A/36/PV.26 General Assembly

This afternoon the General Assembly ,will hear a statement by His Excelle~ey the Prime Minister of Thailand, General Prem Tinsulanonda. 2. On behalf of the General Assembly, it gives me great pleasure to welcome him to the United Nations and to invite him to address the General Assembly. 3. MI: TINSULANONDA (Thailand): It. is indeed a great personal privilege and honour for me to be the fIrst Prime Minister of Thailand to address this Assembly. I am here, on behalf of the' people of Thailand, to pay a deserving tribute to the United Nations and its achieve- ments. We do so under the compelling mandate of our history: the 1)istory of a sovereign nation with a long- standing commitment to the ideals of international peace, co-operation and harmony; a nation resolved to do its share and discharge its obligations as a responsible mem- ber of. the community of States, be they obligations to peace and security or obligations in the economic, social or humanitarian fIelds. Equally important, we are a nation truly thankful for the degree of international order thus far achieved in place of the anarchy which might otherwise have ensued, had it not been for the way that the United Nations, time and.time again, refused to yield with regard . to its principles. 4. Despite the inherent limitations that beset the Organ- ization at its present stage of development, the people of Thailanrl, as one of the peoples of the United Nations, joins me in reaffirming to you, Mr:. President, our con- tinuing commitment to the United Nations. We thank the Organization for its gJiding influence in the search for solutions to the problems in our region and for its crucial role in averting a major human tragedy' in oUt part of the world. Above all', we reaffIrm our faith 10 tl1~ purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and flEW YORK pledge our continuing co-operation with all peace-loving Member States and with the Organization. The people of Thailand says that with conviction and a clear mmdate from history. 5. On this occasion, therefore, I have the honour to convey to you my delegation's as well as my own warm greetings and sincere congratulations on your election to the high offIce of Presicient of this General Assembly. We are indeed fortunate to have presiding 'over our delibera- tions such an experienced diplomat and dedicated interna- tionalist as yourself, especially at a time of heavy sched- ules and diffIcult circumstances. We are also gratifIed to see a President who comes from a country with which Thailand entertains cordial relations and Which. is also a fellow Asian State and member of the third world. My delegation is confIdent that under your wise guidance our proceedings will be ft!lly successful. 6. I also wish to pay a warm tribute to Mr. RUdiger von Wechmar, President of the thirty-fIft¥, session, for his statesmanlike conduct of the procee.Lf~ngs of that session and of the special sessions. The Organization has wit- nessed an eventful year and has relied more than ever on the General Assembly as its forum for the consideration of various important issues. Mr. von Wechmar provided the requisite leadership and performed his duty with great distinction. He thus earned our profound gratitude. 7. The delegation of Thailand is highly gratifIed to see two new Member States at this session taking their right- ful places, namely, Belize and Vanuatu. We offer their respective delegations our sincere congratulations and wish to convey to their peoples our good wishes as well as the warm and friendly greetings of the people of Thailand. 8. The Organization is fortunate to have as its Secre- tary-General Mt: Kurt Waldheim, especially during the past year. His sensitive and skilful handling of world problems. as well as his dedicated efforts in administering the Orgwzation, have earned the deep respect and admi- ration of the Gove~ent and people of Thailand. 9. Despite his tireless endeavours, however, many criti- cal and complex issues persist in various·parts of the world. Even though there are certain matters which Gov- ernments in their wisdom have chosen to keep outside the purview of the United Nations, it would still be impossi- ble to enumerate all the weighty issues brought to the doorstep of the world Organization. A brief glance at the agenda will be suffIcient to provide some idea of the ex- pectations ~at the world has of the Organization aDd its Secretary-General. It may also be true to ';ay that many items remain on ilie agenda because they are intractable issues. This add~ not only to the burden of the Organiza- tion but also to a sense of frustration shared by us all. 11. Thailand wishes strongly to urge once again that the Western contact group renew its efforts to bring about an unconditional implementation of the United Nations plan on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). If a peaceful solution on the basis agreed upon by all'parties is further delayed, then the alternative of an intensified armed struggle, under the recognized leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], will gain credibility as the only viable solution. 12. Another problem which has been a matter of grave concern, to this Organization from the outset is the.:situa- tion in the Middle East. The seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly, held in July 1980, on the question of Pcl1estine, the recent air attacks on Iraq's nuclear facilities and on the population centres in Lebanon by Israeli war planes, and the protracted war between Iran and Iraq are further manifestations of the disturbing situation in the Middle East. The Palestinian people coptinue to suffer from denial of their right of self-determination, and brael continues to occupy Arab territOries and to disregard the relevant United Nations resolutions. Thailand joins the international community in reiterating its stand that' Israel must withdraw from the Arab territories which it has occupied since the 1967 war, and refrain, in the mean time, from all measures designed to perpetuate its presence. Thailand is convinced that a just and lasting solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict must be based on Security Council resolution 242 (1967), with due recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, as well as the undeniable right of Israel to exist. 13. Each of the foregoing situations has its origin in the denial of the right to self-determination of the Namibian people and of the Palestinian people, respectively. As long as the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Af- rica~ on the one hand, and of Arab territories by Israel, on the: other hand, are permitted to continue, a threat to international peace and security will exist. Major-Power rivalry will be exacerbated and will further complicate the search for a peaceful solution. Such situations may at 14. In two other crisis areas, namely, Afghanistan and Kampuchea, there are also constructive roles for smaller countries, especially those situated near the scenes of con- flict. 15. In Afghanistan, the situation directly involves 'a ma- jor Power, because of its armed intervention and occupa- tion of that country, which has in turn resulted in increas- ing tension and rivalry. While the Islamic countries seem fully intent on dampening down such rivalry, they are conscious of the real issue, namely, the foreign occupa- tion which deprives the Afghan people of their right to self-determination. Thailand's position is to support, wholeheartedly the right of the Afghan people to deter- mine their own future free from external interference and coercion. In this respect, Thailand joins in urging the complete withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan, as well as in calling on all concerned to respect the sov- ereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non- aligned status of Afghanistan. 16. In South-East Asia, the situation in Kampuchea continues to be of seriou~ concern not only to Thailand, which is in the front line, but also to the international community. The foreign invasion and illegal occupation of that non-aligned country have disrupted the growing co:,operatinn among the countries oCSouth-East Asia, and have led to a more intensified involvement and rivalry among the major Powers. It follows therefore that, so long as the Kampuchean problem remains unsolved, the· proposal of the five member countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] to establish a zone of peace in South-East Asial cannot be implemented. However, my delegation believes that it is not too late to try to reverse this unfortunate situation. That is why the ASEAN countries have made strenuous efforts, together with other peace-loving nations of the world, to bring. about a comprehensive peaceful settlement of the Kampu- ehean problem. 17. Thailand is indeed gi'atified at the outcome of the International Conference on Kampuchea, which was con- vened by the Secretary-General in New York in July of this year. : 18. The Conference adopted the Declaration on Kam- puchea and a resolution on Kampuchea,2 reaffIrming the fundamental principles, as well as providing a reasonable framework for a comprehensive political settlement, and outlining some modalities for achieving a just and durable solution of the Kampuchean problem. In the Declaration, adopted by consensus, the Conference took note of the serious intemational consequences of the situation in KaJIlpuchea, in particular the escalation of tension in South-E;ist Asia and major Power involvement as a result of this situation. The Conference stressed its conviction that the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Kampuchea. 21. One of the most tragic consequences of the conflict in Kampuchea, as well as the recent fIghting in other Indo-:-Chinese States, has been the Indo-Chinese refugee problem. Today, there are half a million Indo-Chinese dis- placed persons from Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam in the holding centres in Thailand and in encampments along the Thai-Kampuchean border. This human tragedy has caused much suffering and created both internal and external problems for Thailand as well. Thanks to interna- tional assistance, such problems have been somewhat al- leviated, but the unresolved situation calls for further as- sistance from the international communily. Thailand's economic and social circumstances will not permit its Government and people to carry this tremendous burden for an indefInite period of time. It should be recognized that the problem is one of internationaLconcern and its ultimate solution depends on a comprelle,nsive political settlement, particularly of the Kampuchean'·conflict. That is another reason why my Government ha~ spared no effort in trying to achieve a peaceful solution for Kampu- 22. Thailand's agreement to offer a temporary refuge to Iodo-Chinese displaced persons is a manifestation of its humane policies, which are evident in another important area, namely, its campaign to eradicate the problems of drug abuse and illegal trafficking in narcotics. Here, too, co-operation between Thailand and other countries in and outside the region is essential. The Royal Thai Govern- ment has, therefore, entered into agreements with the United Nations and other countries concerned in order to maximize the effect of its anti-narcotics programmes. Al- though there is relatively limited cultivation of the opium poppy in Thailand itself, my Government, which has been inspired by the projects of His Majesty the King, has un- dertakh~.n a large-scale crop-substitution programme in the hill-tribe areas of northern Thailand, with assistance and fmancial support from the United Nations and some friendly Governments. The real problem, however, is that of trafficking in heroin and other derivatives across dense jungles and rugged mountains into Thailand and beyond. It is not a simple matter for countries with limited re- sources to interdict traffic in narcotics in remote parts of their territories. However, international co-operation, as- sisted by the dedication and serious purpose of my Gov- ernment, has thus far yielded encouraging results and should therefore be further strengthened, in order to spare mankind the dangers of drug abuse. 23. The ability of smaller countries to carry out their well-meaning policies and programmes is circumscribed by their capacity to tackle the pressing economic and so- cial issues of the day. The plight of less developed coun- tries, which share similar problems and conditions, has long been on the world age'nda. Indeed, approximately 80 per cent of the entire budget of the United Nations system is devoted to tasks of economic and social dev~lopment. However, there are more than-SOO million people still liv- ing.in abject poverty on this planet, and the irony is that, by the end of the Third United Nations Development Decade, their number will have increased to over a bil- lion. 24. At the same time, annual world expenditure on weapons has risen to $500 billion and is showing no signs of abating. In this connection, my delegation hopes that the second special session of the General Assembly de- voted to disarmament, to be convened in June next year, will succeed in reaching some of its goals. 25. Rising expenditure on arms is symptomatic of a troubled world and the cnnsequent preoccupation with na- tional security. It is, therefore,imperative that the root causes of international conflicts must be· eliminated in order to less~n the inherent dangers and to release greater resources for constrUctive purposes. Among the basic tier. of intere3ts and concerns. In other words, reshaping a new economic framework demands an integrated and comprehensive approach. The Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order was adopted in recognition of the momeni:ous and dy- namic changes already influencing the entire international economic landscape. The new order was to effect such changes in a comprehensive and integrated manner, thereby attempting to ward off the: adverse consequences that disorderly changes would bring. 28. Nevertheless, the last of the diminishing oppor- tunities for a sustained and constructive dialogue on the global level between developed and developing countries was lost when efforts to launch a new round of global negotiations failed, both at the eleventh special session .and at the thirty-fifth session. Continued endeavours on the part of the Group of 77 and many of its friend8 to achieve some forward -movement have encountered vari- ous moves to procrastinate. _Resolution 34/138 was adopted by consensus in the Assembly two years ago. As of today, only a name-the United Nations conference for 30. It is our fervent hope that after the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, to be held soon at Cancun, all parties concerned will be more "Will- ing and ready to proceed with pending international nego- tiations and concrete actions in many forums, on such matters as dealiog with new and renewable sources of en- ergy on the basis of the Nairobi Programme of Action and the resolutions adopted by the United Nations con- ference in August this year,3 the question of science and technology for development and the pending issues at the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. In all these matters, my delegation wishes to urge the industrialized countries to heed the voice of reason and to have the necessary foresight so that they may see that all mankind will be the ultimate beneficiaries. The.world cannot survive a nuclear holocaust; nor can it survive a struggle of attrition between the rich minority and the overwhelming majority who are poor. The human com- munity must rise above the confines of self-interest. The United Nations can still ~ provide Governments with a useful forum as well as a framework not only for the tasks of identifying and focusing world attention on is- sues, but also for the search for peaceful solutions for such issues. Given the necessary goodwill and political will, States can overcome their differences in the interest of all. Thailand will not be found wanting in that regard. 31. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Arabic): On· behalf of the General Assembly, I tha~ the Prime Minis- ter of Thailand for the important statement he has just made.

Allow me at the outset, Mr. President, to extend my warm congratulations to you on your election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Your elec- tion undoubtedly demonstrates great confidence in .your abilities and wide expeiience, which qualify you to steer the work of the session to the success to which we all aspire. 33. I also wish to express my appreciation of the positive contribution made by your predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar; the representative of the Federal RepUblic of Germany, in guiding the proceedings of the preceding ses- sion. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a special tribute to the Secretary-General for his sin- cere, serious and unceasing efforts to enhance the role of the United Nations and its effectiveness in the mainte- nance of international peace and security and the attain- ment of justice for all peoples of the world. 34. My"delegation extends a warm welcome to the two new States, Belize and Vanuatu, on their admission to membership in the United Nations. Along with the rest of the Members. of this international Organization, we:hope 36. The heightening of rivalry among the big Powers, 'particularly between 'the Soviet Union and the United States, and the presence of their military fleets in the rn- dian Ocean and the Arabian Sea endanger the stability of our region and the independence of its States. Claims of the disruption of security and of the need for some sort of foreign military presence in that region are stark falsehoods and but a pretext for that presence. That pres- ence is not meant to protect the region and preserve its independence; rather, it is an attempt to draw closer to the locations of the, adversary. 37. Hence, we categorically reject these justifications. We are endeavouring to spare that region from becoming an arena for super-Power rivalry and thus to guarantee genuine security for ourselves. The recent meeting of the Gulf Arab States and their agreement to set up the Gulf Co-operation Council proves to the whole world that our States know their common interests best and are keener than all other parties on the maintenance of our security and stability. 38. My Government follows with deep sorrow the con- tinuance of the hostilities between two neighbours, Iraq and Iran, which it considers to be a bleeding wound af- flicting the whole region. We sincerely hope that the on- going hostilities will end as soon as possible so as to stop bloodshed and spare energy and efforts that oUg~l~ ZO be used for the reconstruction, development and weiLil'f. of the two States. We support a resumption of the (.n:~ceflll efforts of the Organization of the Islamic Conft:rence, the United Nations. and the non-aligned movement aimed at securing a cease-flIe between the two countries and re- solving their conflict peacefully. We sincerely hope that those eff<JIts will be crowned with success ·and will put an end to that war and thus ensure stability and peace in the area. 39. Needless to· say, security and stability in the Gulf area are organically linked to security in the Middle East, since the former is an integral part of the latter. Neither is it necessary to say that Palestine is at the core of the Mid- dle E~st question and, as a corollary, peace cannot be preserved in that sensitive region of the world without a just solution of that question. Such a solution is based on the right of the Palestinian people to return to its home- land and to exercise self-determination .ini~ national ter- ritory under the leadership of its sole ·legitimafe represen- tative, the Palestine Liberation Organization EP.f.O]. ' 40. Israel's uprooting of the Arab people of' Palestine from its homeland, which led to the dispersal of tbat peo- ple all over the world, its repi;;ated acts of aggression 41. We call on the United States of America, as a super- Power, to view this matter from the perspective of interna- tional peace. In its foreign relations, it should take into accodnt its interests which are linked with the Arab States in order to create parallel and balanced relations that will ultimately be conducive to the maintenance of peace and se.t;urity in that sensitive area of the world. Our goal is the achievement of a just peace in the Middle East mea, and the attainment of progress and prosperity so that its peoples will be able to contribute to the peace and wel- fare of the entire world. Inspired by that lofty goal, the State of Qatar subscribes to and unconditionally supports the initiative of Prince Fahd ibn Abdul Aziz,4 Crown Prince of the fraternal Kingdom of Saudi Arabia; aimed at resolving the Middle East question. It considers it to be a . positive basis for reaching a settlement and hopes that the international community will wholeheartedly support it for the sake of the maintenance of peace and security and the pursuit of world stability. 42. Proceeding from its belief in the right of peoples to self-determination and freedom, the State of Qatar re- affirms its call for the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan, for the exercise by the Afghan people of its right to self-determination, and for the free choice by that people of i~~' own system. 43. We stand by the Namibian people in the struggle it is waging for independence. The international community, in this connection, is called upon to assume its full re- sponsibility by applying pressure on the racist regime in South Africa to end its racist practices and by making it comply strictly ~ithUnited Nations resolutions,es- pecially Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We also stand by the majority of South Africa in its struggle. We denounce the racist .practices and the policy of apartheid systematically pursued by the present racist regime, as well as that regime's continued acts of aggression against neighbouring J\frican States. Sanctions must be imposed on this repugnant racist regime. 44. The situation in South-East Asia is still a cause for concern. That region is one of the volatile hotbeds of the international community. The situation in Kampuchea re- mains critical; it requires an acceptable solution wIi.ich~ we maintain, should be determined by the Kampuchean people itself, free from outside interference. . . 45. Similarly, the Korean question-' should be resolved through dialogue- between the parties, without any inter- ference or intervention whatsoever. 47. The international community has long looked for- ward to a comprehensive convention organizing relations between States on all issues relating to the seas. We are grateful that the Organization has adopted this idea and has made painstaking efforts to draft such a convention. After those long and painstaking efforts, it was envisaged that the convention would be concluded this year. How- ever, the new United States administration changed its delegation to the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. The new delegation has expressed a de- sire to review and assess the articles of the convention, and consequently its signing has been delayed. i\ 48. My delegation is hopeful that the review process wiII not be a long one and that agreement on the conven- tion will be reac~led at the next session of the Conference due to be held in New York in March 1982, for that con- vention would be conducive to the common good of all the peoples of the earth. 49. The international community is confronted today with a major challenge, manifested in its efforts to grap- ple with present economic crises. Those efforts require, in the first place, agreed clear-cut identification of the ma- jor international economic problems, to be followed by common and concerted efforts on the part of the interna- tiona~ community to face those crises and to establish programmes and formulate adequate proposals to resolve them. 50. The State of Qatar wishes once again to draw atten- tion in this forum to the negative economic implications for the developing countries of the present economic"pol- icies of the developed countries in the fields of interna- tional trade and ,finance. Foremost among those implica- tions are the balance-of-payments deficits suffered by the majority of developing countries, internal financial im- balances, increasing grinding inflation and the deteriora- tion of the unemp~oyment problem. and the food crisis. 51. The international community must agree ·on the fact that the continuing deterioration of economic conditions in the developing countries will undoubtedly have nega- tive implications for the economies of the developed countries themselves. " 52. Tne flow of assistance and loans from the developed to the developing countries generally falls short at present of the target set by the United Nations. 53. While acceptance at the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, held in Pari~ last month, of the principle of the doubling of the develop- ment assistance provided to the least developed countries by some developed countries is gratifying,· the needs of the developing countries far exceed the assistance they re- ceive. 54. The State of Qatar views the loss of economic sta- bility in the international arena as a real threat to peace and security in many regions of the globe. It is imperative to resume the North-South dialogpe in order to establish a new international economic order based on justice and .equity, on emergence fr()m· the' present economic crisis, .' 63. Among the public works undertaken, I should like to mention the start of the fi~t stage of the national pe- ripheral highway, a project intended to give our country an extensive network of first-class roads, and the con- struction of hydroelectric plants, provincial hospitals, schools, low-cost housing, health centres, sports faciHties and a modem port on the Pacific Ocean. t • < /7 56. Before concluding, I wish to express the hope that when we next meet here many of the achievements to which we aspire will have been realized. We wish to see a world in which love, peace and stability prevail. 57. Mr. CASTILLO-VALDES (Guatemala) (interpreta- tion from Spanish): On behalf of the Guatemalan delegation, I am happy to congratulate Mr. Kittani on his election as President of the General Assembly for its thirtyrsixth session. 58. I also wish to express my satisfaction at the work dO'3e by his predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany, who made a valuable con- tribution to the achievements of the preceding session. 59. My delegation joins in the expressions of apprecia- tion addressed to the Secretary-General who, with his wide experienc~ of international affairs, has so efficiently carried out his tasks. 60. My delegation considers it important to explair. in this world forum the philosophy that inspires Guatemala in establishing its objectives and goals in all matters, and to report on its positive and negative experiences; its ac- complishments and aspirations; the infrastructure that it has created; its attention to moral, cultural and spiritual matters; the principles and values which inspire its inter- national policy; its thinking in reference to the new inter- national order which the international community is trying to establish; and its position in regard to the problems of international trade. It wishes in this manner to show the world how a d~veloping country is capable of making progress, when its people have the determination to ad- vance it in all respects. 61. The people and the Government of Guatemala, pre- sided over by Mr. Fernando Romeo Lucas Garcfa, are continuing to undertake a series of projects aimed·at ac- celerating Guatemala's harmonious and integral develop- ment, with respect both to its infrastructure and to meet- ing its ,people's cultural and spiritual needs. 62. Those projects are being carried out through the efforts of the Guatemalan people themselves; their con- ception, design and planning are based on the real needs of the country and the particular character of its people. 76. This far-reaching national literacy plan is being fi- nanced with national resources. 77. The ph110sophy underlying the national limracy plan is based on the conviction that the elimination of illiteracy is the road by which every individual can gain access to the heritage of knowledge available to mankind, and by which each society can acquire a command of kno-wledge which it can put to use in the fulfilment of its basic aspi- rations. 78. The process of eliminating illiteracy is possible only to the extent to which a coherent initiative is undertaken which integrates the achievement of adult literacy into the general schooling of our youth, within an over-all frame- work of permanent education. 79. An enterprise of such magnitude as the national lit- eracy plan involves a vigorous mobilization of national energy. In this sense, the people of Guatemala are ac- tively co-operating in its success, and their efforts are all the more praiseworthy in that, having overcome the prob- lems inherent in a programme of such wide scope, they have achieved notable results. 80. This year, our national budget revenues and expen- ditures amount to 1,200 million quetzales, equivalent to $1,200 million, and 5: ,er cent of the budget-.664 mil- lion quetzales-is allocated· directly to public investment. In view of the great investment effort which such disburse- ment requires in an economy such as ours, we have had $211 million in external resources, which indicates that external fmancing accounts for 17.5 per cent of Guatemala's annual budget. 81. The energy sector continues to be one of the most important areas of public investment, .in an effort to meet the growing energy needs of the productive activities in the courtry and of projects which contnoute to the coun- try's economic and social development. 82. With reference to hydrocarbons, support continues to be given to oil exploration and exploitation activities. 83. Guatemala's oil production is approximately 6,650 barrels per day. Last Yf:ar's production reached a volume of somewhat over 1.3 million barrels, of which 539,000 barrels were used for internal consumption and 781,000 were exported. 84. Since Guatemalan oil production is modest, and lower than the requirements to meet its own needs, Guatemala continues to be an oil-importing country; hence it has also been affected economically by the fre- quent and immoderate rises in the price of that fuel. Therefore, we are preparing to reduce the negative impact of this phenomenon by construction of the Chulac, Chixoy and Aguacapa hydroelectric projects. 85.· The Chulac project will have an installed capacity of 440 megawatts which will enable us to reduce our depen- dence on oil, since it will add 1,742 million kilowatts of energy to the r.'.tional ehictricity system, replacing 86. The Aguacapa hydroelectric plant will have an in- stalled capacity of 90 megawatts, with an annual produc- tion of 390 million kilowatts, which will replace 930,000 barrels of~a. year. The total cost of this hydroelectric pl~P is $170 million, and it will begin operations this month. 87. The Chixoy hydroelectric plant will have an in- stalled cap~ity of 300 megawatts, with a total annual production of 1,590 kilowatts, enabling us each year to save 3,780,000 barrels of oil. The cost of this project, which is scheduled to begin operations in June 1982, is $630 million. 88. A hydr6electric study of the Usumacinta River was begun <turing the last third of 1980, in conjunction and co~ordimltion with similar studies of that nver being car- ried out by the Mexican Government, in order to deter- mine the del..irability of bilateral use of its waters to gen- erate electric poweL 89. Also, for the same purpose of solving the problem of our dependence on foreign supplies of hydrocarbons, we are promoting the development of geothermal projects and special attention is being given to the search for alter- natives to conventional energy sources-that is, to new and renewable sources. 90. Throughout the world there are large quantities of organic waste, both animal and vegetable. Since 1952, research work has been done in. Guatemala on the anaer- obic fermentation process to produce gas fuel-biogas- and high-quality organic fertilizer. ." 91. The Latin American Energy Organization [OLADE] has recognized that Guatemala is a pioneer in the devel- opment of biogas ill America, and our progress has been favourably compared with and is perhaps superior to that achieved bv countries with more exoerience. 92. Guatemalan t~chnicians are also participating in the development of an anaerobic system in the United States. In 198C, OLADEused the Guatemalan syst~m, making it available to all the countries in the region. In 1981, the largest biogas plant in e,£istence in Latin America started operations in Guatemala. 93. Thus Guatemala is making great efforts to reduce its dependence on foreign fuels, not only through the con- struction of large hydroelectric complexes, but also by utilizing its own natural resources and applying tech- nology suited to our environment to make use of the new and renewable energy sources with which we have been endowed by nature. 94. My country places all of this experience at the serv- ice of mankind. 95. Sports, which in Guatemala operate with complete autonomy, continues to receive all possible aid from the Government of the Republic, so that our Guatemalan youth may derive physical and, spiritual benefits from sports activities, thus contribu~ng to the growth of our .country. 100. Within this context, Guatemala's international pol- icy is totally in keeping with its national policy since in- ternally we aspire to attain the same noble objectives. Conser~uently, Guatemala'S' international policy is pro- foundly nationalistic, essentially democratic, fraternally Centra~ American, absolutely sovereign, firmly based on solidarity in the regional sphere, comprehensive and real- istic in the face of the crucial problems confronting man- kind and based on active participation i~ the "earch for the most adequate solutions 13 those problems. 'fbe char- acteristics of our international policy are honesty, sov- ereignty, consistency, respect, conciliation, dignity and pragmatism. 101. It is by applying such principles and these charac- teristics of Guatemalan international policy that we sup- port ilh~ pos~tion ot . \,' R~~' : lie of Korea. We believe that the Korean queo:tllon sho.Jld be left to the Koreans themselves, who should find an independent and p~aceful solution thereto, and also that the United Nations could contribute to creating a propitious climate for the renewal of inter-Korean talks, that is,' direct negotiations between the two KoreMl parties. 102. Guatemala believes that the new international order will not become a reality unless it is based on interna- tional social justice. The fundamentals of the new interna- tional order, of which the economic aspect is but a part, express a well-intentioned concept of the objectives to be achieved, but which so far have remained mere aspira- tions. 103. In our opinion, the establishment of a new interna- tional order should take into account not only political and economic factors but also social and cultural prob- lems, since the· injustices of the present international sys- tem are I19t limited to economic relations, international trade or monetary problems but also involve living.condi- tions, health and education, as well as cultural and spir- itual needs. 106. Those values should be approached on a twofold basis: on the one hand from the angle of recognition of the interdependence of the world in terms of the diversity of its peoples, races and c;ultures, and on the other from the angle of the affirmation of the will for peaceful coex- istence' felt not only as a necessity but as a destiny to be forged for all and as a responsibility to the future of the human species. 107. It is not possible, therefore, to uphold the idea that underdevelopment is a mere retardation that can be over- come by means of a linear recuperation process in the context of the world economy, since the establishment of a new international order consists precisely in the adop- tion of a set of measures that will permit the ~dvent of effective international co-operation. 108. Hence it is necessary for the countries themselves to choose ways and means of development according to their own creative capabilities and in conformity with the values that are inherent in them, reaffIrming their own identity and thus ~ontributing to the effective establish- ment of relations of equality among nations that are fully responsible for their own destiny. 109. The new international order should lead to a new human order based on freedom, justice and equity, on the , elimination of inequality among countries, on mutual un- derstanding, on co-operation in the great tasks that are common to mankind and on the participation of all in well-being, education, knowledge and culture. 110. The establishment of a new international order de- mands the creation of relationships based on the principle of the juridical equality of States. A country's con- sciousness of its own identity is one of the factors that strengthens, most its position in international dialogue. Rn: from being an isolating factor, the affmnation of its idio- syncracy is, on the contrary, the very basis for participa- tion in exchanges in which each country's full rights are recognized. 111. Guatemala believes that any reform in the structure of international trade must be based on the fundamental premise that the present trade mechanisms are defective and distorted. Such mechanisms make it impossible for the developing countries to obtain a fair price for their exports. Furthermore, they tend to maintain unchanged the difficulties of access to markets in industrialized coun- tries. Then our basic products become subjef:t to cyclic fluctuations, which jeopardize not only ~dequate re- ~uneration for. agricultural activities but also~t"e interna- tional liquidity of our economy. -', , . 112. Economic relations and the general standarMs that should govern world trade, especially in the field of raw materials, trade in manufactured goods, the transfer of 115. What the underdeveloped countries claim in the in- ternational economic forum, in order to have abetter bal- anced and just international trade, may be summarized in the following aspirations: remunerative prices for our ex- ports; guarantee of access for our exports to the markets of the industrialized countries; removal of tariff and non- tariff barriers, as well as protectio:list measures; and pre- vention of the constant increase in prices of the products we import in order to halt deterioration of the terms of trade. - 116. Guatemala reiterates once again its protest before the international community of the action by the United Kingdom in unilaterally granting independence to Belize and its absolute rejection of that action, by which the United Kingdom is attempting to evade its obligations as a party in a controversy subject to the processes of peace- ful solution proclaimed by the Charter of the United Nations. 117. The origins of the dispute are well known. With the achievement of independence by Guatemala in 1821, the territories between the rivers Hondo, Nuevo, Belize and Sibun, that Spain had ceded to Great Britain in 1783 and 1786 for the sole purpose of ,exploiting their lumber resources, under prohibition not to erect any type of for- tification or to create permanent facilities of any kind came under the sovereignty of Guatemala. 118. The weakness of Guatemala as a new State was taken advantage of by Great Britain which consolidated its dominion over the region it had only in usufruct-, limited to less than 6,000 square kilometers-and ex- tended it by force towards the south in Guatemalan ter- ritory between the Sibun and Sarstoon rivers-an exten- sion of more than 15,000 km2-expelling Guatemalan dwellers and preventing by force the exercise of sov- ereignty over the territory, to which Guatemala was en- titled on the day of its independence from Spain on 15 September 182~. To validate this illegal possession, Great Britain coerced Guatemala into subscribing to a treaty in 1859, the so-called "limits Treaty", and disguised a ter- ritorial concession in exchange for benefits and compen.. sations which never materialized. Ever since, Guatemala has been claiming the return of the usurped territory. 119. It is worth while recalling the backgrounG to the dispute so that it will at no time be believed that Guatemala is abus4,tg Belizean weakness in trytng to re- cover a territory which is rightfully Guatemal&i. The con- 120. Guatemala has widely and undeniably demon- strated its vocation for peace and its respect for the in- stitutions of international law. The dispute was subject to direct negotiations between the parties and, as a result, on 11 March this year in London we subscribed to the Heads of Agreement, the clear text of which, without ambigu- ities, as was unanimously agreed, would lead to the final solution of the controversy. We also agreed that such a fmal solution was desirable in order to stabilize relations of every kind in the northern region of Central America, and also permanently to protect international peace and security. However, when we tried to bring up to the level of a treaty what had been agreed to in the Heads of Agreement, we found distorted interpretations, changes of attitude and a wish to minimize and transform the clear text of the Heads of Agreement, arguing-and this is something unbelievable in relations between States-that the Heads of Agreement could not be met strictly, and that their literal application was not acceptable, but rather that it was necessary to renegotiate, reinterpret and, sur- prisingly, to make a radical modification in the treaties. 121. This .change of attitude, this disregard for the pledge given, was never explained or justified. It was barely mnted that, the local government of Belize having offered to submit any covenant to a referendum, this must be avoided because the Government would probably. be rejected in their proposals and might lose power. 122. The Uraited Kingdom has also said at this General Assembly that, the present local government of Belize having been re-elected through almost two decades, and one of the points in their platform being independence, it should be inferred that there had been a sufficient act of self-determination by the people of Belize. Undoubtedly, this has been a contrivance, as many others by the United Kingdom, cunning and with the appearance of truth, but it is a total fallacy. The people of Belize have not been summoned formally t{\ determine freely, as would be proper, their own futule;- and the people of Belize, or most of them, have never been in agreement with this independence imposed up-nn them to satisfy the designs of the United Kingdom to avoid its responsibilities in this dispute. 123. Thus, it is clear that it cannot be said, by any stretch of the imaginati\lIl, that there has been in Belize an act of self-detennination with due consultation of the people. What occurred is merely a skilful use of words by the United Kingdom, which gave the name of self-deter- mination to local elections detennining questions of im- mediate concern, and where there was no statement what- soever about the independence of Belize. 124. The United Nations, which was created, and in particular the Security Council, to maintain international peace and security. and to prom~te the peaceful solution of ~~:sputes among States by means of the different mech- .. 125. Guatemala solemnly reiterates that the indepen- dence of Belize is unlawful, that it does not recognize such a State, which does not have as its borders the lines maintained by the British ocupation forces. Nor does Guatemala recognize it as an integral part of Central America or as a member of the United Nations, nor'will Guatemala recognize its sovereignty or territorial integ- rity, as long as the dispute between Guatemala and the United Kingdom in relation to the territory of Belize is not solved through the peaceful means established in the Charter of the United Nations. 126. For Guatemala, the lines maintained at the present time by British military forces, or in the future by any unforeseeable combination of forces, are not borderlines. The territorial controversy continues unresolved. This uni- lateral independence is totally irrelevant to the uSl;lrpation and plundering suffered by Guatemala and therefore is de- spicable and fallacious. We will maintain peace, but our claims and our search for justice continue, now empha- sized by this new British mockery. 127. In view of the foregoing, we now state and cate- gorically reiterate the broadest and most express reserva- tion of all rights by the Republic of Guatemala over the territory of Belize. There has been no action whatsoever capable of changing the statement contained in our Con- stitution, since the only holder of sovereignty Qver that territory is the people of Guatemala. 128. Guatemala, as I have said, firmly maintains as a basis of its foreign policy an attitude of brotherliness with regard to Central America and everything affecting it. Historically, the five' countries of the Isthmus have kept bonds and links that have been such as to make us all partners in the same destiny, so that whatever occurs in one of the sister nations has immediate repercussions on the other four. 129. These singular relationships of affective interests do not rest solely upon memories of our common past; they answer to geographical realities and simi13rities of need in the light of the imperatives of development. The idea lives, then, not merely in words in some constitu- tional document, but it has been transformed into a field of action of our economic growth. Prosperity and devel- opment in one of the five Central American nations can- not be conceived of without some degree of development and prosperity in the others. Equally,. theJ;e cannot be de- pression and suffering in one of the five countries that in some degree will not affect the other four. 130. One of the highest expressions of a common ideal in Central America has always been our rejection of for- eign interference. Central American life is full of the scars left on our peoples at the hands of strangers. In the seventeenth century, they were English, French and Dutch pirates and buccaneers. In the eighteenth century, they 131. If it seems that the ideal of Central American fra- ternity has disappeared in some areas, we well know that in one way or another it will not be long in reappearing, and with new drive. The crucible of the struggle of our peoples to overcome their disadvantages and to improve their standards of living forges new men who will be the bearers of the Central American ideal. 132. At the present" time, the Central American ideal takes second place in the presence of the emergencies and needs that gave rise to the terrible and extended violence in Central America. Much of the struggle would .cease if it were not encouraged. supported and equipped from out- side. Mistaken feelings of solidarity and sympathy lead to meddling and threaten to turn our countries into testing grounds for weaPons and ideologies. The cessation of all intervention in the five countries of Central America would not end that violence altogether but it would give the peoples of Central America an opportunity to defend their national values and bring them to fulfilment and to achieve a just peace in keeping with our spiritual, social, political and economic needs. 133. Guatemala has faith in mankind, in the values that represent its greatest.aspirations and in the international community as represented by this Organization, which in order to meet it goals and objectives should endeavour to ensure that all Member States act with the same sincerity , and wholeheartedness as that with which my country acts-my country which, as a founding Member of the United Nations, has always made its juridical and politi- cal contribution towards fulfilment of the principles and purposes of the Charter. 134. The people of Guatemala is noble, dignified, hon- est and hard-working, mature in civic matters, determined to maintain its values untouched and its demc)!;t·'tic way of life, a people proud of its Maya-Quich~ ancestry, a people which bases its life on freedom, justice and equal- ity of opportunity for all, conscious of the difficulties it must overcome to advance in its development process and optimistic about its destiny and its future. , 135. MI: TUENI (Lebanon) (interpretation from Arabic): Lebanon is particularly pleased whenever another small State is admitted to the United Nations. I should like to welcome Vanuatu and Belize, whose citizens .include communities of Lebanese origin of whom we',~ very proud. . . 136. I should like also at the beginning of this statement to pay tribute to the outgoing President, Mr. Rfidiger von Wechmar, who imparted a new spirit of discipline to the 137. Rarely has the election to the office of the Presi- dent of the General Assembly had such significance as that of the President of the present session. I should there- fore like to go beyond the customary personal congratula- tions that he merits and to speak about his country, Iraq, a country which is close to the heart of' every Arab. 138. We are particularly happy to see an Arab elected President of the General Assembly. We take pride· and fmd comfort in his election, despite the most unusual cir- cumstances. Indeed, it indicates a tacit support for Iraq and a condemnation of. Israeli aggression against his country's capital city, Baghdad. 139. Baghdad, however, would not have been attacked had the international community taken prior action and deterred Israel when it usurped Lebanese territory and violated Lebanese airspace and territorial waters. Simi- larly, the failure of the international Organization to pre- serve Arab Palestine led to the occupation of Sinai and the Golan Heights. This failure led in turn to the violation of Lebanese borders and transported the war into Lebanese territory itself. Should the situation remain un- changed, our speeches about interr::rtional security and peace in the Middle East will remain purely. rhetorical. Aggression will lead to further aggression and the scope of war will expand in ever-varying forms and shapes. 140. Hence, would we be overly ambitious if we were to expect, in this President's term of office, at least an attempt to move the General Assembly from a pattern of resolutions which .merely embody principles towards a more practical and pragmatic approach? Me~while, we should continue to seek the restitution of our rights and work towards the achievement of a just and comprehen- sive solution. 141. I say this because between the United Nations and my country there is a covenant of trust and alliance which enables us to speak so freely and confidently. For we have obtained from the international Organization some- thing which other countries have not. Perhaps we stand as the only State that has recovered occupied territory by a resolution of the Security Council. We therefore know the capabilities of the Organization and if we expect more of it, it is because we strongly believe that there is no road to international security except through and within the United Nations framework. 142. It is in the name of this faith that the United Nations, whose Members come to this rostrum. to offer support for Lebanon or to cry over its ruins, are responsi- ble, morally as' much as legally, for the preservation of Lebanon. The United Nations is duty bound to help Lebanon to recover its sovereignty, to restore its authority over its entire territory, and to preserve its territorial in- . tegrity, the unity of its people and of the State. Similarly, the United Nations is morally and legally committed to save Jerusalem from Judaizationand to enable the Palesti- nian people to recover its legitimate rights. The Genercd Assembly has voted· year after, year for those rights; yet they remain usurped and violated. 144. Yet how can we, when our land has been torn asuu~r and our people are uprooted and dispersed be- cause the North and South, as well as the East and West, have chosen to draw their borderlines across our bodies? Our cities, which were once houses of peace, are now in ruins and our people speak: one language-p.A. the lan- guage of reason, but that of madness and despair. 145. In his annual report to the General Assembly, the Secretary-General stated that since 1975 "The situation in Lebanon has remained a major preoccupation of the Organization dP to the present time" and that it has been "a major and tragic feature of the international scene" [see A/36/1, sect. 11]. 146. No one ignores or can pretend to ignore the in- finite wisdom of the Secretary-General in his assessment of events and the caution with which he calls on the United Nations to assume its responsibilities under the Charter. FI;om this perspective, his discussion of the situa- tion in Lebanon acquires particular importance when he· states: "The ongoing tragedy of Lebanon is a telling re- minder of the absolute necessity of embarking on the path of negotiations, however steep and difficult it may prove. The recently arranged cease-fire provides an op- portunity that must not be missed, for it will not easily recur. No cease-fire, ?Cace-keeping operation or other expedient for containing the conflict can, in the end, prevent new outbursts of violence as long as the basic elements of the problem are not tackled in negotiations involving all the parties con~emed." [Ibid., sect. ~] 147. The words of the Secretary-General, though calm and measured, are none the less a warning. Ever since the war started on our soil, the Government of Lebanon has been. sounding the same alamt in the Assembly, year after year, as well as .in the Security Council and before the appropriate ~gional organizations. Mr. Waldheim's words are a definition of the framework of the Lebanese ques- tion. They compel us, first and foremost, to declare in utter frankness that the cease-fire called for by the Se- curity Council in resolution 490 (1981) of July 1981 is not an end in itself. In ~eed, we cannot allow it to be considered an end o. to become a goal. We cannot con- fine ourselves, as more than one speaker has called for in the Assembly, to consolidating it, to expanding it, or to be satisfied simply with Vlaintaining it. 148. Of course, our concern that hostilities not be re- sumed is no less intense than the concern of others. For, although we have not been a party to the hostilities, our own house has been destroyed and the majority of those killed and wounded have been innocent Lebanese civil- ians. Our attitude is dictated by our belief that a cease- fire is only a temporary measure. If a cease-fire is al- lowed to become permanent, or semi-permanent, it can only serve to exacerbate the plight of the victims of ag- gression. • . "In the beginning and in the end, Lebanon repre- sents a national consensus on a model homeland of freedom governed by democracy. . . . "Lebanon has patiently suffered unbearable wound.s. More than once in the course of its history, it has re- "Credit for such achievements is due first to the unity of the Lebanese national will, which is manifest in its ,tenacious sense of belonging to the one Lebanon, where an urgent need has been universally felt for le- gitimacy based on freedom, democracy and national sovereignty. . . ." President Sarkis went on tr say, "I am staking our futun- on this united national will. No option other than dia- logue can save our homeland". 166. The Lebanon of dialogue, always rising from the ruins, counts not only on its national unity, but also on its Arab identity and its ability to perform its historical mis- sion in its own environment and in the world at large. 167. The trials that Lebanon has suffered and survived have proven beyond doubt that what divides the Lebanese is much less important than what unites them. What dis- tinguishes them as a group even from those nearest to them is more profound than what distinguishes them one from the other within the national community. 168. Suffice it to say that there is no one in Lebanon today who does not give his allegiance to Lebanon abso- lute priority over any other friendship, relationship, part- nership or alliance which could distract him from the comr -,unity and its institutions. The differences, which are gt;1ting thinner and thinner on the ground every day, can be absorbed by the framework of democratic institu- tions, which, although scarred, have overcome eight years of being held hostage. 169. Violence has vot succeeded in stifling liberty. Th~ ferociousness of the Lebanese in defence of their beloved land has been legendary. Rarely has a small country been able to endure all that we have endured and still remain united and sovereign, clinging to life with tenacity, and able to survive. Whenever a house was destroyed, another was built there, on the same spot. Whenever a source of livelihood ,was ended, several were rediscovered in its stead. And whenever the clouds of war disperse and the sound of bombs is lulled, Lebanon comes back to life with zest and confidence, as though death were not a real- ity but merely an illusion. 170. The Lebanese people look forward today more than ever before to a near future-perhaps a rendezvous with hope-when the State will return with all its institu- tions intact, strong and able to restore its legality and es- tablish its authority over every span of land in Lebanon. A most potent expression of that confidence was the working paper submitted by Lebanon to the follow-up committee established at Beit ed Dine by a decision of the Arab summit conference. Lebanon is legitimately con- fident that the Arab States. especially Gur sister-State of Syria, Will contribute not only to the achievement of a short-tenn national reconciliation but also to the creation of the appropriate atmosphere and conditions for a new historic convenant, a pact of unity to be manifested in a new society and new institutions capable of meeting the challenges of the crisis and of its solutions: the challenges of war and of peace. ' bret~n rather than a source of fear for its own security as well as for theirs. Then, and only then, will it cease to derive-often unsuccessfully-its own security from the security of others. 17'l.. Although acts of heroism throughout Lebanon's an- cient and modem military history have been many and meaningful, we know that they will never be Lebanon's greatest and most important achievements. It 1s important, however, to remember that they have always been associ- ated, as in our heyday, the era of Emir Fakhreddine, with the integration of the Lebanese communities in the na- tional entity. The challenge of civilization compels us to follow that example. The world around us is disturbed by fear of communal strife whose victims have not been .con- fmed to Lebanon, and it is perturbed by currents of re- ligious politics which, if allowed to dominate, would doom Lebanon to destruction. 173. Significant in this context is the testimony of Igna- tius IV, Patriarch of Antioch and All the East, in his ad- dress to the Third Islamic Summit conference, held at Mecca-Taif from 25 to 28 January 1981, when he equated Lebanon with Jerusalem: "In Jerusalem we seek the face of God, and we also seek it in Lebanon. . . . . "Lebanon is a source of warmth for all. It is a place for the meeting and interaction of ideas so that all ideas may belong to all. The beauty of the meeting there of Christians and Moslems is unparalleled. It is a goal and an aspiration, a forum for innovation and creation, a bright face smiling on everyone. Indeed, it is a conso- lation for all. . . . I "Our unity is affected by the unity of Lebanon, and our health is a function of its health. Its unity is its right; its health is its right; its peace is its right. . . . "Lebanon today craves Jerusalem in its uniqueness and originality, and Jerusalem today craves Lebanon in its uniqueness and originality. .. . "Jerusalem and Lebanon are the two poles and the two pillars of the Arab world. Each of them is neces- sary for any peace in that world." 174. Peace! Peace! Never has peace been such an exis- tential historical necessity as it is toqay. Not only is it our -goal in Lebanon; it is also the national objective around which we in the Arab world unite. 175. I should like to conclude my statement by return- ing to international pOlitics. I should like to cite a few attitudes that will prove our concern for peace and our understanding of the conditions for its achievement. 178. Thirdly, there is the Arab opposition to the estab- lishment of a strategic alliance between Isrro~~ and the United States at a time when the world expected Wash- ington to use its influence to prevent Israel from persist- ing in its aggressive policy and using the pretext of se- curity to project its borders where greed and expansion take it, thus threatening the world with the danger of a nuclear war. It is obvious that that "strategic alliance", if continued,. will prevent any serious American contribution towards ensuring stability in the area, through what \\~~sh­ ington has described as a "strategic consensus". Needless to say, a strategic consensus is destined to remain an illu- sion unless it expresses the peoples' rights and their com- mon faith in their freedom and the justice of their cause. 179. Fourthly, there is the Arab' positive J:,;ponse, in- cluding Lebanon's, to. the Soviet call for an international peace conference on the Middle East. Such a call must, however, be based on United Nations decisions and must solely seek their implementation. It should not lead to another "strategic consensus", nor should it seek to es- tablish an ideological partnership whereby one system will confront another, whether inside or outside the Mid- dle East. 180. I have voiced before the Assembly some ex- pressions of the Arab approach to peace as perceived by my country. Indeed, we work for peace in the belief that it shields Lebanon, its safety and its unity. This, then, is not only the policy of rulers; rather, it is the deep ex- pression of popular yearning in the hearts of tortured and helpless nations. . . 181. The twentieth century has witnessed their libera- tion from colonialism and their resurgence into the light-only to see themselves threatened by a new, multi- dimensional form of colonialism, even before the end of the generation that witnessed their renaissance. This neo- colonialism prevents them from advancing along the path of freedom and prosperity, unable to enjoy their newly- developed natural wealth and to contribute constructively to the creati~n of a new world, East and 'Wefit, North and South. 182. That is the reality of Arab idealism. Arid yet it is also the deeper meaning of the Arab tragedy· mamfested 184. Hence, it is in the name of that peace that our tortured people cry out today before the nations of the world herein assembled: give us back our homeland. We shall neither forget nor forgive, .nor shall we compromise or submit, until Lebanon is returned to us. 185. ML AL-THAWR (Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): First I should like on my own behalf and on behalf of my delegation to· express our deep satisfaction at the election by the General Assembly'of Mr. Kittani to the high office of President of this session, which isheing held in a very complex international situation with a great many areas of tension. His election as President of this session indicates that our brother country, Iraq, indeed oc- cupies an important position in international relations. His knowledge of international affairs and his ability to deal with political matters will certsinly result in the success of our work. At the periodic sessions of the General As- sembly, States Members have common aims, aspirations and objectives. The meetings which take place, particu- larly during the regular sessions of the General Assembly, demonstrate that the United Nations is the most appropri- ate place to discuss complex international issues. We can thus reaffIrm the willingness of the international .commu- nity to work for peace and the well-being of all. 186. We should like to assure the President of out full co-operation in the fuItilment of the great responsibilities which he bears during this session. 187. We should like to express out admiration for his predecessoJ; Mr. Riidiger von Wechm&; for the efforts that he made and for the productive methods that he used during the thirty-fifth session, which enabled the Assem- bly to achieve fnlltful results. 188. We should &Iso like to extend our congratulation\ to the Secretary-General for his important role. He has undertaken sincere and wise initiatives in an effort to re- duce international tension. He has been sensitive to and aware of what is needed to achieve peace in the Middle East and in other hotbeds of tension in the world. 189. The Yemen Arab Republic wishes also to welcome Vanuatu and Belize, which have become new Members of the United Nations family. 190. My delegation sincerely wants to see this session lead to better results than previous sessions. We can achieve this only by thorough and responsible discussion and constructive criticism. We must go be)ond traditional procedures of adopting positions. We must be totally . committed to the recommendations and. resolutions of the General Assembly of the Security CoUncil. This will re- affmn the effective role ef the Organization and then we shalt be closer to the noble purposes and principles of the Charter once.security and peace have been attained. 191. We must implement to. the letter the recommenda- tions and resolutions of the .Organization and of the spe- gardl~s of political or economic differences between the varioUs regimes. None the less, 36 years after the Organ- izatio~'&.inception, there is still a great deal of tension and the 'arms race is accelerating beyond control. The ter- ritorial integrity of numerous countries is violated daily lmd· we see increasing interference in the internal affairs of other countries. The racist regimes of Israel and South Africa shamelessly infringe human rights and attack neighbouring co~tries. 193. As a result of this policy, many third world coun- tries have had to make many human and economic sacri- fices in order to achieve freedom and make progress. They contiQue to"make such sacrifices with resolution, to achieve better international relations in accordance with the Charter and with the principles of law, justice and equality. 194. We see peace and security as being universal and complementary; they cannot be divided as some would wish. Thus, the instability of the present it· "~..lational sit- uation can be reflected in the growth rates of several countries. Our Arab peoples waged a struggle for their freedom and won it from traditional colonialism, but there is a new kind of colonialism which would grab their lands and their future. We are facing a Zionist occupationist colonialism which resorts to repression, murder and de- struction and to seizure of 01.. lanJs by force so as to maintain its presence there. 195. The Zionist entity has been carrying out this sav- age policy since it came into being. It is not only the ~lestinian Arab ~ople, expelled from t!!eir own lands- ,: from their homeland-and dispersed, who have suffered, but the Arab peoples as a whole; they are all threatened and any progress made in their long struggle for freedom will be incomplete as long as the Zionist entity continues to usurp Arab territory and as long as it puts obstacles in the way of all attempts at progress in the Arab nation. We have suffered greatly from this strange entity which is oc- cupying our lands because, after seizing Palestinian Arab territories, it is carrying out a policy of expansionism into neighbouring Arab lands. 196. Since its aggression in 1967, and despite the adop- tion of numerOU5 international resolutions condemning the policy of annexation and occupation which this racist en- tity is following in Arab lands and demanding its with- drawal from the land seized in 1967, Israel has arrogantly defied the international community by flouting those reso- lutions. Israel's aggressive behaviour and expansionist in- tentions have continued only because of the military and economic support it receives from the imperialist world. It is high time; to put an end to this Israeli arrogance and aggression, to defend the just rights pf the Palestinian people and to support the struggle of the Palestinian na- tion, which seeks to regain its land and establish its own State. 197• Equally, it is the responsibility of States-and, in the flfSt instance, of the United States, which offers arms to the Zionist entity as well as fipancial, political and diplomatic support-to review their unjust and biased ws1tion. It is shameful and sad to see that this Zionist ~ - .~ ------ -------- 213. Coming to the question of Namibia, we believe that the fact that a racist regime is occupying that Ter- ritory is a challenge to the international community and to the United Nations, the resolutions of which are being flouted. Concerted efforts must be made to end that odious colonial occupation. Assistance must be given to 219.. Our Republic places great hopes in the Interna- tional Meeting on Co-operation and Development, to be held soon at CancUn, in the implementation of the Sub- stantial New Programme of Action for the 19805 for the least developed countries, adopted in Paris in September this year,7 and in the Nairobi Programme of Action for the Development and Utilization of New and Renewable Sources of Energy, adopted at the Nairobi conference last August.3 Those conferences represented a step towards the solution of the economic problc;l11s of the developing countries. ,. Rijdig~r von Wechmar, who discharged the duties of his office in an outstand.ing manner. 228. I also wish to thank the Secretary-General for his continued dedication to the cause of the United Nations and his commitment to international peace and s~.ability. 230. The world is again passing through a disturbing stage in which tension prevails and is de"epening and at- ~taining everywhere alarming proportions. At this time one could simply say that the daring trend of interference in the internal affairs of sovereign and independent countries and the irresponsible return to the arms race are the major causes of the deterioration in the international climate, while the world community is suffering from the long- standing ailments of mistrust, fear and deliberate in- justice. A few years ago we were heartened by the spirit of, detente, by the development of a positive dialogue be- tween' the super-Powers, and by the trend of a general consensus that the disaster of another world war must be avoided. But now we see that, instead of consideration for mutual interest and respect for shared opinion, naked ag- gression has become fearfully frequent. The right of peo- ple to self-determination and freedom is being denied by those who continue to defy the cause of justice and human dignity. • 231. The recent acts by South Africa against the people of Namibia and the neighbouring independent African States, and the escalatiOn of military action by Israel against the Palestinian people and the neighbouring Arab countries, c'ould be seen as symptoms of an added malig- nancy in the international atmosphere. The aggressors ap- pear to be protected in the interests of the mighty_ and powerful. Similarly, we see foreign troops which inter- vened to change the course of events in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, and in many other places in Africa and Asia, stubbornly remaining in those countries despite re- peated calls for the world community for them to with- draw and let the peoples of those countries determine their destinies. 232. Then comes a round of the arms race in which the super-Powers are engaged not only in developing new types of destructive weapons, but also in a dangerous effort to use outer space for their military advantages. For the world community, even the thought of a nuclear war, however limited it may sound, is cl nightmare. We feel that serious a,nd immediate efforts must be made to de- crease the continually rising international tension, which is driving the promoters of the arms race to a devastating frenzy. There is nQ justification at all for the tech- nologically developed Powers to enter into an arms pro- duction process in which enormous financial resources are deployed while the world economy and even the domestic economies of individual countries are suffering from the difficulties of the current economic crisis. Unless all these developments are presumed to be a game Where the only players are the super-Powers and the spectators are the rest of the human race, there is no meaning to this irra- tional and inhQl1lan trend. ' 233. The international community has had enou'gh bitter experiences in the past when the logic of supremacy, domination and colonization prevailed. We should like to believe that the world community, which includes the big 244. My delegation believes that the creation of nuclear- weapon-free zones is a rational and effective measure to- wards world peace. In this context, we supported the pro- posal to establish a nuclear-free zone in South Asia, which we hope will eventually cover ~wider region, or at least will pave the way to creating more subregional nu- clear-free zones in Asia and the Pacific. . 246. 'Thrning to the international economic situation, we feel that the commencement of the North-South dialogue is essential and that we should not spare any efforts with- in the framework of the United Nations and with the re- gional organizations to overcome the disparities of the present economic situation. Reason clearly shows that no single nation, whatever its economic capacity or techno- logical advancement, can build its economy in isolation from the rest of the world. The United Nations is now fully aware of all the dimensions of the problem of the gap between the rich and the poor nations. It would be quite wrong to believe that it is the responsibility of the developing countries to rectify the faults in the current economic situation. The painstaking efforts of the devel- oping countries in the South and the very survival of the least developed countries depend heavily on the establish- ment of a new international economic order based on equality and justice. Hence it is only fair to expect an early resolution of the remainibg difficulties that impede the launching of the global negotiations under the aus- pices and within the framework. of the United Nations. 247. Despite the adverse attitudes shown by a few de- veloped countries, the deliberations which have taken place under the auspices of the United Nations since the inception of the idea of a new internationai economic order have led to positive results, and we look forward to greater progress. We hope that the forthcoming· Interna- tional Meeting on Co-operation and Development at Can- cun will be a further step towards the realization of a new international economic order, based on mutual benefit and co-operation. 248. We are a1sa pleased to note that at the United Nations' C'Onference on the Least Developed Countries, which was recently held in Pms, it was possible to pro- ject the magnitude of the problems faced by the least de- veloped among the developing countries. The least devel- oped countries are resolute in their efforts to improve the social and economic conditions of their peoples, and have already embarked upon ambitious development projects in their countries. However, as we all agree, their efforts and resources alone will not be sufficient for the implementa- tion of those projects. To meet the immediate require- ments for assistance to the least developed countries for the fIrst half of the decade and greater requirements later in the decade, the international community, and particu- larly the developed countries, should increase their con- cessional assistance at least fourfold by 1990 as compared to the level reached in the late 1970s. At the same time, we feel that th~re is a need to look back at the criteria on which aid flow is decidea. Maldives, being one of tile smallest and poorest among the least developed countries, faces difficulties arising from the existing criteria, which , ;' 249. Before the conclusion af my remarks, I wish to reiterate my country's commitment to upholding the prin- ciples and the objectives of the United Nations, with their inherent implications of responsibility towards peace and justice and international co-operation. The Maldivian peo- ple will continue to work with the United Nations and the world community as a whole for the fulfilment of these lofty objectives. 250. I hope this session will be a successful one. 251. M:£ MOUSSAVI (Iran)*: The Islamic revolution of Iran, an anti-imperialistt anti-colonial and anti-despotic revolution led by Imam Khomeini, embraced victory on 11 February 1-979 at the cost of the blood of some 60,000 martyrs and the crippling of over 100,000 persons whose holy motto was Allahu Akbar (God is great) followed by the political slogan of "Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic". 252. Haviag its roots in the sublime teachings of the Holy Koran, our Islamic revolution aims primarily at the establishment of equality, fraternity ~md equal rights for all mankind irrespective of such petty considerations as race, langpage or the colour of a man's skin. 253. Our revolution considers man, the noblest of God's creatures on earth, as the principal theme in the making of world history, and strives for the elevation of man's spiritual status and his progress towards moral perfection, as the most important and perpetual mission of the revo- lution; it has, therefore, set itself as its fIrst priority obli- gation the..stnaggle for the liberation of man from all colo- nial and inhuman bondage. 254. Since struggle, political action, mysticism and re- ligious faith do nof form separate categories in the minds of our nation, it necessarily follows that the guidelines and the general'direction of our foreign policy are already ~ decidea by the sublime doctrine of lslam which, above .all, aims at creating men and women of virtue. For this reason, there is perhaps no other revolutionary nation which believes more deeply in peace for humanity than ~e Iranian people and none other more prepared for every sacrifice for the establishment of a peace "V(hil:h would guarantee the" interests of the deprived andthe.pppressed tltroughout the world. 256. We are determined to build a new world on the basis of the sublime teachings of Islam for the salvation of mankind and to offer humanity, which thirsts for jus- tice, a new framework of human values. We assure the people of the world that revolutionary Islamic Iran does not seek to create turbulence anywhere in the world. We declare, with our revolutionary frankness, that the key to the understanding of the foreign policy of Iran lies in the comprehension of the motives behind the unusual resist- ance and sacrifices of our people and that this understand- ing may lay the foundation of a series of new rela- tionships based on respect for the independence of the oppressed countries and for their sovereignty. 257. For over a century our country has been exposed to mundane Western values-the worship of money, ma- terial luxuries and power. Therefore one of our most chal- lenging post-revolutionary tasks has been ilie breaking down of this non-human value system,but we can now declare that our people's great revolution has, at the price of the blood of numerous martyrs, succeeded not only in defeating Western-oriented tendencies, out in completely revolutionizing the value system dominating our society. It is for this reason that American imperialism and other oppressive powers are trying to recruit sympathizers from among the well-to-do strata of our society, who have been more or less affected by the nonsensical slogan "the American dream". An investigation into the human struc- ture of our so-called leftist organizations, some of which hid themselves behind Islamic masks, will show that even here the organizational membership originates in the fami- lies of capi~ists, technocrats," property barons and bu- reaucrats of the overthrown regime of the deposed Shah, whose interests have been smashed by the Islamic system of our revolution. Our late President, the martyr Rajaie, who was murdered at the hands of the terrorists of such interests groups, was a poor street haWker and our late Prime Minister, the martyr BahonaI; earned only enough money to keep his body and soul together. All our present statesmen come from the poor and the oppressed families of Iran, that is, the same people who made a victorious revolution with their bare hands and raised. fIsts. 258. In Iran today, a man is not valued for his position as president or premier; nor is he assessed by bis wealth or power; the determining factors are his scruples, his vir- tues and his self-sacrifice for ·the good of society. It is exactly for this reason that the leader of our revolution, Imam Khomeini, says: "Our real leader is that 13-year- old boy who threw himself under an Iraqi tank with a bomb tied to his body and destroyed it". The martyrdom of some 80 statesmen, including a President, a Prime Minister, a President of the Supreme Court and many ministers and deputy ministers, as a result of terrorists' bomb explosions, and their immediate replacement by other revolutionaries ready to die for the cause of Islam, was another glittering example of our new system 'Of Isla- mic values as opposed to an American-inspired anti- human value system. 261. Since our victorious Islamic revolution, the United States of America has done everything in its satanic power to·overthrow our Islamic Republi~. It has invaded Iran with military aircraft and helicopter gunships, it has staged an abortive coup d'etat, it has instigated civil war in Iran and it encouraged. its cryptic Iraqi client to invade:· Iran with 12 of the best-equipped army divisions when chaotic post-revolutionary Iran had no organized army with which to defend itself. And now it has resorted to the devilish tactic of assassinating and bombing our most virtuous and 9ur most valuable revolutionary figures. But at the same'time its cries and protests against human rights violations in Iran have filled the ail: Our people view these advOCates of human' rights, whose hands are drenched in the blood of oppressed peoples throughout the world, with the contempt and derision they deserve. We are quite familiar with the nature and the sort of human rights that the United States. advocates. It is the sort of human rights that means keeping silent when Yankee imperialism commits mass murders throughout the world but suddenly becoming vociferous when the murderers of the President, Prime Minister and scores of others in Iran receive their due punishment in our revolu- tionary courts. This is the sort of respect for human rights that means not lifting a fiIiger to condemn the military apparatus of the Zionist non-,,~ntity when it mass-murders the innocent people of south Lebanon. This is a new con- cept of human rights fabricated by imperialism and zionism. It is the sort of human rights whose advocates are the designers and manufacturers of nuclear and neu- tron bombs. These are the sort of human rights advocates who sbed crocodile tears when m\1I'derers, assassins and bomb-planters are executed but who.se conscience does not bother them when they dropnundreds of tons of bombs on VietnameS€;, Korean and Other people through- 262. We believe that humanity under the capitalist re- gimes of Europe and the United States has deteriorated spirituijllyand that a.new -and true image ,of hum~ity, quite different from the one favoured by the United States, is emerging among the oppressed nations of the world. . 263. After the victory of the Islamic revolution in Iran, world imperialism, headed ~y the United States, I'Jst one of its most loyal and powerful allies in the form of the Shah's corrupt regime. Therefore it concentratfd its efforts on restoring its interests by'hook or by croo~ 264. I shall mention briefly here a few of tnose desper- ate efforts: ftrst, a direct military attack against Iran, which was, thanks to God Almighty, miraculously de- feated by sudden sandstorms in the desert of Tabas; then an attempt to divide Iran into different provinces by sup- porting the Shah's fugitive generals and American-made leftist groups in order to weaken the central revolutionary Government, but the revolutionary fervour of our people demolished all these foreign-inspired elements; later, an attempt to break up the social structure of the Iranian peo- ple in order to sabotage the unity of the people, which was the best guarantee of our victorious revolution; for .this, the United States exploited the services of its many internal agents, opportunists, hypocrites and liberals, whose clever demagoguery and non-Islamic aspirations failed to deceive our people and could not destroy the unity of our masses, therefore this Western-oriented con- spiracy also failed through the diligence of our leader and the action of our people; and lastly, the use of the serv- ices of the dependent, mercenary Baathist regime of Iraq, which during all the stages of our Islamic revolution did everything it devilishly could to weaken and sabotage our revolution. 265. Here we present to the Assembly a brief list of the services rendered to United States imperialism by the rul- ing clique of Iraq before the military invasion of Iran. First, the harassment of thousands of Iranians living in Iraq and their forced deportation from their country of residence; some 50,000 Iraqis and Iranians were accused of being of Iranian origin and expelled in the most inhu- man manner and many of them met their deaths in the wilderness of the Iran-Iraq border areas, while the proper- ties of some 115,000 Iranians residing in Iraq were forci- bly seized. Secondly, Iranian Moslems were prevented from making pilgrimages to holy shrines in Iraq. Thirdly, the ill-treatment, torture and murder of prominent clergy and religious revolutionaries in Iraq, including the martyr- dom of AyatolIah Mohammed Bagher Sadr and his learned revolutionary sister, which was a great catastroppe for the world of Islam. FourthIy, the raiding of Iranian schools in Iraq, imprisonment of the teachers and assault 266. These criminal actions against the newly estab- lished Islamic Republic having failed to slow down the pace of .our revolution, the Iraqi regime, instigated by United States imperialism, suddenly invaded Iranian ter- ritory by air, sea and land on 22 September 1980. The Iraqi regime was hoping to occupy large parts of Iran, to open a new front for the disintegration of Iran and to overtlh"'OW the Islamic Republic in a short time. 267. Now, as we enter the second year of this cata- strophic Iraqi-imposed war, the Iranian and Iraqi Moslem nations are mourning the deaths of many thousands, the wounding and crippling of tens of thousands, the home- lessness of millions and the destruction of the economic wealth of both countries, running into billions of dollars. This is the outcome of the war stupidly imposed on Iran by the Baathists of Iraq, who will be crushed, chased back and taught an Islamic lesson in the near future. 268. The world knows that even during the war the Iraqi regime has not observed any moral principles. It has re- peatedly raided and hit schools, hospitals, mosques, resi- dential areas and defenceless towns by aerial bombings or ground-to-ground missiles. The Iraqi aggressors have also made thousands of civilians prisoners of war. They have treated genuine prisoners of war in the most inhuman, that is, in the most Baathis~. manner possible. Reports by the International Red Cross bear witness to these Baathist cruelties. 269. The Iraqi Baathists have gone so far in their inso- lence and contempt for human life that their trigger-happy terrorists, disguised as Iraqi diploma~, opened fire at a peaceful! legal demonstration of Iranian,.students at New Delhi and not only wounded six Iranian students but shot and injured three Indian policemen. 271. The Iraqis, who are still pursuing the same scan- dalous policy, have once again resorted to the same shameless tactics of declaring Iran responsible for the bombardment of Kuwaiti oil installations, and who should help confIrm the Iraqi accusations but the United States. The United States authorities have now announced that information received from their AWN::.S spy planes con" ftrmed the Iraqi accusation. It should, of course, be re- membered that the AWN::.S spy planes only provide the sort of information required by United States foreign pol- icy; for example, they failed to detect the bombers be- longing to the Zionist non-entity in their long flight to the vicinity of Baghdad~ 272. We lefute these baseless accusations and declare to the world that the statement made by the .~'Tetary of State of United States imperialism is part of a larger con- spiracy to provoke certain reactionary and dependent re- gimes in the region against our country. We warn United States imperialism that these deceptive tactics will not save their Iraqi client from the abyss into which it was plunged by the United States in the fIrst place. The world, especially the American people, should know that this Iraqi-American accusation is only intended for the easy sale of AWACS aircraft to American dependent cli- ents in the region, but it should be borne in mind that such regimes will not be able to fight the will of their people, even if the United States sends them direct as- sistance. Our advice to such regimes is to diSSOciate themselves from the super-Powers and to respect the de- sire of their own peoples for independence and freedom. 273. Therefore it should be evident by now d1at the Iraqi in~ion of an independent country that has chal- lenged imperialist Powers in the area pursues the same policies as the United States-backed Zionist non-entity, only this time the Iraqi regime has volunteered to do the job for imper;ialism and zionism. 274. Certain bas\c questions may help to clarify the un- fortunate connec..-tion. Could the Jordanian Government re- ceive military supplies intended for Iraq from the port of Aqaba without the permission of United States imperi- alism or the Zionist non-entity'1 Would. it be at all possi- ble for Zionist bom~rs to raid atomic power stations without being detected by AWN::.S spy planes orwithout Iraqi connivance in the raid? Could a better way be found to revive Iraq's diminishing political image than through an aerial raid by Zionist bombers? Why does France im- mediately declare its readiness to repair the damaged power station? What nature of regimes supply tIie ~uired financial assistance? 275. We believe that,. in the same way as the pro-Amer- ican nature of the Shah's Government did notIemain a secret for long, so the passage of time will show that the Iraqi Baathist regime has turned into the best Moslem friend of the Zionist non-entity in the Middle East. 277. Those demands are: fIrSt, the unconditional with- drawal of all invading Iraqi forces from occupied territo- ries in Iran; secondly, the identification of the aggressive party and its condemnation by a qualified international tribunal; thirdly, the implemeniation of the Algiers Agree- ment between Iran an$1 Iraq,. signed on 6 March 1975,8 at the ceremonies of which the happy Iraqi party was pho- tographed embracing the criminal ex-Shah of Iran; fourthly, the payment of proper compensations by the ag- greSSO& ~ 278. It is rather surprising that the Iraqi regime intends to play host at Baghdad to the 1982 Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, when it has, by invading a revolutionary country openly vio- lated the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the norms of the non-aligned move- ment. It is even more surprising to find the representative of such a country-and I mean no disrespect to that rep- resentative personally-elected President of the General Assembly. This is the first time in the history of the United Nations that a Member State has invaded another Member State and the representative of the invading coun- try has been elected to preside over this most important United Nations body. - 279. In the course of the last 13 months, the Iraqi Gov- -_ ernment has persistently violated the principles and pur- poses of the Charter of the United Nations. In its Article 6, the Charter stipulates that HA Member of the United Nations which has per- sistently violated the Principles contained in the present Charter may be expelled from the Organization by the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Se- curity Council". 280. We note, however, not only that Iraq still sits in the United Nations, but that its representative has been elected President of the General Assembly, which may be considered as a form of reward and encouragement for the aggressors of the world. 281. There is no doubt that governments that do not find those principles and norms to their illegitimate tastes will not hesitate to violate them in the future as they have dOlle in the past. 282. The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran considers the silence of the international community with regard to the open aggression of the Iraqi regime to be indifference to its independence and sovereignty as well as a serious threat to peace in the world. It is therefore urgent for us to draw the attention of tl:Ie Assembly to the evil consequences of the Iraqi aggression. That aggression has, first, provided the United States-with an excuse for a 283. Since the Persian Gulf region is an important inter- national waterway, the Government of the Islamic Re- public of Iran has to control navigation in that waterway firmly and strictly in order to protect normal shipping of non-military cargoes. The GQvernment of the Islamic Re- public of Iran, for its part, guarantees safe and free navi- gation in that sensitive waterway. It will, however, not al- low the passage of ships carrying war materials for Iraq, for such shipments would constitute a violation of the principles of neutrality with regard to the belligerent par- ties. We shall confiscate war materials destined for Iraq and redirect the ships carrying such materials to their ports of origin, in order to discourage Iraq from continu- ing this insane war. 284. The Moslem nation of Iran does not consider the conspiracies of American imperialism against the Islamic Republic of Iran and other Moslem nations as being a separate issue from the problem of zionism in the region. Although some reactionary dependent regimes may not say so, a billion Moslems in the world know that United States imperialism and zionism are inseparable from one another. 285. But the power of the imperialist and Zionist arse- nals, their widespread conspiracies and their agreements on strategic co-operation for the suppression of revolution- ary nations only serve to make our resolve to fight them even firmer than before, and we are prepared,-as we have- often declared in the past, to fight shoulder to shoulder with our Palestinian, Syrian and Lebanese brothers and sisters to liberate all Zionist-occupied Arab territories. 286. We overpowered the logic of force and bayonets in our country by our raised fists, and we are certain that a billion Moslems will have to do the same on the interna- tional scene. 287. In our Islamic opinion, the removal of aggression from Palestine and an absolute recognition of the rights of the Palestinian people are religious obligations. We firmly believe that these fundamental problems in the Middle East will not be solved by anyone except Moslems them- selves; no chauvinistic outburst by Arabs, and no politick- ing by the West or the East will ever settle the matter in a just and honourable planner. That is why the Government of the Islamic ~epublic of Iran proposed the formation of the Islamic front against zionism and imperialism. We hope that in the near future we shall see practical efforts towards the formation of this united islamic front. 289. We shall continue to resist and fight with every- thing in our power against the Zionist aggression against the territories of our brother nations of Syria, Palestine and Lebanon. There is no racial prejudice or animosity towards the Jewish people in revolutionary Iran. In our opinion, however, zionism is a political movement rooted in racism and expansionism which has abused the divine mission of our Prophet Moses-may he rest in peace-as a shameless cover-up for its Nazi-type crimes. Zionism is rejected today by all freedom-loving nations of the world, and cannot be further tolerated. 290. At this juncture, I deem it necessary to announce my Government's view regarding a plan that we consider to be the extension and continuation of the Camp David agreements. We declare that this so-called new plan, seemingly for the autonomy of parts of the West Bank of the River Jordan and the Gaza Strip, is nothing but 9. fac- simile of the original C3Inp David agreements. We de- clare unambiguously that such plans, inspired by the United States, are intended to continue American aggres- sion in our part of the world and to drag the Palestinian people and the Moslem people of the '.~orld into the mire of compromise. But the Moslem people throughout the world cann(\l l~~~in indifferent to such a vast conspiracy. 291. The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran is of the opinion that the military invasion of Afghanistan by a super-Power and the imposition of an unpopular regime on the Afghan people should not be looked at only from the angle of the violation of the independence and ter- ritorial integrity of the oppressed people of Afghanistan, but that we should also consider that such an invasion tramples upon a nation's dignity, honour, traditions, culture and history, and, above all, on the religious faith and beliefs of an entire nation. 292. The Islamic Republic of Iran, whose people share common cultural, linguistic, traditional and historic ties and, above all, a common religion with the oppressed na- tion of Afghanistan, cannot remain silent in the face of such aggression. For that reason, our Islamic Republic was the very first country to condemn the military inva- sion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Union and to demand the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the oc- cupying forces from Afghan territory. 299. In our world today, we are faced with a greater use of military force, which in itself is the natural conse.. quence of the intensity of the annsrace. The nuclear ar- senals of the two super-Powers as well as those of other imperialist Powers are expanding day by dl'~y and becom- ing more and more sophisticated. That ~xpansion is not at all limited to nuclear and strategic weapons but also ex- tends to the area of conventional weapons which obligeS the deprived and the oppressed nations of the world to resort to greater military potential for their security. Thus, the wealth and resources which should be employed for the development and welfare of the hungry and oppressed people in the third world are used for strengthening mili- tary forces and purchasing weapons of war the benefits of which will ultimately go to the super-Power militarists. The development and expansion of nuclear weapons, and the gradual increase in the number of countries possessing such Jevastating anti-human weapons, have pushed human society to the brink of if d.~adful precipice and a --------- -------- 293. And we should regrettably add that American im- perialism tries to justify its widespread presence in the Indian Ocean and in certain countries with reactionary re- gimes through the Soviet presence in Afghanistan. 294. We are certain that the withdrawal ~ Soviet forces from Afghanistan will not only deprive the United States of its pretext for justifying its presence in the.,region but will also disarm the American puppet regimes of the re·· Jtion which implicitly support the Zionist non-entity by taking away from them their best demagogic scarecrow of 295. The Government of the Islamic RepUblic of Iran considers the withdrawal of foreign occupying forces from Afghanistan and the recognition of the right of self-deter- mination for the Afghan nation as the only solution to the problem and rejects any negotiations carried out without the presence of the true representatives of the people of Afghanistan. 296. The Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran demands that the Indian Ocean be turned into a peace zone, free from any nuclear weapons and foreign PIl"...s- ence and believes that the military presence and the mili- tary bases of the big Powers in the Indian Ocean threaten the peace in the coastal countries and increase the pos- sibilities of interference, domination and furthPf conspir- acies by foreign Powers as far as their internal affairs are concerned. The formation 6f the American multinational rapid deployment force in the Indian Ocean has contrib- uted to conf~sion and turbulence in the region, has re- sulted in more intense rivalries between the super-Powers and will undoubtedly create a dangerous situation in our part of the world. 297. iran considers the ~urity of the Indian Ocean an issue relating only to the coastal States and rejects the interferenc-e of the super-Powers in that region and firmly believes that tlle resources at the bed of the Indian Ocean should be exploited for the economic development and welfare of the peoples of the region. 298. Iran supports the resolution on the transformation of the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace [General Assem- bly resolution 2832 (XXVI)] and believes that the speedy and complete implementation of that resolution will put an end to the rivalries of the super-Powers and to the fur- ther creation of tensions in that region. 301. The American Government declares that the Per- sian Gulf region is of vital interes~ to the United States and other Western countries and by resorting to that kind of imperialist logic tries to justify any aggressive action it embarks upon against the countries and the oppressed peoples of that region. further, the United States justifies its efforts to combat the strugg~es of the Moslem peoples of the Persian Gulf countries to liberate themselves from the yoke of the imperialist Powers and take their destinies in their own hands, and· its efforts to suppress any inde- pendence-seeking movement by the oppressed of the re- gion under the pretext of protecting its bloody ;"1terests. 302. Th:: t?ormation of lhe 'so-called multinational rapid deployment force is another attempt in that direction and the reasons announced for its formation, which are noth- ing more than obvious excuses for justifying the imperi- alist objectives of America and its colla~rators, are by no means axeptable to the nations of that region. In our opinion, one of the main reasons for such aggressive op- erationc;':; the American fear of the spread and influence.: of thf; Isl&.."ic revolution in Iran. 303. Tfi,e Islamic Republic of Iran considers the forma- tion of that task force as another conspiracy and armed action against the Moslem people of that region and their divine order of{life. We should, however, add, with re- gret, that certain unpopular governments in the area have co-op.;.rated with the aggressive policies of United States imperialism. 304. However, as often proved in practice, such acts do not contribute to the establispment of peace in the region, and consequently in the world, but rather intensify the atmosphere of tension and violence and provide other Powers with excuses for simib. measures. 3OS. Thus, we believe that the presence of any alien force in the Persian Gulf in particular and in the Indian Ocean in general jor the ,prorection of the imperialistic interests of the Powers of the West or the East will only disturb the political tranquillity and stability of the region and will be a serious threat to world peace. And it is on that basis that the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran has frequently demanded that the super-Powers end their military presence in the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean. stop interfering in that region and close down their military bases. 307. The Iranian revolution has, right from the begin- ning, supported liberation movements and has strongly defended the legitimate rights of nations dominated by colonialism and imperialism in their fight for freedom and independence. The policy followed by the .Islamic Re- public of Iran in the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the General-Assembly bears witness to this, and whellever questions relating to colonialism were raised in those organs Iran str.ongly demanded the imple- mentation of the Declaration [General Assembly resolu- tion 1514 (XV)] and unconditionally supported the rights of the peoples in colonized and dependent territories to self-determination and independence. 308. A most insulting and disgusting form of colo- nialism is witnessed in South Africa and Namibia. In that part of the world; a so-called white-skinned minority has imposed its ruthless and oppressive domination over a dark-skinned majority, with the overall support of Western imperiali~m. 309. For this reason, all international efforts since the inception of the United Nations, including numerous reso- lutions on the eradication of apartheid in South Africa and the elimination of colonialism in Namibia, have not produced results, and the racist South African regime, supported by certain Western countries and Israel, headed by United States imperialism, continues to carry out its non-human policy of apartheid and prevents majority rule in South Africa and Namibia. 310. We condemn the occupation of Namibia by the il- legal racist regime of Soutll Africa, and support the strug- gles of th(~ people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, the true representative of· the liberation move- ment of the people of southern Africa. We strongly con- demn the disgusting, inhuman policy of apartheid followed by the illegal racist South African regime and support people in South Africa who are fighting for their legitimate human rights. 311. One of the most striking examples of ungrudging imperialist support for South Africa was recently wit- nessed when South African military forces invaded An- gola. Unfortunately, once again, owing to an American veto, the United Nations was not able to carry out the obligations assigned to it under the Charter for establish- ing peace and security in the world. Thus the Government of the United States has openly and shamelessly sup- ported the aggressive operations of the South African re- gime. We condemn, in the strongest terms, this obvious violation of Angolan integrity, political independence and sovereignty. 1 313. In our opinion, the super-Powers of the West and the East should have learnt something by now from the disastrous consequences of their aggression in third world countries and, if they ever wish to be taken seriously when they speak of their respect for human dignity, love for world peace and efforts for stability in the world, they should refrain from interference, especially in African countries, and swallow the bitter pill that the deprived people of this continent, too, are entitled to the right to self-determination. The Islamic Republic of Iran firmly believes that the abundant wealth and resources of these regions should be exploited for the creation of a worthy material and spiritual life for the deprived and oppressed people of Africa who have suffered so long at the hands of European and American colonialists. 314. The Islamic Republic of Iran considers the shoot- ing down of Libyan aircraft by United States fighters an act of aggression against our friendly country and brother nation of Libya. We condemn this·military action and be- lieve that this sort of mad behaviour is motivated by im- perialism's fear of people's awakening consciousness. 315. The division of Korea, in spite of its long history and ancient culture, is anoL~er regrettable phenomenon for the people and the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We believe that the division of Korea and the pre- vention of Korean unity are a direct result of interference and the influence of world imperialism, headed by the United States, and we condemn all such interference. 316. In our world today, unjust and unbalanced eco- nomic relations continue to exist, and the gap between the poor and the rich is becoming wider in spite of all sorts of international conferences, meetings and gatherings. 317. Our recommendation to third world countries is to trust in God Almighty, to rely on the genuine power of th..eir people, and to rise and fight world imperialism, - ,- 'which has dominated and oppressed their nations eco- nomically, politically and culturally. Only in this manner can the third world countries succeed in bringing about political and economic changes without any fear of the oppressive Powers of the world, move towards their true politico-economic independence and take proper steps in ~ting their basic economic and technological needs without any dependence on industrialized, developed countries. 318. We further believe that the oppressed countries of the world should use their oil and other ~bterranean re- sources as weapons against imperialism and .other power- hungry circles in the world. Contrary to the' propaganda of imperialist countries, if the destructive weapons of the super-Powers can be used for the annihilation of humanity 319. We deem it necessary tn explain here the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding international organizations and their potential for solving the problems of the oppressed. In our opinion, these international organizations, instead of serving as a means of combat against tyranny and oppression, or as a medium for estab- lishing peace and justice in the world, have turned mainly into centres for "give and take" between the super-Powers and a cover for the' implementation of their poliCies: The restrictions imposed upon the present Iranian delegation to the United Nations by the United States Government serve as an up-to-date example of its domination of inter- national affairs. The United States Government refused to issue entry visas to two Deputy Ministers in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Islamic Republic of Iran on ficti- tious grounds. We were also warned that if we were to fly an Iranian aircraft, it might be seized at New York Air- port. Therefore, we remain faithful to our opinion that so long as the United Nations does not liberate itself from the influence of the super-Powers, and so long as it does not serve the oppressed nations of the world, which form the majority of its members, the Organization cannot be expected to be able to carry out in full the obligations and duties assigned to it by its Charter. As a first step towards the liberation of the United Nations, it is urgent to move United Nations Headquarters to an impartial country and to abolish the right of veto enjoyed by powerful Govern- ments. 320. In conclusion, as a representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran, I announce to the oppressed and the deprived in the world that today a billion Moslems are rising up throughout the world and that Islam is once again bringing its blessed liberating forces to the world scene, and our faith tells us that the movement of this ocean of oppressed humanity will destroy world imperi- alism headed by the Great Satan, the United States of America.

One representative has re- quested to e~ercise his right of reply.

Obviously, the Iranian Min- ister for Foreign Affairs ttlistook the General Assembly rostrum for Teheran radio or perhaps Teheran television. We are told that the Iranian rulers are determiiled to build a new world on the basis of the sublime teachings of Is- lam, for the salvation" of mankind and to offer humanity, which thirsts for justice, a new framework of human val- ues. I am sure that enlightened humanity, including the world of Islam, will continue to say emphatically "No, thank you". 323. And how cou!d the answer be otherwise, when the Khomeini revolution has produced nothing but bloodshed, aggression and wanton destruction? How could the answer be any different in the face of its retrograde medieval out- look which embraces hatred, chaos and sectarianism? Is this the complete revolutionization of the value system dominating Iran, as the Iranian Minister for Foreign Af- fairs was trying to have us believe? 325. Let us 'also ask: what is the Khomeini concept of human rights? On the basis of deeds, and not words, it is mass executions with0!lt triaJ-even during the holy month of Ramadan-of men, women and children. It is the oppression of minorities, a sectarian religious outlook and the self-appointed role of arbiter of religious purity imposed on alhothers. It is the belief in a world mission in the' name of Islam-so unfortunate, and so unjust to that noble religion. 326. In a statement issued by Khomeini to some clergy of the so-called Islamic Republic Party, which was pub- lished in the secret pamphlet of that particular party,which is called Sada al-Mostafoon-and I am reporting from the Kuwaiti newspaper Al-Seyasah of 9 April 1981- Khomeini was said to have instructed those clergy as fol- lows: "Iran is ready today to lead revolution all over the world, and this principle needs sacrifices, patience and faith. The task of the clergy is to restore the message of Islam. This task cannot be 'achieved except by in- stigating rebellion in the territory of Arabia, Iraq, greater Syria, Africa and the rest of the States of tl1e world. Your mission is great if you proceed along this path-the path of restoring the glory of Iran through the establishment of an Islamic empire of which Iran represents the foundation. This is the fate of Iran today: flaming rebellion and calling the Moslems to holy war against their t;lJles." 327. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iran embarked upon a futile attempt to make accusations against my country, in language befitting neither the norms and tradi- tions of this Organization nor the rational or enlightened mind. What bedevils the Khomeini-ites is the belief that the more diatribes they utter against Iraq, the more likely they are to make a case. I need not reply to his accusa- tions in detail, as we have heard nothing new. But the fact remains that fabrications fall inevitably into ridiculous contradictions which destroy the credibility of what they contain. Let me cite one or two examples. 328. As to the allegation that it was Iraq which declared Iran responsible for the attack on Kuwaiti oil installations, in connivance with the United States, I do not know whether the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iran is aware of the fact that on 3 October-that is, the day before yesterday-the Arab Foreign Ministers unanimously adopted a resolution denouncing the Iranian act of aggres- ridi~ulous than than? I do not know. 330. Concern has been expressed for the liberation ,of Palestine; there has been an outcry against zionism. And yet not a single world has been said by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iran with respect to the irrefutable evi- dence that my country put forward before the General As- sembly in document A/36/518 as to the military collab- oration between Iran and Israel. As to the liberation of Palestine and the farce about the united Islamic front- charity begins at home. Could the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iran go back to the rostrum and tell the General Assembly that Iran is prepared to withdraw from the three Arab islands occupied by the Shah? They would 'not do that. They say it is Iranian territory. 331. The dressing-up of his statement by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iran, with his attempts to deal with some of the issues that we normally deal with in the Organization, calls for a reminder on our part. We have to remind him that in this -Organization we deal with these issues, in accordance with norms, traditions and principles, and that this dressing up will not convince the General Assembly of Iran's views as he expounded them, because he said clearly and simply that the Organization is simply a cover for super-Power rivalry, and that charge goes against all of us. Noms I Declaration issued on 27 November 1971 at the meeting of the Min- isters for Foreign Affairs of the countries of the Association of South- East Asian Nations, held at Kuala Lumpur; see document AlC.1I1019. 2 See Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.20), annexes I and n. 3 Report of the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.8l.I.24), chap I, sects. A and B. 4 Expounded in a radio interview broadcast on Riyadh Domestic Serv- ice on 7 August 1981. For a transcript of the interview, see Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report, FBIS-MEA-81-153 of 10 August 1981, vol. V, No. 153, p. C 3. 5 United Nations, 7reaty Series, vol. 42, No. 655. 6 See Basic Documents of the League ofArab States, Document Col- lections Number I, published by The Arab Information Center, New York, 1955. 7 Report of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.82.I.8), part one, ~t. A. • See United Nations, 7reaty Series, voI. 1017, No. 14903. 'Frente Popular para la Liberaci6n de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Om.