 'for the National Anpy of Democratic Kampuchea, ,which, is nu- merically inferior and poorly equipped, to bring to a com- plete halt an invading army of 250,000 men well equipped and experienced in warfare. 133. That active participation of the population in the resistance side by side with the National Army of Demo- cratic Kampuchea is a clear denial of the lies andalle- gations of the Vietnamese according to which the Govern- ment of Democratic Kampuchea receives no support from the population. It also shows the correctness of the new strategic political line laid down by the Government of Democratic Kampuchea and of the political programme of the Patriotic and Democratic Front of Great National Union of Kampuchea, line and programme that all the cadres of the Government, the Front and the army are now committed to apply with the assistance and full sup- port of the population, so that they will become a living reality for all. 134. Thanks to the continuous enlargement of the 'zones under the control of the Government of Democratic Kam- puchea and the resultant reinforcement of security, as they have been liberated the villages have been nrganized ad- ministratively and politically on the basis of the funda- mental democmUc freedoms outlined in the political pro- 135. Since they cannot impose their law on Kampuchea, the Vietnamese invaders have stepped up their cruelty, and they are intensifying the war of extermination against the people of Kampuchea. Hundreds and hundreds of thousands of our fellow countrymen have perished, vic- tims of conventional and chemical armaments and the systematic use of the weapon of starvation by the in- vaders. 136. In their raids, the Vietnamese aggressors continue to use the tactics of the "scorched-earth" policy, killing, destroying ewrything in their path. In the zones under their temporary control, the population has been placed in "strategic hamlets", making it impossible for them even to go to look for some wild fruit or wild plants with which to fiU their empty stomachs. They steal the har- vests from the peasants and continue to divert the jnterna- tional assisumce to feed their own forces. They systemat- ically create starvation and they use it as a genocidal weapon to eliminate all who oppose their law. Thus they hope to put an end to any national resistance at its very source. 137. Tne expansionists of Hanoi have also intensified the use of chemical weapons. They have even the impu- dence to use them now in localities which are situated very close to the towns and to the borders of Thailand. 1\vo weeks ago, on 14 September, the Vietnamese troops fired toxic gas shells at the village of Takong, which is about 10 kilometres from Sisophon in the province of Battambang. They killed or seriously poisoned 55 ~r­ sons. All of those odious crimes are now known to the international community and they have aroused the indig- nation and condemnation of all. The symptoms of toxicity described in the note verbale dated .14 September 1981 from' the Permanent Representative of the United States [A/36/509] are entirely in keeping with the description which was given by the Ministry of Public Health of Democratic Kampuchea on 10 April 1981 [AI361254]. 138. The suffering of our people is beyond description, for it is boundless. It is as great as the unholy determina- tion of the Hanoi expansionists to integrate Kampu~hea at all costs, even without the population, within the Viet- namese empire, which would be called the "Indochina Federation" and would also include Laos. 139. Since there was no victory and no blitzkriegwhich could produce the rapid and total destruction of the lead- ership of Democratic Kampuchea, the expansionists of Hanoi are now confronted with a situation in which they can no longer win a ~ilitary victory. In pursuing their fundamental objective, which is the liquidation of Demo- cratic Kampuchea, the Hanoi expansionists are now ac- tively attacking the legal. status of the State of Democratic Kampuchea and trying to eliminate its leadership from the international sccne, hoping that its military liqUidation will follOw. Even before their invasion of 25 December 1978, they unsuccessr,illy made a number of attempts at assassination, coup d'etat and destabilization in order to eliminate that leadership, because they know that it is pro- 140. In order to achieve this they multiply their c~­ paigns of slander against Democratic Kampuchea and try to impose on the international community the Vietnamese administration in Phnom Penh, which is the result of their invasion, invoking the travesty of "elections" and a "con- stitution" which have not deceived anyone but them- selves. In this connection, the International Conference on Kampuchea has clearly shown that as long as foreign forces have not been withdrawn from Kampuchea it is impossible for the Kampuchean people to express their will in free elections. 141. Thus, no matter how the Hanoi expansionists try, they will never be able to change the nature of the admin- istration they have installed in Phnom Penh, and which is in fact only a shadow of the occupation forces, and as such will disappear the moment all those forces.are with- drawn from Kampur.:hea. The people of Kampuchea know only too well the puppets that flanoi has· installed in Phnom Penh with the aid pf Vietnamese bayonets, after they had b~. fed and educated since 1954 within the overall framework of the implementation of the strategy of the "Indochina Federation". 142. As a corollary to these vain attempts to legitima- tize the invasion of Kampuchea, the leaders of Hanoi are actively endeavouring to sow dissension within the ranks of the ASEAN countries and other countries which cher- ish peace and justice and which support the just struggle of the people of Kampuchea and the Government of Dem- ocratic Kampuchea. On the other hand, those leaders con- tinue their worn-out manoeuvres aimed at burying the problem of Kampuchea by means of a so-called regional conference, while at the same time they continue to bran-. dish the so-called Chinese threat. They persist in this game of the thief calling "stop thief' with a cynicism which is particularly odious because the game is de5igned to cover up the genocide which threatens the very ~xis­ tence of a nation and a people. 143. in conformity with their usual tactics, the Hanoi expansionists believe that the}' can t~is time also exhaust the patience of the Governments that cherish peace and justice which are not intimidated by their threats or de- ceived by their false allegations and promises. They be- lieve that perhaps the international community will simply grow tired and finally accept their occupation of Kam- p~chea as a fait accompli and thus rel~ase them from the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations and of the Declaration of the International Con- ference on Kampuchea,3 which. were intended to lead to a solution of the Kampuchean problem; based on the com- plete withdrawal. of the Vietnamese forces from Kam- puchea and the restoration to the people of Kampuchea of its inalienable right to decide its own future. 145. The slanders, deceits and manoeuvres of the Hanoi expansionists certainly will not be able to divert the atten- tion of the international community from the danger and the threat which they represent for the region and for the whole world because of the close concordance of their regional expansionist strategy to the global Soviet strategy of expansion. 146. If at present this danger and this threat have not yet been able to develop fully, it is because the struggle of the Kampuchean people under the leadership of the Gov- ernment of Democratic Kampuchea and the Patriotic and Democratic Front of Great National Union of Kampuchea is being continued resolutely and has driven the Viet- namese . enemy into inextricable difficulties in Kam- puchea, in its own country and at the international level. Thus, the struggle of the Kampuchean people is indeed a struggle for survival, but at the same time it is also a contribution to the preservation of peace, stability and se- curity in that region and in the world. If this struggle should one day cease, there can be no doubt that the Vietnamese empire will be consolidated. It will be able to draw new breath and, its strength restored, it will again affirm its will to dominate and to expand, a policy it is trying to conceal today for circumstantial reasons. The balance of forces in the region and in the world will thl.!s be altered in such a way that it will no longer be possible to prevent this empire, supported by the expansionist great Power, to extend its tentacles into other areas of South-East Asia which it covets. 147. However, by intoning the same old chant in the vain hope of achieving by diplomatic means what they cannot achieve on the battlefield, the expansionists of Hanoi'reveal their own weakness. They show that their field of manoeuvre has grown smaller. The truth they can no longer conceal is that their military adventure in Kam- puchea is daily causing their human, financial and eco- nomic resources to be swallowed up in a bottomless pit. Viet Nam's problems on both the political and economic levels are well known throughout the wotld. Nothing can remedy them, not even massive Soviet aid,' and this will continue So long as Hanoi persists in its exphnsionist and annexationist ambition in Kampuchea and "South-East Asia. 149. In order to wage such a difficult struggle, full of sacrifices against an enemy bent on exterminating us, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea and the Patriotic and Democratic Front of Great National Union of Kam- puchea have clearly stated their sincere wish that all na- tional forces participate in the struggle and share the re- sponsibility for it. Since the beginning of 1979, they have endeavoured in every way to unify all these national forces, regardless of their past or their political affiliations or tendencies, so as to carry on the struggle in all forms against the common enemy. . 150. Animated by a high sense of patriotism and by their sincere desire to achieve national union, and placing the interests of the survival of the Kampuchean nation above all else,. they remain prepared to associate all na- tional forces in the direction of the affairs of the State of Democratic Kampuchea, and they do so even thougb they represent the legal and legitimate Government of Kam- puchea and constitute the only force which for three ye,ars has been leading effectively and with success the struggle of the Kampuchean people and its National Army in such a way that the Vietnamese invading forces are now hope- lessly b\,gged down on the battlefield. 151. It is in this spirit that the Government of Demo- cratic Kampuchea signed the Joint Statement published in Singapore on 4 September 1981, at the end of a tripartite ~eet!.n& which affirms the desire of the .~ational parties signatories to the Statement "to form a coalition government of Democratic Kampuchea with a view to continuing the struggle in all forms for the liberation of Cambodia from the Vietnamese aggressors".. [A/36/498, annex.] 152. That future tripartite coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea will be the continuation of the present Government of Democratic Kampuchea and set up within the framework of the State of Democratic Kam- puchea. It must have as its objective the increase of the forces combating the Vietnamese invaders, the strengthen- ing in all forms of the close co-ordination of the military, political and diplomatic struggle, that has enabled us to achieve such success so far in every field, and, lastly, the mobilization to an even greater extent of international sup- port and assistance for our just struggle. 153. It is evident that the Vietnamese enemy will con- tinue to do all it can to frustrate this national union and that even after its establishment it·will do all it can to destroy it. This ~s Why the Government of Democratic Kampuchea neither accepts nor does anything that might weaken the present struggle or impede its development, or in any way open any kind of breach that might be advantageous to the Vietnamese manoeuvres. 154. We call with all our hearts for the speedy estab- lishment of a coalition government. The delegation of Democratic Kampuchea in the tripartite Ad Hoc Commit- tee to study the principles and forms that will make the establishment of such a. coalition govemment possible re- ceived appropriate instructioas to exert every effort to- wards that end. 156. The solid and lasting union of all national forces that we are continually pursuing is not only based on im- peratives of the movement. It is the best guarantee for the survi'al and the very durability of Kampuchea as an inde- pendent and sovereign nation, preserving its age-old cul- ture and civilization. 157. Placed as, they are by geography and history di- rectly adjacent to such an ambitious, arrogant and aggres- sive neighbour as the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which has become the pawn of global expansionism in South-East Asia, the people of Kampuchea have no other path than that of sincere and loyal union among all the country's social strata, whatever their political loyalties or tendencies. Only such a union will make it possible, fol- lowing the liberation of the national territory, to rebuild and defend the country and to prevent Kampuchea from experiencing in its turn the tragic fate of the 65,600 square kilometres. of its territory situated in the fertHe plain of the Mekong Delta and which ~as once the Kmn- puchean Krom, tooay absorbed by Viet Nam. 158. In pursuing this goal, the Government of Demo- cratic Kampuchea and the Patriotic and Democratic Front of Great National Union of Kampuchea will continue to adhere fIrmly and loyally to their present political pro- grammeS and to their proposal of 30 June 1981 for a fIve- -point programme, which states, inter alia, that: '~fter the total withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea, a general and free election with di- rect Md secret ballot will be held, without any coercion from any armed forces or other forces, and this, und~r the strict and full supervision of the United Nations. "This election aims at choosing a National Assem- bly. "This National Assembly will establish a Constitu- tion which will defme the political regime of Kam- puchea, a parliamentary regime w~ich will not con- struct socialism or communism. "Kampuchea will remain independent, peaceful, neutral and non-aligned, and will not allow any foreig~ military base on its territory. "This National Assembly will choose a national gov- ernment. "This government will set up a national army to de- fend the country." [See A/36/367, annex.] 159. Kampuchea will then have a Jiberal parliamentary regime respectful of the Intern~tional Covenants on Human Rights, to which Democratic Kampuchea has ad- hered since 17 October 1980. 160. More than any other people, the people of Kam- puchea desires nothing more than the immediate cessation of its sufferings, which were caused by a war of aggres- sion and which have been endured for too long a time. If 161. As a corollary to the struggle on the battlefIeld, the Government of Democratic Kampuchea is .actively seeking on the international level ways and means of end- ing as soon as possible' the suffering of the Kampuchean people and satisfying its deep-felt aspiration to live in peace, independence. honour and national dignity. 162. The sine qua non condition of any just and lasting settlement of the Kampuchean problem is the total with- drawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea, which will make it possible for the people of Kampuchea to ex- erCise its inalienable right to choose its own destiny with- out any foreign interference, to re-establish the indepen- dence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Kampuchea and thus to bring peace, security and stability to South- East Asia. These requirements are entirely in conformity with the provisions of General Assembly resolutions 34/22 and 35/6 and the Declaration of the International Conference on Kampuchea.3 .. '... 163. To attempt, as de the Hanoi expansionists and their supporters, to turn the problem of Kampuchea into a "re- gional problem" is a conjuring trick which deceives no one anymore. Nothing can conceal the fact that the prob- lem of Kampuchea is a problem neither of decolonization nor of a territory under United Nations trusteeship, but rather a problem of Vietnamese aggression against a sov- ereign non-aligned State which is a Member of the United Nations, and that that aggression, as in. the case of the aggression against Afghanistan, is an integral part of.the expansionist, global strategy to achieve world domination. The InternatiQnal Conference on Kampuchea properly stressed the aggressive nature of the Hanoi expansionists as well as the international nature of the Kampuchean problem. 164. Within the context in which the global and re- gional expansionists continue to advance their pawns on the global chess-board and to give a one-sided interpreta- tion to "detente", a just solution of the problem of Kam- puchea based on respect for its sovereignty and .for the Charter of the United Nations would helpto pave the way towards _the solution of other outstanding intemational problems, such as the problem of Afghanistan. It would show at the same time that in the current contest between the aggressive forces of expansionism and the peace-lov- ing forces nothing can triumph over the will of the peace- loving forces when that will is clearly asserted. It would also help to avert the danger of a third world conflagra- tion. 165. My delegation wishes to reiterate the deep grati- tude of the people of Kampuchea and the Government of Democratic Kampuchea to the ASEAN countries for the 166. My delegation would like to take this opportunity to express once again our gratitude to the other countries which cherish peace and justice and which have not only given active support to the just national cause of Kam- puchea but have also made intense efforts to bring about a just and lasting solution of the Kampuchean problem. Their warm solidarity will never be forgotten by our peo- p~. ) 167. Before concluding, may I reaffirm this year, the twentieth anniversary of the birth of the non-aligned movement, the fact that Democratic Kampuchea and its people remain fai~hful to the principles of non-alignment as well as to those of the Charter of the United Nations. Despite·the vicissitudes which it has been forced to un- dergo ,by the expansionists, who have sought to destroy its identity and hitch it to their wagon of world domina- tion, especially since the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana in September 1979, the non-aligned movement has shown through the determined struggle of the vast majority of its members that it will survive its iUustrious founding fathers and that the principles of non-alignment will continue to light the way for peoples that cherish independence, peace and progress. The solidarity re- affinned recently by· the non-aligned movement at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non- Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in February 1981, with· the peoples of Kampuchea and Afghanistan, the vic- tims of wars of aggression and occupation, in their just struggle, reflect much credit on the participants and augur well for the future, despite the obstacles to be overcome. 168. By its present struggle against the Vietnamei:.'~: (~x.,. pansionists, my country is making a contribution not mIly to the defence of the principles of the Charter bm 4ii~o to the cause of the non-aligned movement, of which it is one of the founding members.

It gives me great pleasure to express to Mr. Kit- tani, on behalf of Kuwait, our warmest and most heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the current session of the Gen'~ral Assembly. His election is a testimony to the high esteem in which he is held in inter- national circles, as a man of vast experience and outstand- ing competence. The trust which the General Assenlbly has placed in him is not only a recognition of his personal attributes but also a symbolic acknowledgement by the international community of the role played by the sister State of Iraq in international bodies. it is a privilege to have presiding over our meetings a man of ~atand long experience of'the activities of this world Organtzation, a man who has played a remarkable role in suppc~ng the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Na- 170. I should also like to pay a tribute, Ol~ behalf of Kuwait, to the Secretary-General for the efforts .he has made to promote world peace and security, and to express our appreciation of his quiet diplomacy and the remark- able way he uses his good offices to ease tensions in vari- ous parts of the world. ' 171. Kuwait, which believes that the international Organization is a minh.~ure image of the community of nations, wishes to congratulate the State of Vanuatu and the State of Belize on joining the United Nations, and would also like to express its ,belief that those new Mem- bers will fulfil their international commitments and play their parrt in shouldering international responsibilties with great competence. . 172. The current international situation is marked by signs of a deterioration in international relations. We de- tect in those signs a threat to the policies of detente, the existence of which previously constituted one of the most' encouraging safeguards of world peace and security. Its absence could lead to a recurrence of the cold war, which once led us to the dangerous policies of brinkmanship. 173. There are also unfortunate indications of the re- emergence of. the arms race, particularly in the nuclear sphere, and that coincides with a worsening of the world eco:alomic crisis and an increase in the sp,ead of poverty and famine in the world. 174. Furthermore, the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of various nations are being jeopard- ized by the conflict between the major Powers. It is re- grettable that·the lofty concept of the force of right as a souce of peace is now being replaced by a new and dan- gerous concept which relies on military force as a source of legality and an effective instrument in international re- lations. 175. The tendency to resort to the use of military force, or ~;e threat of it, has increased substantially, to the ex- tent that it has been coupled in some cases with military intervention and occupation. As a result, we feel we are drifting back to the law of the jungle and the gunboat diplomacy that·perm,eated relations among nations in the dark ages, and drifting away from the Charter of the United Nations and the rules of international law. 176. Kuwait, sensing the potential dangers tn the pres- ent worlc:J situation t would like to appeal for rapid meas- ures .to improve international relations, eliminate the causes of tension and translate the principles of the Char- ter into action. Kuwait also endorses the idea of conven- ing a world conference on disarmament, to be attended bi all nations and to be preceded by adequate preparations in order to guarantee a considerable degree of succ~s. 177. The situation on our Asian' ·continent is no better than anywhere else. thanks t6 the increasing competition between the big Powel"J, particularly the Soviet Union and the United States, for a military presence in the Indian 178. Kuwait has supported from the outset the efforts being made to make the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. We appreciate the efforts made so far by the AD HDC Committee on the Indian Ocean in preparation for the co~vening, we hope at an early date, of a conference to discuss this matter. 179. The nations of the Indian Ocean area have in the past suffered a lot from big·:rower conflicts. This has led to the realization by those nations of the potential dangers of ')u~h big-Power activities. Therefore, the time has come to conclude an international agreement proclaiming the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. 180. Kuwf\it strongly believes in the idea of regional co- operation among States, since such co-operation among like-minded States of any region plays a role in easing any tensions wilich may arise in that region. It also in- creases the possibility of the most effective exploitation of the natural resources and the safeguarding of the eco- nomic development of the countries of the area in a more scientific and I;:o-ordinated manner. The Arab Gulf States, in accordance with their strong belief in this principle, have therefore taken the constructive step of establishing the Gulf Co-operation Council, which, as the Council's charter provides, aims at "achieving a greater degree of co-ordination and integration in all fields and [at] forging closer relations between its members". 181. We believe that that Council will make an effective contribution to stability in the area and will help to pre- vent foreign intervention in issues which are the concern of the Gulf States alone. 182. Kuwait believes that responsibility for the security and prote~tion of the Gulf rests with the Gulf States alone. We therefore oppose policies degigned to make people believe that the area needs. some kind of foreign military presence, whether in the form of the so-called rapid deployment force or in that of military facilities in certain areas. It is Kuwait's conviction that the propaga- tion of such ideas is detrimental to the stability of this vital area of the world and creates an undesirable com- petition between the super-Powers in our backyard. 183. The world suffers today more than at any time in the past from an increasing number of international prob- lems on which the fate"Of world peace and the future of mankind depend. The continued deterioration of the situa- tion in Afghanistan .constitutes a direct threat not only to the security and sovereignty of the surrounding countries, but to the international community in general. We there- fore call for the acceleration of efforts to find a peaceful and just solution to the Afghanistan crisis, in accordance with the General Ass~mbly resolutions cailing for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan and sup- porting the right of the people of Afghanistan to self-de- termhr ~ion and the establishment of the political system which it considers suitable, without foreign interference. We also support the right of the Afghan refugees to return to their country, as called for in i:he New Delhi Declara- tion of Febl1lary 198I, at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries [see A/36/116 and CO". I, annex]. 185. Only a few days ago the General Assembly wound up the eighth emergency special session convened to dis- cuss the question of Namibia and adopted re~olution ES-8/2 condemning South Africa for its continued control and occupation of that Territory and reiterating the princi- ples which we have always supported but which South Africa continues to ignore. 186. We believe that the five Western countries, particu- larly the United States, should carry out the historic re- sponsibilities they assigned themselves and exert effective pressure on Soull} Africa to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 187. We should also like to express our support for and solidarity with the black majority in South Africa in their bitter struggle against the odious policies of apartheid pursued by the South African regime, the continuance of which is a disgrace to all of mankind. The Government of Kuwait therefore continues to support the imposition of comprehensive sanctions against that racist regime in order to force it to comply with United Nations resolu- tions. 188. There is no doubt that the present strained relations between the two super-Powers and their gradual abandon- ment of the policy of detente will lead to a fierce com- petition, whic;l will revitalize the efforts by those super- Powers to polarize as many small nations as possible and entice them somehow into one of the two camps, East or West. That will in turn undoubtedly increase the respon- sibilities of the non-aligned nations, which should have at the top of their list of priorities opposition to alignments, polarization and the creation of military bases or spheres of influence. 189. The non-aligned mitions are celebrating the twen- tieth anniversary of their first summit conference, which marked the emergence of that group, which has played and continues to play a major role in organizing the trou- bled world of today. 190. In spite of the fact that the path of non-alignment has always been fraught with difficulties, non-aligned pol- icies have remained steadfast and have asserted them:-- selves in the midst of the events of the last two decades. I would be remiss if I did not express appreciation of the efforts made by those nations to bring about fundamental changes in international institutions, such as the elimina- tion of the remaining pockets of colonialism, the settle- ment of the differences between various nations of the group by peaceful-means, the elimination of unjust eco- nomic and social conditions, the preservation of spiritual and human values and the reinforcement of the demo- cratic spirit in international relations. 191,. Any talk about the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations, human rights or the principles of justice will be meaningless as long as the Middle East crisis, particularly the core of that crisis--the cause of the Pal- estinian People, who have suffered the bitterness of dis- • 192. It is indeed an appalling irony that a great Power, which should be fulfilling its special' international respon- sibilitiesin its capacity as a permanent member' of the Security Council, which was orginally set up to preserve peace and security-namely, the United States-should instead play such a part in creating and fomenting the main problem threatening world peace and security in our time, one of the most important and most sensitive re- gions in the world, the Middle East. 193. Had it not been for continued United States sup- port and assistance and the reluctance of the United States Government to adopt a balanced policy which would take into consideration the interests of all parties, within the framework of the principles reflecting the wishes of the international comr.~lunity, international justice, the Charter of the United Nations and the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, Israel would not have been able to continue its occupation of Arab territories or its refusal to allow the Palestinian people to exercise their legitimate national rights. 194. The deteriorating situation in Lebanon drains the Arab joint effort to establish peace in the Middle East. Together with its sister Arab members of the Supreme Arab Follow-up Committee, Kuwait continues to eh-ert every effort to establish peace and stability in Lebanon and to preselVe its security, sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and unity under its legitimate author- ity. We are hopeful that those efforts will bear fm-it. We shall pursue our efforts until a normal and peaceful situa- tion is restored in the area. We believe, hO"~ever, that the main guarantee of the restoration of peace in Lebanon is the.cessation of Israel's aggressive practices and persistent attempts to interfere in Lebanese affairs, and the discon- tinuance of Israel's brutal attacks against the innocent Lebanese people and its violations of Lebanon's sov- ereignty and territorial integrity. 195. A new dimension in Israeli designs was revealed by its attack last June on Iraqi nuclear installations, which constituted an encroachment on the rights of all nations and the aspirations of all peoples to develop their econo- mies so as to serve their development objectives and to utilize their resources so as to achieve progress and pros- perity. 196. The United States bears a special responsibility to put a stop to Israel's irresponsible actions, since by its total support it has turned Israel into the main source of danger to the security of the region. 197. On the other hand, the question of Palestine re- mains pivotal for the Middle East, and unless that issue is resolved in a manner which will safeguard the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people, particularly its right to self-determination and the creation of its own State, the general situation in the Middle East will not change; in fact, it will become more dangerous and more explosive, as proved by the events of the last few months. , 198. We have been proved right about what we have been saying since the signing of the Camp D$tid ac- cords-that this process was anything but conduCive to 199. The first is the participation of all the principal parties to the issue in the settlement process. The most important among those parties is the Palestine Liberation Organization [PW] , the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The absolute loyalty to the PLO expressed by the Palestinian people, ~specially by those who live in the West a~k~4.G.~ _,?!ho.L51espite th~_ brutalities of a coercive occupation authority, have resisted all efforts to weaken their loyalty to the PW,shQuldbe clear-cut proof ~o anyone who has any doubts on the mat- ter. This fact has been recognized by most Member States. The facts of the situation also prove that the only solution is to recognize the fa£tth.~ the...~!Q_exists anc! that it enjoys the absolute support of the ,?eoptemM- estine. 200. Secondly, Israel must withdraw from all the oc~ cupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusa- lem. The pretext of security requirements resorted to by Israel in an effort to disguise its expansionist designs is but a flimsy arglllooent that does not deceive anyone. 201. Thirdly, like r ,'her peoples in th~ world, the Pal- estinian people should be guaranteed the right to self-de- termination an.d the right to have its own independent State. The right of the Palestinian refugees to repatriation, in accordance with the relevant General Assembly resolu- tions, should also be safeguarded. 202. A new element has recently emerged in United States-Israeli relations and is being referred to as Hstrate- gic co-operation" between the two countries. This co-op- eration, we believe, will have negative effects and will place more obstacles in the way of any effort to achieve peace in the Middle East. 203. Kuwait would like to state tae following in this respect. 204. First of all, such co-operation is in our view an ill- conceived venture aimed at confronting a fictitious danger which the United States and Israel wish to impose on our area. It is our duty therefore to dispel this illusion, which has been blown up out of all proportion, for it 'only serves to cloud the facts and draw the entire area towards a new war, with grave consequences for world pe':':e and se- ~urity. 205. Secondly, this co-operation willl make the Middle East region once again a hotbed of alliances, spheres of influence and the cold war, the consequences of which will have their impact on the commitment of the Arab nations to the policy of non-alignment, which is indis- pensable to our peoples. 206. Thirdly, this co-operation will upse~ the necessary balance in the policy of a Power that plays a major role in the efforts to resolve the Middle East crisis. 208. In the last two decades the world has been liber- at~d from political colonization and must now be liberated front economic imperialism. We support that course, in which Kuwait has played an important role. However, I should like to emphasize the unavoidable necessity of re- solving· the question of political justice inherent in the Palestine issue before we are able to assume the economic role we aspire to play. Political justice is the corner-stone of economic justice. Any negotiations on socio-economic justice in the world as a whole will therefore be pointless if political justice is not achieved in our part of the world. The continuance of an unresolved Palestine question would undottbtedly affect that role, as this question is taking up much of our energies. 209. The world economic situation is characterized by increasing rates of inflation in all the countries of the world, an increase in the national product at a lesser rate than the increase in population, an increase in the rate of unemployment, an increase in rates of interest and an in- crease in foreign debt. 210. The advanced nations bear a responsibility to share in the solution of the economic problems of the develop- ing nations, since they have been responsible for the present recession in the world economic situation. 211. The convening by the developing nations ot the High Level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held at Caracas in May 1981, on the eve of the failure'of the preparatory attempts to launch the global negotiation~.! ~as s~rved as an incentive 'Jor these naUons."fuIook for ways and means of developing their economies on the basis of co-operation. 212. We favour the efforts by the world community to conserve energy, but we should like to mention that the responsibility for meeting world energy needs does not rest with the oil-producing countries alone. The advanced nations should embark more seriously on efforts to de- velop alternative sources of energy and should co-operate with developing nations to explore those s<.'IJrces. The ad- vanced nations undoubtedly have sufficient resources and technical and human capabilities to achieve this objective. 213. Kuwait and other Arab and developing nations are exerting every possible effort to help the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea resolve its present dilemma, which will not be done unless the obstacles impeding the investment in and utilization of the resources of the sea in an organized manner for the bene- fit of this generation as .well as the future generations are eliminated. ' 214. The State of Kuwait appreciates the importance of the serious participation of the Government of the United States of America in the current negotiation!! so that the Conference does not lose the momentum it gained in its past sessions. We hope that the new United States Admin- istration will change its stand regarding future negotia- tions so that the Conference can consolidate the positive

Allow me, Sir, on behalf of my delegation, to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General As- sembly. My delegation is pleased to see as President a representative of a brother country, the Republic of Iraq, with which my country h&s fraternal and privileged rela- tions. 217. Your competence, your talent as a skilled diplomat and your vast experience will, I am convinced, enable us to accomplish our work successfully. 218. May I also, M,. President, pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, of the Federal Republic of Germany, who, with competence and devo- tion, did so much to seek satisfactory solutions to the many problems that arose during his term of office. 219. I should also like to express my heartfelt congrat- ulations and words of welcome to the Republic of Van- uatu and Belize. I am convinced that these two countries will find support and assistance in this Assembly. 220. I also wish to express my deep gratitude to the Secn~tary-General for his tireless efforts to carry out his difficuit tasks in order to preserve the ideals for which the Organization was founded. We commend his unfailing perseverance in carrying out his duties as guardian of the principles of fue Charter. 221. Every year the General Assembly opens a new ses- sion at which we once again gather, inspired by great hopes and with a firm resolve to promote peace, soli-, darity among peoples and international co-operation. 2220 In accordancf . ~th 1.1''' irinciples of the United Na- tions, the Republic -.If Djill)t uti has chosen to follow a policy based on the preservation of its independence and the maintenance of its sovereignty, territorial integrity, freedom and national identity. We try to harmonize na- tional and international endeavours in a spirit of co-opera- tion and understanding towards all nations, because such endeavours could prepare the ground for a better develop- ment of peace and prosperity. 223. At the beginning of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, in spite of the deterioration of the in- ternational economic situation, the United Nations Con- ference on the Least Developed Countries, held at Paris from 1 to 14 September 1981, has given rise to great hopes by making it possible for the international commu- nity to become aware of the seriousness of the' problems facing those countries. It is none the less true that the measures adopted at that ConferenceI must be placed in the framework of the global development strategy aimed at establishing amore just and more equitable new inter- national eConomic order. Th~ massive popul~tion flow following our inde- pendence-refugees, immigrants, victims of the drought and the rural exodus-have posed acute problems in all socio-economic fields. 225. After a drought which lasted three years and caused the displacement of more than one third of our rural population, whom the Government regrouped in camps in order to meet their needs, floods this year have worsened our economic situation. 226. The Republic' of Djibouti, with a population of 450,000, has welcomed a large number of refugees, who today make up 15 per cent of its population and with whom it shares its meagre available resources without re- gret and with dignity. That is its way of meeting its inter- national and humanitarian responsibilities. 227. The Republic cif Djibouti, in the framework of its national policy, has given priority to all those projects that will allow it to involve itself in the process.of socio- economic development in order to guarantee to all the enjoyment of their social, economic and political rights .without obstruction, within the limits of its resources and in the interest -of all the people. 228. But, in order to achieve those development objec- tives, the support and assistance of the international com- munity are needed. I take this opportunity to repeat our gratitude to, and appreciation of, all the friendly countries and· international organizations for their assistance and support, both material and moral. 229. Peace and stability are vital for each nation, for they are the two prerequisites for development and thus for socio-economic emancipation at the national and inter- national levels. The Republic of Djibouti is engaged in establishing peace and stability, not only at the national level but,'at the regional and international levels. 230. Strongly committed to African unity and solidarity, the President of the Republic, Mr. Hassan Gouled Aptidon, is worried by the continued hostilities in ~he Horn of Africa. Deeply inspired by the need to establish peace and security in the'regioll, the President has committed himself to the task of creating mutual trust and co-operation among the nations of the region. On the basis of that commitment, President Gaoled m~de an appeal in August 1980 for an attempt to brirtg about a negotiated settlement of the conflict in the region. In March, April and May 1981 he began a series of offieial visits to the countries of the Horn of Africa and other neighbouring countries, such as Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya, Sudan and South Yemen. During those visits the President of the Republic found among his fellow leaders a conviction of the need to seek the possibilities of establishing peace and security in the region, in the interest of the peoples of the Horn of Africa. 231. We believe that, thanks to the understand~ng and confidence of all, those goodwill efforts may lead to. tangi- ble results. ' 233. We are committed to, and comply constructively with, the principles of the establishment of peaceful, active coexistence in relations among all nations. We are firmly opposed to imperialism, colonialism, neo-colonialism, apartheid and racism-including zionism, racial discrimi- nation and other forms of oppression and elimination. 234. The Republic of Djibouti is at one with the principles and goals of the non-aligned movement. In the implementa- tion of the ideals stemming from those principles and goals, all Member States should harmonize their efforts to main- tain the prestige and unity of our movement. 235. During the pastdecades, the Indian Ocean has been a focal point of super-Power rivalry for zones of influence because of its economic and strategic importance'and its importance in the sphere of energy. The Republic of Djibouti, as a coastal State, is Jeeply concerned by the escalation of tension in the region. We support the goals and objectives of the United Nations resolutions aimed 'at pre- serving the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace, and attach particular importance to them. In this respect, we are pleased by the decision contained in General Assembly resolutions 34/80 B and 35/150 to convene a conference on the Indian Ocean at the beginning of the 1980s in Colombo, Sri Lanka, to give effect to the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, contained in General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI). This can contribute to the estab- lishment of peace and security in that region. 236. We reaffirm the urgent need for the prompt imple- mentation ofthat Declaration, and repeat our fuU support for a successful conference on the Indian Ocean as soon as possible. 237. The situation in the Middle East is a source of great danger to peace and stability, not only regional but also international, for the Zionist entity ceaselessly violates the sovereignty and independence of Arab countries. The pre- meditat~d and criminal acts of aggression by Israel against the Arab nation have increased to dangerous proportions, portending disaster for mankind. 238. the escalation of violence and the intensification of the Israeli expan-sionist policy of colonialism in the oc- cupied Arab territories, the inten-sive and brutal attacks that have recurred in southern Lebanon, the annexation of Jeru- salem for the ilI-intentioned putpOse of altering the charac- ter of the Holy City, Israel's continued and provocative refusal to withdraw from Lebanese territory, the bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor and the plan to build a canal from the Mediterranean to the Dead Sea are all deliberate acts of provocation which maintain an explosive state of tension in the region. 239. It is highly regrettable that all the solutions proposed to date to remedy the .crisis in the Middle East have been marked by great weakness in tackling the heart of the 240. The Arab countries have alwavs wished to live and to coexist injust and lasting peace, guaranteeing to -all parties independence, peace and security. Contrary to this, Israel has constantly shown complete defiance of all moral values and international norms. 241. Israel's isolated and barbaric actions are no longer convincing,..even to its fervent partisans in the United States and in Europe, who continue to give it unlimited support to the detriment of the _legitimate rights of the Arab peoples. 242. We wish to reiterate our unconditional support for and solidarity with the struggle of the Palestinian people, under the auspices 9f the PLO, its sole representative, for its inalienable rights. 243. We wish to welcome here the peace efforts under- taken by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and we support the peace settlement presented by His Royal Highness Prince Fahd ibn Abdul Aziz.6 244. The attempt to eliminate the Lebanese people is a clear extension of Israel's virulent strategy of aggression whuse sole goal is to destroy the Arab nation. Israel's continued violation of Lebanon's air space, territory and territorial waters and its intensive attacks against highly populated areas in Beirut, killing thousands of civilians:and causing severe destruction, are all living examples of that strategy. Th~ whole world has on many occasions con- demned the Israeli plan to sabotage Lebanese sovereignty and has reaffirmed the urgent need-to protect the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. The inter- national community must take more concrete measures to preserve Lebanese sovereignty. 245. Apartheid, which has beeD unanimously condemned by the United Nations as a crime against humanity and against human conscience and dignity, considerably aggra- vates the situation in muthern Africa and seriously disturbs world peace and secudty:. 246. Tension and confrontation in southern Africa cannot be eliminated nor can peace be established until Namibia's liberation from the illegal occupation of the South African regime and the dismantling of the apartheid system are completely achieved. It is not enough to rise up against apartheid or to raise m outcry. The system must be con- demnedconcretely by active support for the struggle waged by the liberation movements in providing them with the best possible moral, material, political and diplomatic as- sistance. 247. The b~baric South African regime continues its pol- icy of repression. The policy of bantustanization, the blind -violence against peaceful demonstrators opposing apartheid, the political trials followed by imprisonment, the torture of political prisoners and the assassinations while in 248. We appreciate the fact that the International Con- ference on Sanctions against South Africa, sponsored by the United Nations in co-operation with the OAU, held in Paris last May, has considered new international actions to elimi- nate apartheid and to support the struggle of the liberation movements.7 We support measures aimed at a total arms embargo against South Africa and in particular at preventing it from acquiring the nuclear weapon. 249. Concerning Namibia, the current impasse presents a crisis situation that endangers peace and security in the region. It is clear that the South African regime does not accept a negotiated agreement on the basis of the United Nations plan on the question of Namibia. In defiance of all international norms, it continues to engage in barbaric acts and systematically to detain leaders of the liberation move- ment, all in order to stifle the success of the liberation movement, strengthen its occupation of Namibia and carry out its campaigns of aggression against neighbour- ing States. 250. The Republic of Djibouti firmly condemns the ag- gression perpetrated against the fraternal people of Angola by the despicable regi~ne in South Africa. 251. The international community, in view of its responsi- bility regarding the Namibian people, must no longer re- main impassive when faced with the acts of aggression committed by the South African regime. It is high time that Governments and organizations which maintain economic, political and diplomati~ relations with South Africa cease their activities, express solidarity with the Namibian people and participate in common efforts to speed up the decolo- nization of Namibia. 252. We reaffirm our support for SWAPO, the sole legiti- mate representative of the Namibian people, in its armed struggle to achieve self-determination, liberation and na- tional independence. 253. We firmly believe that the only basis for a just negotiation on the Namibian question is the correct imple- mentation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which requires fair elections under the supervision of the United Nations in keeping with the principles of self-determination and genuine independence for Namibia, as well as ofresolu- tion ES-8/2 adopted during the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly on Namibia. 254. The delegation of the Republic of Djibouti is deeply worried by the conflict between Iraq and Iran. We hope that the two countries will resolve their differences in accord- ance with the principles of the Islamic Conference and of the non-aligned mo~ement. We welCome efforts at finding a peaceful solution of the Iraqi-Iranian war and we ask the non-aligned movement, the Islamic Conference and the United Nations to redouble their efforts to achieve fruitful results in order to restore peace to that region. 255. As regards the question of Western Sabara, we are greatly encouraged by the continued effcrts made by the OAU to put an end to the dispute by peaceful means. The establishment of the Ad Hoc Committee of the OAU is a demonstration of goodwill and commands our full sijpport. 256. The continued presence of foreign armed forf.::es in Afghanistan in spite of the repeated appeals of all peace- toving nations for their withdrawal prevents the Afghan people from expressing its will by choosing its government through free elections. That aggression and military pres- ence also endanger thf'; independence, sovereignty, ter- ritorial integrity and non-aligned status of the countries of the region. My Government has on many occasions de- nounced this foreign military intervention in Afghanistan as a flagrant violation ofthe Charter of the United Nations and as an act of aggression against human rights and the free- dom of peoples. We insist upon an overall political solution based on full respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Afghanistan. J 257. In connection with the question of Kampuchea, the serious international consequences of the situation in that country have become a source of concern to my Govern- ment, which is opposed to foreign armed intervention and the presence of foreign forces in any country. We reafflnn the need for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from the territory of Kampucheaas well as the organization of elec- tions supervised by the United Nations in keeping with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. 258.. We fInnly believe that the United Nations is the most appropriateforum for the bringing together of ideas in order to find the most favourable means of resolving all vital questions concerning the general development of mankind. We believe in the United Nations. In that spirit we join the other Member States and share their concerns and their aspirations. 259. Our strength resides in the extent to which we respect and comply with the objectives and principles on which the Organization is based.

My delegation joins with others who have spoken before me in congratulating Mr. Kittani on his election to the post of President of the thirty-sixth ses- sion of the General Assembly. His task is not an easy one, but we are confident that his deep and extensive experience in international diplomacy acquits him well for the task before him. My delegation pledges its support to his leader- ship. 261. I should also like to express my delegation's appre- ciation of the excellent leadership given to thr thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly by its Pre~ident, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Gennany. His record is one of which this Assembly can justifiably be proud and is a credit both to him and to his country. 262. No amount of congratulations can ever be enough to express our. deep sense I,)f gratitude for the thankless but important job that the·Secretary-General and his Secretariat staff.are doing. Theirs is a difficult task more prone to criticism than appreciation. But that the United Nations has been able to make positive progress in many a~cts of its work in the past decade despite repeated assaults on its principles is a credit to Mr. Waldheim's quiet but incisive leadership and the dedication of his staff. .' 264. This session of the General Assembly, more than any other convened in the past, is taking place at a very critical juncture in the history of the United Nations. I say critical because the world Organization is increasingly challenged and its efforts are frustrated by the lack of alternatives to deal with the realities of an evolving global geopolitical system, a system which is complex and- demands a high degree of skill in statesmanship, ingenuity and foresight to maintain it-perhaps more than was the case when the United Nations was first founded 36 years ago. 265. The increase in the membership, largely by the addi- tion of fonner dependent territories, which in gaining sov- ereignty wish to control their own destiny, was bound to alter the basis of international relations. 266. The need of newly independent countries to develop social and economic policies mo&c consistent with their socio-economic aspirations was bound to lead to a demand for the alteration of the basis of international economic relations. The rapid rate at which the process of decoloniza- tion has freed people from colonial tutelage was bound to be contagious for the remaining colonies. 267. Those developments, as events have shown, have their eff~ct on the adjustments-some more radical and revolutionary than others-that countries have had to make in their social, economic, political and legal systems. That those changes have taken place in a very briefperiod oftime is to be applauded, as along with them has come a greater degree of freedom and awareness. 268. I need not restate the fact that the emergent geopoliti- cal picture in the largely free world of today calls for a revision of the basis of traditional international relations, a modification cognizant of the roles of Member States, no matter what their size, in the.resolution of challenges which confront the United Nations, a modification which recog- nizes the desire of Member States, however disadvantaged by traditional and current international economic arrange- ments, to participate effectively on a basis of equity in any new global economic system and a modification which respects the right of sovereign States, no matter how weak and small they may be, to detennine their own future.. 269. Challenges which face the United Nations are trans- lated into problems because the Members' conceptions 'Df those challenges have remained linked to or have moved very little away from traditional ways of resolving them. 270. Unemployment, poverty and hunger are still pre- dominantly looked upon as the consequences of the indi- vidual's failure to "make it", despite the inflationary nature of economies, over which the individual has little or no control, and the annual expenditure of hundreds of billions of dollars on armaments while millions go hungry. ,J 272. Realization of the political aspirations of dependent Territories to be free is still delayed, and those aspirations continue to be discussed in the context of the security of others. 273. Despite the significance and the almost indispens- able role ofthird-world countries in the economies of indus- trialized nations, the former are still not recognized in an economic relationship that is equitable and fair. i\ 274. In spite of the antiquity of the concept of settling international disputes through wars and the very real likeli- hood of the annihilation of mankind if a world war were to occur; nations still continue to arm themselves to the teeth, and with weapons whose lethality is well known. 275. In an age in which the world can more than at any time in its history rightly boast of innumerable important achievements in both the quantitative and qualitative sense, it seems inconsistent and incongruent that world political leadership continues in its traditional path, apparently lack- ing the incisive skills, sophistication and enlightenment which would bring mankind the benefits of those achieve- ments. 276. I should like to illustrate that fact by commenting very briefly on the progress, or more appropriately the lack of progress, in the field of disarmament. 277. The major conclusions of the DisarmamentComniis- sion in its report to this session of the General Assembly contain very little that can engender hope for the future peace of the world. In its observations the Disarmament Commission has noted the deterioration in international relations as constituting a serious threat to world peace and stability. The Commission further observes: '~mong the greatest perils facing the world today is the threat of destruction as a result of nuclear war. The increase in weapons, especially nuclear weapons, far from helping to strengthen international security, on the contrary, weakens it. "The Commission is'' of the conviction that the arms race, in particular the nuclear arms race, runs counter to efforts to achieving further relaxation of international tensions." [See A/36/42, para. 19.] 278. Noting also that the most recent agreements on stra- tegic arms ~ontrol between the two most heavily armed nuclear-weapon States remain unratified, the Commission deplored the fact that military expenditures are reaching even higher levels, and emphasized the necessity of releas- ing such resources to much-needed economic and social development. 279. The message that appears to be patently clear from the report of the Disarmament Commission is that the pre- sent doctrines of balance and equilibrium as the basis for disarmament~ and the traditional approach of formal nego- 280. The disillusionment and discontent that the Disarma- ment Commission points to pervade all other' areas of our disarmament efforts. My delegatio,:,!, tog€~her' with other nations of the Pacific, has stated continuously over the years, here in the United Nations and elsewhere, that the cessation of all nuclear-weapons testing everywhere was and remains a matter of the highest priority as an effort towards total disarmament. That our efforts, especially in the South Pacific, have met with little success is perhaps only indica- tive of the rate of progress that has so far been achieved in our global efforts to halt the arms race. My Government is committed to the cessation of nuclear testing and of the dumping of nuclear wastes in the Pacific and other parts of the world, and will continue to work towards the realization of the Organization's ultimate goal of general and complete disarmament. ' 281. In a situation where nuclear nations are unable to , declare themselves publicly as accepting a reasonable level of disarmament, or to agree to alternative approaches to their escalating arms race, it is a very tempting proposition indeed to suggest that an alternative might lie in non-nuclear nations deciding to withdraw their support from interna- tional'disarmament forums, where they have provided the respectability of internationalism to unimplementable trea- ties, agreements and conventions. Concurrently, those non- nuclear nations which are capable of doing so m~ght wish to develop their own programmes of nuclear armament. 282. While these propositions might result in jolting nu- clear nations out of their comp!acency, and might enable them to see the extremely dangerous consequences of their nuclear arms race, these are clearly irresponsible alterna- tives not to be pursued seriously. It is, however, becoming increasingly clear that any disarmament breakthroughs are not going to come from conventional thinking and ap- proaches. More likely, as suggested by the Stanley Founda- tion in its analysis of the programmes of the second special session on disarmament, they are going to result from ap- proaches such as moratoriums, independent initiatives, non- binding norms, confidence-building measures and regional activities. 283. ,With regard to the international economic situation, events during the year and efforts at launching a new round of global negotiations relating to international economic co- operation for development have not led to progress! despite the tireless efforts of the President of the thirty-fifth session of the/General Assembly. We cannot help but express our grave concern at not having arrived at a final consensus directed towards the goal of eventu~llyreplacing an ob~9lete economic system, which is at variance with conditions prevailing today, by one that is based on equity and i~,more responsive to the needs of both the developing and indus- trialized countries. - 284. However, my delegation remains optimistic that through dialogue, flexibility on all sides, political will and unity in action, consensus will emerge in the coming months. We arr hopeful that the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, to be held at Canc(lD, will give fresh impetus and facilitate the launching of global negotiation~. Sensible co-operation among all nations of the world, both rich and poor, is the only way to take up today's 286: In envisaging a new system for the exploitation ofthe enonnous resources of the sea-bed outside national bound- aries, the area which the twenty-fifth session of the General Assembly proclaimed by consensus as the common heritage of mankind [resolution 2749 (XXV)], we thought the inter- national community was a~ last at the threshold of a new era of co-operation in global negotiations. But efforts in recent months have been frustrated by a demand for a complete review of the draft convention, a move my delegation can- not but view with dismay. Perhaps, more than any other countries, it is the island nations such as Fiji, dependent to a considerable degree on the resources of the sea for their economic growth and development, that look to the early conclusion of all the negotiations on outstanding issues and the signing of the Final Act in Caracas in September next year. Like other Member States in the Group of 77,my country is resolved to conclude the long-drawn-out negotia- tions in 1982, and would appeal for a greater sense of accommodation than has been shown thus far, so that the Conference can complete the task of codifying the conven- tion. 287. The political will and mutual co-operation that my delegation speaks of was resolutely exercised last year when consensus was reached on the adoption of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Devel- opment Decade [General Assembly resolution 35/56]. It was a milestone and an excellent example of positive achievement in the field of international development. co- operation. 288. My delegation, in welcoming the adoption of the International Development Strategy, wishes to stress that the significance of the strategy will depend on the commitment ofGovernments to act positively and with determination and by adequate policy measures to reach its goals and objec- tives. We attach great importance to the fulfillment of the provisions of 'the Strategy, for in Giir view'it would have a beneficial impact on the over-all economic and social devel- opment of developing countries. 289. An area of grave discontent for many developing countries has for some time been international trade. Trade is seen by developing countries like Fiji as an engine for growth. It is vital to our economies, and especially so for those countries whose economies are based on a limited number of primary commodities. Our Pacific economies are small, and we are too dependent on a small number of commodities. We are still developing reliable, viable alter- natives. 290. The openness of the Fiji economy neceSSitates close monitoring of the international situation. The pre~ent state of the world economy continues to constrain our 0\*0 econ- 291. Fiji has also suffered severely from the effects of the world recession. We, along with many other third world countries, are heavily dependent on the export of two main primary commodities, in our case sugar and copra. Any price fluctuations in world commodity markets have serious effects on our economies. The earning from tourism has of late also been hit by recession in the tourist-generating countries. Being verymindful that the heavy dependence on our two primary commodities makes our economy very vulnerable to external factors, we have made determined efforts during the past.decade at diversification into areas that are employment-generating and foreign-exchange creat- ing or saving, such as the agricultural sector, fisheries and the forest industry. But our immediate prospects for 1981 do not appear bright. 292. International trade is vital to our economy., In this context, the best form of aid which countries could give us would be to provide us with access to assured markets for the exports of not only our primary products but also our manufactured goods, at fair and remunerative prices. For some island developing countries exports have traditionally exceeded imports by wide margins. We wish the presept imbalance in trade to be narrowed through some sort of reciprocity. The internal market for our products is small, and our overseas markets are vast distances from us. More- over, our trading difficulties are compounded by the prob- lems that arise from our geographical location and our insularity. Increased accessibility of our products to over- seas markets at remunerative prices is therefore important to our economic growth. The fight against protectionism is of particular significance to developing countries that are seek- ing markets for their exports. 293. The High Level Conference on Economic Co-opera- tion among Developing Countries, held at Caracas in May 1981, therefore represents an important achievement in the promotion of collective self-reliance and economic co-oper- ation among developing countries. 294. Regional trade and economic co-operation are of growing importance to us. The meetings of the Twelfth South Pacific Forum, held in Vanuatu in August 1981, have helped our South Pacific partners in solving many regional trade issues by working in co-operation with each other. We are encouraged to note that some genuine efforts have been made in the di.rection of regional trade among the South Pacific countries. 295. The recently concluded South Pacific Regional Trade and Economic Co-operation Agreement is an important beginning for us in our trading relatiollships with New Zealand and Australia. The facility made available by this Agreement through the co-operation of those two countries is most welcomed and deeply·appreciated. 296. We also note with sincere appreciation that under the Lame Convention,8 the countries of the African, Caribbean and Pacific Group [ACP] have a wide range ofgoods which enjoy duty-free and unrestricted access into the markets of the European Community countries on a non-reciprocal basis. The Lome Convention also includes arrangements for 297. All nations, large and small, have had to cope with the financial stresses caused by the energy crisis of the 19708 and the mounting trade deficits as the cost of oil has skyrocketed. These events have highlighted the need for conservation measures and the search for alternative and renewable SG~lrceS of energy. My Government is pleased to note the consensus reached at the United Nations Con- ference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy, held at Nairobi in A).Jgust 1981, on the Programme of Action10 designed to achieve and accelerate an orderly energy transi- tion from the present international economy based primarily on hydrocarbons to one based on new and renewable sources of energy. My delegation is hopeful that the ideals embodied in the Nairobi Programme of Action will be translated into reality through genuine global support and collaboration. 298. In the world {JOliticui arena, the ~nternational com- munity has been occupied with a series of issues for a number ofyears. In the Middle East, a satisfactory solution continues to elude us. Because of that problem's serious im"'lications for peace and stability and its continuing ef- , fec\.~ on the global economic situation, it is imper::ltive that all efforts be directed towards the attainment of a just and ~omprehensive solution. 299. As regards the fundamental principles that should guide the search for such a solution, the position of'I!1y delegation remains as follows. First, Israel must withdraw from all territories occupied since 1967 in accordance with the appropriate resolutions of the United Nations, including Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). Secondly, there must be a satisfactory resolution of the Palestine question, which remains at the heart of the Middle East conflict. Thirdly, there must be recognition cn a re- ciprocal basis by the parties directly concerned of each other's legitimate concerns, including the right of the Pal- estinian people to self-determination and statehood and rec- ognition of Israel's right to exist as a State and its security needs. Lastly, a political solution must be achieved through dialogue and consultation~between the parties concerned. 300. Having stated our position briefly, we must also stress the need for an end to those policies that place obsta- cles in the search for a comprehensive solution that is just mid durable. In this context, we would like to associate ourselves with the concern expressed in Security Council resolution 487 (1981) over the recent Israeli air raids on an Iraqi nuclear reactor. My delegation also views the Israeli policy of creating settlements in occupied territories and its unilateral actions to alter the status of the international City of Jerusalem as constituting serious impediments to the peace process. Moreover, we believe that, given goodwill on all sides, Israel's security apprehensions could be reconciled with the legitimate aspirations ofthe Palestinian people. My delegation sincerely hopes that no efforts will be spared in the search for a peaceful solution to this long-standing problem which has caused suffering to many. 302. A peace-keeping force was dispatched to Lebanon in 1978 in the expectation that it would assist the return to normal in the area. Because of Fiji's abiding commitment to the principles of the Charter regarding peace and security, we chose to contribute to this important international pe~ce­ keeping effort. Yet we fmd that UNIFIL is often prevented from discharging its mandate fully because of provocative raids, which inevitably lead to instability and unjustifiable destruction of life and property. Following such an unfortu- nate sequence of events, a cease-fire in Lebanon W3.r: achieved recently. However, the volatility'of the situation underlines the need for all to continue to exercise maximum restraint so as to permit the consolidation of the cease-fire arrangement. 303. The view is also widely shared that UNIFIL has proved to be a practical means of conflict control Which, if given the necessary support, could contribute further to the wider political and diplomatic objectives of our Organiza- tion. And yet our ability to maintain our services with UNIFIL often has to be assessed in terms of the financial burden that it imposes, particularly on a small developing country such as mine. What is therefore urgent is that the regularity of reimbursements be maintained and that the accumulated arrears of reimbursable amounts, which in the case of my country run into millions of dollars, be sharply reduced. Moreover, the existing rates of reimbursements should be regularly reviewed so as to ensure that they remain fair and equitable. As peace-keeping is a collective respon- sibility, it is important, in our view, for all to pay the assessed contributions. 304. The situation in Afghanistan, which was first consid- ered by the Assembly some two years ago, regrettably continues to engage our attention. Last year the Assembly adopted by a wide margin resolution 35/37, which, in brief, calls for the withdrawal of foreign troops and provides the key elements of a political solution. Moreover, it also ad- dresses itself to the related matter of refugees. While the objectives of that resolution are yet to be realized, we are nevertheless aware of some efforts being made towards that end. In this regard, my delegation particularly welcomes the initiative of our Secretary-General. We trust that circum- stances will permit the continuation of such efforts as are designed to bring about a negotiated settlement of the Afghan question. 305. In Kampuchea, too, attempts to deal with the politi- cal and humanitarian dimensions of the question continue. As late as July of this year, an International Conference on Kampuchea was convened at the United Nations in pur- suance of General Assembly resolution 35/6, with a view to encouraging a comprehensive political settlement of the problem. The Declaration of the Conference,3 which was adopted by consensus, specifies the components of a just . and lasting settlement on which the negotiating process could be based. We sincerely hope that that important deci- sion will provide- the necessary impetus for an early settle- mentof thecproblem. My delegation remains convinced that a negotiated settlement achieved through the participation of 306. Also with regard to Asia, we continue to support any initiatives aimed at the peaceful reunification of the Koreas, and in this regard we take cognizance of the recent efforts made by South Korea. ' 307. Similarly, in Cyprus, we urge the continuation of the intercommunal talks, under the auspices of the Secretary- General, and we hope that positive results will soon emanate from those discussions. 308. Perhaps the single most important accomplishment of the United Nations is in the area of decolonization. Since its inception, the United Nations has facilitated the indepen- dence of millions, resulting in the trebling of the member- ship of the Organization. However, the international com- munity remains short of its_desired goal of universality of membership, since colonialism still exists. 309. Because the process of decolonization is incomplete in our region, the, matter was discussed at the recently convened meeting of the South Pacific Forum countries in the Republic of Vanuatu. At that meeting the Forum re- affirmed that the principle of self-determination and inde- pendence applied to all dependent territories in th~ Pacific Islands. 310. My delegation remains fully committed to that important decision, since it is compatible with the principl~s ofdecolonization that are contained in the Charter and in the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples contained in General Assembly reso- lution 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. In the pursuance of our commonly shared objectives we shall continue to be guided by the Pacific way, an approach th~t fI;."~S to· find solutions to difficult questions through a process of dialogue and consultations. It remains our earnest hope that this approach will be fully respected, thus enabling us to con- tribute towards ending the sad chapter of colonialism, wherever it fuay occur. 311. We view the remaining cases of colonialism in the same context. In the case of Namibia, for instance, our position remains as stated during the recently convened eighth emergency special session [5th meeting]. Briefly, therefore, my delegation reiterates its support for an interna- tionally acceptable solution on the basis of Seculity Council resolution 435 (1978). We are mindful of the continuing efforts being made in this regard, including those by the western contact group. However, in order to expedite the speedy and full implementation of resolution 435 (1978), it is imperative that South Africa abandon its ill-advised mili- tary policies within and beyond Namibia. 312. Violations of human rights continue to be a de- stabilizing factor in the world today. Human-rights situa- tions have not only failed to improve, but continue to deteri- orate in many parts of the world. 313. The injustices created by the many forms of human rights violations, in particUlar the repression of the legiti- mate aspirations of peoples, pose a major threat ~o intema- tional peace and security. People of the same raciaJ origin, religious faith or political belief are made victims·pf per- secution, and even entire nations are deprived of their in- 314. The question of apartheid in South Africa remains a matter of priority concern for the international community. Throughout its history the United Nations has rejected ra.; cism and racial discrimination in all its torms and manifesta- tions. To our deep regret, however, we find that several excesses, including repressions, continue under the repug- nant system of apartheid. Moreover, those that attempt to oppose the inhuman system are systematically denied their most fundamental human rights. My delegation firmly sup- ports the persistent calls for the abandonment of the apartheid system in favour of genuine majority rule. It is to be hoped that South Africa will soon see the wisdom of this course of action. Being a multi-racial country, we firmiy believe that all can participate in the national !ife of a . country on the basis of full equality, freedom and human dignity. 315. Despite the continuing progress being made in the United Nations system towards the formulation of appropri- ate international norms, and the efforts of the world body to ensure compliance with them, my delegation has noted with concern that United Nations debates on human rights issues have more often than not been motivated by international politics rather than by selfless humanitarian concerns. In our view, unless the United Nations succeeds in preventing human rights violations, there will be a continuous and persistent deterioration of the world situation. 316. In conclusion, I wish to return to the poilit made at the beginning of this statement, that is that, in our efforts to resolve major international issues that confront this commu- nity of nations, a much better spirit of co-operation and accommodation and a greater degree of sensitivity to the needs and rights of others are more urgently needed now than ever before. For it is only through determined and sustained efforts towards this endby all nations that we shall be nearer to what the United Nations in 1945 charted for our future: the creation of a new world order based upon the rule of law, peace and justice and respect for fundamental human rights.

The representative of Japan has requested to speak in exercise of the right of reply.

At the meeting this morning, Mr. Dugersuren, the Foreign Minister of the Mongolian People's Republic, stated: "The increasingly obvious in- volvement of Japan in the military-political partnership of the United States of America and China ft-dversely affects the international situation." [l7th meeting, para. 75.] 319. In response to his statement 1 should like to empha- size the basic foreign policy of my Government, as pre- sented by Foreign Minister Sonoda to the Assembly on 22 September. He said: "Based on the fundamental position of the pursuit of peace and the refusal to become a military power, it is the consistent policy of the foreign relations of my country to contribute to the building of world peace and prosperity. We are determined to work actively for world peace and prosperity, particularly at this time of global instability. For that purpose, we shall endeavour to promote relations groundl~ss and I hope that our foreign policy is correctly understood. The meeting rose at 6.55 p.m. NarES ISee Report of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.82.I.8), part one, sect. A. Afr~~~", Caribbean and Pacific countries, signed at Lome on 28 February 1975. FG! the text, see AlAC.17617. 9Signe:l on 31 October 1979. For the text, see The Courier, ACP.EEC, No.:-5~, November 1979. _ . . IOS\'e Report ofthe United Nations Conference on New and Rene"''Oble Sources of Energy (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.24), chap. I, sect. A.