A/36/PV.20 General Assembly

Mr. President, in the course of the Fifth and Sixth Con- ferences of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries I had the privilege of many opportunities to ap- preciate your outstanding qualities as a statesman, of which you gave admirable proof. Your election to preside over the work of the General Assembly is a source of satisfaction to the peoples of the third world and to the international community. On behalf of the people and Government of Panama, and on my own behalf, I am happy to greet you and, through you, all the members of the Assembly. 3. We also wish to pay a tribute to Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar and to express our appreciation of his efforts to start the global negotiations relating to international eco- nomic co-operation for development. 4. May we also greet the recently admitted new Member States, Vanuatu and Belize. 5. My country appreciates having been elected by a sig- nificant majority to one of the vice-presidencies of the Assembly and to have been appointed a member of the Credentials Committee. 6. We wish, moreover, to express our sincere thanks for the condolences expressed by the majority of Member States on the tragic loss of General Omar Torrijos Her- rera, the prime mover and leader of the Panamanian revo- lutionary process and Head of Government of our coun- try. We appreciate the commemorations FteJd in his honour in so many countries. General Torrijos ",ill remain forever our major source of inspiration. ' Wednesday, 30 September 1981, NEW YORK 7. I have come to this rostrum to speak on behalf of a people that has waged a long struggle for its full indepen- dence, territorial integrity and sovereignty. We fully share the great concerns of the international community-con- cerns which are even more serious to those nations that still labour under different forms (1\f economic and politi- cal dependence. 8. The third world, which is identified by the similarity of its problems in the struggle for political, economic and cultural independence, hails 1970 as the year in which the General Assembly, at its twenty-fifth session, adopted the Declaration on the Strengthening of International Security [resolution 2734 (XXVj]. Thus the United Nations gave decided support to the concept of collective and universal security, without military alliances, for the establishment of truly stable peace in the world. That was a significant response from the countries that were witnessing the cold war of the great Powers, since it pointed the way to assur- ing the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of nations outside the traditional bounds of military pacts and the servitud~ imposed by the force of arms or by economic pressures. 9. However, even today, there still subsist practices of dividing up the world-among the great, without concern for the legitimate interests of the weak. We admit frankly that the role of the latter in the solution of world prob- lems usually tends to be that of mere spectators or vic- tims. Yet we can now draw comfort from the growing national and universal trend in Latin America, Africa and Asia. There is a new attitude and a greater determination on the part of the people of the third world to overcome traditional frustrations of international dependency and the deficiencies in the old political patterns. 10. The distinguished heads of State or Government and the Ministers for Foreign Affairs gathered in the Assem- bly have focused their attention on the delicate economic and political situation that has become increasingly se- rious during the last decade and for which no effective solution has yet been devised. The possibility of under- taking and completing adequate global negotiations is still a mirage, and the establishment of a new international economic order, through the implementation of the new International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [General Assembly resolu- tion 35/56, annex] is still a frustrated dream. 11. We shall speak briefly on those aspects of the crisis that have the worst effects upon countries like mine, which form the majority of Members of the Organization. The upheavals in the economies of the handful of coun- tries that form the industrialized few are shifted to the dependent nations, severely burdening them and forcing them into irremediable collapse. Astronomical foreign debts paralyse the less developed countries and deprive them of their vital resources, causing· them to sink into 12, Meanwhile, the two gigantic constellations of de- structive power continue to pursue their insane arms race, spending unproductively each year hundreds of thousands of millions of dollars-a small fraction of which would be enough to provide hundreds of millions of human beings suffering hunger, ignorance and unemployment with the schools, hospitals, foqd, medicine and tools they so badly need. 13. Even worse than this terrible physical and spiritual damage is ~he havoc wrought on the conscience of man- kind by the threat of nuclear war with which the two super-Powers confront each other. Indeed, we are nearly on the threshold of such a war. The peoples of the world feel a sense of dread as they contemplate the possibility of war in which the wave of radioactivity would annihilate hundreds of millions of human beings in a matter of min- utes but, ironically, would spare entire cities. 14. The situation facing the community of nations repre- sented here is but a manifestation of the collapse of the international economic, social and political order that has existed since the Second World War. To overcome this crisis we must build a new international society, one mak- ing effective and valid the principles of coexistence and co-operation among States. 15. My country's international policy is based on the fundamental principles of the non-aligned movement as an independent moral force, independent of blocs and spheres of influence, and as a positive and global' factor of international peace and security. We believe in the right of every people to adopt the political, economic, social and cultural system that best meets the needs of its great national majorities. The pluralistic nature of the move- ment, which is based upon the sound application of the principle of the sovereign equality of States, rests on the right to self-determination. To the non-aligned, this means that States have equal rights and equal duties, in both the political and economic spheres, and that, despite' the dif- fering economic, social or political systems or ways of life they may adopt, they are all equal members of the international community. 16. The economic and social problems of the third world countries will not be solved by magic or by dogma- tic formulas. Redress lies in planned development, which calls for reforms in the traditional structures in order to adapt them to the complex requirements of contemporary life. 17. We of the smaller nations cannot but be disturbed at the- tangible fact that there are still those who would deal with us according to the domino theory. Panama, on the contrary, views relations among all nations of the world within a context of true pluralism in which the right of every people freely to choose its own form of develop- ment must be genuine, not illusory. 18. One of the basic objectives of the Organization is to wage a universal struggle to s~.ek and maintain peace. But 19. However, it would be both immoral and collusive to strive for world peace at the cost of international justice. It has been the search for justice that has throughout his- tory legitimized revolutionary movements of social, anti- colonialist and anti-imperialist liberation that strove against these and all other forms of international tutelage. The struggle for true social development is a stnlggle against all forms of oppression, exploitation and political ' or ideological tutelage and its aim is to eradicate depen- dence and subordination. As far as we are concerned, the struggle against oppression and dependence is the struggle for peace. The best guarantee of peace is one that does away with international injustice. 20.. Panama is a nation lying on the isthmus that links two great portions of the American continent and ensures maritime communication between the Atlantic and the Pa- cific Oceans. This geographical feature constitutes the country's main natural resource and' at the same time of- fers a useful service to the nations of the world. In the course of Panama's history this resource has been taken over to serve h'1e interests of one or another Power, thus creating distortions in the country's structure when its character as a link led to a disregard of the other national resources, casting the great majority of its population into a marginal existence and setting up a system of eco- nomic, political and social injustice. Our people have al- ways struggled to regain the enjoyment of that resource for the benefit of national development, and to secure in- dependence, territorial integrity and sovereignty and a just and truly democratic way of life. These efforts have al- ways been at one with the interests of the intemational community, since they oppose unilateral control over an interoceanic waterway by anyone Power to the detdment of other nations. 21. It was not until the end of the decade of the 1960s that the process of altering the social, political and eco- nomic consequences of that situation was begun. The Pan- amanian revolutionary process, inspired and led by Gen- eral Omar Torrijos, threw open the doors to a true democratization of Panamanian societ:: and to the full achievement of our independence and sovereignty. 22. Agrarian reform provided access to land for our farmers and all communities were given access to educa- tion, housing, health care, communications and sources of energy; this brought all regions of the country into the national body. Participation by all communities through- out the country in the discussions and decisions concern- ing problems and the future of the Republic was widened through' a general system' of popular and pluralist repre- sentation upon which the legislative power rests. 24. However, domestic peace within our borders cannot be duly consolidated or safeguarded from threats while the neighbouring region continues to be afflicted by the painful conflicts besetting it. We are disturbed by the political, social and economic climate that characterizes every region of the world without exception.. The key to the solution of the immense problems that overwhelm the large majority of the countries of the third world lies in the fact that true peace-is indivisible from social justice. Wherever there is want, disease, ignorance and unemploy- ment, wherever there is hopelessness, there will be vio- lence in one form or'another; the violence of hunger, uncertainty, homelessness, the violence of privileges and the violence of those who uphold them by refusing to make the necessary changes and, finally, tile violent rebellion of the wretched and the forgotten who can no longer wait forever for peaceful change. 25. A particular source of deep concern is the profound political and social crisis affecting Central America and the climate of tension that prevails in the Caribbean. The crisis cannot be resolved without going into its deeper causes, and these lie in the dramatic imbalances and so- cial injustices suffered by the majority of the populations of the area. 26. It is unrealistic to blame these crisis on foreign in- fluences or infiltrations while ignoring the internal causes. Central· American conflicts are not imported spin-offs from the East-West confrontation but are truly Central American in nature and can only be settled by the mem- bers of the very societies affected by them. Some have tried to describe the crises as a manifestation of East-West contradictions and term them a threat to world peace, thus making it a matter for judgement on the part of all mem- bers of the international community. 27. There are ethical reasons and historical, geographic and cultural links that tie us to our sister States and pre- vent us from turning a blind eye to their tragedy. We are staunch defenders of the principle of non-intervention and of the right of peoples to self-determination but we reject the argument that to. express that concern and to point to its causes, the parties involved and its effects constitutes interference in the affairs of others. Central American and Caribbean tragedies are not alien to us, for we are Central Americans, we are Caribbean. 28. To deplore and to denounce genocidal terror and the dreadful violation of human rights that has taken place in that region and to pass judgement on the causes of the conflict cannot be termed foreign interference. Foreign in- ~erference is support for Qne or the other of th~ contend- mg parties by means of financial, technical or\military assistance. Moreover, we believe it is equally halmful for the peace and security of the whole region to resort to 29. All forms of foreign participation in Central Ameri- can conflicts must be ended immediately. This means that all types of outside intervention must cease, not only some of them, not only those of a certain origin or type or those intended to help a particular contender or group in the struggle. Any sort of help given to one or another of those involved in the conflict will cause the deaths of thousands of innocent people. 30. No over-all solution can be achieved by purely mili- tary means. Panama considers that political solutions must be negotiated in order to end these conflicts, and this can be done only with the participation of all sectors in the various countries that are involved in the struggles. We agree that, in the search for peaceful solutions, the organ- ization of a democratic electoral process is one part or aspect of the whole, but we must honestly point out that such elections must be preceded by the creation· of an adequate social and political climate that will guarantee the free and safe participation of the different sectors. 31. With the desire to contribute to the achievement of such political solutions, Panama offers its territory and its good offices to encourage contacts and negotiations to that end. 32. The end of the terrible civil strife afflicting El Sal- vador will be followed by all sorts of problems that the prostrate nation will be unable to remedy with only its war-devastated resources. We know that that was the pain- ful experience of Nicaragua. Wide-scale foreign co-opera~ tion of all types will be indispensable to enable these countries to recover and to regain the rhythm of their basic activities. 33. We welcome the proposals to set up an international emergency fund aimed at overcoming the problems con- nected with the economic and social development of Cen- tral America and the Caribbean region. However, we be- lieve that the plan will be still-born if it, implies discrimination against some countries of the region or provides for any type of military materiel, interventionist aspects or political conditions. It must not be forgotten that we, the people of Central America, aspire to develop- ment in freedom, with unlimited respect for our indepen- dence, our right to self-determination and our real sov- ereignty and that, therefore, we prefer poverty to chaining ourselves and our hopes to the chariot of any foreign force. . 34. Panama will join such an effort If it is based on the clear and just requirements of respect for the sovereignty of all the recipient countries, their own decisions and their freedom to choose alternatives, forms of development and sources of financing without limitations imposed by the private initiatives of transnational corporations. 35. furthermore, my country is happy to greet the emergence in the area of a new and independent repUblic and we offer Belize a warm welcome. This event spells the end· of the most obvious vestige. of colonialism in Central America "and is therefore of profound significance. Thus, Belize has become a Member of this Organization, of the Organization of American States and of the non- 36. We wish to reiterate what Panama has declared in the past, that in order to dissipate the tense atmosphere created in the Caribbean that also affects so many other countries, both the United States and Cuba should strive ta establish and widen effective means of communication and dialogu~ Thus, too, the United States, Nicaragua and Grenada should avoid any further deterioration in their dealings with one another. To some we appeal for respect for the right of self~determination, and to others, for flexibility and consisteklcy towards the other countries of the region. 37. We endorse the legitimate aspiration of the peoples of Argentina to recover their sovereignty over the Mal- vinas Islands; those of Bolivia to obtain by peaceful means access to the sea under Bolivian sovereignty; those of Puerto Rico to obtain the full exercise of their inalien- able rights .to self-determination as an essentially Latin American nation whose separate identity was already in- cluded among the objectives cif the Amphictyonic Con- gress held in Panama in 1826. 38. Concerning southern Africa, we reaffirm Panama's unreserved support for the aspirations of the people~ of Namibia and Azania and at the same time we reaffirm our solidarity with the front-line States and the movement of liberation of southern Africa, represented by the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] and the Af- rican National Congress [ANC] of South Africa. 39. We condemn the unjust and cruel aggression com- mitted by the racist regime of Pretoria against the People's Republic of Angola, an outrage that constitutes an insult to the United Nations system. 40. My country hopes that as .a result of the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly, which took place at the beginning of this month, and in keeping with the Panama Declaration and Programme of Action on Namibia, adopted this year in my country by the United Nations Council for Namibia [see A/36/327, annex], the members of the international community will redouble their efforts to achieve the prompt independence of Namibia, in accordance with the decisions of the United Nations Council for Namibia, the Organization of African Unity. [OAUJ, the non-aligned movement, the General Assembly and the Security Council. 41. .We reaffirm the urgency of eliminating colonialism, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid from southern Africa. Our mission must be to combat the rebirth in South Africa of nazism, of racial intolerance and of pol- icies based on terrorism, exercised as a function of the State by the Pretoria regime. 43. Panama must insist on the urgency of ensuring re- spect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integ- rity and non-aligned status of the Republic of Cyprus. Foreign military occupation of the island is unjustified and must be terminated. We must encourage progress in the intercommunal talks aimed at the restoration of calm, peace and the inalienable, rights of the people of Cyprus, thus promoting peaceful relations among the States of the eastern Mediterranean region. 44. My country advocates the achieveme1h of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the regio;'ll of the Mid- dle East, based on the withdrawal by Israel from all oc- cupied Arab lands, the right of Israel and neighbouring States to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries and the exercise of the inalienable rights of self-determination by the Palestinian people, including its right to its own independent State, with the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organization [PW] as its sole legitimate representative. 45. Panama does not believe that the United Nations can remain unmoved by the loss of life and the regrettable bloodshed and material damage taking place in Lebanon. All the resources of the Organization must be brought to bear to ensure respect for the decisions of the Security Council, so that peace can be restored to that beleaguered nation, and a resumption of the bombing of the civilian population and of military and terrorist actions.prevented, with due respect for the political independence and ter- ritorial integrity of the country. 46. As a true believer in the principle of non-use of force in internatioQal relations and in the peaceful settle- ment of disputes, Panama urges an end to the occupation of Afghanistan by foreign forces, pursuant to the decision of the General Assembly [resolution ES-6/2]. We also de- nounce the recent attack on a nuclear reactor in Iraq, which led to a condemnation of that act by the Security Council in its resolution 487 (1981). My country also feels deeply the painful continuation of the military con- flict between Iran and Iraq, two non-aligned States to whom we appeal fraternally to put an end to that fratrici- dal war and settle their differences peacefully. 47. With regard to the situation in Kampuchea, although Panama recognizes the People's Republic of Kampuchea as the sole legitimate Government, we feel that efforts should be redoubled to create the necessary conditions for the maintenance of peace and stability in the'region of South-East Asia. 48. We share the aspirations of the Korean people to the peaceful reunification of their homeland. The Government of Panama considers that the solution of the Korean ques- tion is indissolubly linked to the fun exercise of the right to self-determination by the Corean people, free from any foreign interference. That would be possible if, as we hope, tbe South-North Joint Communique of 4 July 19721 were fully implemented, since it is based on the 50. In the light of all this, we warmly welcome Euro- pean efforts to take an independent and praiseworthy position in the face of the growing arms spiral and polar- ization. We endorse the effort to spare Europeans the hor- ror of being in the front line of a nuclear war. 51. We are moved by the profound ideological debate that is. gradually encompassing all of Europe and that be~ on the continent's right to live in peace and inde- pendence, free from the blackmail of the super-Powers, which assume the right to divide Europe up with no concern for its legitimate interests. We too reject the strategy of turn- ing whole-£uropean countries into launching pads and tar- gets for increasingly murderous missiles which, whatever the outcome, would not strike their launchers. 52. Nor can we condone the growing pressure being put on the will of the people and the Government of Poland. As was the case in El Salvador, we consider that the Polish people are undergoing a crisis whose root causes are domestic and whose solution must flow from agreement among the Polish people themselves and, first and fore- most, among the workers. Let there be an end to threats and foreign interference. Let us not forget that the last time there was interference by foreign forces in Poland, ~urope .and mankind paid the price in the form of mil- hons of dead. The Poles, and those of us who desire the survival of Europe and mankind, must strive to build 'bridges to a peaceful settlement of that crisis. 53. Thus it is that from Latin America, and imbued with the spirit of the last understanding arrived at by Mar- shal Tito ~nd General Torrijos during the Sixth Con- ference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana in 1979, we stretch out our hands to the people and Governments of Europe in a plea for an allianc;;e with the non-aligned mov~ment so that to- gether we can come out in defence of the right of man- ki~d to live in full respect for political and cultural plu- rality. 54. In line with our anti-colonialist, independent and non-aligned policies, Panama, as a member of the lbero- American community of nations, appeals for genuine ne- gotiations in order to restore the territorial integrity of Spain by returning to Spanish heritage and sovereignty the territory known as the Rock of Gibraltar, which is occupied by England despite the rights of its legitimate sovereign, Spain. . 55. Many of "the problems to which I have ~fl\rred are ~losely linked to the injustice and disorder that pn:vail in mtemational economic relations, and particularly to what 56. Yet, to tell the truth, we must admit that many of the difficulties lie in the fact that we ourselves, we of the "South", have not progressed enough to be able to come to agreement and put forward a joint development pro- gramme. What success we may be able to obtain from such "North-South negotiations" "can never be greater than that which we may have previously been able to achieve by agreement among ourselves. 57. Panama attaches the highest priority to its participa- tion in the Group of 77. That Group is an invaluable tool with which to achieve more just economic relations and to strive for the goals of the developing nations aimed at the establishment of a new international order. In this connec- tion, we enthusiastically support tIre ~gramme of Action and the machinery adopted by the Ministerial Meeting of the GlOup of 77, held in May 1981 at Carabelleda, Vene- zuela, on economic co-operation among the developing countries. 58. We believe that it is indispensable to achieve c0- ordination and concerted action among the groups eX Latin American, African and Asian States in order further to strengthen the unity and effectiveness of the Group of 77 in the promotion of our common interests. 59. In 1975 the Latin American countries, meeting in Panama, decided to create the Latin American Economic System (SELA]. That system seeks co-ordinated and con- crete solutions to our development processes and is an organizational instrument with v'hich to co-ordinate Latin American plans within the regional economies. It is also intended to meet the objective of ensuring a qualitative exchange in our economic relations with the United States, in keeping with our own social and economic pri- orities. 60. This justifies the decision of the Latin American Council of ~LA to adopt a global approach to those re- lations which would go beyond the mere commercial as- pects. To that end, SELA has decided to hold a meeting in Panama to define the main lines and components of a Latin American policy concerning the United States, so as to solve the problems created by the imbalance in trade relations between the region and that country. That event will have two stages:··a preparatory stage of a technical nature from 23 to 27 November, and a second one at a higher level on 30 November and I December 1981. The Panamanian Government is relying upon the participation of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the States members of SELA for that second stage. At that time we shall pr0- vide air transportation to Saint Lucia where, on 2 De- cember, the eleventh session of the General Assembly of the Organization of American States is due to open. 62. The relations between Panama and the United States that were established during the building and functioning of the canal date back to 1903. The Panama Canal Agree- ment of 1903 had a definite colonialist imprint, and since its entry into force there have been open divergencies re- garding its jpterpretation and implementation. 63. Because of its territorial sovereignty over the Canal, Panama always argued that the powers granted to the United States were limited to the specific purposes of the Canal concession, whereas the recipient of that conr,es- sion contended that it possessed absolute authority. On the strength of this unilateral interpretation, the so-called Canal Zone was placed under a public administration other than that of the Government of the Republic of Pan- ama and subject to ordinances emanating from a foreign Power to be carried out by officials who were alien, and at times hostile, to Panamanian authorities. 64. Seven decades of confrontation and 14 years of in- tricate negotiations culminated on 7 September 1977 in the signing in Washington by the President of the United States, Mr: Jimmy Carter, and the head of Government of the Republic of Panama, General Omar Torrijos Herrera, of the Panama Canal Treaty and the Treaty concerni~g the Permanent Neutrality and Operation of the Panama: Ca- nal.z • 65. The main purpose of the Torrijos-Carter treaties was to eliminate a situation of a colonial nature by which one State exercised jurisdiction over an important portion of another State's territory, to restore the full sovereignty of the State which had suffered such limitations and to guar- antee the restoration of the Canal to its legitimate owner, even though only after such a lengthy period as that end- ing in 1999. 66. According to the 1977 Treaty, the former relation- ship of subjection was replaced by one of co-operation on an equal footing for purpoSes of mutual interest and bene- fit. It was in this spirit that Panama granted to the United States for a given period of time certain rights for the purposes of the operation, maintenance and protection of the Canal, subject to the increasing participation of Pan- ama during the period ending on 31 December 1999, at which time the Canal would revert to its territorial sov- ereignty in a proper operational condition. 67. Despite the above, in September 1979 the United States Congress enacted Public Act No. 96-70, which dis- torts the meaning, sense and intention of that Treaty. With full awareness of the meaning of our words, we affirm that, instead of laying the foundations for the fulfilment of that 1i:'eaty, Public Act No. 96-10 set it aside and sub- stituted provisions that hampered the fulfilment of its principles and objectives. Thes~ bad been to eliminate the 68. Through the understanding that emerged fmm the lengthy debates during the negotiations, the TOr.rijG3- Carter treaty created a binational COIIunission, called "Panama Canal Commission", to administer ttle Canal, and it was clearly defined as an entity that was separate and different from the executive machinery of. the United States. 69. Public Act No. 96-70 confers on the President and the Secretary of Defense of the United States undue powers in that Commission; it reduces the latter's admin- istrative powers and confers on the United States Con- gress iiself such authority in basic matters touching on the administration of the Canal that it converts the Commis- sion into a mere offshoot of the Executive of the United States. This creates a serious problem in the efficient han- dling of transit through the Canal and causes grave obsta- cles to the proper implementation of a Treaty that embod- ied the de~isions of two nations. To set aside the legitimate interests of Panama in the application of the Torrijos-Carter treaty is tantamount to negating the Treaty itself. 70. It would take far too long and tax the patience of the Assembly to list all the negative consequences and repercussions of Public Act No. 96-70 for the admmistra- tion of the Canal and on Panamanian-United States rela- tions. Although all are equally serious, I shall limit my- self to mentioning only the most outstanding and leave it to the permanent representative of my country here to complete the documentary information concerning the problems faced in the implementation of the Treaty. 71. First of all, the reduction in the administrative powers of the Canal Commission encourages the applica- tion of numerous United States federal laws on Panama- nian soil and, even more serious, the establishment on that soil of United States administrative bodies that inter- fere in important aspects of the Canal administration with- out any legal basis. This is true of the Federal Authority for Labour Relations, the Board of the Staff of the Canal Zon~, the Civil Service Commission, the Appeals Board for 'lhe Canal Zone and other official United States en- tities which either already existed or were expressly cre- ated to perform tasks which should be performed by the Panama Canal Commission. 72. There is another important consequence of this sit- uation. According to Public Act No. 96-70, the only funds on which the Commission can count to pay its ex- penses are' the income from the Canal-. This means that the binational Commission cannot obtain any .form of credit to cover a potential deficit or undertake investments or incur special expenses beyond its income for the fiscal period concerned. These constraints affect the financial viability of the Commission and its ability to carry out work necessary to maintain the Canal in a condition to meet the needs of interoceanic transit. 73. Some months ago the waterway was faced with se- rious problems that caused prolonged delays in the·transit 74. The fmancial situation of the Commission is further worsened by the series of charges imposed by Public Act No. 96-70 and flowing from the former Panama Canal Company, a body whose existence and creation were chal- lenged by Panama. Thus, for example, the amortization of the costs or early retirement and compensation to em- ployees of the earlier Canal entity and the unrecovered costs incurred prior to the coming into force of the Torri- jos-Carter treaty, have reduced the assets of the Commis- sion by more than $60.million per year. 75. According to articles I and III of the Torrijos-Carter treaty, the Republic of Panama, as territorial sovereign, grants to the Unite.d States of America for a limited time the rights necessary to ensure the operation, maintenance, improvement and protection of the Canal, its butworks, installations and auxiliary equipment and, to provide the necessary Iesources to guarantee and regulate the flow of navigation and traffic through the interoceanic waterway. The United States accepts the concession and, inter alia, commits itself to the transfer of the Canal to Panama on expiry of the concession in an operational condition. As a necessary counterpart to such rights, the United States as- sumes the obligation of providing the funds required to ensure the functioning of the Canal. This is an indispens- able requisite to guarantee uninterrupted passage by ves- sels and to satisfy the needs of international shipping throughout the entire period during which the United States will exer-cise those rights granted to it in the Treaty by Panama. 76. Consequently, the only logical interpretation is that .when the Treaty stipulates that, on its expiry, the United States shall transfer the Canal to Panama "in operating condition", that condition must be such as to guarantee that the Canal will be capable of providing the services expected of it. Therefore, if thus far the United States has not fulfilled its obligation to carry out the maintenance work required by the Canal during the existence of the concession, the waterway will not be in a condition to serve its users on the expiry of the Treaty. 77. In the field of labour relations, Public Act. No. 96-70 gives a number of powers to the President of the Umted States and to several United States Government o~fic~s which have the effect of creating a "Government wIthm a Government". One of those offices, the Civilian Personnel Policy Co-ordinating Board, III given the powers of establishing wage scales already put imo effect by the Canal Commission and by the Armed Forces of the United States still stationed in the Canal area. Such provisions violate the principle of equal pay' fur equal work and establish differences among workersan,d em- ployees on the basis of their date of employment. In fact, 78. The application of Public Act No. 96-70 to labour relations has given rise to grave problems, which have in tum caused serious dissatisfaction among the workers and employees of the Canal Commission and which ultimately might affect the functioning of the interor.~anic· waterway. 79. In a word, the injustices and inconsistencies of Pub- lic Act No. 96-70 not only conflict witlt the aim of elim- inating the "Government within a Government", but create unnecessary problems that are difficult to solve if that law is not soon considerably amended so as to bring it into line with the spirit and the letter of the Treaty. In fact, foreseeing those problems which have indeed arisen in the implementation of the Treaty, the Republic of Pan- ama made approaches at the appropriate time for the nec- essarj amendments to the said United States Jaw. How- ever, few of the observations made were taken into consideration when the law was enacted. 80. On 9 January 1980, a short time after the law came into force, I addressed a lengthy note to Mr. Jimmy Car- ter, then President of the United States, in which I indi- cated the flaws in Public Act No. 96-70, and repeated the desire of my Government that our comments be taken into account; and to support that request the Panamanian rep- resentatives submitted to the Board of the Canal Commis- sion a file of observations that the Government of Panama desired the Congress of the United States to consider. 81. The Panamanians hope that, if that file of observa- tions is given a favourable reception, the Government and the Congress of the United States will then be able to fulfil completely the duties and commitments assumed by that country unaer the watchful eyes of the world when the 1977 Treaties were approved. From those Treaties there should flow a new and just relationship between our two peoples and States and an encouraging example for other nations represented in this Assembly. Otherwise, the small nations, the peoples of the third world and the inter- national community will doubtless. take.i~ very .muc,h to heart, since it would affect their trust in the sincerity and good faith of international agreements with the great Powers. We prefer to believe in that sincerity and that good faith. We are ready for wide-ranging talks that will lay the foundations for an understanding in keeping with the spirit and the letter of the Torrijos-Carter treaties, oth- erwise friction might affect the efficient peaceful use of the Panamanian water lay. However, we are encouraged by the formal promise made by. President Reagan on 4 December last when he stated that "the United States will continue to respect and fully implement the Panama Canal Treaties". We agree with President Reagan when he im- mediately added "with this spirit of co-operation and mutual respect we can achieve the aim shared by bofu, of peace and prosperity in all Latin America and throughout the world." 83. There is one other aspect in which bOth the interests of Panama and those of the international community'are basically at one. I refer to the regime of neutrality of the Panama Canal, as declared by the Panamanian State in the Torrijos-Carter treaties and for which we require the re- spect and adherence of all States in the world. 84. Panama attaches immense importance to the Treaty . on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and to the effectiveness of the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear We'apons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco). Jq the opinion of my Government, there. is a close relationship between those international instruments and the regime of neutrality of the Panama Canal. Thus we are justified in hoping that, through IAEA, protective measures will be established to guard against the potential danger of acci- dents or contamination involving nuclear-powered vessels. We also trust that the Agency will adopt the necessary measures to ensure the provision of insurance and ade- quate means of compensation in such cases. 85. In conclusion, we believe it timely to reiterate that - the international community cannot fail to recognize that r~lte declared'neutrality of the Panama Canal does not re- move the Canal from the jurisdiction and competence of the Panamanian State. For the sake of world peace all nations must, in accordance with the Charter of San Fran- ciscu, scrupulously observe unqualified respect for. the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of a State which, as in the case of Panama, facilitates international shipping through an interoceanic canal lo- cated in its territory, without impinging upon the sov- ereign and permanent rights of the Panamanian State over its natural resources. 36. Through me, the people of Panama once again wish to pay a tribute to the outstanding work that the President, !the Secretary-General and the United Nations have done in the service of mankind. ~7. Let us not be overcome by difficulties or by Iimita- tiions. All of mankind is facing a difficult moment, but Pan- ~ believes in_~gt!e, in ~~oti~..Qn. and in res~t fQr the dignity and the ciJltural an political diversity of the P.eoples of the world. 88. Panama believes in the equality of States as a basis f6r frank and balanced discussions. We believe in those who devise solutions and not in those who exploit prob- lems. Above all, we believe that those of us who have neither the intention nor the means to disturb peaceful coexistence in the world must earn peace by fighting ceaselessly against the true causes of conflicts and against those who try to take advantage of them and thus sacri- fice present and future generations.

At the outset, Sir, allow me to join preceding speakers in offering you the sincere congratulations of my delegation on your election to preside over this thirty-sixth session of the General As- sembly. Your recognized skill and experience in the field of multilateral diplomacy are indeed important assets at a time when the Organization is called upon to deal with an ever-growing number of complex issues of global concern. We wish you every success in the performance of your important task. 92. We also wish to take this opportunity to pay a trib- ute to your predecessor, Mr. Riidiger .von Wechmar, who carried out with great skill the functions of the presidency during our previous session. 93. We also include in our tribute the Secretary-General for his relentless efforts in promoting international peace and security. 94. We most warmly welcome the two new members of the family of nations, Vanuatu and Belize. We are con- vinced that they will make an effective contribution to- wards the realization of the. goals of the Organization. 95. The Republic of Suriname had the privilege of be- coming part of the Organization when we gained indepen- dence in 1975. In the six years that have elapsed, Su,ri- n-ame has taken its place in the international community, and we have learned to deal witb problems at the sub- regional, regional and international levels. 96. Our internal situation has drastically changed since February 1980, when the traditional form of government was replaced by a revolutionary leadership in which the army plays a vanguard role with the full support of the civilian sector of society. The Government has set up a vigorous programme for the fundamental restructuring of our society in the political, economic and social spheres and in the educational system. Time does not permit me to elaborate fully on the programmes that we have de- signed so far. However, in this context, I should like to elaborate on the national goals and objectives with regard to our economic situation. 97. We are taking steps to ensure that our economy be- comes organized in such a way as to achieve not only economic growth ~ut the genuine development of our people. Notwithstanding the steady growth of our econ- omy in the past decades, we are aware of the fact that the level of production by our people is still unsatisfactory and that the distribution of wealth shows a serious lack of balance. 98. Economic growth, in our opinion, is not a substitute for development; it is not a substitute for a transfer of know-how at the technical, managerial and marketing lev- els. Self-reliance is considered paramount to us in any future fJevelopment of our economy and our people. We therefore intend to develop those sectors of our economy 99. Our foreign policy is directly linked to the objec- tives just mentioned. Furthermore, we continue to attach great value to the principles enshrined in the Charter of the Organization, in which we firmly believe. Our ad- herence to the authentic principles of non-alignment con- stitutes another important element on which our foreign policy is based. 100. The General Assembly convenes its thirty-sixth session as the world show3 fearsome signs of increasing political tension and continuing economic stagnation. Un- doubtedly, those developments will place a heavy strain on the abilitv of the United Nations to fulfil its role in the maintenance"of peace and_security in the world. That task has never been an easy one. We, the Members of this Organization, take pride in its success during the past decades in preventing the escalation of many local and regional conflicts into a conflict of global proportions. The years ahead of U&, however, might bring less hearten- ing results, as the causes that continue to threaten peace and .security still persist, and our efforts towards their eradication have until now proven less than successful. 101. The maintenance of peace and security will be- come increasingly difficult for the Organization in a world in which the existing unjust economic order con- tinues to keep the vast majority of mankind in a chronic . state of underdevelopment, hunger and deprivation. In the past year the developing world has become painfully aware of the fact that the prospects for restructuring that unfair system are gloomy. 102. The major industrialized countries have chosen to remain indifferent and selfish towards the just cause of the developing countries for a more equitable international economic order. The continuing presence of foreign troops in indypendent States poses a serious menace to peace, and the Assembly has to deal with it. The denial of self-determin~tion to peoples in southern Africa and the Middle East will remain a source of tension and an obstacle to global peace and stability. 103. A most alarming development in the past year has been the further deterioration in the relations between the super-Powers. Strain in the relations between the two countries, already imminent at. our previous session, has been seriously aggravated and has contributed substan- tially to the escalation of tension, conflicts and uncer- tainty in several regions of the world. 104. As a country aware of its location in the Caribbean and Latin American region, my Government is particu- larly interested in developments in this area. To break through the isolation from the sister countries of our re- gion imposed upon us by our colonial past has been a constant policy of my country, and more so since the rev- olution ignited on 25 February 1980. It will remain a pri- ority in our foreign policy to continue this proce~ and to e~tablish and maintain friendly relations with all the coun- tries of our region t regardless of their political or social- economic systems. 106. My Government wishes to express its concern at the danger of becoming another testing ground for the super-Power rivalry that looms over the Caribbean and Latin America. The legitimate struggle of peoples to free themselves from obsolete oppressive social structures and economic exploitation must be recognized and respected, and it would be a mistake to ignore this natural course of history. 107. While we deplore the continued violence and loss of life in the sister Republic of El Salvador, my Govern- ment holds the view that the people of El Salvador will achieve a political solution to their internal problems if external presence and interference are eliminated. In this connection, my' Government reaffirms the position on this question taken by the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the countries of the Caribbean Community [CARICOM] in June of this y~ar. 108. With regard to the Middle East, my Government notes with concern that this volatile region has been fur- ther plummeted into a situation which can easily escalate into a full-scale war with global consequences. It is my Government's view that Israel's behaviour during the past months has significantly contributed to creating this highly explosive situation. Israel, stubbornly refusing to comply with the decisions of the United Nations calling upon it to withdraw from the occupied Arab territories, has stepped up its violation of the sovereignty and ter- ritorial integrity of its Arab neighbours. My Government wishes to take this opportunity to repeat its condemnation of the indiscriminate air raids by Israel on Lebanon and the Republic of Iraq. 109. A comprehensive peace settlement remains, in the final analysis, the best guarantee of peace for all States in the region, including Israel. It is now a generally ac- cepted fact that such a settlement must entail the render- ing of justice to the Palestinian people, that is to say, the exercise of their right to self-determination, including the right to establish their (.) independent and sovereign State. 110. My Government i~_convinced_tha~ any peace effort designed to circumvent this reality is doomed to fail and that anything short of the full participation of the Palestin- ian I-eople in the peace process, through its legitimate representative, the PW, will share the same fate. Ill. My Government deplores the ongoing war between the two non-aligned countries of Iran and Iraq. Is is in- deed regrettable that the parties to the conflict have not seized on the peace initiatives of the non-aligned move- ment and the Secretary-General of the United Nations to end their hostilities. We once more urge the two countries to work towards a peaceful settlement of their dispute. 113. A commendable effort of the Organization during the past year has been the convening of the International Conference on Kampuchea. As an observer to that Con- ference, my Government welcomes its results embodied in the Declaration on Kampuchea,3 which, in our view, offers a viable basis for further negotiations to end the occupation of that country and to establish a durable peace in South-East Asia. We therefore urge all the coun- tries of that region to co.operate with the United Nations in this effort. 114. The situation on the Korean peninsula remains at a stalemate. On the occasion of the ninth anniversary of the Joint Communique of the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea., we call upon both parties to make· all possible efforts to promote recon- ciliation between the South and the North through dia- logue in order to achieve the peaceful unification of their divided homeland. 115. The high hopes that prevailed at our previous ses- sion for the speedy independence of Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) did not mate- rialize owing to the contempt that the South African racist regime has consistently shown for the decisions of this Organization. Over the past 15 years the international community has pursued all peaceful means in order to end the illegal occupation of Namibia. After the frustra- tiort that it encountered for many years in dealing with this question, oUIOrganization is fully justified in taking the strongest possible measures to ensure the genuine in- dependence of Namibia. 116. The overwhelming majority of States, by approv- ing the application of the measures envisaged in Chapter VU of the Charter of the Organization at the eighth emer- gency special session of the General Assembly, clearly expressed the indignation of the international community at the peace-menacing behaviour of the South African re- gime. n is therefore the duty of all members of the inter- national community to put decisive pressure on South Af- rica to withdraw its illegal administration from the Territory of Namibia. < 117. My Government takes this opportunity to restate its condemnation of the violation of the territorial integ- rity of Angola by South African colonialist forces and to reaffmn its solidarity with the Angolan people. The peo- ple of Suriname look upon the people of Angola with admiration for the relentless support they give to SWAPO and to the oppressed people of Namibia in their struggle against the Pretoria racist regi01e. 119. Recognizing the danger for mankind resulting from the arms race, the General Assembly, at its tenth special session, devoted to disarmament and held in 1978, adopted the Final Document of that session by consensus [resolution 8-10/2]. The determination reflected in its Pro- gramme of Action to reverse the madness of the arms race gave rise to the hope that mankind had finally come to terms with this grave problem. This hope, unfortu- nately, has been proved illusory. The arms race has con- tinued unrestrained, both quantitatively and qualitatively. 120. Admittedly, some limited progress has been made in certain areas, but this falls short of the least that ..:ould be expected from the mandate of that session. It is beyond doubt that the world has moved closer to the danger of self-annihilation since the tenth special session. 121. Of course, we perfectly understand that disarma- ment is not a simple matter, as it encompasses the se- curity of States and their very survival. But to resign our- selves to the notion that the only way to preserve peace is through a continuing arms build-up would indeed mean suicide for humanity, as it appears to us that the ability of mankind to live indefinitely in this perilous situation is not unlimited. 122. The goal of disarmament ought to remain the con- cern of all nations of the world, since the survival of all men is at stake. We cannot but stress the special responsi- bility of those States possessing the means to bring death and total destruction not only upon themselves but Upon other nations as well. The only way to avert this danger is through meaningful negotiations leading to restraint of the arms build-up and, ultimately, disarmament under effec- tive international control. We therefore regret recent deci- sions to add new types of destructive weapons to the ex- isting arsenal. It is the opinion of my Government that this step is bound further to complicate future disarma- ment negotiations, already complex by their very nature. 123. Despite the disappointing results of the past, it is incumbent upon US to sustain our efforts to achieve disann- ament in view of the danger inherent in the unrestrained arms race, not to mention the economic benefits that can result from. the reallocation of arms expenditures for de- velopment purposes. My Government considers that the second special session of the Assembly on disarmament, to be held next year, is yet another opportunity for man- kind to confront this danger seriously. 124. The international economic outlook, especially for the developing countries, is very dim. The world econ- omy today is in its second major recession since 1973, which has resulted in high unemployment and inflation rates and balance-of-payment deficits, and has conse- 126. During the past years we have seen a proliferation of pro~ectionist measures consisting of tariff and non-tariff barriers, which are being adopted by the industrialized countries against imports of goods from the developing countries. Unfortunately, these measures are taking place at a time when the developing countries are in need of the foreign exchange generated by those exports. As a conse- quence, this policy has resulted in serious constraints on their development efforts and has led to further deteriora- tion in the terms of trade of the developing countries, causing tremendous problems such as a decline.in internal savings, increasing unemployment and serious social 1:1n- rest,a greater burden of debt servicing and greater depen- dence on external savings. 127. The impact of today's world economic crisis has seriously affected the developing countries and has ac- quired new and more frightening aspects. Their im- poverished economies can no longer defend themselves against rising economic burdens and find themselves on the verge of collapse. 128. Some time ago, we solemnly and unanimously adopted the principles which would govern future ecQ- nomic retations among nations in a Declaration and Pro- gramme oC-Action on the Establishment of a New Interna- tional Economic Order [General Assembly resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)]. It is regrettable to note that to date we have not been able to take the necessary action to establish such an order, owing to a lack of political will, considerations of short-term interests and fear of jeopardizing the present heights of achievement and influ- ence of the industrialized countries. These countries seem to be very m1;1ch preoccupied with themselves, safeguard- ing and maintaining their high level of living standards gained from the present inequitable international eco- nomic order. Only occasionally have they paid attention to the struggle felr survival of the peoples in the developing countries who live in misery and who are desperately fighting for their legitimate right to establish a new inter- national economic order which could ultimately enable them to harvest the fruits of their own efforts. 129. A good example of the present stalemate in the re- lations between the two groups of countries is the pro- posal to launch a global round of negotiations. TWG years ago the international community agreed on the need. for a global round of negotiations, and last year at this time the hope was expressed that early this year "the 'relevant dis- cussions could start. However, during the past months, the parties have not been able to agree on a set of rules of 1:S1. It would not be fair to pinpoint only the gloomy side of our economic relations, and I should therefore like to draw the attention of the international community to the forthcoming summit conference of the leaders of 22 developed and developing countries at Cancun. The in- spiration for the Cancun meeting came from the sobering report issued last year by the Brandt Commission." That report not only warned against the danger of mass starva- tion in the developing world unless a programm~ for sur- vival was adopted, but also called for a meeting of heads of Government to enable proposals and concessions to be thrashed out with candour and boldness. On the one hand, we realize that the road to Cancun is littered with exhausted rhetoric, broken pledges and failed strategi~s. But, on the other hand, we must recognize that the world's economic and political crisis is not a temporary one' out IS deeply rooted in the present international institutions. To give up the dialogue would be a wrong strategy, and we therefore 5trongly welcome the Cancun meeting. We are con~inced that from the mistakes and experiences of the past years a new approach can be con- ceived in order to make anew attempt to revive the stale- mated global negotiations'. 132. I have touched on some;;;;pects of the relations between the developed and the developing countries. It would, however, be an omission on my part if I did not stress the necessity of more co-operation among the de- veloping countries them~lves. In this connection, my Government holds the ~iew that the need to expand the developing countries' exports of primary and processed commodities remains the highest priority for those coun- tries. 133. In the past two decade&.WC have witnessed the for- mation by developing. :countries of an unprecedented num- ber of economic co-oPenu.ion and,integration groupings, mainly at the regional and subregkmal levels. The results of these groupings hav~ ~ always been successful. At the same time, it is important for us to deepen the South- South economic linkages with· a new sense of urgency. 7he High Level Conference on EOOnomic CCMlperation' Among Developing Countries, held at Caracas from 13 to 19 May 1981, was a step.in the right direction. We hope that in implementing the various economic 'Co-operation activities adopted, the developing countries can rely on the collaboration of the United Nations regional commis- sions, the specialized agencies and other inter-governmen- tal organizations. 134. The Government of Suriname is of the opinion that one of the means of strengthening economic co-operation is the development of adequate transport~on aIid com- 135. Having said that, I should like to stress that eco- nolpi¥ ~o-operation among de~eloping cou~tries cannot be a substitute for global economic co-operatIOn between de- veloping and developed countries, nor should it in any way relieve the industrial countries of their re~ponsibilities and commitment towards the developing countries. 136. The Government of Suriname attaches high priority to subregional and regional economic and political co-op- eration and has therefore embarked on a course of closer co-operation, especially in the subregion of the Caribbean and Central America. The Government of Suriname has already taken°the first steps to closer co-operation with CARICOM. Besides the already existing economic co-op- eration with its neighbouring countries, Suriname will very soon embark on fostering closer relations with the Andean countries and the countries of Central America, including Mexico. 137. It is a well-known fact that the wide and continu- ing gap between the needs of developing countries and the resources available for operational activities is grow- ing. To date, despite numer-Jus efforts, it has not been possible to ensure a considerable real increase in re- sources for operational activities on a predictable, contin- uous and assured basis. 138. At the same time, we are witnessing the phe- nomenon that, as a result of various United Nations global conferences, the creation of global funds to be fi- nanced through the mechanism of pledging conferences is being encouraged. These funds are related to specific -s~c­ toral programmes as part of global conferences and are detenninedin many cases by the consensus achieved dur- ing those conferences. Many donor countries support the creation of these funds for such purposes as are consistent with the perceived development assistance priorities of their own Governments. 139. Howeve~ that approach has resulted in a reduction of the relative share of resources in the field of multi- lateral technical co-operation handled by UNDP, and in the creation of a number of separate funds, each with its own administrative structures. We question the justifica- tion of that approach sin((e the result of the pledging con- ferences has, to date, been far below the targets en- visaged. It is reasonable to expect that the industrialized countries, after making commitments, would be prepared to accept their share in implementing those decisions which they strongly supported. It is therefore a matter of regret that the present trend in some industrialized coun- tries is to decrease their financial contributions to the dif- ferent funds of the Organization. 140. We therefore favour a single-purpose funding mechanism for multilateral technical co-operation. This would not only ensure for the developing countries that the resources available are distributed on a predetermined equitable basis but also that the use of such resources would be in accordance with individual national develop- ment priorities. For the donor countri~s, a single general- purpose mechanism would ensure. that the resources made 142. It is clear that the outcome of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea will have a great impact on the new international economic order. That Conference was convened because of the realization that those resources must be developed in an orderly man- ner for the benefit of all and must contribute to a more equitable and workable global economic system. 143. We therefore fully agree with those who claim that a weak international sea-bed authority-one merely grant- ing concessions and licenses to transnational enterprises- would only give rise to a new fomi of imperialism. It is no secret, therefore, that the third world countries con- sider the draft sea-bed mining legislation in the conven- tion on the law of the sea a breakthrough in the global economic stalemate between developed and developing countries. But a chance for stable commodity prices, guaranteed funds for development and the acquisition of sophisticated technology by those developing countries which have economies heavily based on mining of land- based minerals might be lest if some industrialized na- tions attempt to scuttle the convention. 144. We appeal to all nations of good will to do nothing to destroy the results achieved during eight years of hard work since 1973, when the Conference began its work on the draft convention. The Government of the Republic of Suriname is still convinced that a comprehensive and well-balanced convention is the only way to avoid a scramble for the riches which are the common heritage of mankind, in accordance with the declaration of principles contained in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV). 145. At the end of the ninth session of the Conference there were hopeful signs that that slow-moving legal Con- ference was not far from its completion. A compromise was reached on many outstanding issues, particularly with regard to part XI of the informal draft convention, which regulates the principles governing the sea-bed and ocean floor and the subsoil thereof beyond the limits of national jurisdiction. Therefore it was a matter of deep regret for my country that these high expectations were over- shadowed at the beginning of the tenth session. of that Conference because of a statement by one delegation that it had been instructed to ensure that negotiations should not end at that session, pending a policy review by its Government. 146. My delegation notes with satisfaction that a genu- ine spirit of co-operation was demonstrated at the end of the tenth session, which resulted inter alia in the decision that the present informal draft convention should be con- verted into a revised text which will have a formal status. 147. My delegation also notes with satisfaction that one of the most persistent problems faced by the Conference 148. The Government of Suriname sincerely hopes that the process of consultations and negotiations on some out- standing issues will be finalized during the last substan- tive session in March 1982, so that in early September of that year the signing of the Final Act and the opening of the convention for signature in Caracas will take place in order to fulfil the mandate that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea received from the 'Gen- eral Assembly 11 year§ ago. ' 149. The increasing tension in the world in the political, military and social, as well as economic, fields makes it imperative for us to express our great concern. The Gov- ernment and people of the Republic of Suriname therefore pledge full support for our joint efforts in keeping. this planet intllCt by means of am1s-control and peace-making initiatives and in establishing a new international eco- nomic order. Strict adherence to the purposes and princi- ples of the Charter of the United Nations is therefore, in our opinion, a matter of survival for all nations living on this planet.

I should like to congratulate the President on his election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. In electing him the Assembly has recognized both his outstanding personal qualities as a diplomat, deeply versed in United Nations affairs, and the growing importance of Iraq, a country with which Ireland has recently developed closer relations. I wish also to pay a tribute to his predecessor; Mr. von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, who presided over the last session with great skill and dedication. I join in the tributes which have already been paid to our Secretary-General for his untiring efforts in the cause of peace in such difficult times. 151. It is a pleasure to welcome to the General Assem- bly the representatives of Vanuatu and of Belize. My country, as a member of the Security Council, had the honour to join in recommending both for membership of the United Nations. 152. The international outlook in this month of Septem- ber 1981 is sombre indeed-as sombre as it has been at any time in recent years. Change and flux have always been a feature of international life, but as we start this session of the Assembly it must be clear to all of us that strains and pressures are building up in many areas to a dangerous degree. 153. First, over the past year relations between the super-Powers ·have deteriorated, and there are signs that the next year may bring a period of challenge' and con- frontation rather than of dialogue and agreement, 155. Thirdly, tensions in several regions where there are serious problems of long standing have increased dan- gerously over the past year. The Middle East and southern Africa continue to present problems that concern and threaten all of us. Conflicts continue in countries such as Afghanistan, Kampuchea and El Salvador, and there is open war between Iran and Iraq. 156. Fourthly, the general world economic outlook con- tinues to be discouraging; and there has been little serious progress in the effort to reorganize the world economy on a fairer basis. Major change which is necessary in the common interest is no closer than it was a year ago, and many millions of the world's peoples have little reason to expect any early improvement in their lot. 157. Each of those sources of conflict and tension is dangerous enough in itself, but the pressures they gener- ate now seem to be intensifying and to be reinforcing one another. The result has been a general increase in interna- tional tension over the past year and an increased strain on the fabric and structures of international life. 158. The question for each of us, large or small, at the start of this session is how we can use the -framework, structures and procedures offered by the United Nations and its family of related agencies to make the world at the end of another year less dangerous than it is today at the start of our session. Over the next three months the Gen- eral Assembly faces a long agenda of issues in the politi- cal, economic, social, legal and human rights fields. The views of the 10 members of the European Community, to which Ireland belongs, have already been stated in this debate by Lord Carrington, the Secretary of State for For- eign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom [8th meeting]. I should like, in this national statement, to set out more fully the views of my own Government on the most important of the issues before us. 159. There is at least one area of importance where some significant progress has been made. This is the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which is probably the most ambitious global undertaking of the United Nations in recent years. The wide variety of issues and the different national interests involved have made the work difficult to complete, but considerable progress has been made and my Government is happy at the extent of the agreement already reached. Many funda- mental issues have been negotiated to the stage where consensus seems feasible and only a few outstanding is- sues remain unresolved. I hope that the programme of work which the Conference has set itself for the next ses- sion can be adhered to, so that it will be the final deci- sion-making session, and that a comprehensive conven- tion on the law of the sea can be adopted by consensus next year.. 160. On the other hand, the deterioration of relations between the super-Powers has blocked any real progress on disarmament during the past year. Mutual distrust has led instead to an emphasis on arming rather than on dis- 161. The nuclear arms race now seems to be in the pro- cess of escalating in an exceptionally dangerous manner. The theory of nuclear deterrence is one which many may have grudgingly accepted. My country has never believed that deterrence could be a really durable basis for a stable and peaceful world order. But until now, at least, this ap- proach has been based on the assumption that nuclear weapons would'itever be used. There is now, however, a growing view in some circles that it might be possible actually to fight and to win a nuclear war. This new the- ory could mean that nuclear war, far from being unthink- able, could come to be seen as a rational instrument of State policy. Such a theory challenges the dictates of common sense and threatens to undermine the moral pro- hibitions which so far have averted the ultimate disaster. 162. What we need now from the nuclear Powers are some practical measures of arms control which would limit the growth of nuclear weapons as a nec~ssary pre- liminary to later agreement qn their reduction. That at least would give some.hope of progress on other dis~a-. ment issues. My delegation has been encouraged by the announcement that the United States and the Soviet Union have agreed to begin talks in Geneva on 30 November on limiting so-called tactical forces. But this can only be a small beginning in a world of nuclear danger. The world .needs a good deal more, and needs it soon. For some: time now Ireland.. like many other countries, has been pressing for a treaty imposing a complete ban on all nu- clear testing in any environment, and pending that a vol- untary moratorium on any further tests.· This would be a token of the nuclear Powers' good faith and would help to cUspel some of·the increasing distrust which is damaging international relations. 163. We also believe that a new and serious effort is needed to strengthen the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in order to prevent their further spread. There is· an urgent need for a chemical weapons convention, particularly in "new of some recent develop- ments. We want to see early progress in other areas relat- ing to disarmament, including so-called confidence-build- ing measures to help diminish international distrust. A . new more positive approach by all participants in tlile re- view conference of the Final Act of Helsinki, at Madrid, and at the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva would, we believe, help in changing for the better the present international climate. . 164. The steady increase in military expenditure is not only dangerous in itself but also a wasteful diversion of the world's resources from development. Poverty, mal- nutrition, disease and illiteracy-all·the effects of under- development-remain daily realities for the vast majority of the world's population. In terms of sheer numbers, more people today live lives of misery and want and more 165. Ireland wants to see a renewal, an expansion and a strengthening of the Nprth-South dialogue. We believe ~ the United Nations has the capacity to respond to the de- mands of a new dialogue as well as to the need for meas- ures to accelerate growth in developing countries and to improve the global economy. In particular, we look for- ward to an early start on a process of global negotiations, which we believe will promote growth and development of benefit to the entire international community. Our hope is that the meeting next month in Cancun will facilitate and speed up preparations for the global negotiations. We want to see the fundamental issues tackled and imagina- tive but practical solutions devised to meet the many problems now facing us. 166.. I am happy to record that my Government, on coming to office three months ago, pledged that Ireland intends to reach the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product for official development as- sistance by the end of this decade. This will. be done :by progressively increasing our allocations for development assistance each year and will be accompanied by· an em- phasis on maximum effectiveness of our aid within a bal- anced over-all programme. In .the .context of the over-all target we are committed to devoting at least 0.15 per cent of our gross national product to the least developed coun- tries. 167. Concern for human dignity, however, must not be limited to economic issues only. In recent years, situa- tions in which society operates in such a way as to de- prive people of their fundamental rights in a serious and systematic way have rightly become the concern of the international community as a whole. It is over 30 years since the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In that period, the influence of the Decla- ration has increased immeasurably. The general principles of the Declaration have been given more detailed legal status through the human rights instruments subsequently adopted by the United Nations, and the Organization has developed its procedures and machinery for examining gross and consistent vioiations. We want to see' that ca- pacity improved. In particular, the section of the Secre- tariat dealing with human rights should be strengthened. 168. Even though the United Nations is still in a posi- tion to investigate only some of the gross violations in the world, there is evidence that progress is being made in such investigations. The extension by the Connnission on Human Rights of the mandate of the Working Group on Enforced or Involuntary Disappearances reveals the will- ingness to investigate that widespread problem. The range of internationally agreed instruments enabling the. United Nations to take action in regard to specific categories of violation.is also being widened. At this session of the General Assembly we shall consider, with a view to 169. At this session the Assembly will also examine al- legations of serious and widespread human rights vio- lations arising our of conditions in certain Member States. I do not want to overlook violations in other ocuntries, but I should say that the situation in El Salvador is a matter of particular concern to many people in Ireland. The callous disregard for human life in the political strug- gle and the murders which have taken place on a massive scale have shocked the world. We are convinced that the desperate plight of the population can best be ~lleviated by an end to outside interference and by the negotiation of a just and durable settlement. In this connection, Ire- land accepts the principles underlying the recent Joint Franco-Mexican Declaration on El Salvador,6.which, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of France, Mr. Cheysson, said eerlier in this debate [9th meeting], has served as a reminder of the need to let each people settle its own affairs by political and democratic processes. 170. In many regions of the world where there are con- flicts or potential conflicts, the increased tensions to which I referred earlier .can be clearly seen: One such area is southern Africa, where Namibia is still occupied illegally, where acts. of aggression continue to be launched by South Africa against other States in the region, and where the policies of apartheid are rigorously applied within South Africa. 171. The joint statement by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Western contact group on Namibia of 24 September 1981, has given us some hope that Security Council resolution 435 (1978) will be implemented and that Namibia will become independent in 1982. We wel- come that statement and 'hope that every effort will be made' to ensure .that the negotiating process regains mo- mentum~ Should our hopes once again be dashed and South Africa again refuse to comply with the decisions of the Security Council on Namibia or attempt to postpone indefinitely Namibia's independence, we believe that the Security Council should be ready to discharge its respon- sibilities effectively and without delay. The seriousness of the situation in southern Africa and the need to achieve a rapid, just and peaceful settlement for Namibia, were demonstrated in recent weeks by the actions of South Af- rica agcUnst other States in the region, particularly An- gola. I repeat here what we bave already stated in the Security Council-that Ireland condemns South Africa's aggression against Angola asa violation of Angola's sov- ereignty and of the Charter of the United Nations. 172. Underlying the problem of -southern Africa is the apartheid system in South Africa. That is not an issue on which it is possible to maintain a neutral attitude. Apartheid constitutes a direct challenge to the values which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We have seen no meaningful changes in South Africa's apartheid laws. Rather, those appear to be applied in an increasingly ruthless manner.. The South African Govern- ment removes thousands by force to so-call~ homelands; it applies the pass laws rigidly; it maltreats ''its political prisoners; it imposes harsh sentences on opwnents of 173. Apartheid cannot succeed and the policies which flow from it will ultimately fail. Those in power in South Africa should face now the reality of their situation. Elab- orate diversionary propaganda exercises aimed at persuad- ing the world that all is well in South Africa deceive few, save, perhaps, those who devise them. 174. The Middle East is another area where a long-fes- tering dispute has given rise to periodic outbreaks of vio- lence on a massive scale which are dangerous not only for the region but also for the world as a whole. In recent months, we have witnessed the attack on the nuclear fa- cility in Baghdad, the heavy casualties in Beirut on 17 July and the loss of further Lebanese, Israeli and Palestin- ian lives in hostilities in the Israel-Lebanon border area. Those developments render all the more urgent the con- clusion of a jUl)t, lasting and comprehensive peace settle- ment in the Middle East. 175. The Foreign Secretary of the United Kingdom, in his statement on behalf of the 10 members of the Euro- pean Community, has already outlined the principles which we believe to be basic, and has emphasized our determination to work towards such a settlement, Ireland, as a member of the Community, fully shares those views. In the search for a way·forward, we also cOJ;lsider particu- larly interesting and worthy of serious consideration the statement by His Royal Highness Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia, setting out the principles advocated by his Gov- ernment for a settlement. 176. This conflict is a particularly difficult and intract- able one because it is a conflict of rights. We beHeve that acceptance by the parties to the conflict of ~e principles already enunciated by the member States of the European Community, namely, the right to security and existence of all States in the region, including Israel, and justice for all its peoples, is essential if progress is to be made to- wards a peace settlement. An integral element in these principles is, full exercise of their right to self-determina- tion by the Palestinian people within· the framework of a compreh~nsive settlement in the negotiation of which all concerned, including the PLO, play their full part. it is our 'hope that each of the parties involved will be able to accept a role for the others in the negotiation of a settle- ment on this basis. 177. Lebanon is a particularly tragic casualty in the· Middle East conflict. Its problems are largely aconse- quence of the larger conflict in which it has become a battleground. The cessation of armed attacks called for in Security Council resolution 490 {1981) of last July is holding, 'and this has brought, if not peace, some respite from violence. But experience has shown that to offer rea- sonable hope of something more than a temp<?rary lull in hostilities such arrangements must be consolidated ,and built on. Ireland continues to contribute troops to UNI- FIL, as we have done to nearly every United Nations peace-keeping operation since we joined the United Nations 26 years ago. I should like to pay a tribute ,to the courage and devotion to duty of the members of that Force from all 11 countries involved and to express my sympathy for the losses they have suffered. It is essential 179: The past 18 months have brought great suffering to the Afgharl1 people, large numbers of whom have been forced into exile in neighbouring countries, particularly Pakistan. The crisis not only affects the country itself but also imposes severe difficulties in neighbouring States and threatens both regional stability and international peace. My Government believes that any settlement must neces- sarily provide for the withdrawal of foreign troops and the creation of conditions in which the people of Afghanistan can determine their own form of government, free from outside inteNention. The initiative of the European Com- munity offers a reasonable means of advancing towards a negotiated settlement and of returning Afghanistan to its traditional independent and non-aligned status. 180. The people of Kampuchea too have undergone ap- palling suffering over recent years as a result of domestic cruelties and the hardships imposed by foreign invasion and occupation. Here too we believe that a comprehensive political settlement is needed. This should lead to an in- dependent Kampuchea, whose people would be free to select the Government of their choice. In our view, Kam- puchea should be free from any foreign military presence, it should maintain friendly relations with all the countries of the region and it should have the benefit of interna- tional assistance for reconstruction. We hope that Viet Nam and other nations whose co-operation is essential for arriving at a peaceful solution may soon agree to join with others in the international community to discuss a settlement on the lines I have indicated. . ". 181. The right of every people to freedom from outside intervention applies too to Poland, a country for whose people we in Ireland have a special regard. We believe that, in accordance with the provisions of the United Na- tions Charter and the Final Act of Helsinki, it is for the Polish people themselves to determine their own future without the threat of any intervention in their internal af- fairs. 182. I have spoken here of a series of world problems and the approach which my Government takes to them. I feel it right at the end of. this statement to refer to a prob- lem nearer home, that of Northern Ireland. I want to in- form the world Assembly of the approach of the new Irish Government to that issue. 183. In the past 10 years violence in Northern Ireland has led to the deaths of 2,150 persons. This year alone deaths due to political violence have already reached' a figure of 85. For a community of only one and a half million people these figures reflect much suffering and very serio(Js community diversions. What is the origin of this tragic situation? 184. As it moved to independence just over 60 years ago, Ireland was divided. A· long and complex history had left a minority in the north-eastern corner of the is- land who favoured the existing union with Great Britain _---~- ----- - 185. Historians may argue whether the probleqI of Northern Ireland was in its origin a colonial one. My Government does not approach the issue in this way. Nor do we see it as a matter of disputed territory or a claim of some kind by the Government and the people of the south on Northern Ireland. The central issue for all of us in Ireland today is peace, not peace in the sense merely of an end to violence-although that of course is vital-but peace in the wider sense of reconciliation and of healing. 186. This is necessarily a broad and general aim to which many would subscribe. The question is how to bring it about. What policies, what efforts and what changes will be needed? What future political structures will be necessary within Northern Ireland, between north and south in the island of Ireland and between Ireland and Great Britain, two countries which have been linked so closely and for so long? And how are the extremists of whatever political outlook whose recourse to violence opens new wounds instead of promoting healing and rec- onciliation to be dealt with'? These are difficult questions, and they preoccupy my Government. 187. What I can do here is indicate very clearly the di- rection my Government will try to take and the principles we will try to follow. 188. First, as I said, our primary aim is 'peace, healing and reconciliation. It follows that we utterly repudiate vio- lence, because violence in such a situation not only causes human suffering, but also keeps open old bitter- ness and cruelly opens new wounds. 189. Secondly, the claim by the men of violence to de- rive legitimacy from the past or from the future for acts of violence in Ireland today is a spurious one. By their actions those who make this claim are replacing the dream of Irish unity by a nightmare of violence and dis- cord. The freedom won by the people of Ireland with much difficulty in the past was the freedom for each gen- eration of people living in Ireland to choose the type of society they want for themselves and· for their children. No Irish Government will allow that freedom of choice to be usurped. 190. Thirdly, my Government is open in its outlook and approach. It is ready to examine, to consider and, if ma- jor change is needed, to propose to our electorate what- ever may best advance our basic aim of healing and rec- onciliation in Ireland. 191. Fourthly, to this end, too, we will do what we can to Promote good will and understanding through dialogue across the community divisions in Northern Ireland and also between north and south in the island of Ireland. 193. Unfortunately, for m:lllillY months now an immediate and pressing issue-the hunger strike by p~soners in Northern Ireland-has diverted attention and energy from those broader aims. That issue, related as it is to prison conditions in Northern Ireland and to the status to be accorded in prison to those who have been convicted of violence, has attracted world-wide attention. It is natural that it should do so. Self-sacrifice, particularly through a long-drawn-out hunger strike, testifies to deep conviction, and it arouses human emotions of sympathy and concern for those who are prepared to accept such a long and slow death. It is thus a weapon of great power. But it is a weapon; and in Northern Ireland it is a weapon which has been used with great determination by organizations and people who themselves have shown the most ruthless lack of concern for human suffering. In the words of the Irish poet Yeats: "Too IQng a sacrifice makes a stone of the heart." The hunger strike and its needless prolongation have made a stone of many hearts in Northern Ireland today. 194. Since it began in early 1981, 10 persons have died on hunger strike. But in that same period sOI]le 64 other persons have died .by violence in the area, 40 of them struck down .without mercy by those very organizations which seek to mobilize support and humanitarian concern around the world for their own members who are serving prison sentences in Northern Ireland for earlier acts of violence. 195. My Government has deep sympathy for all who suffer in Northern Ireland. No one of compassion could be indifferent in human terms to each successive death as it occurs. But what is one to say of those who encourage and use the long-drawn-out and widely publicized death of a young hunger striker to call for human rights while they themselves are meting out death most cruelly and without compassion to those whom they choose to see as opponents of'Irish unity. For our part, the Irish Govern- ment, speaking for the great majority of the Irish people, wants to see an end to killing, to violence of all kinds and to the voluntary sacrifice of lives used as a weapon in a campaign of violence. We want this for humanitarian reasons-but also because we know that the hunger strike is a weapon to gain support for those who use violence and we want to see that weapon defused and disarmed. 196. There have been times in recent months when it seemed to us that the hun!!,er strike could have been brought to an end without any concession of principle, that is, without conceding so-called political status, if the prison authorities were to make changes in certain limited respects in the rules under which the prisoners are held, while continuing to ensure, as they must, the good gov- ernance of the prison system as a whole. My Govern- ment, in its continuing contacts with the British Govern- ment, has sought to encourage it to consider whether any such measure might be open to it and could be introduced without concession on basic principle. Our hope was that lives could be saved-in prison and outside-and that the weapon of the hunger strike would thereby be. blunted and defused. We believe that some such changes are possible without yielding on principle, and we hope that.ther will 197. Many public figures in Ireland in both the political and religious life of the country have called insistently for an end to the hunger strike and an end to the campaign of violence. Those calls simply must be heeded. I want to echo and amplify them in the Assembly. The hunger strike and the campaign of violence with which it is closely linked are tragic and ultimately futile diversions from an aim which most Irish people share-that of bringing healing and reconciliation to the island of Ireland and lifting the burden of history from the shoulders of all its people. 198. I began my statement here today by referring to the sombre international climate and the need to do what we can at this session of the Assembly to improve it, to lessen tensions and to ease conflicts. That is our aim too in Ireland. I have tried to explain to representatives the approach that we are taking, and I ask for their support and understanding for what we are trying to do. I hope that by the time I come to speak to the Assembly next year I will be able to report progress and that I may be able to talk to representatives of real movement towards peace and reconciliation in Ireland. 199. In summary, we in Ireland seek peace in the world through the instrumentality of the United Nations; we seek peace in the many trouble spots of the world through the United Nations and other international agencies; and we seek peace in our own small island through the same principles of justice and mutual understanding that form the basis of the work of the United Nations.

The thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly has opened in an atmosphere of expectation and hope. We are remin<led that at the thirty-fifth session the study of certain important questions, whose satisfactory solution could have beneficial effects on international peace and security, yielded blueprints and approaches that gave rise to great hope. They include the question of Namibia, the problem of the Middle East, the situation in Asil~, the North-South dialogue and th~ negotiations on the law of the sea. While all of them were not resolved during the last session, we still hope that at the current session and under the wise and enlightened presidency of Mr. Kittani, progress will be made along the lines desired by the inter- national community. 201. To attain those objectives, the Assembly will once more have need of a President who is both a statesman and a diplomat. Those two qualities are combined in Mr. Kittani. We would therefore like to express the pleasure and satisfaction with which we see him accede to his high position. Added to this is the fact that his country, Iraq, and my country, Senegal, enjoy exemplary and special relations. In extending to him my country's sincere aud heartfelt congratulations along with its best wishes for success, I can assure him of the full co-operation of the delegation of Senegal throughout the work of this session. 203. I should like fmally to pay a tribute to the work of the Se~tary-General and to his tireless efforts in the dis- charge of his sensitive functions. 204. In hailing the admission of Belize and the Republic of Vanuatu, I should like to wish them welcome and to assure them that my country's Government is prepared to establish with these two new Members of the Organiza- tion relations of friendship and fruitful co-operation. 205. We are meeting once again to review the year which is coming to an end and together to try to define in relatiolll to the past and to the future-a future already burdened with unknown factors and uncertainty-the most appropriate ways and means to establish a world which is just because it is based on tolerance, mutual un- derstanding and solidarity. 206. Since last autumn, the endless conflicts which have coloured relations among some Member States have un- dergone developments which are disquieting for human- ity, even if in a few rare cases glimpses of a positive solution have been momentarily perceived. Thus, SOl~th­ em Africa, the Middle East and Asia continue to harbour hotbeds of serious tension which, at any moment, could flare up into conflagrations with unforeseeable conse- quences. 207. Upheavals and dangers of all kinds continue se- riously to jeopardize the· futures of several peoples of those regions, peoples which aspire to exercise their legit- imate right to self-determination. The same dangers today. _ threaten the consoliGation of the independence of young . States, as well as their stability and development. I shall try to pinpoint some of these upheavals and dangers, to recall whenever necessary my Government's position on those questions, and to voice some suggestions which, in the eyes of my country, might facilitate their solution. 208- The eighth emergency special session of the Gen- eral Assembly,· devoted to the important question of Namibia, provided an opportunity for my country, Sene- gal, to reaffirm its position on that problem which, once again, poses a grave threat to international peace and se- curity. If I retumto that point, it is to rec:all certain prin- ciples, the implementation of which would help restore co-operation and stability in that region. I am talking abo:lt scrupulous implementation of the settlement plan of the Western countries, endorsed by Security Council reso- lution 435 (1978). It cannot be overemphasized that that resolution is an honourable compromise; its adoption gave rise to great hopes and allowed the appearance on the horizon of the prospect of a. just settlement of this prob- . lem, which is of such concern to the international com- munity. My country welcomes the statements made this session by other delegations, in particular those of the Western countries which sponsored that resolution and are eager for its complete implementation as soon as possi- ble. In this regard, we should emphasize the fact that the meeting of the five-country contact group showed a deter- mination to pursue efforts aimed at the implementation of the Security Coun~il resolution. Those countries deserve 210. It should be recalled that those measures were ad- vocated by the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, held in Paris from 20 to 27 May 1981, over which my country, Senegal, had the honour to preside, because South Africa has created a dangerous and explosive situation throughout southern Africa. lhose measures could be effective because the South African economy-which is, as is known, heavily dependent on foreign countries in the areas of technology, .fimmcing, capital goods and oil-would feel sorely the effects of binding, specific international sanctions. 211. My delegation would like here solemnly to renew the support of the people and the Government of Senegal for the fraternal people of Namibia, organized under the aegis of SWAPO, its sole authentic representative under the leadership of its President, our brother Mr. Sam Nu- joma. 212. The odious system of apartheid practised by the South African Government, besides the challenge it con- stitutes to our devotion to the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Universal Decla- ration of Human Rights, is more than a mere attack on African human dignity, it is a crime against humanity. 213. South Africa's repeated attacks against the front- line States, and especially against the sovereign people of Angola, must once again be condemned here. In this re- gard, Senegal would like once more to express its support for Angola. 214. The Organization must therefore meet this chal- lenge, and to do this, the conclusions adopted at the In- ternational Conference on Sanctions against South Africa should be endorsed by the General Assembly during this session. We think that those conclusions constitute the most effective and also the most appropriate way to com- pel South Africa to end the system of apartheid. I should also like to take this opportunity to reaff1IlIl solemnly here the steadfast determination of the Government and the people of Senegal te continue to offer their aid'·and assistance to the two South African national liberation movements, the African National Congress of South Af- rica and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania. 217. As regards the Comoran island of Mayotte, we would like to believe that the dialogue that has been opened between the French authorities and the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros will continue and be strengthened. Senegal is available to the parties to help them in this connection. 218. The question of Chad has been distinguished this year by t'..vo events, the installation of the Transitional Na- tional Union Government and the acceptance of the prin- ciple of the despatch of a pan-African force to Chad, the membership of which will be subject to approval by the Thmsitional National Union Government. We hope that the measures decided upon by the OAU at Nairobi will lead to the establishment of a lasting peace in a united and truly independent Chad, to the benefit of its people as a whole. 219. The conflict in the Middle East, because of its growing complexity and its many implications, remains to- day one of our most serious problems, requiring the close attention not only of that region but of the international community as a whole. Since December 1967, the resolu- tions and decisions of the Organization aimed at defining and organizing the framework for a just and lasting solu- tion to that conflict have multiplied. Indeed, for more than a quarter of a century this question has been con- stantly under discussion within the United Nations, which has recognized that the resolution of this problem depends upon the implementation of a comprehensive and bal- anced approach that takes into account some of the funda- mental principles of the Organization. 220. I need not remind you that the conditions -involve the withdrawal by Israel from Arab and Palestinian ter- ritories occupied by force since 1967, the exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable right to self-deter- mination and to ·the establishment of an independent and sovereign State in their own homeland, and the recogni- tion of and respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of the States in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. 221. My country is convinced that these principles de- fine just and valid bases for negotiati03s between all the parties concerned, in particular our brother people of Pal- estine through its sole legitimate tepresentative, the PLO, led by our brother, Mr. Yasser Arafat. Of course, the great majority of States in the Organization adhere to this posi- tion. Nevertheless, Israel's intransigence rem'ains the prin- cipal obstacle to the achievement of a' just 'and lasting peace in the area. . 223. We feel it is the duty of the Security Council to take all necessary steps to check this constant deteriora- tion of the situation, particularly in the occupied territo- ries, by calling upon Israel to put an immediate end to its acts of aggression, which are a violation of the pennanent principles of international law and of t~e Charter of trile United Nations. 224. In this connection, my country, under its mandate .from the 1\velfth Islamic Conference of Foreign Minis- ters, held at Baghdad from 1 to 5 June 1981, must take this opportunity to appeal to the members of the Security Council to adopt a new resolution that would explicitly mention the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, whose aspirations are not completely reflected in Security Council resolution 242 (1967). 225. My delegation must once again condemn the Israe- li act of aggression against the Tamuz nuclear power sta- tion in Iraq. This act of aggression was aimed, among other things, at robbing a State of its sovereign and legiti- mate right to acquire nuclear technology. 226. The Government and people of Sc:negal are in- creasingly concerned by the situation prevailing in Lebanc.':J. Senegal would like to reaffIrm here its unswerv- ing solidarity with Lebanon and to condemn Israel's acts of aggression, ads which frustrate the work of UNIFIL, to which my country has contributed. 227. Senegal would like to reiterate, as it did at the thirty-fifth session [20th meeting], its proposal for the elaboration of a system of safeguards and immunities for the troops made available to the United Nations for ~­ keeping operations, so that su~h forces can carry out their mission effectively. The Lebanese people are a martyted people on whom war and genocide-in no way justified by its geographical situation-have been inflicted. And if today the Lebanese people have not yet been crushed by force of arms, it is because throughout their history they have always been able to face the injustices of fate with courage. For all these reasons, we appeal to all Lebanese parties and call upon them to turn resolutely towards na- tional reconcilation in order to safeguard both the unity and the sovereignty. of their country. 228. I should like to say a few words about the painful conflict between Iran and Iraq. In this respect, the inter- national community should show greater persistence, tak- ing new initiatives and. intens'fying the efforts already un- dertaken under various auspices, in order to induce the two belligerent parties to settle the differences between them by peaceful means within the framework of a com- prehensive, just and honourable settlement. 229. The Islamic peace committee, of which Senegal is a member, which was established at Taif in January 1981, as well as the mediation committee of the nQn-aIigned movement, have taken commendable initiatives in this connection, which the international community should en- 231. These situations, which my country has frequently had occasion to deplore, should, because of their illegiti- mate nature and !he ::Fsastrous consequences they entail for relations among States, lead the international commu- nity to take the nec~ssary steps to combat the introduction and strengthening of the tendency to violate the funda- mental principle of respect for the sovereignty of States laid down i~ the Charter. 232. In the case of Kampuchea, by adopting resolution 35/6, the General Assembly recommended, among other things, the withdrawal from Kampuchea of all foreign forces and the exercise of the right to self-determination by the Kampuchean people. We are obliged to state that, despite the efforts of the United Nations, there seems to be little hope of a solution to the Kampv..::hean problem. For its part, Senegal would like to express its determina- tion to continue to support the Kampuchean people and its authentic representatives until the triumph of justice, the sole object of their sacred struggle. At the same time, my Government thinks that the United Nations should take a new initiative to create an atmosphere favourable to .. a peaceful solution to this problem. In this spirit, it is . pleasing to note that the International Conference on K~puch~a, which was convened by the Assembly on thIS questIon and which met from 13 to 17 July 1981 at Headquarters, defmed a realistic framework for the settle- ment: withdraw~l of all foreign troops from Kampuchea and the organization off. free elections under international control. There can be no doubt that the implementation of those measures presupposes the consent of all the parties concerned in the conflict. It is time that they all under- stood that the path of negotiation is the only one which can ensure the rmccess of their arguments and snare their dignity.· > 233. In this respect, my country believes that the Ad Hoc Committee set up by the Conference could, with the aid and support of all the parties concerned, help to re- store peace ar. ~ understanding in the country. 234. The question of Korea also deserves our attention. The principle of reunification, accepted by both countries, should be encouraged by the United Nations. 235. The situation in Afghanistan, which is still an eIklional subject and a cause of deep concern to my country, has prompted new interest with the recent initia- tives by the European Community concerning the organi- zation of an international conference on the question. Senegal has followed these initiatives with interest, since it seems that they could lead to an acceptable settlement 236. The problem of Cyprus is still on the agenda of the United Nations. We must welcome the real though limited progress that has been made this year in the framework of intercommunal meetings towards finding a just and peace- ful solution that will preserve the unity and sovereignty of Cyprus. A tribute is due in this respect to the Thrkish and Greek Governments, as well as. to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the efforts they have constantly made to resolve this question. 237. The final extinction of hotbeds of tension-in order to bring about international peace .and security for all States, particularly those of the third world, which are almost all directly involved-would do much to establish a favourable climate for disarmament through the marked reduction of the use of military arsenals which such ex- tinction would engender. 238. The importance which my country attaches to the problem of disarmament is well known, and it is also known that Senegal has also followed and participated ac- tively in the efforts of the community of nations to strengthen international security. As member ofa certain number of groups of experts set up by this Assembly- among others, that to study institutional aspects of the disarmament process and the group of experts on th.e rela- tionship between disarmament and development-my country has worked to develop the proposals to which I have referred here at previous sessions. In this spirit, I would fltcall with emphasis my country's belief in the es- sential need for the denuclearization of third world re- gions, feeliQg that this question deserves the highest pri- ority from our Assembly. 239. While supporting efforts in connection with gener- alized disarmament, unfortunately we can only deplore the slowness of negotiations on the implementation of the Programme of Action on nuclear disarmament [resolution 8-10/2, sect. Ill], adopted during the tenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, in 1978. On this question, which is vital for the future of the world, we small countries can only try to convince the great Powers which hold in their hands the keys to real solutions in this connection. However, it is recog- nized that the shared destiny of all States of our planet should lead us to show wisdom and political determina- tion. However, we, the representatives of third world countries, which have always been the arena in which armed conflicts have taken place-conflicts often provoked, encouraged and maintained by Powers foreign to the regions concerned, thus involving all mankind in the arms race-must therefore show alll the more zeal in achieving the objectives of disarmament. 240. This year, once again, the Assembly will consider the implementation of the decisions and recommendations adopted by the General Assembly at its first special ses- sion on disarmament, and wili hear the report of the Pre- paratory Committee on the second special session· on dis- armarpent, scheduled for next year. 241. Disarmament and the halting of the race towards collective genocide should, we believe, be fundamental concerns, and, in fact, they ~. In line with t'tis principle, 242. All these questions-which are called "fratricidal wars", "the perpetuation of colonial-type domination", "the arms race"-are dangerously mortgaging the future of international economic relations, already darkened by the parade of poverty and suffering which is the daily lot of the developing countries, the first victims of the crisis of the 1970s. 243. We in the third world deplore this situation, which is particularly disturbing for the stability of developing countries and for world peace, since it is coupled with the persistence of economic structures which oppress develop- ing countries and have been inherited from the period of the great colonial empires. 244. The future of mankind might not be so dark, how- ever, if the international community were deliberately to choose new economic options based on justice and soli- darity. In this respect, the appeal of the General Assem- bly for a new international economic order, made during the sixth and seventh special sessions in 1974 and 1975, proved an "unexpected blessing", as has already been stated, since it aroused the awareness of the leaders of the developing countries to the vital need fundamentally to review the notion of development and growth. 245. Developing countries must strive to gain accep- tance for a mdre complete definition of development, no longer based primarily on an almost one-dimensional vi- sion of progress tied to purely quantitative growth. Devel- opment criteria must also, and at the same time, take into account the mastery of scientific and technical data, which reqUires adequate' human as well as financial re- sources, and respect for the traditional values of develop- ing countries. 246. My country must ask the Assembly to give consid- eration to the adoption of a suitable s~lution to the prob- lem of the United Nations financing system for science and technology for development. 247. In this respect, Senegal would like once again to appeal to all Powers, Whether of the East or the West, to manifest real political will to accept an adequate method of financing through voluntary contributions and the speedy establishment of institutional provisions. All our efforts must be united within the Assembly in order to achieve and bring about the n:cessary structures, namely, an executive c('mmittee and a secretariat:· These two bodies would be coupled with the inter-g(;vernmental committee which already exJsts. These structures would 248. We aba !",elieve that the conSensus achieved on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade offers a way of recognizing the interdependence of States and of opening the door to international co-operation. 249. Th~ political will which made passible the ,;:onsen- sus on that Strategy should inspire those Member States which prevented the re&ching of consensus on procedural aspects of the global negotiations. certainly the interde- pendence of the nations represented here calls, at the least, for international co-operation in the interests of all peoples. 250. The achievement of this new international eco- nomic order presupposes a new humanism-in other words, a new kind of healthy relationship among the members of the international community. To be sure, the violation of fundamental fr..edoms is a serious breach of the policy of development and cannot be justified by the requirements of such a policy. 251. Human rights are an essential dimension of devel- opment. Thus, on the proposal of my country, the six- teenth session of the Assemblv of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, which met at Monrovia in 1979, adopted resolution 115 (XVI) calling for the elaboration of a draft African charter of human and peoples' rights. 252. Dakar, capital of Senegal, had the honour of host- ing the high-level meeting of African experts which pre- pared the preliminary draft. Mt. Keba Mbaye, the fll'St President of the Supreme Court of Senegal and Rappor- teur of the ministerial conference which prepared the text, declared in submitting it to the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Or- ganization of African Unity at Nairobi: "Our draft, by the balance it strikes between human rights and the rights of peoples, between civil~d p0- litical rights and economic, social and cultural rights, and between freedoms and duties, bears the imprint of our specific nature." 253. In conclusion, I should like to state that on several occasions the Republic of Senegal has already given proof of its devotion to the universal principles proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations. 254. Our I:ountry, together with other nations devoted to safeguarding the values that inspire the destiny of man- kind, takes the opportunity offered by the thirty-sixth ses- sion of the General Assembly solemnly to reaffirm that it will spare no effort to contribute positively to the search for, and implementation of, relevant solutions, to put an end to the various conflicts dividing the world, to lead and assist peoples to tolerate one another, to get along amicably with one another and to co-operate, in a spirit of mutual confidence and respect for each other's inter- ests, culture and civilization, so that they may fulfil their destiny in freedom and peace. "Our combat is a shared one, for justice, dignity and the:satvation of our peoples. "If our ambitions, prospects, programmes and situa- tionsare to be achieved, there must be unity and soli- darity among us. If unity and solidarity are to be achieved, there must be a spirit of tolerance based on the right to differ. And to this end we must settle our disputes by peaceful means, in accordance with the rel- evant provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and the charters of the non-aligned movement and the Organization 01 African Unity." 256. May our Assembly, throughout its work, contribute to the achievement of those ideals. The salvation of man- kind is at stake.

The election at the beginning of our proceedings of Mr. Kittani of Iraq to the high post of President of thP.· thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly is a tribute to his exceptional qualities as a diplomat and a statesman. A more authoritative voice than my own-that of the head of the Congolese delega~on, Comrade Pierre Nze, Member of the Political Bureau and Minister for Foreign Affairs-could more eloquently have welcomed this sig- nal honour not only to. Mr. Kittani personally but also to Iraq, it country friendly to the People's Republic of the Congo. I am happy to extend to him the most cordial congratulations of my delegation and to take this occasion to let him know how particularly pleased we are that our' : work is being guided by. a man already known for his competence· and great probity. 258. I should like to associate myself with the many speakers who have extended to his predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, well,:,deserved praise for the brilliant and effec- tive manner in which he discharged his duties as Presi- dent of the thirty-fifth session. 259. Finally, above and be)Und the ritual aspects of the occasion, I wish to extend a warm welcome to Vanuatu and Belize, which have just been admitted as full Mem- bers of the United Nations...The presence among us of those two States which have only just emerged from colo- nial darkness bears witness to the substantia! decoloniza- tion efforts accomplished by the United Nations, which, for 20 years now, has been the focal point of decisive actions that have led to the collapse of citadels of colo- nialism which only yesterday had been fmnly entrenched. 260. The victory of the peoples of Vanuatu and Belize comes at just the right time to confirm the justice of the national liberation struggle being waged by freedom fight- ers against colonial oppression and exploitation. The whole humble history of mankind should remind us that when a people is determined to. break the humiliating shackles of submission, no force can resist the inexorable whirlwind stirred up by its inflexible determination. The delegation of the Congo wishes to assure the representa- 262. Yesterday the weakness of peacef!!l peoples fos- tered the outbreak of nazism and fascism, which were re- sponsible for millions of deaths. Who knows into what catastrophies of history we shall be led tomorrow by the imperialist policy of confrontation which has imbued in- ternational relations with the characteristics of the East- West tensions, fraught with so many dangers? The arms race is proceeding at a rapid pace. The world looks on powerlessly at a kind of call to arms on the part of the blocs. Instead of the policy of detente, which the non- aligned countries have always cherished, we see develop- ing today dangerous dialectics of confrontation. Those who are inclined to welcome unashamedly the intensifica- Jion of international tension are wrong. Today the erob- lem of how to maintain peace has become, because of the nuclear aspect, a global problem, a problem for all States, large and small. 263. In this explosive international situation there come into being everywhere hotbeds of tension which are being maintained feverishly, with the object of extending spheres of influence, by increasing the number of military bases in defenceless countries a.nd establishing thinly dis- guised protectorates. 264. The case of Africa is one of the most troubling; the threats to that continent take many forms. :first of all, there is the persistence of an ecological crisis caused by the encroachment. of the desert and the constant drought which gravely affects a number of countries situated be- tween Cape Verde -and the Horn of Africa.. 265. The economic threat, for its part, can be seen in -the powerful domination exercised by multinational inter- ests, for which Africa is nothing but a reservoir of raw materials and, furthermore, in the extreme weakness of a form of economy which depends strongly on foreign mar- kets. 266. The political crisis is compounded by a military threat that affects Africa on all sides, one of the most obvious aspects of which is the wanton continuance of the occupation of Namibia by South Africa. The increasingly aggressive policy of that racist regime is a matter of grave concern for the whole continent. The continuance of the hateful policy of apartheid and the over-armament of the Pretoria regime, which, in addition to using many other methods of intimidation, is considering resorting to the b~ackmail of nuc~~ar weapons to <!efendjts anachronistic and anti-human philosophy, constitute flagrant examples of injustice in the world today. 267. Finally, of all continents, Africa has the g~atest number of refugees and the largest number of so-called least developed countries. Praiseworthy efforts have at times been projected, especiaHy as regards the human- itarian aspects or, more generally, the economic and so- cial aspects, to which we shall return later in our state- 268. A$ long as South Africa, which is racist and colo- nialist~ does not regard itself as an African State with the same concepts of freedom and respect for human dignity as the other African peoples, there can be no doubt that international peace and security will constantly be breached in that area. Against whom, and why, is racist South Africa acquiring nuclear weapons? The uncondi- tional protectors of the champions of apartheid could no doubt provide the international community with a clear response to that agonizing question. 269. To proceed methodically,. we should at least begin by returning Namibia to its people. Security Council reso- lution 435 (1978) was drafted with that in mind. In the view of my delegation, that is the only pragmatic ap- proach that might pave the way to a just and peaceful solution of the problem of Namibia, which, as every one of us knows, remains essentially a problem of decoloniza- tion. We should remember that it is South Africa which unilaterally took the initiative of breaking off the negotia- tions that were begun by the contact group of five West- ern countries. That was indeed a serious step, iq the face of which the silence of the international community seems strangely "deafening". My country, of course, encour- ages any initiative which might bring closer the exercise by the people of Namibia, under the aegis of SWAPO, its only. authentic representative, of its right to freedom and independence. 270. The culmination of the process of decolonization in Namibia would have the initial effect of restoring peace in the southern part of the continent and of enabling ·the so- called front-line African States to concentrate on the es- sential task of the ec.onomic and social development of their countries. However, South Mrica, which claims to be a besieged fortress, is opposing the advent of a climate of peace and co-operation in the region, increasing in a disgraceful and criminal manner its aggressive acts against those States which endeavour to implement cou':' rageously the relevant resolutions of the Organization with regard to the assistance that all M~mber States are duty-bound to provide to the Namibian people,.whose ter- ritory has been transformed by the South African soldiery into a sweatshop, where men, women and children of the heroic Namibian people are suffering helplessly. The latest of' these aggressive acts has been directed at the People's Republic of Angola and is continued today through the occupation by Pretoria's aimy of a part of the territory of a Member State of the United Nations. 271. In this case scandal and criminality reach the high- est point when the international community does not even consider doing anything to dissuade the aggressor. 272. It might even be concluded from this, as was stated quite rightly by our Minister for Foreign Affairs at the eighth emergency special session [5th meeting], that it seems that Angola is being accused simply because it is implementing the relevant decisions of the Oig!lnization by what is its special contribution to the cause of·the lib- eration of colonial countries and peoples. 274. My delegation is very pleased to welcome the progress which, after so much suffering and anguish, has just crowned the efforts of the OAU to end the tragedy experienced by the fraternal people of Chad. The Con- golese Government supports the praiseworthy efforts of this fraternal country towards reconciliation and national reconstructiol!~_~ome of the Western p~ss, accustomed to giving its readers spicy stories about ·the third world, h~ recently indulged, in referring to the detachment of Con- golese soldiers which, at the urgent request of the OAU, my Government agreed to send to N'Djamena, in hate- filled and defamatory articles which show the disdain with which these unworthy joumalists regard the coun- tries of Africa, Asia and Latin America, which they con- sider to be inferior. The Congolese People's National Army is the army of our militant people, and was fonned in accordance with the strict precepts of the Congolese Workers' Party. Its mission in Chad was supervised by an outstanding member of our Party and by the Chad 1hmsi- tional National Union Government during the three months when our troops were constantly confined to ·the barracks of the N'Djamena police force. In any case, my Government challenges this blinkered press to shO":; the least proof of its fa~rications. This slanderous campaign on the part of Western .media, directed now at one re- gime, and now at some other country in the third. world, will in no way change the fIrm. commitment of African , States in general and those of Central Africa in particular which stand shoulder to shoulder with our Chadian broth~ ers so that that people can recover, with its independence, pe~ and the pride of place which it ~cupies in our subregion. 275. In the northern part of the African continent, the problem of the decolonization of the Western Sahara has created a situation with an extteme degree of antagonism between the various protagonists in the Maghreb. It is gratifying that a referelldum on self-detennination has been ue\:ided upon, to enable the Sahraoui peorple, after a free and clear choice, to become independent. Whatever happens, Congo joins with the <Y~a and the United Na- tions in supporting the common efforts of the· two organi- zations directed towards a just and· fmal settlement of that problem. 276. The Indian Ocean, although it has been declaIed by the United Nations to be a "zone of peace", is today the scene of intense military activity. We are witnessing in this area a strengthening of naval fleets and military troops on the part of the great Powers. My Govemment again supports the efforts of the Organization, which should. lead to the holding of conferences so that the In- dian . Ocean might indeed become a genuine zone at: peace. We are convinced that the problenl0f the Com- orian island of Mayotte and that of the Glorieuses islands will soon be subject to positive and sincere negotiations 278. The activities of the Israeli Government, with its serious and repeated acts in violation of international peace and security, are making bad worse, instead of helping to create a climate favourable to constructive ne- gotiations in the quest for conditions for a lasting and final peace in that important part of the world. The bomb- ing of Tamuz in Iraq, the bombing of civilian populations in Beirut in Lebanon, bear the marks of the determination of a Government wrongly bent on practising a no-holds- barred policy. 279. The case'of Kampuchea is typical of the present crisis in international relations. In the face of all the facts, some Member States still want the world to believe that the people of Kampuchea never wished to rid itself, at all costs, of the Pol Pot dic~atorship. It is obvious to my del- egation that the inappropriate representation of Kam- puchea at the United Nations serves as nothing more than a pretext to facilitate an intolerable interference in the in- ternal affairs of that country and to delay as much as possible the dawning of an era of fraternal peace and co- bperation in South-East Asia. 280. The orchestrated campaign round the so-called rebel bands which are being armed in full view of the whole world to fight the legal Government of Kampuchea are contrary to all the rules of international law. The Gov: ernment of the People's Republic of Kampuchea is not only exercising effective authority over the whole national territory, but has since the beginning of the new Republic begun to rebuild the country on the ashes of the genocide perpetrated by Pol Pot. My country hopes that the peoples of South-East Asia who, throughout their long and glorious history, have given so many examples of wisdom and political courage to the world, will regain control of themselves and work henceforth in the quest for peaceful solutions to the disputes which are momentarily setting them one against the other. ' 281. As regards Korea, here also we fail to see the grounds for a policy of maintaining the division of this great people into two parts, North Korea and South . Korea. Congo has always maintained that the United Na- tions should work towards the creation of conditions lead- ing to a dialogue, free from any foreign pressures, be- tween the two parts of Korea. We note that recently'there has been a renewal of terror in South Korea against pa- triots who are in favour of.the independence and peaceful reunification of that gre~t country. There must be an end to any foreign interference in the affairs of Korea so that its people may embark upon the pall} of fraternal and con- structive dialogue. 282. lWenty years ago the First Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries met at Belgrade and proclaimed that active international co-oper-· 284. The developing countries, whieh have been fully exposed to the harmful consequences of a particularly un- just order, have for some years been calling for the de- mocratization of international economic relations. Yet those demands are far from being unattainable. Perhaps we could recall a few aspects of the approach of the de- velopingcountries, which might be summed up in the following manner. 285. .First, the required improvement in international trade relations must include the necessary stability in the terms of trade, particularly those for primary commodities and a preferential access by the developing countries to the markets of the industrialized countries. 286. Secondly, we must regulate the flow of foreign pri- vate capital and increase the favourable consequences of that flow. Here we come to the question of restricting the activities of transnational corporations and the transfer of technology. 287. Moreover, it is absolutely necessary··that· the vicious circle of aid and indebtedness be broken in at least two concomitant ways. In the first place, the devel- oping countries must be provided with an inflow of offi- cial capital and, above all, the developed countries must meet their commitment to devote at least 0.7 per cent of their gross national product to development assistance. Some developed countries have already understood that, as shown by the recent position taken in that respect by the new French Government. We commend that Govern- ment and urge other developed countries to exert some effort in that direction. In the second place, there must be a moratorium on the debts of the developing countries, which are being literally crushed by the servicing of those debts. Lastly, there must be a democratization of the inter- national monetary system and the decision-making appa- ratus of certain international institutions. 288.. As can be noted, those measures contain nothing more than a proposal that the wealthy countries should further concern themselves more with the problems of hunger and poverty throughout the world instead', for ex- ample, of throwing themselves headlong into the un- bridled arms race, which is. now swallowing up almost $550 billion a year, and which is continually. perfecting armaments ·fOf the apocalypse-weapons of mass destruc- tion which w01,lld destroy all of mankind, such as the neutron bomb, which has been condemned by the over- whelming majority of international public opinion. If only $20 billion annually were devoted to development, who could deny the impact that such a commitment might have on the economy of the countries of the periphery? 289. After a longperiod of confrontation and sterile in- vectives, the North-South dialogue seems today to be giv- ing rise to some cautious optimism. This year, the sched- 290. All that activity is designed to attempt to get the North-South global negotiations under way. No doubt that is a complex area, in which each camp must rise above its self-interests, and where there are at present no grounds for optimism. But what leader, what statesman could re- main deaf to that siren call of history to take.part in an endeavor to build a more just, fraternal new world? 291. The time has come for my delegation to congratu- late most sincerely the Secretary-General, whose dedica- tion'to the cause of peace and the well-being of nations, both large and small, is praiseworthy. 292. The best way to exorcise old ghosts is to draw up as complete a list of them as possible so as to know what to expect. That is what we have attempted to do in the course of this statement. 293. At a time when great storms are rising on the hori- zon, we must, all of us together, once and for all, re- examine the causes of the dangers wQich threaten interna- tional peace. The Organization has urgent duties to dis- charge, crucial problems to solve and dangers to avoid. Let us help it in' good faith through our devotion to the cause of peace-a peace which must become the decisive foc~l point of international life.

I shall now give the floor to several representatives who have asked to speak in exercise of the right to reply.

Unfortunately my delegation finds itself obliged to exercise the right of reply in order to clarify some facts. . 296. As has become customary each year, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Democratic Yemen this' morning [l9th meeting] presented a distorted picture of the posi- tion in our region. One of his misrepresentations was the claim that the Sultanate of Oman has made its territory available for the establishment of American bases. 297. Oman has repeatedly declared that it "{ill never al- low any country to establish foreign bases on 1~ territory. Such declaration stems from the clear-cut policy' pursued -. 298. Everyone knows that the regime of Aden has agreed to make Democratic Yemen available for the in- stallation of a huge base for the Soviet Union, from which it seeks to implement its designs for the domina- tion of oil sources and waterways and for infiltrating the region. The pact signed recently by Democratic Yemen and some other countries in the presence of a representa- tive from that super-Power provides for the evidence of the continuance of this conspiracy and of its growth. 299. The Sultanate of Oman is not linked to any big Power by treaties whil~h are ostensibly meant for friend- ship and co-operation but which, in reality, are meant to carry out acts of subversion and exploitation, as is the case with the Government of Democratic Yemen. 300. The representative of that regime should first get rid of his country's alignment with the Eastern bloc and work for the liquidation of all foreign bases on its terri- tory if he is really serious with regard to his proposal for a summit conference of the States of the Gulf, the Arab peninsula and the Horn of Africa.

In his state- ment in the general debate on 22 September [7th meet- ing], the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Argentina re- ferred to the negotiations concerning the Falkland Islands and their dependencies'which have beeil taking place be- tween the Governments of Argentina and the United Kingdom with the participation of representatives of the inhabitants of the Falkland Islands. My Government is in- deed taking part in these negotiations. But we cannot ac- cept that there is a situation of "illegal occupation". The United Kingdom has no doubt abOut its sovereignty· over the Falkland Islands and the Falkland Island dependen- cies. The Government of the United Kingdom neverthe- less wishes to see the dispute resolved peacefully by way of negotiations. The Falkland Islanders, who are nearly all of British descent but know no other home than the is- lands where they and their ancestors were born, have the right to determine theiir own future in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations. We shall continue the pro- cess of negotiation, forgetting neither the Falkland Is- landers' interests, which have already been recognized in previous resolutions of the Assembly, nor their wishes.

The speakers who from this rostrum referred to the question of Western Sahara unanimously hailed the efforts on this subject by the Of-\.U since the eighteenth session of its Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment, held at- Nairobi. These efforts were aimed ata set- tlement in keeping with justice·and law. Morocco played a part in order to facilitate the task of the OAU. Those same speakers offered encouragement from their respec- tive Governments to the Implementation Committee on Western Sahara to press ahead witll the mission entn1sted to it by that session. 303. The President of the Republic of Kenya and current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Govern- ment underscored from this very rostrum [llth meeting] 304. I would remind the representative of Burundi that the so...called front which he supports has had its day. If I am not to accuse him of naivety, I wonder whether he has not deliberately lent himself to a manoeuvre to hamper the ongoing procedure, in. which he is playing the role of a verbal mercenary. At all events, I deplore the fact that one of Africa's sons is to be found among the ranks of its enemies.

As a developing country, Venezuela pre- fers to use this'rostrum to express the aspirations of our sister States in the third world, to denounce injustices and inequitie~ which characterize international relations and to point out, criticize and confront the policies of great Po\'Vers which endanger world peace. We prefer to use this rostrum to talk about peace, democracy, social justice and the new international economic order. 306. We regret to have this confrontation with official representatives of a sister State. However, the insulting and excessive rhetoric used last week by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cuba [l2th meeting], and repeated on successive' occasions to a point of boredom by other spokesmen of his delegation, compels us to respond in order to make clear some matters regard- ing the anti:-Venezuelan paranoia of the Government of that country. 307. In the 1960s, on Venezuelan territory, the sign~. failure of Cuban interventionism occurred. At that time" the Govemment of Cuba trained, financed and equipped guerrillas and terrorists in Venezuela, but its political and military defeat was calamitous. Other attempts'were made in Latin America and the Caribbean with identical results. 308. Venezuela undoubtedly spells trouble for any coun- try which wishes to attack it. It is a peaceful developing country concerned with the problems of developing coun- tries, but it has hopes and optimism with regard to the future-because its fate does nor depend on the whims of a Messianic leadership but on the freely expressed will of the people, as it has no apparatus of terror intimidating and silencing those who venture to differ from official opinion. 309. Those attacking V.enezuela are the very ones who are taking advantage of the highest positions in the non- aligned movement to support and to applaud the occupa- tion of non··aligned countries by foreign troops and who are ready io approve of similar events elsewhere. TIlose attacking Venezuela are the very ones who pride them- selves on haVing the only constitution in Latin America and the Caribbean to contain a declaration of loyalty to a super-Power. At the same time they seek to convince us that they are genuinely non-aligned. 310. Those who lyrically quote and requote poets in the Assembly are the very ones who represent a country in 312. Venezuela is committed to co-operation and inter- national solidarity, as reflected in our actions in interna- tional organizations and in specific programmes of co-op- eration with sister States with different political and social systems because we are not trying to impose our values, ideas and policies on anybody. 313. Venezuela is a country with frontiers open to its citizens. Venezuela is a country where hundreds of thou- sands of citizens from various parts of the world have settled and found freedom and opportunities for progress. Can the same be said by those who speak on behalf of a country whose citizens flee by the thousands because they prefer the bitterness of exile to political oppression, social decomposition, spiritual discouragement and intellectual sterility? 314. These are the differences for which those who have attempted to destroy Venezuelan democracy cannot forgive our country. As R6mulo Betapcourt ~ai~, Venezuela is strengthened and encouraged by the patrtotlc solidarity of the leaders and the democratic parties-those in the Government and those· in the opposition-and of its representative social organizations, its armed forces and the whole population.

The statement by the representative of the Hanoi authorities before the Assembly yesterday [l7th meeting] on the sit- uation in South-East Asia and in Kampuchea constitutes without question a masterpiece of mystification and per- fidy in the annals of the Organization. Only the Viet- namese expansionists, spokesmen and agents of the ex- pansionist super-Power are capable of making up such a feat of skill which, for that matter, is reversing the situa- tion and the roles. 316. First, with reference to the situation in Kampuchea and in South-East Asia, the Hanoi expansionists have the outrageous impudence to attribute the cause of the present tension in South-East Asia and the escalation. of the war in Kampuchea and at the Kampuchean-Thai border to a so-called Chinese threat against what they hypocritically call the Indo-Chinese States. In fact, all countries which love peace and justice the world over are perfectly aware that the present situation in South-East Asia, fraught with serious threats to international peace and security, resulted from the war of. aggression and of occupation of Kampu- chea by Viet Nam. For almost three years over 250,000 soldiers and 50,000 civilian agents have been systemat- ically engaged in the policy of Vietnamization of Kampu- chea and genocide of our people by every means at their disposal, including starvation and chemical weaPQns. 317. Today it is the same Vietnamese army stationed in Kampuchea which continues to launch aggressive attacks against Thailan~, whose sovereignty an'! security have 318. Today the world is aware that, in order to achieve its expansionist ainbition in South-East Asia, Viet Nam has already mortgaged its own independence and accepted to serve the global strategy of the expansionist super- Pow~r in Asia and the Pacific. This global strategy aims at dominating South-East Asia, and the South Pacific and, .in particular, at controlling the Strait of Malacca, which links the South Pacific to the Indian Ocean. Today the world is also aware that the expansionistsuper-Power's navy, including the nuc.1ear warships based in Cam Ranh, central Viet Nam, 4,000 kilometres from its original base at Vladivostok, can already reach the Indian Ocean in 24 hours, whereas it used to take more than a week: Its war- ships-not only those camouflaged as fishing boats- pass through the Strait of Malacca at the rate of onoe a day. They are ploughing the seas of the region. The air- craft-carrier Minsk has even moved into the Gulf of Siam. Moreover, its military aircraft take off from Danang and other air bases in Viet Nam and crisscross the skies of South-East Asia. There is therefore no doubt as. to where the threats are coming from. 319. Secondly, as regards the roles in the tragic situa- tion prevailing- in Kampuchea and in South-East Asia, the Vietnamese expansionists, with a rare impudence com- bined with unbounded perfidy, have presented as reaction- aries, imperialists, hegemonists, warmongers and those responsible for the deteriorating situation in South-East Asia the very countries which love peace and justice and support the just struggle of our people for their indepen- dence and survival and for the defence of the international order based on respect of the right and sacred principles of the Charter of the United Nations and those of the non- aligne-d movement. 320. By the same token, the Vietnamese expansionists have the impudence and rudeness to treat as a crude polit- ical plot the International Conference on Kampuchea, in which an overwhelming majority of the Members of the Organization participated when it was held here last July. 321. In this 'regard, we should like to remind the Viet- namese expansionists that since theirs is a lost cause, there is no point in their insUlting the international com- munity and the Organization, for such abuses can in the end neither cover up their war of aggression in Kam- puchea and their expansionist aims in South-East Asia nor change the true nature of the Vietnamese regime in Phnom Penh, which is nothing but the shadow of the Vietnamese troops of occupation. Quite the contrary, these foul and warlike manners achieve nothing but the further unmasking of the aggressive and expansionist na- ture of the Hanoi authorities and the impasse to which their aggression in Kampuchea has come, along witb the failure of their expansionist policy in South-East Asia, all thanks to the valiant struggle of the Kampucn.ean people and the international solidarity granted to that Sfp1gg1e at the United Nations and throughout the world. 323. My delegation thinks that it would have been better for the statemet by Democratic Yemen not to have in- cluded such falsehoods. It would have been more appro- priate for the Minister for Foreign Affairs to examine the foreign intervention and foreign domination to which his own country is subject, rather·than trying to insult others in order to cover up his country's involvement, which is well known to everybody. 324. Egypt, which has always opposed the establish- ment of foreign military bases on its territory, has empha- sized, and continues to emphasize its objection to the es- tablishment of such bases. That attitude stems from its policy as one of the pioneering countries of the non- aligned movement and from its eagerness to safeguard its independence and its full sovereignty over every inch of its land. 325. As Arab brothers, sharing a common destiny and a common objective, it behoves us to avoid such misrepre- sentations and to unify our ranks in th~~ service of the Arab nation.

My delegation would like to deny the alle:- gations made by the representatives of Oman and Egypt. Democratic Yemen has no Soviet bases on its territory. We cherish our friendship with the Soviet Union, a coun- try which stands on the side of the just struggle of the Arab peoples and seeks to serve the causes which cer- tainly were not served by the Camp David accords or by the declared policies of the Omani and Egyptian regimes. 327. We should like to reaffirm that the statement made this morning in the Assembly by my country's Minister' for Foreign Affairs was totally true.

When he spoke before the Assembly this morn- ing, my Minister for Foreign Affairs explained clearly and precisely the position of the delegation of Buruildi with regard to the question of Western Sahara. He did this in a dignified and responsible fashion. 329. The reaffirmation by any delegation of the right of the Sahraoui people to self-determination has always drawn the condemnation of the representative of Morocco. It is not our intention to disturb the serenity of these de- bates with polemics-.we shall .leave that to the represen- tative of Morocco. We shall therefore limit ourselves to reiterating my country's position in connection with the ques\.ion of Western Sahara. That position is in accord with the one so often reaffirmed both by the United Na- tions and by the OAU. We are sorry that it is not to Mo- rocco's taste. 330. We had hoped that Morocco would at least bring itself somewhat into line with earlier decisions taken by 331. I~-will soon be two years that Morocco has tried to close the file on Western Sahara. Rather than the referen- dum on self-determination advocated by the international community, Morocco is seeking to impose a so-called ref- erendum on confirmation of the "Moroccan nature" of Western Sahara. Its lack of success in that area impels us to point to the only escape open to it: simply. to leave it to the Sahraoui people to determine its own future freely, directly and without threats or intimidation. It is only when Morocco acts in accordance with those principles that the file wil~, finally be closed on Western Sahara. 332. We have always condemned all colonialism and all neo-colonialism, whatever their origins. The recoloniza- tion of Western Sahara will not have our blessing just because it is African. 333. With regard to the accusations made against my country, they are a part of the pack of lies on which the NarES . 2See Panama Canai Treaiies: Message from the President of the United States (Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, 1977), pp. 3-38. 3See Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.8l.I.20), annex I. 'Worth-South: A program for survival; report of the Independent Com- mission on International Development Issues, under the Chairmanship of . Willy Brandt (Cambridge, Massachusetts, The MIT Press, .1980). 'Subsequently adopted, in its revised form, as resolution 35/125.