A/36/PV.29 General Assembly

(interpretation from Arabic): This morning the General Assembly will hear a statement by Commander Ortega Saavedra, Co-ordinator of the Junta of the Government of National Reconstruction of the Re- public of Nicaragua. 2. On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the hon- our to welcome him and to invite him to address the As- sembly. 3. Commander ORfEGA SAAVEDRA (ii'_,.::rpretation from Spanish): The death of the President of Egypt, An- war El Sadat, is another tragic event that again brings to the forefront the urgent need to contribute to the quest for a real solution to the Middle East question which once and for all will put an end to the violence that besets the brother peoples of the Arab world. 4. Manidnd is living through a crucial moment in its history as a result of the great tensions that today more than ever threaten peac~. Nicaragua has dee~~ it timely and necessary to bring to the Assembly, inter alia., a number of specific proposals which could contribute to the cause of peace in the world. 5. We are today the be81'ers of a specific proposal in our search for a rational' way out of the profound crisis affect- ing the Central American area, the most critical point of which is El Salvador. This is the main reason for our presence in the Assembly, where we are certain we shall meet with the favourable reception warranted by the se- rious circumstances of the moment. 6. We are the bearers of a specific proposal whi~h could assist Central America in its struggle for ~ace, at the very moment 'when that peace is disrupted by'tI;1e escala- tion of the arms race in the world, with thousand~ of mil- lions of dollars being invested in the production and em- N!J:W YORK placement of medium-range missiles, rockets, neutron bombs, and so on; at the very moment when the progress achieved on strategic arms limitations agreements, SALT 11, is being seriously jeopardized by the hegemonistic pol- icy of the present United States Government. 7. We are the bearers of a specific proposal which could assist Central America in its struggle for peace, at a time when the racist regime of South Africa is invading An- gola, promoting destabilizing actions in Zambia, invading the southern part of Mozambique and training merce- naries to invad~ Zimbabwe, all with the support of the present United States Government; at a time when Libya is the victim of provocations arising from United States policy which have even led to two aircraft of the Libyan Air Force being shot down over its own territorial space in the Gulf of Sidra. 8. We are the bearers of a specific proposal by which Central America could contribute to the cause of peace, at a time when the Government of Israel, with the full sup- port of the United States, is carrying out acts of terrorism against the Palestinian people and ag~inst the Lebanese people, murdering hundreds, as well as bombing the lamuz nuclear research centre in Iraq. 9. We are the bearers of a specific proposal which in Central America could contribute to the cause pf peace, at a time when there is an increase in spying flights by United States·aircraft in the airspace of the People's Dem- ocratic Republic of Korea and the economic blockade and political and military threats against Cuba, and the oc- cupation of Guantanamo, continue; at a time when the people of Grenada IS harassed and attacked, at a time when the implementation of the treaties concerning the Panama Canal Zone, I for which Gt;neral Omar Torrijos fought and died, is placed in jeopardy; at a time when resolutions of the United Nations concerning the indepen- dence of Namibia are flouted. 10. We bring a specific proposal which could assist Central America in its stnlggle.for peace, at a time when the enemies of peace brandish philosophical concepts to justify their' warlike nature, while at the same time per- petrating acts of aggression. 11. That is why today we also wish to contribute to the cause of peace by condemning the South African regime~ expressing our solidarity with the peoples attacked by that regime, expressirig oUr soIldarity with the patriots of the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO] as the sole legitimate representatives of Namibia; supporting the front-line States; expressing our support and solidarity with Libya and with the Palestine Liberation Organization [PW], the sole representative of the Palestinian people; J)ec.l~on on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, wherein the irialienable right of the pe6ple of Puerto Rico to self-detennination and inde- pendence is reaffirmed [A/36/23, chap. I, para. 87]; with the people and Government of Panama; with the people and Government. of heroic Viet Nam, while repudiating the policy of punishment and the threat and use of force against that people; with the coastal States of the Indian OCean which are continuing their struggle to have that area declared a zone of peace and to obtain the conse- quential withdra~al of the different military fleets moving in the ~a. We also appeal to the fraternal peoples and Governments of Iran and Iraq to seek a solution in the spirit of the non-aligned movement to the differences or claims that may exist between those two States. 12. Finally, may we once again exprer, ·mr solidarity with the people and Government of Cyprus, with the peo- ple of Chile, with the people of Uruguay and with the heroic people of Guatemala. 13. May we also hail as a victory for peace the indepen- dence of the people of Belize and its membership in the Organization. 14. We bring a specific proposal which in Central America could strengthen the efforts for peace which we are today obliged to make throughout the world, at a time when that peace is also threatened by restrictive economic: measures which make their full weight felt in the third world countries, historically exploited by the developed countries. 15. The latest decisions on the subject made public by the Government of the United States are clear proof of what we have just stated. The Secretary of the Treasury of the present United States Administration said the Govern- ment intends to limit loans and credits to developing countries through IMF and the World Bank; and President Reagan himself, ,at the annual meeting of the Boards of Governors of the IMF and ..the World Bank, confirmed that decision, saying that for the poor countries the only magic fonnula is that of the free market, a "magic for- mula" which has served only to make our countries poorer. 16. Despite the efforts made by the third world coun- tries to restructure their foreign debt and, by means of great sacrifices, to pay the servicing costs, the economic horizon is nOW so bleak that it compels us to serious re- flection. Unless formulas in keeping with the economic realities of our countries are devised, there will be no way out except to callCP,l the whole of the external debt and its servicing costs, or the time will come when by common agreement we, the poor countries of the world, will have to say that we are not going to pay 'because we cannot pay, because we have nothing to pay with. We cannot forget that in external debt servicing alone the developing 17. Who can overlook the fact that the price of products that we export declines all the time while the costs of production of those products increase because the spare parts, machinery, equipment and so on become dearer each day? 18. In 1977 our countries had to produce 338 quintals of cotton, 1,394 quintals of sugar or 98 quintals of coffee to buy one tractor. Four years later, in 1981, we must produce 476 quintals of cotton-an increase of 41 per cent-to buy one tractor; or 2,143 quintals of sugar-an increase of 54 per cent or more; or 248 quintals of cof- fee-an increase of 145 per cent. That is because the wealthy c\Juntries'iend us money on baid terms, sell more expensively each day, but buy each day at a lower price. 19. As a result of these unfair international terms of trade and of the profound injustices engendered by exploi- tation, a dramatic social, economic and political crisis to- day shakes Central America. That crisis stems from the depths of the misery of 20 million Central American men and women. 20. In 1979 one in two 15-year-old Central Americans was illiterate. One out of eight children died before the age of one. Three out of every 10 Central Americans looking for employment did not find it. Twelve million people lived without proper housing. For every dollar ob- tained by a poor Central American a rich man received $48. According to recent studies by ECLA, 8.5 million Central Americans live in conditions of extreme poverty. 21. It is there, in the old reality of the exploitation of the Central American countries and in the injustice with which the developed world treats our peoples, that we must seek the causes of the political and social unrest that is today shaking Central America-not in the Nicaraguan revolution, which is the first great historic attempt in Cen- tral America to eliminate the roots of the cdsis. 22. The "accusation" levelled at the Sandinist People's Revolution that it is the cause of rebellion in Central America lays bare the hypocrisy of those who are truly responsible for the dramatic Central American situC:.iion. The beginning of any solution to the crisis in the region lies in recognizing that that crisis is the product of the exploitation to which the Central American countries have been -subjected and in developing a set of measures in keeping with that reality. 23. Between i 973 and 1980 Central America's external de):)t quintupled, and by the end of 1981 it will reach the unprecedented figure of $7 billion. That debt today repre- sents 140 per cent of our exports, when barely three years ago it amounted to 80 per cent. It is an increasing burdeh ' placed on the shoulders of Central American workers, be- cause the paYlllent of interest to creditors means that each year a larger proportion of the region's exports must l>e earmarked for it. The high rates of interest, which obey the fiscal and monetary policy of the United States, 24. To solve its own crisis the United States is applying a policy consisting in raising to unbelievable heights the cost of financial resources obtained by our countries. This logically leads to the export of the United States crisis to the poor countries. This year alone $1.2 billion have drained out of Central America and found highly re- warded refuge in the developed countries. 25. In the past three years alone the Central American couptri~:i haye lost $1,235 million, transferred to the de- velor.ed couo'£rles, the United States in particular, because of tbe deterioration in the purchasing power of their ex- ports. As long as this situation is not reversed, how can our countries develop, how can that crisis be solved? That deterioration in the terms of trade is a veritable tax on our exports levied by the developed countries. Those coun- tries must therefore provide finance to compensate for that deterioration. 26. In two y~~-ars--1979 and 1980-the Central Ameri- can countries lost international reserves amounting to $1,181 million. Where, then, are our countries to find the necessary resources to finance investments to promote de- velopment? What is required is a massive flow of conces- sional resources to finance our strategic ener~y, transport, infrastructure and industrial and agricultural production projects. 27. We claim justice as countries that have been im- poverished by centuries of exploitation and by those un- just international economic relations, but the Unitf~d States closes its ears. The forthcoming International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, to be held at . Cancun, has already begun to be affected by the refusal of the United States to deal with items that would truly make it possible to deal with the explosive situation in the economic order of the world today, and by its denying Cuha-which at present occupies the presidency of the non-aligned movement-in a manner that we can only describe as infantile, the right to participate iil that meet- ing. 28. But Nicaragua is convinced that countries like Mex.- ico, France, Austria, the United Republic of Tanzania, Algeria, India and others will be the standard-bearers and spokesmen in our demands for a new international eco- nomic order. 29. We said that we were bringing from our region specific proposals which could contribute to the cause )f peace. We have explained that the fundamental causes of the crisis affecting our area are econowJc and that they have been brought about by the unjust relations existing fin the present economic order and by the over-exploitation to which our peoples have been and are subjected by ex- ploiting minorities whi~h serve like eunuchs qte interests of international exploitation. H we understand this, we shall also understand why there was a revolutioiUn Nic- aragua and why there is a revolutionary war in El Sal- vador and another in Guatemala. If we want to find a serious answer to the situation in Central America, we 30. We cannot forget or ignore the fact that all this pic- ture of brutal economic exploitation has been defended throughout our history by aggressive United States policy. 31. After the United States war of independence the model of a federal democracy based on ideals of freedom which inspired the struggles of Washington and Iefferson was also the model for the leaders of the independence struggles of Latin America; and in Central America the concept of a liberal federal State headed by General Fran- cisco Morazan was the offspring of those principles of the American Revolution. 32. But that dream was to die very soon. The emergence of the Monroe Doctrine, '~merica for the Americans", was to represent the aggressive will of Yankee expansionism on the continent, and from 1840 onwards our peoples were no longer to benefit from the influence of those ideals of democracy and freedom but rather to suffer interference, threats, the imposition of treaties contradictory to the sovereignty of our countries, ~rovocation of war among neighbouring States, blackmail with the presence of the United States fleet in our ter- ritorial waters, military interventions. the lan~ing of Ma- rines and the imposition of corrupt Governments and one- sided economic treaties. More than 784 acts hostile to the right of our countries to sovereignty have occurred on our continent since that time, and more than 100 of them since 1960. 33. Why were our countries insulted, invaded and hu- miliated on more than 200 occasions from 1840 to 19171 Under what pretexts, since at the time there was not a single socialist State in the world and the Tsar ruled over all the Russias? Treaties and loans were imposed on us. we were invaded. we were given the status of protecto- rates under that same thesis of American national security, which was first called the Monroe Doctrine. then man- ifes~ destiny. later the big stick. later dollar diplomacy. 34. The expansion of frontiers. secure maritime routes. military bases in the Caribbean, bought Governments and docile Governments-these were manifestations of a lib- eral ideal which had become barefaced expansionism. 35. How can we explain the numerous acts of aggres- sion and interference and the landings that occurred be- tween 1917 and 1954 in Latin America, when there was still no Cuban revolution and Cuba could not be accused of Uinterference"-accusations that were to be reserved for the future? 36. The United States did not take over Cuba and Puerto Rico in 1898 and impose the Plan amendment to save Caribbean territories from the influence of the Soviet Union, since the latter was not yet in existence. 37. The United States did not land Marines in Veracruz, Haiti and Nicaragua, nor did it from 1903 onwards ann the most formidable naval force ever seen in Caribbean waters in order to resolve the East-West conflict to its 38. Today, 7 October 1981, the United States is begin- ning near the sovereign territory of Nicaragua showy mili- tary manoeuvres caIIed "HaIcon Vista", with the par- ticipation of its own naval; land and air transport forces together with military contingents from Honduras. At this time, as in 1855 when the freebooter WiIIiam Walker landed on our shores at the head of a troop of southern mercenaries, our country is threatened by aggression on a scale higher than we have known so far. At this time, as in 1912 when our homeland was invaded by Marines and defended by the patriots led by General Benjamfn Zeled6n, a national hero, dangers of further invasions of Nicaragua, whether direct or indirect are growing. At this time, as happened in 1927 when we were invaded by the Marines, against whom the army, headed by .General Sandino, defended our n.ational sovereignty for six long years of struggle, there are new threats from the present United States Administration. At this time it is necessary to remember the history of aggression against Central American countries throughout more than a century. . 39. 1855: the WiIIiam Walker f[f'~booters landed in Nic- aragua with the purpose of annexing the whole of Central America to the southern sta~es of the United States. Walker proclaimed himself President and restored slavery in Nicaragua. That same year, the colonels in active serv- ice, Kinneys and Fabens, proclaimed the "independence" of San Juan del Norte, a sovereign territory of Nicaragua. 1856: Through the Dallas-Clarendon Treaty, the United Stat\~s "ceded" to England the Territory or Belize, which. did not belong to it. 1860: The United States intervened ," for the first time in Panama, under the pretext of restoring order. 1867: The United States affinned its "ownership" of Nicaragua through the Dickinson-Ayon 'freaty, which gave it the right to build the inter-oceanic canal. 1896: United States milltlhj forces landed in Nicaragua, at the port of Corinto. 1899: More United States military forces' landed on otir territory, in San Juan del Norte and Blue- fields. 1900: The United States imposed on Nicaragua and Costa Rica the Hay-Corea and Hay-Calvo Treaties to acquire control over the canal route through the Central American isthmus. 1901: the Marines l:mded i~ the Pan- ama isthmus. 1903: The Mannes Ilm~ed in PuertJ Cortes, Honduras. 1904: The Marines landed in Ancon and other points in Panama. That was the year wheli Theodore Roosevelt elaborated the "Roosevelt corollary"-or, rather, the big-stick policy. 1905: A further landing of Marines in Puerto Cortes, Honduras. 1909: The United States in- tervened in Nicaragua to Qverthrow the Government of General Jose Santos Zelaya through the infamous "Knox note". 1910: The Marines landed in Corinto, Nicaragua, and attacked our shores until they succeeded in imposing their own oligarchic Government. 1911: The United States again .landed its Marines in Corinto, Nicaragua, imposed presidents in Honduras and Nicaragua and com- peIIed Costa Rica and Nicaragua to &ccept onerous debt consolidations and new loans. 1912: The Marines landed yet again in Honduras, and the U~ited States began its military occupation of NicaragiJa which was to last until 40. 1\vo days ago Colonel Samuel Dickens, an Ameri- can officer and a member of the Council of the Inter- American Defense Board, stated on arrival in Tegucigalpa that the "Halcon Vista" military manoeuvres were but a sample and that the qnited States was ready to give its support to Honduras in a war against Nicaragua and to attack the people and the Revolutionary Government of Nicarngua. His lack of respect did not stop·there. He also attack(~dthe Government or Honduras 'because it pro- claimed that it was neutral vis-a-vis neighbours like Nic- aragua and a guerrilla war such as that in El Salvador. He also attacked the Governments of Mexico and France. All , 41. What can we call all this? 42. The United States continues to try to use Central American territory-as it did in the 1960s to attack Cuba-now to attack Nicaragua. 43. Acts of aggression, interference, pressure and black- mail have never ceased. Respect for the sovereignty of our countries has never been obtained from the United States. The expansionist thinking of the last century, the gunboat treaties, the big-stick policy, have emerged again. 44. Is this the kind of history that will repeat itself in Central America? 45. Our peoples are ready to respond as Sandino did to any attempt at direct or indirect aggression, either in Nic- aragua or in El Salvador. We all know that the threat of invasion is directed first and foremost against those two peoples. 46. Will that interventionist policy continue to be im- posed on the will of the people of the United States? 47. Will the policy of sustaining, ann~ng and defending in Central America such criminal regimes as those of Carlas, Ubico,. Hernandez, Martlnez and Somoza con- tinue to be imposed? It would appear so, according to the nostalgic words of a representative of the United States who, when passing through Peru, affirmed that she would prefer Somoza in power in Nicaragua rather than the Sandinists. 48. How far will economic aggression, hand in hand with military aggression, against Nicaragua go? Will the policy of interventionism in Central America again be im- posed with impunity? Will the United States continue to promote a wrong-headed policy in Central America, lead- ing to an explosive regional crisis that will make worse an already difficult international situation? 49. We wish to state yet again our rum position on this question. We want peace, but not at the cost of freedom. We do not want war, but if war is waged against us we shall resist with a people's war. We believe that although the picture is sombre and the outlook threatening, there is still time to stop the warmongers. 50. Central America demands changes. The revolution- aries and the Central American patriots are promoting those changes, and the Central American peoples are ready to bring them about. The just war being waged by the heroic people of El Salvador demands a true solution, one that cannot be obtained through electionS..,based on bloodshed, one that cannot be obtained through paramili- . tary groups, one that cannot be obtained throu~h ever greater intervention by the United States, one that cannot be obtained through genocide. 52. We also welcome the resolution on the situation re- garding human rights in El Salvador and tm possible ways and means of achieving a political solution, adopted at the 68th Inter-Parliamentary Conference, which met at Havana from 15 to 23 September 1981 [see A/36/584, annex]; the proposed resolution on Central America and the Caribbean put forward by the Socialist International, meeting at Paris in September; and the final declaration of the meeting of intellectuals for the sovereignty of the peo- ples of our America, held at Havana from 4 to 8 Sep- tember, which also relates to the struggle of the Sal- vadorian people. 53. We said that we were the bearers of a specific pro- posal to assist Central America in its struggle for peace in the world. That is why today we fulfIl the duty demanded of us by historic circumstances and inform )Uu, Mr. Presi- dent, and the representatives in the Assembly of the: na- tions of the earth of the proposals conveyed to us by the Salvadorian patriots. 54. But first we should like to say that there is among us, accompanyin!; ihe delegation of Nicaragua, the Presi- dent of the Democratic Revolutionary Front of El Sal- vador and member of the Joint Political Commission of the Farabundo Martf Front for National Liberation and of the Revolutionary Democratic Front, comrade Guillermo Manuel Ungo. 55. The proposals are dated 4 October 1981 an(l ad- dressed to Commander of the Revolution Daniel Ortega Saavedra, Co-ordinator of the Junta Government of Na- tional Reconstruction of Nicaragua. They are as follows: "The Farabundo Martr Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front authorize )UU to convey to the thirty-sixth session of the United Na- tions General Assembly and to the peoples of the world our proposals concerned with possible peace talks aimed at solving the crisis at present afflicting our country. "The following is the text of our proposals: " 'The Farabundo Martr Front for National Libera- tion and the Democratic Revolutionary Front address the international community and peoples of the world because they consider the United Nations to be the expression of the principles of peace, justice and equality among States and peoples and therefore the appropriate forum in which to express the aspirations of the people of El Salvador and its representative organizations, the Farabundo Martr Front for- Na- tional Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front. " 'May we~tofaU express our gratitude for the many expressions of solidarity with the struggle of " 'If today our people, directed by the Parabundo Martf Front and the Revolutionary Democratic Front, are involved in armed struggle it is because regimes of oppression and repression have closed the peaceful channels for change, leaving to the people as the sole legitimate alternative in its quest for liberation the recourse warmed struggle, the exercise of the universal and constitutional right to resort to re- bellion against unlawful and bloodthirsty authority. " 'Our way is therefore a just and necessary war to build peace and bring about equality among all Salvadorians. "'However, what we want is peace, and to achieve it we are proposing a political solution the objectives of which would be the end of the war and the establishment of a new economic and political order that will ensure for all Salvadorians the enjoy- ment of their rights as citizens and a life worthy of human beings. " ~ll this supports our express will to open a dia- logue with the civilian and military representatives to be designated by the Junta through a process of _- peace talks. " 'We intend to base those peace talks, which re- affIrm our commitment to seek and implement a pol- itical solution, on the following general principles: " '1. They will be carried out betwe~n delegates appointed by the Parabundo Marti Front for National Liberation and the Revolutionary Democratic Front and representatives of the Government Junta of El Salvador. .. '2. They will be conducted in the presence of Governments which, as witnesses, will contribute to the solution of the dispute. " '3. They will be comprehensive in nature, en- compassing the fundamental aspects of the conflict on the basis of an agenda to be drawn up by both sides. "'4. The people of El Salvador must be in- formed of every development. "'5. The talks will be opened without either of the two parties establishing prior conditions. "'(b) The restructuring of the armed forces on the base of the officers and men of the present army who are not responsible for crimes of genocide against the people and the integration of the officers and men of the Parabundo Martf Front. "'Our Fronts regard elections as a valid and nec- essary instrument for the expression of the will of the people, providing there are the necessary conditions and a climate that will enable our citizens freely to express their will. In El Salvador at present the elec- toral process does not fIll those requirements, since the repressive apparatus of the regime which murders trade union and political leaders and activists, per- secutes the progressive elements of the church and is daily responsible for the physical elimination of dozens of citizens remains intact. Similarly, martial law and press censorship are still in force, and there has been an increase in the war against the. people with the aid of weapons and advisers sent by the Government of the United States. " ~ political solution is necessary for our people, for the stability of the region, for peace and security among nations. This means that Governments must scrupulously respect the principle of non-interference. in the internal affairs of other peoples. That is why we are directly addressing the Govemment of the United States and asking it to cease its military inter- vention in El Salvador, since that intervention runs . counter to the interests of the Salvadorian and Amer- ican peoples and endangers peace and security in Central America. " 'Our proposal meets th-;. calls for justice in ac- cordance with the purest principles of international law and the interests of the nations and peoples of the world in the qaest for a peaceful settlement of the causes of hotbeds of tension. In their efforts the Salvadorian people express their confIdence in the understanding, participation and support of the inter- national community in the achievement of their right to peace, freedom and independence.' " The document is signed by the UnifIed Revolutionary Di- rection of the Parabundo Marti Front for National Libera- tion and the Executive Committee of the Revolutionary Democratic Front. 56. We are convinced that this appeal for justice, this appeal for peace, will be recognized by all those Govern- ments that are truly concerned with the fundamen~ rights of mankind. In the name of the dead, in the name of the tortured, in the name of the illiterate, in the name .

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank Com- mander Ortega Saavedra, Co-ordinator of the Junta of the Government of National Reconstruction of the Republic of Nicaragua, for the important statement he has just made.

Sir, we take pride in your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly, particularly since you belong to our Arab homeland and Arab nation, a nat~on that has contributed to the development of human civilization and is still fight- ing fascism and zionism because of its awareness of the dangers those political movements pose to humanity and progress. 59. I take this opportunity also to commend the efforts of your predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, the repre- sentative of the Federal Republic of Germany, during whose presidency the General Assembly engaged in such intensive activities and carried out such difficult work. . 60. I also have the pleasure of commending the efforts being made by the Secretary-General to strengthen the role of the Organization in promoting peace and security in our turbulent world. My delegation wishes also to ex- tend congratulations to Belize and the Republic of Van- uatu on their accession to independence and to welcome them to the United Nations. 61. My country is aware of the threats to international peace and security, and the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya sf.ares with the countries of the third world and the non-aligned movement their concern over the de- terioration of the situation in the world. At the same time, however, my country realizes that the causes of that deter- ioration lie in the policies pursued by the big Powers. 62. The United States under President Reagan's Admin- istration plays the major role in destabiliz!ng peace and security in the world and has reverted to the cold war and the scramble for spheres of influence. Clear evidence of this is the letter sent recently by the American President to the Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev, in which he under- lined the legitimate interests of the super-Powers and his readiness for mutual respect of those interests. 63. This course of American policy clearly illustrates the nature of the American Administration, which is seek- ing to partition the world into spheres of influence. The refusal of the United States to ratify the Strategic Arms Limitation 'freaty and its production of the neutron bomb, which has for its target the human race, are only two of the mallY' pieces of evidence of the United States premedi- tated aggressive intentions, which are fully in keeping with its ambitious designs for hegemony ov~r the re- sources of peoples and which constitute a flagrar.. threat to international peace and security. 65. American statements have revealed that the aggres- sion was premeditated and -had been approved at a meeting of the United States National Security Council. This reveals also that theAmerican forces sent to the Gulf of Sidra were not on routine manoeuvres, as American officials have claimed, for routine manoeuvres have never been given this aura in the United States. 66. The Reagan Administration's allegation concerning the extension by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya of its ter- ritorial waters to 200 miles is a blatant lie, because we are committed to the internationally recognized 12-mile limit. As for the Gulf of Sidra, it is an integral part of Libyan territory. My country will support any interna,.. tional agreement that can be reached at the third United Nations Conference on the Law of tIle Sea. That Con- ference has not come to a conclusion yet becau~ of the position taken by the United States itself. Whatever the differences on the demarcation of territorial waters, we call upon the international Organization and peace-loving peoples to stand up against the Ameiican acts of aggres- sion and not allow the United States to bestow upon itself the role of a policeman who imposes his will upon others. 67. The United States aims at pressuring the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya into abandoning its non-alignment and joining the other camp. The delegation of my country calls upon the international community, in particular the non-aligned movement, to confront those pressures with all means available so that my country may not be com- pelled to ally itself with the friend that aids it in resisting this premeditated American aggression. 68. American aggression against the non-aligned coun- tries has reached a point that reveals the terrorist nature of the American Administration, and there are other recent examples of this. The physical liquidation of the African leader Patrice Lumumba by American intelligence serv- ices is evidence of the hatred harboured by the United States towards everyone who is nationalist and progressive in Africa. The United States plot against the progressive Government of Chile and the assassination of its leader, Salvador Allende, confmn the hypocrisy of the American Administration in its claim to democracy. Allende bad come to power through democratic elections, in which he was supported by the people of Chile and all sincere peo- ple in Latin America and in the world. 69. The latest act of terrorism on the part of the new American Administration, which has been revealed by the American press and confirmed by some officials, is the existence of a plot t53 assassinate the leader of the First of September Revolution, Colonel Muammar AI-Qadhafi. 71. My country resists and condemns the terrorist pol- icy of the United States, and we therefore condemn the bacteriological war it is waging against the friendly peo- ple of the Republic of Cub~. We also condemn the ter- rorism' practised by the United States against Nicaragua and Grenada through using grain supplies, loans and eco- nomic pressure as weapons to subjugate the struggling peoples of those countries. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya also condemns the support by the United States for the Fascist regimes in Latin America against the will of their peoples~ as is the case with El Salvador. We declare our solidarity with the people of El Salvador in their struggle against imperialism and fascism. i\ 72. For all those reasons we believe the United States is no longer fit to serve as host to the United Nations. The least we can ask of the international community is that it should transfer the Organization's Headquarters to a coun- try that respects the Organization and pursues its goals. 73. The struggle of the Namibian people and their right to independence bring th~ United Nations face to face with its responsibilities. On the one hand, we find that the international community has acknowledged the right of that friendly African people to freedom and indepen- dence, and on the other hand we witness the racist re- gime, backed by the United States and some Western na- tions, impeding the will and the resolutions of the international Organization under the pretext nf ensuring the rights of the racist minority. 74. That adamant position on the part of the racist ~­ gime in South Africa and of the United States makes Os wonder what steps could be taken by the non-aligned movement and its friends to ensure that the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, gain their free- dom and independence. 75. The inde~ndence of the people of Namibia can be achieved only through adherence to the following princi- ples. 76. First, there is the support for the armed struggle of the people of Namibia, bearing in mind the fact that the liberty of a people is not granted but has to be won, es- pecially within the framework of the Organization where the right to use the veto plays a major part in protecting the interests of imperialist, Fascist and racist countries. 77. Second is the reaffirmation of the inalienable rights of the people of Namibi~ to self-determination, freedom and national independence in a unified Namibia, in ac- cordance with the Charter of the United Nations and Gen- eral Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). 78. The third principle is emphasis on the fact that SWAPO, as the sole legitimate representative of the peo- ple of Namibia struggling for the independence of that Teli.itory, is a main party to the dispute. 79. Fourthly, there must be decisive and speedy imple- n:tentation of Security Council ,resolution 435 (1978) on 80. Fifth is the imposition on the racist regime of South Africa of the sanctions provided for in the resolution adopted at the eighth emergency special session of the General Assembly [see resolution ES-8/2l, in order to compel that racist regime to pull its administration out of Namibia and thus speed up Namibia's independence. 81. The practices of the racist regime of South Africa are sustained by the backing which it receives from the American Administratjon and some Western countries. That continuous support has enabled the racist minority to monopolize the power, wealth and weapons in the country and to control the destiny of the indigenous population of South Africa. That situation constitutes a flagJant dis- regard for human rights and a challenge to the conscience of humanity. The international community should !b.ere- fore assume responsibility for putting an end to ...:.C3e crimes. 82. My country will continue to support the struggle of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa for freedom and self-determination. The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya also stands by Angola and the rJther front-line States in their resistance to the barbaric aggression perpe- trated against them by the r~cist regime of Pretoria. 83. The situation and racist practices in southern Africa are the same as those achieved by the Zionist entity in the Arab land. The international community .is now aware of that similarity and of the close ties which exist between the Zionist entity and the South African regime. 84. The Palestinian cause has become one of the perma- nent problems that the United Nations has to deal with, as it represents a new form of colonialism. The occupa- tion of Arab Palestine by the Zionist entity constitutes a new form of racist and expansionist colonialism, which has expelled the people of Palestine from their homeland and extended that entity's occupation to the territories of some Arab countries adjacent to Palestine. Thus, under the pretext of safeguarding so-called Israeli security, the new colonialism is posing a threat to the security and peace of the entire Arab world. 85. The General Assembly has ~peatedly confirmed its commitment to the rights of the Palestinian people and has recognized the PW as the sole legitimate represen- tative of the Palestinians. Moreover, the majority of the members of the. Security Council have acknowledged the rights of the Palestinian people and condemned the con- tinual acts of aggression perpetrated by the racist Zionist entity against the Palestinians. However, in spite of that international endorsement of the Palestinian cause, we still find countries which support aggression and oppose the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and refuse to look upon the PW as the sole legitimate repre- sentative of the Palestinian people. 86. Thus, on the one hand we see the United States providing the Zionist entity with weapons of mass de- 87. .Furthermore, the extent of United States disregard for the international community is most clearly shown by its complicity with the Egyptian regime and the Zionist entity in order to impose solutions of the Middle East problem through the Camp David agreements. 88. The Camp David agreements have ignored the efforts exerted by the United Nations and have pushed the Middle East problem out of the framework of the United Nations. Besides, the parties to those agreements have de- liberately sought to eliminate the role of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Moreover, those agreements have freed the Zionists to strike at the Arab nations. That is best evidenced in its repeated actsof aggression against Lebanese cities and vil- lages and the Palestinian camps, as well as iqi destruction of the Iraqi nuclear reactor, under the watchful eyes of the AWACS planes stationed in a part of the Arab world. 89. The latest example of the American Administration's flouting of the international community is the strategic al- liance which it has formed with the Zionist entity. Such an alliance can only 00 interpreted as an advanced stage in a long-term plan of aggression and terrorism carried out by a super-Power which, as a permanent member of the Security Council, is supposed, by virtue of its posi- tion, to assume the major responsibility for the mainte- nance of international peace and security, instead of con- niving with a terrorist racist entity which aspires to carry out the theory propounding Zionist occupation of the en- tire area. 90. The American Administration's submission to Zionist pressures happens even at the highest-level policy- making bodies, at the expense of the vital interests of the American people. This submissiveness has the inevitable result of placing not only the Arab homeland but all the countries in the region in a state of direct confrontation with the United States, which persists in defying the will of these peoples. 91. This pernicious aliiance destroys completely the chances of success of any international initiative to re- establish peace in the region. Therefore, it is incumbent on the international community to discharge its respon- sibilities by denouncing and opposing this alliance and to . put an end to imperialist Zionist adventurism. 92. Those who believe in the role of the Organization cannot help. asking themselves: Of what use.,are its resolu- tions? Why should the United States Md the,. Zionist en- tity ignore them? In order to remedy this regreuable situa- tion, the United Nations must not content itself with issuing resolutions condemning the Zionist entity, for such condemnation is no longer adequate. The United 93. The United Nations has an essential responsibility and a principal role in. the field of disarmament, and we expect it to shoulder its responsibility in this regard. In spite of the efforts which it has hitherto exerted and which have resulted in a number of treaties banning nu- clear tests and nuclear arms proliferation, and in the con- vening in 1978 of the tenth special session. of the Assem- bly, on disarmament, the fmal objective, that of general and complete disarmament, still eludes it and will con- tinue to do so as long as international relations are not based on equity but on persecution, oppression and the threat to use force. 94. The responsibility for maintaining security and peace is shared by all nations, but we believe that the greatest responsibility should fall on the major nuclear Powers and other countries which are engaged in the arms race. Disarmament should be achieved in accordan·ce with the priorities stated in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session of the Assembly [resolution 8-10/2]. 95. In this respect, the delegation of my country con- demns the decision by the United States to produce the neutron bomb and to deploy nuclear missiles in Europe, which will result in an al~celerated escalation of the arms race and jeopardize intel1!lational security and peace. 96. The human race is today faced with many areas of tension which threaten international peace and security. In regard to northern Africa, the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has been following the issue of Western Sahara since the Sahraoui people started fighting colo- nialism. My country has already welcomed the initiative of Morocco, which has agreed to the holding of a referen- dum on the question and has supported the decision adopted at the latest session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Nairobi in August, on organizing this refer-:- endum [see A/36/534, annex 11, resolution ABG/Res. 103 (XVIII)]. We hope that the referendum will take place in favourable circumstances so as to enable the Sahraoui people to express its desire and dr.cide its own destiny. 97. We see that on the Asian continent the situation in Afghanistan is a source of worry. It has become obvious that the imperialist camp, under the leadership of the United States, is trying to exploit this situation in its struggle against the Soviet Union. This emphasizes the fact that the United States has no intention of accepting a peaceful solution of this i~ue. We in the Socialist Pe0- pIe's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya reiterate our insistence that Afghanistan remain neutral, and we express our opinion that the international repercussions of the Afghan issue should be remedied and that the acts of aggressio~against Afghanistan should cease, so as to enable the friendly Gove1lll-nent of Afghanistan, acting on it own, to re-estab- lish peace and security in the country. 99. Bearing in mind militant imperialism and in con- formity with the principles of the non-aligned movement, and in an effort to promote co-operation among the coun- m,es of that movement,-my country signed, in Aden on 19 August 1981, a treaty of co-operation and friendship with both Ethiopia and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen. This treaty aims at promoting the economic potential of its signatories and consolidating the political co-operation among the:n so that they can maintain their neutrality and, non-~gnment. 100. The deterioration of the world economy and the symptoms""of this deterioration that we witness in infla- tion, unemployment and economic stagnation can be at- tributed to the economic order that has prevailed since the Second World War. 101. It is clear that the major shortcoming of the current economic order is that it was established without the par- ticipation of the developing nations whose economy con- stitutes a major portion of the components of the world economy. Furthermore, the current economic order favours the interests of the developed industrial nations, which has prompted these nations, headed by the United States, to obstruct any serious step toward the establish- ment of a new international economic ordex: Though the General Assembly has dermed the features of the new international economic order in its sixth and eleventh spe- cial sessions, and though more than a year has elapsed since the convening of the eleventh special session, a small group of capitalist countries still wrangles -over a starting date for the global negotiations on development and international co-operation, in order to serve their own interest and in accordance with their conditions. 102. Economic co-operation among developing nations is a primary and necessary component for achieving a new international economic order, as well as one of its main objectives. ~onomic co-operation among develop- ing nations cannot replace the North-South dialogue; it is complementary to it. Economic co-operation among de- veloping nations has ~chieved tremendous progress during the past few years, particularly since the conferences at Arusha and Mexico and the High-level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, held last May at Caracas, which adopted a comprehensive, ambitious programme for economic co-operation among developing nations [A/36/333 and Corr.l, annex]. This programme will be.a significant factor in achieving col- lective self-reliance and economic development of devel- oping nations. The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jam- ahiriya, as a developing nation, whole-heartedly supports economic co-operation among developing' nations and seeks the achievemen~ of its objectives through the aid it provides to other developing nations, either bilaterally by establishing joint companies and banks, or in the form of the assistance provided by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries or through trade and the exchange of experts or information in, the scientific and technological fields. 104. As we celebrate this Internati::mal Year of Disabled Persons, and as we endeavour to implement its theme, we are delighted to commend the sincere response (0 all the; plans-national, regional and international-to help ac- complish the objectives of the International Year. It is a true indication of the importance bestowed by the interna- tional community upon more than 500 million disabled persons. We appeal to the international community to consider this Year as a starting point in meeting the CGn- cerns of disabled persons in the long term. 105. The Advisory Committee for the International Year of Disabled Persons, over which my country is honoured to preside, played a positive part in the activities relevant to the objectives of the International Year. Moreover, the long-term world plan of action, which the Advisory Com- mittee will complete next year, will be of special impor- tance in implementing the future policy of the interna- tional community in caring for disabled persons and pro- moting their participation in the economic, social, pol- itical and cultural life of their society equally with their fellow citizens. 106. We take this opportunity also to emphasize the im- portance of the World Symposium of Experts on Tech- nical Co-operation &IIlong Devel~ping Countries and Technical Assistance in Disability Prevention and Re- habilitation, which is scheduled to be held at Vienna from 12 to 23 October 1981. We hope that this Symposium will have positive results leading to laying the foundations for technical collaboration in this humanitarian cause, thus contributing towards the realization of the objectives set out for the International Year of Disabled Persons. 107. Among the activities undertaken by the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya at the national level was the convening last May of the National Conference on Disabled Persons living in the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya to consider the pro- grammes that would best assist them. Subsequently, Bill No. 3 for the year 1981 was promulgated, which is con- sidered a progressive law in the field of preventing dis- ability and of rehabilitation. At the international level, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya organized an international sym- posium recently, from 27 September to 4 October, the theme of which was "Full Peu1icipation and Integration". A great number of countries and international organiza- tions, governmental and non-governmental, participated. 108. Although it is now more than 35 years since the Second World War ended, its economic and social effects are still felt in the LibyZD Arab Jamahiriya and other countries. In addition to the total and direct destruction inflicted on the cities and villages of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya during the war itself, my country still suffers from the remnants of this destructive war because of the minefields planted by the belligerent forces, which cover vast areas of our territory. Thousands of innocent victims 109. Although this problem has been before the interna- tional community for some time, and despite the adoption of numerous resolutions, the latest being General Assem- bly resolution 35171, which provides for compensating the Libyan Arab JanIlahiriya for the material and human losses arising from this problem, no noticeable progress has been made, because the countries involved have not hon- oured their obligations. 110. We demand that these countries and the whole in- ternational community take the necessary measures to solve this problem and stop the bloodshed among inno- cent victims. • Ill. With regard to the Charter of the United Nations and strengthening the role of the Organization) the great majority of nations have noticed in the past few years that the decline in the role of the United Nations in general, and the Security Cuuncil in particular, is primarily the result of the existence of the privilege entailed in the right of veto. The misuse of this privilege by some ofthe great Powers hampers the attempts of the United Nations to find peaceful and just solutions to world problems. The United States used this privilege during the voting on the draft resolution before the Security Council condemning South Africa's racist regime for its aggression last month against the People's Republic of Angola. It is clear that the right of veto has been used on issues of concern to the national security of some States that are pennanent members of the Security Councii without regard for the objective with which they justified their enjoyment of this right-the protection of world peace and the maintenance of the balance of power. 112. The time has come to look thoroughly into the role of the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations ana on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization [General Assembly resolution 3499 (XXX)]. During the seven years since it was established as the Ad Hoc Committee on the Charter of the United Nations [resolution 3349 (XXIX)], it has failed to accomplish the task entrusted to it. We are now faced with the option of either seeking an alternative to this Committee or re- orienting its work in the right direction so that it will have specific objectives,. including a re-examination of the rule which requires consensus of the permanent members of the Security Council, taking into consideration'$e follow- ing: the principle of equality among nations, maintenance of international peace and· security as a respOnsibility shared by all Member States, the strengthening of the role of the Security Council in preserving international peace 114. In conclusion, on behalf of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, I wish to express our sincere hope that the Organization will be successful in promot- ing good relations among peoples and achieving pros- perity, as well as international peace and security.

It was with shock that we learned yesterday of the heinous and brutal death of the President of the Arab Republic of Egypt. Mankind as a whOle must feel in the very depth of its sop.d and heart this great and irreparable loss. Mrica has lost one of it~great political figures. Sadat was a man of history, and history has claimed him. The delegation of the Central African Re- public wishes to associate itself with the feelings that have been expressed in these sad circumstances and to offer its most heartfelt condolences to the delegation of the Arab Republic of Egypt.. 116. I should like at the outset of my statement before this gathering of persons bearing immense responsibilities for the destiny of mankind to transmit the wishes for full success and signal achievement addressed to it by General of the Army Andle Kolingba, President of the Military Committee for National Reconstruction and Head of State, who has full confidence and great faith in the fu- ture of the United Nations. 117. It is a message of peace and hope that he sends through this political gathering to the whole of the inter- national community, so that tomorrow'8 horizon may be clearer, more serene, more peaceful and more promising for the total fulfilment of all peoples in freedom, justice and independence. It is a message of peace and hope en- compassing the concerns of mankind, with which the As- sembly is dealing for the purpose of finding, in the spirit of consultation and of resolve typical of it, timely solu- tions to the conflicts and tension which threaten the sta- bility of our world. 118. In keeping with custom and tradition, I should like now to express the pround satisfaction of the Central Af- rican Republic at seeing a great and worthy son of the Republic of Iraq presiding over the present meetings of the General Assembly. 119. Mi. President, }Qur efforts and )'Our personal ac- tion to ensure that our debates will proceed with tolerance and in harmony are a valuable and encouraging contribu- tiOll to the success of this session. 121. Hence the Central African Republic for its part re- mains convinced that this session will provide another op- porninity to demonstrate the vitality and the depth of that will to collaborate and to co-operate that have always been the hallmark of the friendship and fraternity between the two countries. 122. I should also like to express to Mr. RUdiger von Wechmar, the outgoing President, our total satisfaction with the competence and effectiveness, with which he guided the work of previous se~sions. ... 123. I wish also to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General for his dedication to the service of the United Nations. 124. Finally, I wish to affinn here the constant read- iness of the Central African Republic to establish the con- ditions of beneficial co-operation with Vanuatu and Be- lize, whose admission to the United Nations, which we Yi1h"lllly welcome, increases the Organization". ability to deal with the various problems confronting it. 125. As I have just emphasized, the theme of the mes- sage which the Central African Republic wishes to trans- mit to the General Assembly is a triptych the three panels of which are freedom, security and development. 126. Freedom, security and development are three ~s­ sen"'~:': "oncepts for us because they inspire all politiCal actIon J)ased on nobility and generosity; three concepts wh.(~:, today are acquiring by their relevance a special CharQ;i;ier and by their gravity a. singular tone. 127. Freedom is an expression whose depth, nobility and gn'ndeur'are mingled and frequently confused in my- thol')gy. It has inspired and continues to inspire every re- appraisal of an economic and socio-political order. It sets its indelibl~ seal on many of our mottoes, constitutions and coats-of-arms. It is to be found at the beginning and at the end of all our actiQ.ns. 128. And yet, how fragile it remains in our hearts and how precarious in our spirits, ...rreatened and viol~ted by our actions! Subtle confiscation of political and economic power, violence, terrorism, moral proverty-all are con- stants which daily infringe the freedom of those who are powerless in the face of the uncertainties of a disor.:. ganized, conditioned and mechanized world. 129. Deriving all profit possible from an international order fundamentally in their favour, the rich are skilfully channelling their disorders and aggressiveness towards others abroad. 130. Threatened and violated at home, our freedom is daily the object of manipulation, constraint and domina- tion. Our poverty, which is maintained by legend, is the 131. In Africa, in Asia and in Latin America, none of our lands, none of our waters, none of our skies, is shel- tered from threat or from force. 132. Angola, Lebanon, Cyprus, Korea, Afghanistan, Democratic Kampuchea are so many sad and tragic exam- ples of the human conscience trampled on and violated by dangerous external interference with no other justification than the aggressive resurgence of ideological propensities to subjugation and moral, political, economic or racial domination. 133. Our unswerving attachment to the freedom we have won at the price of great sacrifices, and the scrupulous preservation ofour diversities but also of our complemen- tarities, demand of us more insistently than ever not to yield to bargaining and intimidation. Nevertheless, this conviction must not give the impression of the defence of a refuge, of an illusory retreat into ourselves. 134. We sincerely and profoundly believe in interna- tional solidarity and in the virtues essential for world dia- logue, on the one and only condition that there is strict respect for our respe~tive values and our identities. A dia- logue iliat ignores this pre-condition is ~ynon'ymous with domination; it destroys understanding, sows distrust, pro- duces confrontation and engenders war. 135. This freedom we seek for our ind((pendent States is something we claim even more insistently for the peoples of Namibia, East Timor and all those that in sweat and blood accept martyrdom for the liberation of their home- lands. Our freedom will have real value and genuine sig- nificance only when it is extended and amplified by that of the peoples still under colonial or racist domination. 136. In the same context, we most earnestly call for a speedy solution to the problems of Western Sahara, May- otte and the conflict between Iran and Iraq. Upon our capacity to solve those crises by dialogue, and within ap- propriate regional or international institutions, depend our strength and credibility in all negotiations that we conduct for our survival and our collective security. 137. Security is another panel of the triptych which has always underlain all action, peaceful or. otherwise, in- spired the founding St~tes of the United Nations at San Francisco, and today remains the primary concern of all our States. And yet many great clouds are still darkening the sky of security and peace. 138. Aggressive and unbridled rivalry in the world lead- ership is no longer held in check by the precarious but highly salutary balance .of peace and security. The grow- ing control of the seas and oceans for strategic purposes, allied to an unprecedented proliferation of military bases, the increase in expenditure resulting from the dangerous refining of tlte concept of balance of power, the impasse in international negotiations on disarmament and. on the rational use of the common resources of mankind, the brutal recourse to violence and the unacceptable inter- 140. It is therefore essential for any. satisfactory settle- ment to be based on the withdrawal of all foreign forces from those countries, the preservation and restoration of their sovereignty and territorial integrity and the determi- nation of their destiny solely in accordance with the will of their peoples. 141. It is hardly necessary to point also to the grave threats to international peace and security in southern Af- rica, Cyprus, Lebanon and Afghanistan. To ignore these situations would be a capitulation by the universal con- science which we represent and to turn aside from it would be to risk a holocaust that would spare none. 142. Far be it from us to plunge into excessive pessi- mism and fatalism. We profoundly believe in the moral capacity of man and in his striking ability to look back into his past in order to exercise more control over his future. That is how to measure the progress, Oneven but amazing, which mankind continues to achieve. 143. I should like now to deal with the third panel of the triptych, which concerns development. Since the sixth special session of the General Assembly, in 1974, the in- ternational community has been growing more aware of the phenomenon of the economic interdependence of States and their common destiny. 144. 'The collapse of the present monetary system, infla- tion, and the energy and food crises have in these past few years highlighted the reality of this interdependence and have led to the convening of numerous conferences whose purpose was to install a new framework for eco- nomic relations based on the principles of equity and the sovereignty of all States. 145. To be sure, the international community has taken action-oriented decisions intended to trigger the process of correcting existing injustices, reducing the growing gap between developed and developing countries and facilitat- ing the economic and social advancement of the latter. But even today, at the beginning of the Third United Na- tions Development Decade, we see tb~, tJDfortunately very little has been done, because of the selfishness and lack of political will of most of the industrialized coun- tries. 146. Thus, variolls uncertainties continue to loom over the economy of the countries of the third world: the in- stability of the international monetary system constantly and seriously disrupts their balance of payments and con- stantly puts their exports at a disadvantage on the world market, while their import prices are increasing dispropor- tionately. In additi'on there are obstacles of an kinds im- posed by various protectionist measures. 147. The absence of financial means and the insuffi- ciency of the real transfer of resources and technology 148. The Central African Republic accordingly wel- comes the adoption last year by the General Assembly of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56], and the adoption of the Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries4 by the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which was held at Paris from 1 to 14 Sep- tember 1981. The Government of the Central Mrican Re- public wishes to appeal to the conscience of the rich countries to implement fully the important measures de- cided on as a result of those meetings. 149. Yet I cannot conceal my country's concern at the delay in the launching of the global negotiations which should, in principle, have started last January but which have not, as a result of continuing differences on ques- tions of procedure and timetable. Nevertheless, I hope that the forthcoming International Meeting on Co-opera- tion and Development, at Cancun, will produce a useful compromise capable of satisfying all the parties con- cerned in the North-South dialogue. 1500 The Central African Republic, for its part, will make its contribution to all the noble battles for equality, social justice and development. 151. And now, before concluding my statement, I should like to draw the General Assembly's a~ntion to the situation prevailing in my country, two years after the fall of the empire and the restoration of the Republic. 152. Since' the historic date of 'I September last, the Central African people, still suffering in body and spirit from the nightmare of 14 long years of a vile and wretched dictatorship, has called on its army to shape a new destiny which is more in keeping with its basic con- cerns. It couid no longer remain silent and accept politi- cians who for two years had left the country bogged down in a serious economic, social and political crisis, in anarchy and disorder, with inevitable inclinations to de- stabilization. Nor could it any longer agree to shed its blood once more in face of the total incompetence of the last decaying regime, and the stupidity and irrespon- sibility of the various political parties. 153. That was why, in response to an urgent and dis- tressed appeal, the Army, which was the sole remaining guarantor of the nation's vital interests, took power with- out any bloodshed. Invested with this mission for a limited period, the Army suspended the Constitution of 2 February 1981 and the activities of all the DOlitical parties and undertook a vigoro~s programme of national recon- ciliation, made essential by the dangers and tensions that were tearing our country apart and that contained all the. seeds of an inevitable civil war. The improvement thus undertaken is designed to produce a new framework for a genuine democratic society where freely accepted con- sultation will ever ~main the ideal of all Central African citizens. 155. . That is why it has undertaken to respect all inter- national obligations entered into earlier, thereby showing its permanent readiness to pursue and deepen the relations of friendship and co-operation with all the States which love peace and justice, with due regard for its national sovereignty. It sees therein the essential conditions which could contribute to the rehabilitation and rapid develop- ment of the Central African Republic. 156. As members are aware, the reign of the dictator Bokassa, whiCh was characterized by irrational exploita- tion, a systematic plundering of our natural resources and an anarchic management 'of public property, plunged the country into an unprecedented economic and financial crisis. Thus production as a whole has fallen by about 50 per cent as compared with 1971. 157. The transport and communications networks have deteriorated completely for lack of maintenance, thereby bringing about, especially in the case of the road net- works, the paralysis of collection and marketing systems for agricultural products. 158. With regard to the financial situation, poor man- agement caused by uncontrolled withdrawals and unpro- ductive expenditures has led to a budgetary deficit of more than $46 million, out of a budget of $108 million, while the cumulative debt now amounts to $248 million. " 159. The social and educational sectors have not been spared. Together with the constant depreciation in pur- chasing power and the continuous impoverishment of the population there has been a total degradation of the health and educational services and infrastructure, which were already inadequate, thereby leading to an increase in"dis- ease, a rise in the rate of drop-outs and a growing defi- ciency in the training of technicians. 160. Although a biennial plan for economic and social improvemerit' for 1980-1981 was established by the pre- vious regime, the situation has scarcely changed. Indeed, it has deteriorated as a result of the inadequacy of finan- cial means and the failure to carry out the programme set up. 161. That is why the- primary task assigned to the Mili- tary Committee for Nati9nal Reconstruction is the reorder- ing of the economy, with the following principal objec- tives: the improvement of public finances, agricultural and pastoral development to ensure food self-suffiCIency and the necessary income for the rural populati~n, the recon- struction of the road network to ensure permanent com- munication between the provinces and between the provinces and the capital and the rehabilitation and estab- lishment of educational and health institulions. ---------- --------- 163. It is in this context also that I think it very useful to recall resolution 35/87 of 5 December 1980, in which the General Assembly: "Urgently appeals to all Member States, the spe- cialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system and international economic and finan- cial institutions to contribute generously, through bilat- eral or multilateral channels, to the reconstruction, re- habilitation and development of the Central African Republic". 164. The Military Committee strongly hopes that the in- ternational programme of financial, technical and material assistance advocated in that resolution will be established as soon as possi~le. 165. Lastly, I should like to thank all the States Mem- bers of the United Nations and international organizations which have already made their contribution to the imple- mentation of that resolution. 166. The irony of fate is ~uch that my country, which is classified among the least advanced countries of the world, is moreover also land-locked and thereby is con- fronted with enormous difficulties. But ~te has also made it a land of the future, thanks to its great economic poten- tial, the greater part of which is as yet untapped. It is for this reason that the Central African Republic is opening its doors to all investors and urges them to come in large numbers to exploit the enormous possibilities which it of- fers to them. 167. Thirty-six years after San Francisco, we must re- flect on the future of the Organization and define the new course which the Member States must follow in order to correct the errors of the past. Our hope is to establish a new world, a world of peace, free from all anxiety and all threats of war. It is a hope as well as faith in the future of mankind, which must convince the strong as well as the weak, the rich as well as the poor, of the indissoluble nature of the common destiny of man. NOTES I See The Department of State Bulletin, vol. LXXVII, No. 19999 (Washington, D.e., D.S. Government Printing Office, 1978), pp. 483-496. 2 Frente Popular para la Liberaci6n de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rfo de Om. 4 See Report of.the United Nations Conference on the Least Devel- oped Countries (U:nited Nations publication, Sales No. E.82.I.8), part one, sect. A.