A/36/PV.30 General Assembly

I should like to invite representatives to consider Part 11 of the report of the Fifth Committee on subitem (a) of agenda item 18, in paragraph 4 of which the Fifth Com- mittee recommends that Mr. Jobst Holbom of the Federal Republic of Germany be appointed a member of the Ad- visory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Ques- tions for the unexpired portion of Mr. Rudolf Schmidt's appointment, ending on 31 December 1981. May I take it that the General Assembly wishes to adopt that recom- mendation?

It is my privilege to convey * Resumed from the 8th meeling. NEW YORK the wannest congratulations of the Government ['qd dele- 3. I should like at the same time to express my admira- tion for Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar's outstanding, correct and vigorous direction of the session just ended. 4. The delegation of the Dominican Republic, on behalf· of its Government and people, extends its condolences to the family of President Anwar El Sadat and to the people and Government of the Republic of Egypt on the tragic death of their head of State, who was onc ~f the pillars upholding peace in the Middle East and in the world to- day. His death moves us to the most profoulld thoughts, both in the very heart of the United Nations and in the States that constitute the international community. 5. It is a great pleasure to extend a very cordial and friendly welcome to the new Member States that have joined. the Organization. We are sure that Vanuatu and Belize will, by their spirit of collaboration.and their iden- tification with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, contribute to the achievement of the objectives that fortunately led to its birth in San Francisco in 1945, permitting the world to enter a new era of peace after the devastation of the last world war. 6. Allow me, as Secretary of State for External Rela- tions of the Dominican Republic, to endorse before the General Assembly these words which justify the existence of the United Nations~ "Peace is the foundation of inter- national order and the most effective instrument of human progress." 7. The situations of conflict we are facing in this period of history illustrate, from every point of view, the sen- tence I have just quoted. We are living in the nuclear age; we are living through a crisis of law and the proliferation of the most destructive weapons ever conceived. Only with a spirit of good will, co-operation and solidarity will the States Members of the Organization succeed in find- ing the formulas that are urgently needed for achieving peace. 8. The task is undoUbtedly a difficult and-why not say it?-ominous one, as the panorama of international pol- itics becomes increasingly complex. Nevertheless, we be- lieve that peace is not impossible when ~uman beings are confronted with a dilemma that has become a challenge to their very surviVal. 10. Many years passed before the reality of what the Cmibbean represents for this part of the world was taken into account and assessed in the context of the hemi- sphere~ Colonial history reveals that the surrounding ocean was a closed and mysterious place that served as a setting for pirates, buccaneers and freebooters. The his- tory of the island of Tortuga is a murky drama, as des- cribed by one of the most respected historians and jurists of the Dominican Republic. This island, located in the path of the hurricanes, is still a reminder of an age of intrigue and ~eath. 11. No analysis is needed to state that the insularity of the Caribbean area is a fragmented one. It produces char- acteristic sociological phenomena that have not been ad- vantageous to our harmonious and lasting union. The Do- minican Republic enjoys the privilege of being probably the first country to POlOt out that, because of its very nature and geographical situation, insularity should lead to thinking on a regional scale because of mutual interests and the new perspectives now o~ning up in the world. 12. Thus, this idea, which had become rooted in the nation's political thinking, began to take concrete shape during the official visit made to my country by the Minis- ter for External Relations of c.osta Rica in 1979. A novel and realistic conception of the greater Caribbean area came into being, based on linking all the independent countries whose territories are washed by those wat~rs. 13. The work being done to make the Caribbean Basin initiative an immediate reality is most encouraging. This initiativeorigipated with the group sponsored by the United States, 'and its participants now include the United States, Canada, Mexico and Venezuela. Thus the coun- tries of the region now facing the direct impact of the crisis affecting the international economy could rely on financial resources to meet the challenge of their develop- ment. 14. The Caribbean Basin initiative began to take prac- tical shape after the Nassau meeting of the foreign minis- ters of those four nations in July of this year. The coun- tries of the area are actively working to make its programme of action an immediate reality, for the dismal future looming ahead of us does not permit delay. 15. We are aware that private investment will play' a large role in this programme. It must be recognized, how- ever, that several factors will prevent these investments from producing good results in the short term. The hesi- tancy to commit capital, the lack of energy sources and, in some cases, of the indispensable infrastructure and the high'interest rates prevailing in financial markets can con- stitute discouraging factors for potential private investors. We therefore feel that, in view of the pressing economic situation facing our countries, the programme must give .priority to official assistance; both financial and through .' 17. I would like to say how pleased the Government· of the Dominican Republic was to allow the city of Santo Domingo to host the important meetings on the Caribbean Basin initiative. These meetings, which are being held this very week, will assemble representatives from the Caribbean countries, Central America and the group sponsored by the United States. 18. We should like to make special mention in this world forum of the valuable economic co-operation we are receiving from the countries of the region in the con- text of the Energy Co-operation Program for Central American and Caribbean Countries, concluded at San Jose on 3 August 1980 by the Presidents of Mexico and Venezuela, the main suppliers of the oil we consume, un- der which Mexico and Venezuela are financing part of our oil bill. These funds will be used for development pro- jects. 19. We have become convinced that human rights and terrorism are separate subjects and that each must be con- sidered individually. We cannot avoid recognizing the fact that under many circumstances there is an obvious con- nection between them. 20. In the battle against violation of human rights, the authorities whose task it is to maintain public order have often exceeded the limits established by law. I am refer- ring to a situation in which, in the context of its activity to contain the spreading tide of terrorism, legitimate au- thority exceeds its jurisdiction and expands its. activity to a point where it can be termed a violation of the law. This gives rise to the idea that the concept of State terrorism must be added to that of terrorism pure and simple. Abuse of power, which is also a criminal offense, cannot be allowed to reinforce legitimate prosecution. To exceed those limits constitutes a violation of human rights by the authority acting to prevent this type .of violation. 21. In this context, we should like to mention the pro- posal made by the Federal Republic of Germany to con- tribute to a decision aimed at embodying respect for human rights in more concrete form. It is paradoxical that on the one hand physical integrity is considered an in- alienable right within the general structure of human rights while on the other hand there is no provision bar- ring the death penalty. 22. In t!tis period typified by a demand for human rights there is one unacceptable note of discord: namely, the fact thafin some countries a punishment reminiscent of the lex talionis is still in effect. The right to punish 23. At the thirty-fifth session my delegation spoke about this situation [24th meeting, paras. 76-78], which in our opinion is an anomaly. At that time we noted that the American Convention on Human Rights' prohibits capital punishment on the one hand while on the other hand tolerating it in those States where it existed prior to the signing of the Convention. The substantive law of the Dominican Republic prohibits capital punishment, and when we signed the Convention we expressed the hope that in the future this anomaly would be eliminated from that inter-American instrument govemmghuman rights. 24. Since the first outbreaks of terrorism in the second half of this century the Dominican Republic has supported the principle that terrorism is a violation of common law and accordingly that classifying it as such may be the key to limiting the incidence of international crime. Classifica- tion of it as a political crime hinders punishment under the legal system for many acts which then cease to be the subject of the public rejection that justifies the existence of public order. It also elevates the most loathsome trans- gressions to the status of heroic deeds. 25. In those cases classification as political crimes en- courages protection through asylum and thwarts extradi- tion. In this situation, we recommend that the Ad Hoc Committee on International Terrorism review these argu- ments thoroughly and include in its study a specific ana- lysis to determine the applicability of triple classification of political crimes ac~rding to their nature~ their motives and the association of the political crime with a common- law crime. This has enjoyed a certain acceptance among those who propound the tripartite idea of the political crime and suggests that classifying terrorism as a crime against the law of nations, with all its consequences, might ultimately prove to be the radical formula that could at last reduce the uncontrolled spread of terrorism. 26. We believe that the States Members of the United Nations ~ persuaded that terrorism could lead to a state of anarchy, since it shows every sign of increasing rather than diminishing. The victims of this grave social and pol- itical outrage are generally innocent persons while the per- petrators suffer nO risks, as in the case of the taking of hostages, the seizing of aircraft with their passengers and many other forms of terrorism, which must be condemned by joint action. 27. Among the acts of terrorism which have shocked the world this year and which point to a kind of return to barbarism are the assassination attempts made onPresi- dent Ronald Reagan and on the Holy Fath.er, Pope John Paul IT. They occurred before the echoes oftJte condem- nation by all civilized nations of the taking of~ostages at '-the American':Embassy at Teheran and at the Dominican Republic's Embassy at Bogota had died down. It could be said that the sacrilegious hand of evil was raised as proof 28. Let us think also of the dramatic death of President Anwar El Sadat. Terrorism is indeed the most odious fonn of crime. 29. My delegation wishes to mention at this point the appeal now being made by the Organization for the fos- tering of good-neighbourly relations in the interest of maintaining international peace and security. It is cer- tainly the aim of this proposal to lead to better under- standing and harmony among nations, with the conse- quent reduction of international tensions, and to provide support in preventing disputes OJT.d conflicts. 30. Within the context of this idea of good-neigh- bourliness, the Domjnican delegation has submitted a plan [ibid., paras. 56-62] based on the relations between the Governments of the Dominican Republic and Haiti~ which share sovereignty over the second largest island in the An@~ archi~Jago. The results flow not only from that p~mise but also from one that we consider more spe- cific, that of pennanent good will betvr"Cen peoples and Governments. That statement transcends the principle of the inter-American legal system. To make it doctrinally more attractive and more viable, the idea of a method of action has been embodied in the promising and dynamic phrase "a better will", which implies the idea of con- tinual and progressive transf..Jnnations toward the goal of brotherhood among States. 31. With this conviction, we 'Support the proposal on the agenda which gives us the opportunity to make an evalua- tion that we feel is more ambitious and at the same time more direct and practical: the extension ,of a, kind of "good will" doctrine to all States alike. It would be a collective appeal, born of the Organization, and its aim in these times of conflict that disturbs the peace of the world would be the defeat or at least the diminishing of the war- like spirit that blocks the peaceful solutieD of the interna- tional conflicts threatening mankind. 32. The foregoing remarks make this an appropriate time to refer to the countries that share the Korean penin- sula. 33. The Dominican Government has often advocated di- alogue as the master key that opens 'the door to good understanding and helps in finding peaceful formulas for settling the conflicts that a.ffect various areas of the earth. Accordingly we favour the resumption of discussions be- tween South Korea and North Korea so tbat the Koreans themselves may find favourable conditions that can lead to the most suitable independent and peaceful solutions, the re-establishment of mutual trust and the achievement of a lasting peace between the two communities in ac- cordance with the principles of the Cbarte~ in particular the principle concerning the free self-determination of· peoples on a footing of equality and mutual respect. . 34. One supremely important event that serves as yet another example of the dange~ lying in wait for the inter- national legal community and thus. for the maintenance of th~ rights trampled underfoot by some States to the detri- ment of others, when generally speaking the actions are not in response to an act of aggression. Even in such an excepJional case such actions are lawful only when the Security Council has before it an armed conflict, which is not the case with the invading country. 36. In those circumstances, in order to eliminate the precedent tendentiously created and the consequences of a fait accompli, the least we can hope is that the peace- loving countries will support the resolution approved by the Council of the European Community calling for an international c~nference to fmd a satisfactory solution that will permit Afghanistan to recover its independence and return to its previous status as a non-aligned country.2 37. Within those peaceful outlines proposed by the Eu- ropean Council to the Soviet Union to permit the conven- ing of the conference as quickly as possible, it is abso- lutely necessary that a consensus in favour of such an initiative be reached at this session. Its implementation would diminish the existing tension that is disturbing the peace. 38. We have devoted particular attention to agenda item 58, on the review of the implementation of the Declara- tion on the Strengthening of International Security for we consider the maintenance of the principle of non-interven- tion to be vital to the maintenance of peace. 39. We believe that observers of the international politi- cal scene cannot fail to be aware of the violations and the progressive weakening in recent years of the principle of non-intervention, which is the backbone of the mainte- nance of peace under the a~ of the United Nations. That has been happening despite the General Assembly's reaffmnation last year [resolution 35/158], on ~e occa- sion of the tenth annhrersary of the adoption of the Decla- ration on the Strengthening of International Security, of the universal and unconditional validity of the basic prin- ciples of the Charter, which apply equally to all countries without distinctions of any kind. 40. At that time, States were urged to comply strictly with their obligations under the Charter, and it was urged that the provisions of the Declaration be applied as a means of making peaceful coexistence possible. 41. We cannot fail to .note the urgent need to practis~. and support non-interference in the internal affairs of States and to have recourse to peaceful methods for the solution of disputes. That proposal for strengthening peace and security is one for which we should all fight, in circumstances in which it would open wider the doors to international co-operation and render understanding among nations more effective. 42. Conflicts undeniably persist in areas of Africa. The situation in Angola and the matter of Namibia are cases .in point. Another worrisome problem is that notwithstand- .' 43. We deplore the fact that in certain areas of conflict the atmosphere is not conducive to the discovery of cor- rect formulas for peaceful solution through discus~ion. We can rejoice, however, in the fact that Egypt and Israel have been holding meetings concerning the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Sinai Peninsula. That will be a very promising beginning for resolute steps forward in ac- cordance with the Camp David accords. It proves that the climate is becoming more conducive to having peace gradually lead to a new era for the Middle East, an area that for more than 14 years has been overwhelmed by unpredictable negative risks. 44. At its thirty-fifth session the General Assembly con- sidered a proposal by the Federal Republic of Germany for the creation of an appropriate mechanism for finding ways to control the alarming flood of refugees,3 which, in the words of the proposing nation, has become a growing threat to good-neighbourly relations among States. Conse- quently, it is a difficult problem, particularly for countries that have a common border. 45. The Dominican delegation fully shares those con- cerns and would support the establishment of an ad hoc committee to assume the responsibilities deriving from the programme for "International co-operation to avert new flows of refugees" . 46. The conflict between Iran and Iraq continues with- out the parties having found suitable formulas to end it by means of a system for peacefully resolving disputes and conflicts. We feel that mediation by the States Members of this Organization is in order, so that the parties in- volved may arrive at an honourable solution to end the military confrontation that has been devastating the peo- ples of both nations and which could degenerate into a major disluption in the area. 47. Respecting the principles of non-intervention and self-determination of peoples, the Dominican Government shares the concern of the countries that support peace and human solidarity regarding the present situation in the sis- ter Republic of El Salvador. We express our most fervent hope that the matter will be resolved quickly and.in ac- cordance with the sovereign will of the people of El Sal- vador. 48. A review of the figures, in the light of what has been called th.~ population explosion, causes concern when estimates and evaluations point to the existence on our planet of 9 billion human beings by the year 2100. That trend is occurring despite indications of concern by many countries regarding the prospects of excessive popu- lation growth, a problem that urgently caUs for particular attention to family planning. 49. As ~gards the Dominican Republic, the Organiza- tion is aware that the official plans cautiously being put into practice in our country are proving very satisfactory. We could say that in the Dominican Republic we are 51. The problem of food supply is developing at the same pace as that of population growth. For that reason, the entire world should recognize the importance of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. It is therefore regrettable that ~ter almost 11 years of de- votion to the work of establishing scientific principles to govern that inexhaustible source of wealth, it has not yet ~n possible to complete the final instrument that would be a source of salvation for the human race, threatenoo as it is with shortage in the near future of the resources that are indispensable for its survival and progress. Therefore, regardless of the reasoI1s for the failure to complete the final debates and to move next year to the signature of the 57. Today more than ever we must keep in mind the mandate of the Creator of the Universe that man must earn his daily bread by the sweat of his brow. Thus, the divine work extends to the urgent mandate to win peace with the energy of our mortal, human blood. We venture to say that this is the primary challenge of our age, start- ing with our presence here at this time to fulfil a tran- scendent promise. The General Assembly must go in search of solutions required by conflicts that we cannot allow to continue and become chronic. A final explosion could jeopardize the very existence of the Organization, which is the only constructive institution created by the last world war. A repetition of that conflict must be pre- . vented at all costs. longed~for convention on the law of the sea,_ it would seem desirable to sign the proposed convention at Caracas next year, as soon as possible after next year's sessions in New York. 52. Population growth in the world undeniably con- stitutes a problem that makes imperative the vigorous and decisive mobilization of all production resources. Based on those convictions, the Government of the Dominican Republic has been encouraging agrarian reform and is de- voting particular attention to agro-industry. 53. Many years ago a famous Dominican writer and politician, Ulises Francisco Espaillat, father of indepen- dence and President of my country, had the foresight to point out the importance of agriculture for our nation. He declared with inspiring authority that work must be glorified and that of all industries agriculture was the easi- est, the most useful, the most generous and the most fruitful. This exemplary Dominican added with patriotic ardour that it was the most noble industry, the industry that most effectively provided that independence of posi- tion most suitable for citizens who wish to remain free and independent. 54. The economy of the Dominican Republic has not escaped the widespread effects of convulsions in other economies, which result from the irrepressible forces of this historic period of emerging decisions, a period that is irresistibly striving towards a new economic order as we approach the year 2000. Nevertheless, the efforts made by our Government during the last three years-though troubled in part, especially by the forces of nature- thanks to the pragmatic actions of Antonio Guzman, head of the Dominican State, show a normal situation in the national economy, in the context of free enterP4se and the full force and effect of public freedoms. 55. A cautious monetary and fiscal policy is being car- ried out. The fiscal policy provides for adjustment of pub- 56. An aggressive policy to promote non-traditional ex- ports is being followed and is producing positive results. It should be mentioned that under a recent law, generous incentives are given to the exporters of non-traditional products. One such incentive permits them to retain a por- tion of the foreign currencies earned by these exports, paying to the Central Bank of the Dominican Republic only an officially predetermined percentage. 58. To conclude these reflections, we should like to call to mind the third encyclical of His Holiness Pope John Paul TI, entitled Laborem Exercens, dedicated to those who earn their bread by the sweat of their brow, to work- ers of all kinds, manual, intellectual, industrial or agri- cultural, who labour in the midst of the most intense, sudden and ominous tensions. 59. In the midst of their debates, delegations at this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly should medi- tate on the exhortation contained in the v:ry word "work" which has come down through the ages as a per- petual and resolute echo of the voice of God. 60. MR. FRANCISQUE (Haiti) (interpretation from French): It is with deeply felt emotion that we heard the tragic news of the death of Anwar El Sadat, a great states- man who was assassinated yesterday morning in. Cairo. His death is a great loss for the international community. This peace-loving man sought ardently for an equitable solution to the bloody conflict which has beset the Middle East. We would request the Egyptian delegation, .there- fore, to accept the sincere condolences of the Haitian del- egation and to be kind enough to transmit these to the family of the deceased and to the Government and people of Egypt. We hope that Egypt, a friendly country, will emerge enlarged from this test, and we ardently hope that it will continue to progress along the paths of ~e. 61. I wish to address the warm congratulations of the Haitian delegation to Mr. Kittani on his election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General As- sembly. His election has a symbolic value for us, because it is not only seen.as a tribute to his own personal merits and to his qualities as a statesman and seasoned diplomat, 62.. I shouldalso like to eexpress our profound gratitude to Mr. ~Udiger von Wechmar for the competence and re- markable talent with whichhe discharged the delicate duties of the President at the thirty-fIfth session. 63. I should like to take this ·opportunity to reiterate to the Secretary-General the considerable appreciation of the Government of ~e Republic of Haiti for the openness of mind, the loftiness of view and the competence with which he has devoted himself during the last 10 years to seeking a solq\ion to the numerous problems ofour time. 64. I feel great pleasure in addressing the good wishes of my Government to the States of Vanuatu and Belize, which have just acceded to independence and have now become Members of the great family of the United Nations. We are convinced that they will unite with other Member States in the struggle for a world of peace, jus- tice and fraternity. 65. Since the last session, the international community has had to tackle complex problems, and in various parts of the world new hotbeds of tension have been ignited. The situations in Afghanistan, the Middle East, Indo- china, Latin America and southern Africa are all subjects of profound concern for the international community. Ev~rywhere we Can descry grave threats to international peace and security. It is our duty to dispel these threats so that fear, anguish, mistrust and hate do not further poi~on international relations. 66. Peace is indivisible, and the purposes of the Charter cannot be pursued as long as its noble ideals are being attacked and understanding and co-operation have not yet woven relationships of trust and mutual respect between the States Members of the Organization. Unfortunately, the arms race is continuing and intensifying, despite the enonnous waste of resources which it involves and the chasm tragically deepening between the rich and poor countries. 67. This illustrates in concrete terms the lack of atten- tion paid to the suffering of mankind and the obstinate refusal of the major Powers to make the small sacrifices needed to improve the lot of the poorest peoples of the earth. The world economic crisis which has persisted for many years now has worsened, and its repercussions have been felt principally in the already weakened economies of the poorest countries of the world. This fiituation and its tragedies will not disappear until the richest nations show some generosity and commit themselves resolutely to an out-and-out campaign against the hunger, disease, poverty, underdevelopment and ignorance which darken the daily life of millions of human beings. An objective analysis of the world situation strengthens the conviction that everywhere there have been very serious inroads into the living standards in many. third world countries; the 68. The continuing world economic crisis· calls for new approaches. Actually, these approaches have been advo- cated for a long time now. Since the very first session of UNCfAD, in 1964, a new international division of labour has been demanded as an essential element in a new world economic order. The palliatives thus far applied to the system have been rather modest, whereas the new re- alities require a thoroughgoing revision of present think- ing for the introduction of values which are more in ac- cordance with a new view of the international economy. Indeed, that is the key to all the problems of our time, which it is our duty to resolve if we do not wish to reach a point of no return. Despite the failures for which we are collectively responsible, we cannot allow olr..,elves to be overcome by pessimism, which would discoh'i.ilge us from undertaking anything. The world should chcmge the pres- ent situation-the frightful situation of three quarters of the people of the world. It is to be hoped that intellectual speculations will be replaced by innovative action, which implies a great deal of courage and clear-sightedness. The solutions adopted to resolve the inflation crisis should be viewed in a global context, that is, that the major indus- trialized. countries should be particularly careful not to harm the interests of the poorest countries and further ag- gravate the numerous difficulties already afflicting.them. 69. Undoubtedly, laudable: efforts have already been made to seek solutions to the various imbalances to which humanity is exposed. Nevertheless, the gaps are widen- ing. More people are dying of hunger every day. That requires a reassessment of the policy of aid and the strat- egy that have been adopted hitherto. From the conclu- sions deriving from our analysis, it is obviously necessary to bring about new international relations which are much more humanitarian and much more just. It is distressing to note that the developed countries are spending more than $1 million a minute on the arms race. If only one tenth of this sum could be diverted to meet the basic needs of a decent standard of living, the development thus generated would be so spectacular that it would far ex- ceed the most optimistic hopes of mankind. Accordingly we wish to make an urgent and pressing appeal from this rostrum to States, particularly the great Powers, to devote a greater share of their resources to the service of life instead of to preparations for destruction and collective massacre. 70. Therefore we hope for a resumption of the strategic arms limitation talks which, if successful, would help to remove the fearful spectre of another war, which could only result in the multiplication of material devastation and moral suffering over entire continents of our planet. That is something which is indeed food for thought and which should make all of us work together. This is why my Government also attaches the greatest importance to the Tlatelolco Treaty prohibiting nuclear weapons in Latin America and hopes that iJeneral Assembly resolution 35/143 will be' strictly implemented. 71. It is in order to avoid events leading to copfronta- tion that we request the richest countries to increase their . assis~ce has not been determined in response to the real needs of these recipient countries and with full respect for their individuality and the political choices they have made. 72. It is not a few token millions which will make it possible for the world to reduce the divide separating so many. peoples. What is needed is a new strategy with the aim of making it possible for more people to meet the basic costs of a decent standard of living and to be more confident in the future. This new strategy to which we refer and which must be the platform for development assistance implies not only the financing of certain proj- ects but also an intelligent and appropriate transfer of cer- tain types of technology which will in the long run help to guarantee a less insecure future for the most im- poverished people of the earth. This new approach, to- gether with a solution to the energy problem and a reform of the international monetary system, should in tl:e long run enable th~ recipient countries, that is, the countries of the third world, to lose the fe'.~ling that they are on an eternal breadline and to achieve a certain autonomy in their development programmes. That is precisely the un- derlying philosophy which should guide the action of the international community in establishing a new interna- tional economic order which is both just and equitable and which meets the aspirations of every human being to have more and to lead a better life. 73. Indeed, we must deplore the numerous obstacles which up till now have stood in the way of achieving this. But we should also emphasize certain positive steps which should be multiplied and followed up. I should like to stress in particular the results obtained at the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which made possibl~ the adoption of a Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Devel- oped Countries.4 The Haitian Government earnestly hopes that this Programme of Action will be scrupulously imple- mented and that it indicates a growing political willing- ness by the rich countries to face up to the immense trag- edy of underdevelopment in the third world. 74. Improving the standards of living in the least devel- oped countries will undoubtedly hinge on the assistance of the wealthier countries but also on that of the most advanced developing countries, particularly those which are petroleum exporters. It is in the name of this soli- darity which should prevail among peoples that the head of the Haitian nation stated the following in a recent ad- dress: . "Co-operation should be imbued with more Solidarity and justice and should provide us with the image of a family of nations united by a mutual desire to promote 75. The United Nations is still the only international body in which all States, great and small, can unite their efforts to achieve peace and universal prosperity. The Organization has had to face many pitfalls since its crea- tion. Although it has not been able to provide specific solutions for all the problems which affect mankind, its very existence is evidence of its vitality. The Organization has been able to adapt itself to new tim2s, and ~t is essen- tial for mankind's future that it survive. 76. For some years now the General Assembly has been playing an increasingly important role in the Organiza- tion. A simple review of the n~merous items which are included in the agenda of the present session provides an eloquent testimony of that. The unprecedented efforts that have been made for many years now to close the tremen- dous gap separating the rich and the poor countries have resulted in the creation of UNCTAD, which is playing an increasingly important role on the international scene. 77. The Republic of Haiti is very gratified that that is so, but it remains true that not all United Nations organs have evolved in such a fortunate way. This at least par- tially explains the heavy work programme which falls to the lot of the General- Assembly; and the increasing number of agenda items in each session makes it impossi- ble for ea..:h of them to be given proper attention. 78. The question of increasing the number of non-per- manent members of the Security Council is timely. Mo~t of the States Members of the Organization did not panici- pate in the Council's creation. It is therefore quite natural that they would like to be directly involved in the ac- tivities of,an organ as important as th~ Security Council. My Government is very sympathetic to this point of view and is aware of the numerous advantages that would stem therefrom. Nevertheless, this matter deserves to be weighed very seriously and cail be successfully solved only if there is a political willingness on the part of the permanent members of the Council. Painstaking and se- rious negotiations will therefore be necessary, because any undue haste in this matter would result in weakening an organ the usefulness of which is universally recognized. 79. It has become the rule in the United Nations to pr<r. claim the need for all peoples to respect the principles and ideals which derive from the Charter. The Haitian Govern- ment's position in the light of the potential or actual con- flicts which disturb and alarm our world is dictated by our unshakeable faith in the competent organs of.the United Nations and the legal rules which have been unanimously accepted by the Member States. 80. Latin America and the Caribbean have not escaped the profound changes which are a feature of current inter- national relations and which occasionally take the form of violent upheavals that endanger the stability and security of the continent. 82. The Republic of Haiti is very pleased at the broth- erly. ~d cordial nature of the relations that prevail be- tween it and the Dominican Republic. That country's Sec- retary of State for External Relations, who preceded me at this rostrum, particularly stressed the significance of this~ 83. As regards the conflict of the Middle East, we de- plore the deaths, the" material devastation and all the mis- fortunes that are the daily lot of millions of human beings. The Republic of Haiti considers that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) provides an adequate basis for a just, lastllig and satisfactory peace among the parties concerned. Recognition of Israel's need for secure and recognized frontiers and recognition of the right of the Pc1lestinian people to self-determination are the fundamen- tal prerequisites for any negotiated solution to that con- flict. It is essential that the peoples directly concerned give up their intransigent positions and seize any oppor- tunity for dialogue that would help to reinforce the efforts already being undertaken in order to bring about a com- prehensive solution of that conflict. If that peace is not achieved, there is a grave danger that all the nations of that region will be plunged into a catastrophic situation. That state of permanent tension endangers world peace. 84. Since 1946 the question of South Africa's racist pol- icy has been on the agenda of all the regular sessions of the General Assembly. That inhuman and abhorrent policy still troubles the conscience of the world. The Republic.of Haiti, the foreign policy of which is based on histonc traditions of freedom and fraternity, cannot remain indif- ferent to the indescribabie sufferings being endured by the people of South Africa. 85. Apartheid is not only a flagrant violation of human rights; it is above all a system of oppression and exploita- tion of the indigenous population of South Africa by a racist minority which monopolizes economic and political power. It is therefore distressing to see that that regime con- tinues to enjoy considerable support. The report of the Special Committee against Apartheid makes specific refer- ence to this. It lists by country the economic, military and even nuclear assistance which certain countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO] con- tinue to provide to that racist regime. And yet all those countries are Members of our Organization and, on nu- merous occasions, have reaffirmed their devotion to the Charter of the United Nations. Can it be that they thiQIc differently in the case or South Africa? It is only the ill- considered assistance given to that regime that has made it possible for it to develop into a system a policy based on racism and slavery more than a century after the abolition of slavery. 86. The Republic of Haiti, because of its racial affilia- tion and historic traditions, must be in the van of all the movements attempting to combatracism and colonialism. 1hat is why it has always been. ~tive in attempts to adopt sanctions against the infamous regime of South Africa. 88. Despite the many resolutions of the Security Council and the al~ost unanimous disapproval of the international community, South Africa still maintains its illegal domi- nation over the Namibian people. This shocking state· of affairs unfortunately continues be\;ause certain States which are more concerned with their economic advantages tolerate, in defiance of morality and civilized values, the unspeakable attitude of South Africa, which runs counter to resolutions in the adoption of which those States were involved. My Government reaffIrms its commitment to the cause of the liberation of the Namibian people and their independence. We remain convinced that the United Nations is equal·to the task of leading the people of Namibia to self-determination. That has always been our view since the General Assembly ended South Africa's Mandate over Namibia and placed that Territory under the authority o~ the United Nations Council for Namibia until it reaches independence. 89. The eighth emergency special session, on Namibia, convened in September was·a further milestone in mobi- lizing the international community in order to lead the Namibian people to self-determination by peaceful means. Effective sanctions are essential if we are to break the stubborn resistance of the South African regime. Those States which have hitherto balked at the inevitability of sanctions against South Africa are falling into a grave er- ror if they think that their attitude will lead that country to give up its policy of aggression. On the contrary, the Pre- toria regime feels encouraged and does not hesitate to commit flagrant acts of aggression against the front-line States, particularly Angola and Zambia. It is therefore im- perative for the international community to do everything necessary to bring that racist Government to reason, since it represents a serious threat to international peace and se- curity. The dangers that I have just described appear even more imminent in the light of South Africa's nuclear ac- tivities. There is therefore an urgent need for all such aid to that country to be suspended. 90. A negotiated solution to the question of Afghfu~istan has so far been impossible, despite an the efforts of the international community. Once again the Haitian people express their solidarity with the Afghan people. This armed intervention of a major Power adds to the unfortu- nately already long list of occupations of small countries by stronger ones under false pretexts, occupations which always meet with the stubborn resistance of the victims. 91. Such acts of aggression, constituting as they do a challenge to the international rule of law, cause pointless suffering to innocent people. Thus hundreds of thousands of Afghan refugees who have been expelled from their homes are leading a precarious existence in temporary camps. However, we are convinced that, with the underly- 92. In Kampuchea the situation is equally deplorable and is an affront to the rule of law. The Haitian people, a peace-loving and freedom-loving people, will never com- promise on those essential principles. The harmonious re- lations that my country enjoys with most of the other members of the international community are dictated by a desire for understanding and co-operation. It is in this context that my delegation declares itself ready to support any peace initiatives. We particularly deplore the fact that one of the parties to the conflict boycotted the Interna- tional Conference on Kampuchea. However, we are con- vinced that the resolutions adopted at that Conference are likely to promote a just and final settlement of the con- flict. Furthermore, we support the idea that an immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea is a neces- sary prerequisite to all serious negotiations. 93. Similarly, the Government of the Republic of Haiti cannot but encourage any initiatives which will help pro- mote a negotiated solution to the war which pits Iran against Iraq and to the conflict which for three decades has arlificially divided the Korean nation. 94. In reflecting on the many addresses that we have already heard from this rostrum, we cannot help conclud- ing that they all meet at one precise point-the profound desire of nations to live and develop in peace and har- mony, according to the spirit which imbued those who signed the Charter at San Francisco. This feeling is shared by all of us, with no differences of ideology or faith or any other differences. This demonstrates unity in the di- versity of philosophy and political beliefs and expresses eloquently how much man is essentially a being of peace, the peace which engenders progress and will ensure for future generations the comfort of a happy life. 95. Nevertheless, harmony in this vocation of peace un- fortunately meets other obstacles, which cannot be elimi- nated unless peoples are willing to give up their intransi- gence and their desire to dominate. The coming of that world which we all want undoubtedly requires w.ork which will last a long time, but it is not a mirage. We can achieve it through understanding and sincere dialogue. 96. In the name of that ideal we invite the nations to unite. In the name of that ideal we urge upon States more understanding, more generosity and more humanity. Such is the ardent wish of the people and Government of the Republic of Haiti at the beginning of this session.

I join preceding speakers in, congratulating Mr. Kittani most warmly on his election as President of the ,thirty-sixth session of the General Asseni'Qly. His ac· ce~sion to that high post obviously bears witneSs not unly to his eminent qualities as a skilled statesman and diplo- mat but to his breadth of knowledge and wide experience 98. I pJ")o wish to reiterate our 'deep appreclatiOifof the devotion, intelligence and tact with which his predecessoI; the representative of the Federal Republic of Germany, discharged his noble task. 99. It is a pleasure for ~s to emphasize the appreciation of the Government of Chad for the efforts of the Secre- tary-General to uphold the ideals of the Charter of the United Nations and, above all, for his concern about the situation in Cbad. lOO. Finally, we congratulate Vanuatu and Belize on their accession to independence and welcome them to the great family of the United Nations. 101. Once again we are gathered here to review the positions of our Govenments, assess the behaviour of some and point up the contradictions-indeed, the humil- iations-suffered by others. The situation prevailing in Chad is proof of this. That is why we crave the indul- gence of representatives as we undertake ftrst a brief sum- mary of that situation since the victory of the governmen- , tal forces over the enemy on 15 December 1980. 102. The people of Chad, like all other peoples of the world, jealously guards its independence and national sovereignty and denies anyone the right to impose a code of conduct on it. As is only proper, Chad respects the sacrosanct principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and that of the Organization of African Unity [OAU], such as respect for territorial integrity, the free choice of a socio-economic regime, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and the self-determi- nation of peoples. 103. It is fitting to rec~l that the painful war into which Chad was plunged stemmed from a situation created by foreign Powers. Our economic development, which was still only in its embryonic stage and largely jeopardized by drought, is at a standstill. All administrative, eco- nomic and social structures are dislocated, if they exist at all. The entire crmntly has t.o be rebuilt. 104. At the tragic moment when the very foundations of the nation and its unity were threntened, the international community did not remain indifferent; it responded promptly to the appeals made by our delegations at the thirty4iaurth and tl'\irty-fifth sessions of the General As- sembly by adopting, respectively, re~olutions 341120 and 35/92. 105. By its resolution 341120 the General Assembly ap- pealed urgently to all Member States, specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations system and international economic and financial institutions to pro- vide generous emergency aid to Chad through bilateral or multilateral channels, with a view to meeting its short- term and long-term needs with respect to reconstruction, rehabilitation and development. 107. During the thirty-fifth session-that is to say, dur- ing the height of the N'Djamena war-the General As- sembly in its resolution 35192 A renewed its appeal for assistance in Chad's rec1>nstruction. Since there could be no response to such an appeal in the absence of peace, the Assembly adopted a second text-resolution 35/92 B- aimed at extending emergency assistance to people af- fected by the<\var. 108. The Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, for its part, at its eighteenth session, at Nairobi, adopted resolution AHGI Res.102 (XVIll) Rev. 1 [see AI361534, annex 11], in which it appealed to all members of the OAU, to the United Natio;ls and to other international organizations to come to the aid of the Government and people of Chad. In that regard, it called upon the Secretary-General of the DAU to organize as soon as possible, and in co-operatiQn with the Secretary-General of the United Nations, a pledg- ing conference to assist Chad to finance its reconstruction plan. 109. The adoption of these various resolutions gave the people of Chad cause for great hope and was a source of satisfaction and relief. 110. In implementation of the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly, the Secretary-General dispatched two missions to Chad, in January and March of 1981, to estimate the emergency aid required by the people of Chad. Furthermore, an agreement was signed between Chad and UNDP for the reconstruction of the N'Djarilena airport by that agency. 111. Similarly, such organizations as ICAO, WHO, UNICEF, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the European Devel~pment Fund made considerable means available to us. 112. Thanks to those combined efforts famine and epi- d.~mics have been avoided; displaced persons and refugees have found shelter from the elements; and distribution systems of drinking water and electricity and N'Djamena airport and other means of communication are being re- built. 120. Since December 1980 a great deal has been said regarding the Libyan military presence in Chad. We should like the international community to know that this military presence is possible only because we asked for it, to help us in frustrating a plot aimed at the annihilation of Chad. The plot was organized and maintained by States members -pf our organization, and I shall return to this later. In this respect we wish to reiterate from this rostrum our gratitude to our brother people of Libya for this cou- rageous act of solidarity. ------ ----------- 113. Certain friendly countries did not wait for the ap- peals of the United Nations and the OAU to come to our aid. We refer particularly to the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, which granted us substantial material and financial aid for the national reconstruction of Chad. Similarly, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, the People's Republic of the Gongo, the Gabonese Re- public and the Federal Republic of Nigeria unswervingly .have demonstrated their active solidarity with the people 115. We aiso hope that the other members of the inter- national community will not fail to contribute to the ·re- covery of Chad by giving practical assistance in the polit- ical, diplomatic and financial fields. 116. The Government of Chad tirei~ssly strives to main- tain and strengthen national unity and stability. In this connection, the head of State has signed a decree granting a general amnesty to those persons who have been de- tained, condemned or exiled for political reasons. Within the framework of this general amnesty the citizens of Chad who left the areas of combat are returning by the thousands to their country, thanks to the dynamic action of UNHCR and the valuable assistance of neighbouring countries, in particular Nigeria, the United Republic of Cameroon and the Central African Republic. We wish to reiterate our profound gratitude for their generous sacri- fices on behalf of the people of Chad. 117. Furthermore, in order to give a general orientation to the actions to be undertaken in regard to the situation prevailing in the country, the Government made public on 25 August 1981 a declaration of general policy. In this declaration the Transitional National Union Government committed itself to an international policy of non.-align- ment and support for the struggles of all tmoples against imperialism, neo-colonialism, .apartheid, zionism and all : forms of domination and segregation. 118. In its relations with neighbouring and other coun- tries Chad is committed to respect for the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the charter of the OAU and the principles of the non-aligned movement. Its territory will never be used as a base for subversive actions against neighbouring countries, friends and brothers', and it will never permit the establishment of a foreign base on its temilli'j'. 119. Chad will co-operate fully with them on the basis of respect for mutual interests and common understand- ing, national independence and territorial integrity, while taking into account historical, geographical and cultural factors. 122. As the head of State declared at his press con- ference in Paris on 18 September 1981, '~s long as the Sudan continues to threliten Chad by acts of destabiliza- tion, and until we establish our integrated national army, the Libyan troops will remain on our territory." 123. The Sudan is fighting Chad on the false pretext that the Libyan troops on our territory represent a danger to its security. Why are not Chad and other neighbours of the Sudan concerned about the presence of more than 40,000 Egyptian soldiers on Sudanese territoI}'? We feel that this is a matter that concerns the two countries, namely, Egypt and the Sudan. Therefore the Government of the Sudan has no reason to be unduly concerned about the presence "of the Libyan military contingent in Chad. Why does the Government of the Sudan welcome Chad outlaws and finance, arm and train them, with the ob- vious assistance of certain Powers? Oid not President Nimeiri declare at the end of the N'Djamena hostilities that the war had not come to an end in Chad? 124. The threats of aggression against Chad have in- creased since March 1981. The Government of Chad has mooe those facts known to the President of the Security Council. These war-like actions have become so intempe- rate that the Government of Chad felt bound to report the fact once again to the President of the Security Council on 21 September.s It was to improve this unfriendly at- titude that the eighteent.'1 session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity called on Chad's neighbouring States not to give refuge to movements that oppose the Government of Chad. Furthermore, the current Chairman of the Assem- bly of Heads of State and Government, President Daniel Arap Moi, has redoubled the efforts by sending messages and special emissaries to the Government of the Sudan to ask it to stop its Interference in the internal affairs of Chad. 125. However, all these measures have been in vain. Since 5 September 1981 acts of brigandage on the Chad- Sudanese frontier have become open aggression by Sudanese regular soldiers against the Government forces of Chad. 126. No country, however weakened, can tolerate such scorn for its sovereignty. From this rostrum we ·1!olernnly appeal to the Government of the Sudan to halt its' aggres- sion, which is contrary to the interests of both our peo- 127. While apologizing for having described at such length the situation of our country, I wish to express our sincere desire to live in peace with all our neighbours, including the Sudan, provided it ceases its acts of aggres- sion against our people, who aspire only to peace and social and economic well-being after so many years of tribulation. 128. I should like to refer briefly to the main items on the agenda for this session which are of special interest to the delegation of Chad, namely, decolonization, mainte- nance of peace and security, and international economic co-operation. 129. With regl'lId to decolonization, the obstinate refusal of certain regimes to apply General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples clearly shows the contradiction be- tweenthe glorification of human rights and their daily violation, particularly in southern Africa, Western Sahara and other parts of the world. 130. The situation in Namibia is a matter of grave and constant concern for my Governmt~nt. Thus, my delega- tion condemns the arrogant and anachronistic attitude of the South African regime which, in order to coqsolidate its illegal presence in Namibia, creates an atmosphere of intimidation and terror through the inhuman system of apartheid. 131. Such an attitude leaves the South West Africa Pe0- ple's Organization [SWAPO] no other choice than armed struggle-the only one, in truth, capable of bringing the Pretoria regime to reason, in spite of its support from Western Powers, and to force it to capitulate, as did its emulators in Salisbury. 132. Chad, for its part, will continue to denounce any fraudulent constitutional or political manoeuvres whereby South Africa attempts to perpetuate its system of colonial aggression and explo>.tion of the population and re- sources of Namibia. We reaffirm our total opposition to the odious system of apartheid that exists in South Af- rica, which is a real challenge to all mankind. 133. Chad energetically condemns the recent invasion of Angola by the racist hordes of Pretoria. With the same firmness, we condemn the cowardly acts of aggression of the South African air force against fraternal front-line States. 134. We could not leave the subject of the African con- tinent without recalling the situation in Western Sahara. That conflict is also of great concern to my Government. Faced with this tragedy, Chad has consiste!ltly called for a peaceful solution based on respect for the principle of 136. Since it is unanimously recognized today that no solution to the Middle East can be found without a just and lasting settlement of the Palestinian question, a re- fusal to negotiate with the Palestine Liberation Organiza- tion is tantamount to rejecting peace. Experience has shown that all attempts at partial settlements have not pro- duced the desired results. 137. As far as we are concerned, we have always af- firmed in the OAU, in the non-aligned movement and in the United Nations that the Palestinian people, like any other people, have the right to their homeland and that their inalienable rights must be preserved. Consequently we once again condemn the decision of Israel to make Jerusalem its capital. For its part, my country will con- tinue its efforts to ensure the restoration to the Palestinian people of their inalienable rights, by all means possible, and the return of the other Arab territories occupied by Israel. 138. We likewise condemn the destruction of the nu- clear installation at Tam~z in Iraq and the bombings of civilian targets in Lebanon by Israel. 139. Other major problems now face the international community, and Chad trusts that peaceful solutions will rapidly be found in the higher interest of all concerned. The conflict that still threatens the stability of the sister republics of Iran and Iraq, despite the many attempts at mediation, remains a matter of constant concern to.our delegation. We most ardently hope that in the near future a peaceful solution will be found to the tragedy that has befallen the peoples of both countries. 140. The peoples of the third world face not only the odious practices of apartheid and racism, as is the case in southern Africa, but also new attacks on their indepen- dence and territorial integrity. An this is a threat to their right to freedom and dignity. 141. General and complete disarmament is one of the objectives that has been proclaimed by the United Nations for nearly three decades-. However, despite the many ini- tiatives taken by the Organization in this field, the world is witnessing instead an unbridled race for supremacy in destructive power. This is why Chad welcomes the idea of a new special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. Such a session, we venture to hope, would enable all Member States to contribute to the establish- ment of a strategy for true general disarmament. 147. Because of the situation prevailing in my country, we have taken up some of the Assembly's time to set forth the major concerns of our people. Our people have suffered so much from war that they now long for a last- ing peace so that they can devote themselves to their de- velopment with the assistance of friendly countries and of the intern<J,nonal community. We wish to state how much our delegation appreciates the words of sympathy for my country uttered by many of the previous speakers. .' - --- ---------- 142. We have talked of peace, .and now we should like to touch briefly on problems of development, for-as a 143. And yet, for 36 years the world Organization, whose Charter devotes some of its provisions to the prob- lems of development, has been dealing with the fate of the poor countries. Unfortunately, as you will no doubt agree, the political will of the rich countries has not been in accord with the declarations of the United Nations. The failure of two successive decades devoted to development is due to this lack of political will. 144. In such circumstances, will the United Nations continue to adopt resolutions that will never achieve even the semblance of implementation? My delegation believes that the time has come to leave the world of ideas and enter the world of action. This means that there must be unreserved readiness on the part of our partners and full acceptance of the solidarity that should prevail among members of the same family; such active solidarity was demonstrated by the United States with respect to Western Europe after the Second World War and took the form of the Marshall Plan. And yet, the problems we face today in the developing countries far exceed in scope those ex- perienced by Europe, which, it should be remembered, despite the destruction it suffered had the technology. '- 145. Why then is there one law for the rich and another for the poor? Development problems are familiar to everyone, and we believe that all the measures advocated by the third world over the past two decades for their solution are reasonable. But the North-South dialogue is held up because certain Powers take unilateral positions and give negative answers when it comes to reconciling differing views in order to achieve positive results. Our delegation hopes that the meeting of 22 heads of State and Government to be held at Cancun in a few days will provide an opportunity for those Powers to give proof of their good will to the third world by permitting, inter alia, the reopening of the global negotiations in the United Nations. 146. Whether it is a question of commodities, the trans- fer of technology, monetary problems, financial aid, new and renewable sources of energy, the least developed countries or co-operation among developing countries, my country supports the efforts the United Nations has made for many years 1n these various sectors to bring about a new, just and equitable international economic order. J49. Before concluding, we should like once again to appeal to the international community to come to our aid, to the greatest possible extent, in the true battle we intend to wage in future, the battle for the reconstruction and developmeIit of Chad.

It is my privilege to convey to representatives the greetings of my sovereign, His Maj- esty King Birendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev, and his best wishes for the success of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. 151. It gives me great pleasure to extend to Mr. Kittani, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, our sincere felicitations on his election to preside over the cur- rent session of the General Assembly. He represents a country with which Nepal has very friendly and cordial relations. My delegation is confident that with his experi- ence, skill and wisdom, he will guide the work of this session to a successful conclusion. 152. I also wish to express our appreciation to Mr. von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany for the im- partiality and efficiency with which he conducted the business of the last session of the General Assembly. 153. I wish also to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a compliment to the Secretary-General for his dedica- tion to the ideals of the United Nations and for the exem- plary manner in which he has discharged the heavy re- sponsibilities of his high office during the past ten years. 154. Nepal welcomes Vanuatu and Belize as Members of the United Nations. Their admission is a further step towards the goal of universality of the membership of the world Organization. 155. The past year has offered little relief from the sit- uation of uncertainty. The efforts of the international community to end the armed interventions. in various parts of the world have yet to bear results. The process of detente continaes to be seriously threatened, and the arms race has been escalating with renewed vigour. Sharp divi- sions continue to mark the relations between the big Powers. A just international economic ~rder is not in sight. Present trends in international affairs are in contra- . diction of the ideals enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. In a world where interdependence and complementary relations among nations are deepening, it is only logical that matters which affect everyone must be decided by all. By the same token, it is equally logical that matters which affect the life of onl)' one country must be left to that country alone to decide. , 156. Nepal firmly believes that the only found~ion for secure and just international relations lies in universal ac- ceptance of the principles of the Charter and of the conse- 157. No other problem has a larger dimension and deeper implications than the grim economic' situation fac- ing the world today. The question of a minimum decent standard of living for all humanity continues to be one of the crucial questions facing the international community. The developing countries, in particular the least devel- oped among ,them, have been suffering substantial set- backs in terms of slower growth and widening payment deficits as a result of the world economic crisis. 158. The recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held at Paris provided a unique op- portunity for an in-depth study of the severe problems facing these countries. While the record of concessional assistance to this group of countries has been disappoint- ing, their vulnerability to external factors continues to grow with the stagnation and even decline in their produc- tion and exports and the increase in the price and volume of their imports. Against this background, it was not enough for the Paris Conference to adopt certain perform- ance targets. What was required was a serious commit- ment to take practical measures to break the cycle of pov- erty and deprivation. 159. In that connection, I wish to quote what my sov- ereign observed while addressing the Conference in Paris on behalf of the member countries of ESCAP and ECWA: "Indeed, the presence of the poor and hungry among us is a challenge to all value sy..:tems, to our religions, to all our moral principles or political theories. It is also a challenge to the United Nations system and all its organs and agencies, not to speak of the Charter of which we are all si~atories. It is also an affront to humanity, to man's better jUdgement, his cherished ideals and institutions. But above all the presence of destitutes on such a colossal scale is an insult to mod- ern man, his scieilce and conscience, his ingenuity and technology, his dreams and his deeds. And it is here I feel there is' need for the international community to come forward to help us to help ourselves and commit us all to support the proposed Substantial New Pro- grdmme of Action for the 1980s. For this Programme carries with it the dreams and hopes of the least devel- oped countlies and shows them the prospect of an oasis dimly. appearing on the horizon of an endless desert." 160. Though the final outcome of the Paris Conference did not meet all our expectations, we nevertheless view it as si,gnificant and encouraging. One important achieve- ment of the Conference was the widespread consensus on the need for a substantial increase in the assistance pro- vided to the least developed countries by 1985. We wel- come the agreement on the need for simplification of con- ditions of assistance. We ~so welcome the Substantial New Programme of Action adopted at Paris as an impor- tant link in the vitally needed interaction between the de- veloped and the developing countries. 162, .Negotiations should concentrate on building the .premises anew wherever the utility of the old assumptions has been eroded by time and by changes in international affairs. Though the forthcoming Cancun meeting is not a negotiating conference, we hope that free and frank ex- changes of views there can serve as a catalyst for the global negotiations. 163. My Government views the question of economic co-operation amoog developing countries as being within the larger framework of global economic restructuring. The High-level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries held at Caracas this year has established a framework for the developing countries' pur- suit of mutual co-operation and collective self-reliance. Nepal looks forward to the translation of the Programme of Action adopted at that Conference [see A/36/333 and Co".1] into reality as an essential part of the new interna- . tional economic order. 164. The sharp rise in the price of energy in recent years has underlined the need to look for alternative sources. Efficient import substitution through develop- ment of domestic production of energy has become one of the critical challenges for a country like ours. Nepal pos- sesses abundant resources for hydroelectric generation from the scores of mighty rivers flowing from the Hima- layas. Nepal is determined not only to harness and utilize: those vast water resources in a planned way but is also willing to share the benefits with other countries of the region. However, like other developing countries, Nepal faces a number 9f constraints arising from a lack of in- frastructure, capital, skilled manpower and technological know-how. While diligent efforts and drives on a national level to overcome those constraints are inevitable, the task can hardly be fulfilled without adequate fmancial and technological support by the international community. 165. The recently concluded United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy at Nairobi has set forth a Programme of Action6 which includes a series of policies and measures designed. to expand and ensure a sustained supply of energy from both conventional and non-conventional sources. We call for the implementation of the Nairobi Programme of Action. We also welcome the recommendation of the ,Conference to set up an inter- . governmental body to mobilize resources in order to im- plement the Programme of Action.7 166. Though they are not adequate, we appreciate the initiatives and efforts undertaken by multilateral financial agencies to promote the development of energy resources in developing countries. 167. There can be no enduring security in the world as long as global poverty and econo~c injustice prevaiL I~ 168. The growing tendency to accept the doctrine of limited nuclear war, together with the freezing of the stra- tegic arms limitation talks, bode even more difficult times ahead. If the achievements in and outlooks for nuclear disarmament have been bleak, prospects for disarmament in conventional weapons have been equally disappointing. The impasse in arms control negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union has paralyzed all dis- armament progress. That stalemate has bee.,n projected into multilateral disarmament forums, with the result that both the Committee on Disarmament and the Disarma- ment Commission have been at a virtual standstill. We appeal to both the United 'States and the Soviet Union urgently to initiate serious negotiations on those vital is- sues, which concern the very ~xistence of manJOnd. 169. The present situation has created a sombre back- ground for the second special session of the General As- sembly devoted to disarmament scheduled to convene next year. That special session provides an opportunity to break the present impasse, but the risk of its failure is obviously high. Nepal believes that the principles of and the basis for an. effective approach to disarmament. have already been laid down in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session [resolution 8-10/2], the fIrSt de- voted to disarmament. The major task before the second special session is to maintain and reinforce the momentum generated by the first one and to carry towards their log- ical conclusions the goals of its Final Document. The coming special session should undertake an in-depth ap- praisal of the current situation regarding disarmament problems and the causes that have led to stagnation of or inadequate results from the disarmament negotiations held so far. 170. Nepal hopes for a satisfactory conclusion to the negotiations on the law of the sea that will accord univer- sal recognition to the principle that all the resources of the seas belong to humanity as a whole and constitute a common heritage of mankind. That is the principal idea behind the proposal for the establishment of a common heritage fund. We earnestly hope that recognition of the right of land-locked countries to free access to and from the sea will form an essential part of the new regime of the sea. A successful conclusion of the ongoing negotia- tions will, I am sure, greatly strengthen the role of the United Nations in finding solutions to issues of global im- portance. 172.. The recently held International Conference on Kampuchea has formulated a general framework for a ne- gotiated political settlement of the Kampuchean question. We hope that all parties concerned will soon join the ne- gotiations for a peaceful settlement that will ensure peace and stability in the whole South-East Asian region. Nepal has always believed in the peaceful resolution of disputes among States. The Charter of the United Nations provides ways and means for achieving such solutions. We once again call upon the United Nations to press for political settlements in both Kampuchea and Afghanistan. 173. The Middle East situation has deteriorated consid- erably in the past several months. The continued armed attacks by Israel aimed at undermining the territorial in- tegrity and sovereignty of Lebanon have caused us grave anxiety. We deeply regret the recent indiscriminate Israeli bombing of Beirut-and other parts of Lebanon. As a troop contributor to UNIFIL, Nepal appeals to Israel and all other concerned parties to co-operate with UNIFIL in re- storing full Lebanese authority in that troubled country. I wish to express our deep sympathy to-the Governments and peoples of Fiji, Ireland and Nigeria for the losses their contingents have suffered this year in the service of peace. My delegation joins the Secretary-General in his appeal to those Governments which have been withhold- ing payment of their assessed contributions to UNIFIL to reconsider their position. There should be no question that the financing of a duly authorized United Nations peace- keeping force is the collective responsibility of all Mem- bers of the United Nations. 174. We have oft~n repeated our position that every State in the Middle East, inclUding Israel, has the right to live in peace and security within well-defined boundaries. However, we are convinced that a just and comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem cannot be achieved unless the legitimate rights of the Pdlestinian people, in- cluding their right to be an equal partner in peace nego- tiations and their right to a separate State of their own, are recognized. The total withdrawal of Israel from' all territories occ~pied since 1967 constitutes the ~rst prereq- uisite of a negotiated settlement. Indiscriminate, and un- justifiable military actions like the recent Israeli' ~ombing of Iraqi nuclear installations can only aggravate an 'already very difficult situation. 176. On the question of Cyprus, Nepal continues to give full support to the intercommunal negotiations under the auspices -of the Secretary-General. We reiterate our position that any political settlement of the Cyprus ques- tion must be based on strict respect for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned character of Cyprus. 177. With regard to the Korean question, my Govern- ment continues to hold the view that the aspirations of the Korean people to national reunification should be fulfilled peacefully through direct negotiation without outside in- terference. 178. My delegation deeply regrets the duplicity of South Africa in thwarting the United Nations plan for a free Namibia. We reiterate our support for the just struggle of the people of Namibia for national liberation under the leadership of SWAPO. My delegation likewise remains steadfast in support for the just struggle of the people of South Africa against the abhorrent system of apartheid. We fully endorse the Paris Declaration on Sanctions against South Africa8 adopted by the International Con- ference on Sanctions against South Africa and once again appeal to the Security Council'to act in conformity with the wishes of the overwhelming majority of the interna- tional community. 179. I cannot fail to express our great appreciation for the valuable assistance and support extended by the vari- ous bodies and specialized agencies of the United,Nations to our development-efforts. It is indeed heartening to note that in spite of problems and the sometimes besetting frustrations, the United Nations has been making serious efforts to tackle the multi-dimensional issues of eco- nomic, social and humanitarian problems. 180. We note with deep appreciation the magnificent achievements of the programme of humanitarian as- sistance to the people of Kampuchea. Equally reassuring are the efforts to launch a massive programme of as- sistance for African refugees. The records of these achievements reinforce our belief that there can be no al- ternative to the United Nations in realizing the goals of promoting economic and social advancement of all pe0- ples. Guided by those considerations, my Government is prepared to co-operate actively in the efforts to revitalize the Economic and Social Council.' 181. As a non-aligned country, Nepal has full faith in the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Our abiding faith in the United Nations is reflected in the in- corporation of the purposes and principles of the Charter in the directive principles of our Constitution. In an effort to develop a co-ordinated approach to bilateral.. regional and global issues, we have always pursued a policy of seeking and respectL-qg the views of others. Inspired by the ideals of mutual benefit and collective self-reliance.. we have always expressed our readiness to join our neigh- bours in any prudent exploitation of the vast human and 183. I have spoken at length on the issues confronting the internatioIJA1 community and our perception of those issues. We believe that the constructive forces of change should lead towards positive development. The Charter of the United Nations represents a constant in "the eternal flux of things. The principles embodied in it represent the only valid framework for the endeavour of man for the weU-being of man. I appeal for a rededication to these principles.

I now give the floor to the representatives who have asked to exercise their right of reply.

I am replying briefly to the passages about Belize contained in the statement delivered to the General Assembly by the Minister for External Relations of GUatemala [26th meet- ing]. r do so with reluctance because the claims advanced by the Minister, and his interpretation of events relating:to Belize, have already been heard by the Assembly on the occasion of Belize's admission to membership in the United Nations [13th meeting] and they have already been answered, not only by my delegation [ibid.], but also by the votes of the membership at large and by speakers on behalf of all our regional groups who welcomed Beli~e's independence and its admission to membership in the United Nations. 186. Nevertheless, it is my duty once more to place on record the United Kingdom's rejection of the allegations made by the Guatemalan..Minister for External Relations regarding Belize. I have set out in detail, both in the Se- curity Council and in the General Assembly, my Govern- ment's position. And the view of the international com- munity is quite clear from the unanimous vote in the Security Council and the overwhelming vote in the Gen- eral Assembly, which only Guatemala was unable to sup- port. 187. Secondly, I refer to what the represeiltative of Malta said yesterday [28th meeting] about the problem of remnants of war in Malta. He alleged that Britain used the island of Filfla as a training ground for aerial bomb- ing against the advice of elected Maltese representatives and that bilateral contacts with the British Government had proved unavailing. 189. The Prime Minister of Malta was told in June that the British representative in Valletta was at the Maltese Government's disposal for discussion. We still await the response of the Maltese authorities. Furthermore, the Brit- ish Government has repeatedly indicated that while it is under no legal obligation to clear from Maltese waters unexploded ordnance or wrecks, much of which are the direct result of .wartime attack by the Axis Powers, it will examine what assistance it might be possible to -offer in the context of specific harbour development plans where it can be shown that wrecks or unexploded ordnance con- stitute a hindrance to such plans. This offer too remains open. 190. Britain's approach to the problem in Malta .reflects practice in the United Kingdom, where wrecks are nor- mally left undisturbed unless they are a demonstrable. hin- drance to navigation. 191. As regards the island of Filfla, it is true that after Maltese independence it continued to be used as an air weapon and air gunnery range. But this was with the full agreement of the Maltese Government and in accordance with procedures to safeguard life and territory comparable to those used in the United Kingdom.

In the statement of the head of the delegation of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya this morning [29th meeting], there was no direct reference to the dispute over the continental shelf between his country and mine. Yesterday evening [28th meeting], however, the representative of Libya, in exercising the right of reply to my own detailed statement, stated the following very briefly. 193. First, he said the nature of the dispute is legal and technical; secocdly, that the question of continental shelf demarcation is still before the Conference on the Law of the Sea: thirdly, that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is anx- ious to finalize the procedures for referring the matter to the International Court of Justice "as soon as possible", either through bilateral contacts with Malta or through the efforts of the Secretary-General; and fourthly, that they desire good-neighbourly relations with Malta. 194. Those were the words; now let us "look at the facts. 195. Those very same sentiments, perhaps in slightly different words, were expressed by the representative of Libya at the end of the general debate at the thirty-fifth session [29th meeting], when I first raised the question. In fact, they were also the gist of a letter sent to the Prime Minister of my country by the Prime Minister of Libya on 19 December 1976, that is, almost five years ago. 196. It therefore appears that Libya has not moved an inch from its position over the past five years. With all its oil and oil revenues, with all its expertise on oil explora- tion and contracts, it is still immobilized by the "legal Jind technical" aspects of the dispute with Malta. By re- 197. The second point by Libya is that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea is still dealing with demarcation issues, among others. Of course, that is quite true. But, in the mean time, Libya itself has not stopped its own offshore exploration activities, numbering at least 30. It has stopped only one, by the threat to use force, and that one was the single exploration activity le- gally authorized by Malta. 198. The third point" made in the reply of the represen- tative of Libya was that they were anxious to finalize pro- cedures "as soon as possible". Then why, may I ask, has it already delayed this by five years and is still trying to delay it by unilaterally insisting on pre-conditions which no self-respecting country can accept? If Libya is so con- vinced about· the legality of its cause, why is it so reluc- tant to refer the matter to judicial arbitration? 199. Its last point is that Libya desires to promote good relations with Malta. The quickest way for Libya to do so would be if it stopped delaying matters and uncondi- tionally agreed to refer the case to the Court. 200. In his statement this morning the head of the Lib- yan delegation stated: "Whatever the differences on the demarcation of ter- ritorial waters, we call upon the international Organiza- tion and peace-loving peoples to stand UPl:l.gIDost the American acts of aggression and not allow the United States to bestow upon itself the role of a policeman who imposes his will upon others." [29th meeting, para. 66.] 201. MaIta unequivocally cor'demns any act of violence. But I hope I am correct in presuming that Libya too is ready not to impose its will by the threat or use of force on others, especially on small friendly and non-aligned neighbours such as Malta. 202. In fact, the leader of Libya, Colonel Qadhafi him- self, in relation to the same incident, was reported by the Jamahiriya's news agency to have said in September this year: '~merica has not used any friendly methods with us. We believe that any dispute on the Gulf of~idra should have been taken by America to the United "Nations, to the International Court of Justice or to the Conference on the Law of the Sea. America has from the start used against us its air force as though we lived in a jungle." 204. I should like to be allowed to take this opportunity briefly to make a short reply to the representative of' the United Kingdom. 205. I take note that our colleague from the United Kingdom believes that it is on a bilateral basis that the question should be resolved. We are also trying to do that on a bilateral basis, but we have not so far been very successful, despite the fact that we have been doing it for quite a long time. 206. Now, he indicated that we have to provide proof that the war remnants are an impediment to our economic activities. Well, let me just give two. The British Govl~rn­ ment itself, when Malta was still a military base, did carry out a survey of Grand Harbour. So it is technical~y feasible to .do so. But at that time the shipping of the day required only a depth of 12.5 metres; today's shipping and that of the future requires a draught of 17 metres. Because we do not have that depth, due to the failure of the Brit- ish Government to help us to achieve it, the Malta Dry Docks Corporation is losing many. profitable repair oppor- tunities for lack of enough draught to allow bigger ships to enter the harbour. That is one point. 207. The second point is that part of the sea-bed off Malta was used as a dumping ground for explosives. Now these explosives are being moved by underwater currents to areas which affect island shipping and fishing poten- tial. Fishermen have confirmed that the ridge is a good fishing ground but that nets get tom due to the accumu- lated and dispersed ordnance on the sea-bed. 208. There are many other areas where our economic activities and the prospects of our economic progress are being impeded because of these war remnants. The agree- ment was simply to warn off fishermen from the dan- gerous area, but certainly there was never any understand- ing that the refuse from the aerial bombardment should not be removed at the time of its termination, and we feel that the responsibility lies with those who knew be- forehand that there would be a danger and, therefore, that they should be removed. ' 209. But I can assure members that we shall continue all efforts to remove this problem, both through bilateral efforts and also in appropriate forums.

It will be recalled that at the 24th meeting the representative of-Somalia accused the Minister for Foreign Affairs of my country of mis- representing the decision on the conflict between Ethiopia and Somalia adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity at 211. It was in fact the current Chairman of the OAU Assembly who, in his report to the General Assembly on the activities of our regional organization, highlighted the salient points of that historic OAU decision and expressed Africa's,. fervent hope for an era of peace in the region. 212. It was in response to that expression of hope for peace. which reflects the deepest sentiments of the leaders and the peoples of Africa. that my country's Foreign Min- ister felt duty-bound to declare to this Assembly, as he did to the OAU Assembly at Nairobi, Ethiopia's accept- ance of the decision and its readiness to implement its provisions. By what logic, then, and by what stretch of the imagination ~an such a positive statement be con- strued as a misrepresentation? 213. The principles enunciated in the recommendations of the OAU Good Offices Committee, which were duly endorsed by the Assembly at Nairobi. are crystal-clear and do not lend themselves to any ambiguity. These are well-known principles' emanating from the Charter of the United Nations and that of the OAU, as well as ¥om the declarations of the non-aligned movement. Non-accept- ance of the decision, therefore, is tantamount to rejection of the basic law of nations, which those documents em- body. It is in the light of this that the Foreign Minister of Ethiopia said "the new era of peace and stability in the region can become a reality only when there is an equal commitment on the part of Somalia to respect accepted principles and norms of international behaviour". [22nd meeting, para. 120.] That too cannot be regarded as mis- representation since the hope for an era of peace in out region is based on the assumption that the collective will of Africa will prevail and that both parties to the conflict will abide by the decision adopted at Nairobi. 214. It was in fact the conclusive nature and the strength of that decision which led the current Chairman of the OAU Assembly to declare to this Assembly that the era of peace "would not be hard to introduce and sustain if both sides would formally recognize and apply the fun- damental OAU principles". [11th meeting, para. 34.] 215. This sense of optimism, which undoubtedly is shared by the 49 heads of State and Government of the OAU who endorsed the recommendations of the Good Of- fices Committee, would have been enhanced had the rep- resentative of Somalia joined the Minister of my country in declaring his Government's willingness to accept and abide by the "final verdict" of Africa, as my Minister put. it. Instead, the representative of Somalia has tried to take Africa seven years back by questioning the mandate of the Good Offices Committee: Obviously, this is neither the time nor the place to raise such extraneous issues. 216. Contrary to what the representative of Somalia would like to have the Assembly believe, the recommen- dations of the Committee of eight African States, which 49 heads of State and Government of the OAU endorsed at Nairobi. did not come out of the blue. They are the result of seven years of hard work by a committee which 217. In a characteristic manner, the representative of Somalia also charged that the decision adopted by 49 Af- rican States was "incomplete and one-sided", thus se- riously questioning the wisdom of African heads of State and undermining the credibility and prestige of the OAU. The truth is that the Committee had throughout the years been even-handed in its approach and faithful to the prin- ciples of the OAU charter. 218. At this stage it may be necessary to recall briefly some of the major developments that led to the historic OAU decision adopted at Nairobi. 219. The series of Somalia's wars of aggression against Ethiopia began in December 1960 and continued in Feb- ruary 1964, in July 1977, in 1978 and in April 1980. The senseless and endless acts of sabotage and subversion car- ried out by its infiltrators are too numerous to mention; they are in any case matters of record. It was to put an end to that state of affairs that our regional organization created the Good Offices Committee to solve the problem once and for all. 220. In June 1974 the Committee concluded its Mogadiscio meeting by declaring that the territorial claim advanced by Somalia was contrary to the OAU charter principles and decisions and Ethiopia could not, therefore, be requested to cede part of its territory to Somalia. Three years later the Committee again met at Libreville, Gabon, and recommended that both countries cease all hostilities and respect existing frontiers. 221. It will be recalled that, instead of listening to the wise counsel of Africa, the representatives of Somalia ar- rogantly walked out of the meeting and subjected the then Administrative Secretary-General of the OAU, Mr. William Eteki Mboumoa, to insolent and disparaging re- marks because he had the courage to state that the OAU considered the Ogaden part and parcel of Ethiopia. 222. Nevertheless, since Somalia had already finalized its plans and strategies to invade Ethiopia, no amount of appeal to reason and sanity could have any restraining influence on its leadership. So it carried out deliberate and premeditated military aggression against Ethiopia in 1977 and 1978. 223. The OAU Good Offices Committee again met at Khartoum. I cannot go into the details of what transpired then, because the time I now have at my disposal will not permit it. But I should state briefly for the record of the Assembly that the then President of Nigeria-President Olusegun Obasanjo-was accused by Somalia's leaders of being unfair. Moreover, in keeping with their usual tac- tics, they alleged that Ethiopia was preparing to invade Somalia. Notwithstanding the baseless allegations and the sinister attempt to introduce false issues into the argu-

Those who fail to re- spect the provisions of that decision will have only them- selves to blame for the possible disastrous consequences of such failure. 224. Subsequently, the OAU Good Offices Committee met at the ministerial level at Lagos in August 1980 and, having reaffirmed once again that the Ogaden is an inte- gral part of Ethiopia, unanimously concluded that an in- dispensable prerequisite for the restoration of peace in the region was the recognition, affIrmation, implementation and application by both sides of the following OAU prin- ciples: first, respect for the sovereignty and territorial in- tegrity of States; secondly, non-interference in the internal affairs of States; thirdly, peaceful settlement of disputes; fourthly, the strongest possible opposition to any encour- agement of subvel1il\.;_ ll~ainst the Government of another member State; and, fifthly, inviolability of frontiers of member States as attained at the time of independence. 225. That is the most serious indictment of Somalia's irredentist policy. 226. No sooner had the Committee finalized its recom- mendations than Somalia issued a statement repudiating the Committee's recommendations, accusing it of consid- ering issues that were not in its mandate and terms of reference. But Africa did not accept this political and legal fiction. Obviously, out of the 50 members of the OAU, 49 of them cannot all always be wrong and only Somalia right. Consequently, in his capacity as Chairman of the OAD Assembly for that session, the President of the Republic of Sierra Leone reported the conclusion reached by the Committee to the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. Somalia tried to bamboozle the As- sembly at that session by contending that the recommen- dations made at Lagos did not reflect the overwhelming view of Africa, since they were not yet adopted by an OAU Assembly-contending that they were merely rec- ommendations and, therefore, not binding. But to the utter "dismay and astonishment of the leaders of Somalia, the eighteenth regular session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, which was held at Nairobi last June, fully endorsed the recommendations. 227. That historic decision is what the representative of Somalia characterized as "incomplete" and "one-sided": It may be incomplete in so far as it did not condemn Somalia's persistent refusal to heed the voice of reason and its continuing defiance of the collective will of Af- rica. If it is one-sided, it took the side of the well-known principles contained in the OAU charter. But there is no question about the validity and binding nature 6f the deci- sion. The Nairobi Assembly decision is, in the"words of 230. Mr.MUNTASSER (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (interpretation from Arabic): I regret that the represen- tative of Malta raised the question of the continental shelf between Malta and the Jamahiriya. I do not want to dwell on this matter in the last minutes of this meeting. All that I want to make clear is that the delay in referring the dispute to the International Court of Justice is caused by Malta itself. 231. We have signed an agreement referring the issue to the International Court of Justice. That agreement was ratified by the People's Councils in the Jamahiriya, and on numerous occasions we have tried to convince Malta that it should come to an agreement on the timing of the exchange of the instruments of ratification. We have twice dispatched missions to Malta carrying the instruments of ratification in order to effect the exchange, but the Malt- ese refused to do this and called upon us to change the wording of the instrument of ratification to suit their own ends. It is indeed strange to try to impose on us pro- cedures and wording of our own instrument to suit their own needs. The procedural steps taken by the Jamahiriya are well known to the SI~cretary-Generaland his staff and to "the Security Council.. 232. I wish to reiterate my regret that the representative of Malta repeats such allegations on every occasion. It is all the more surprising in that he represents a member of the non-aligned movement yet uses words which are basically directed to an imperialist country~ He uses. those words against my country, which has spared no effort to help Malta and to express its friendliness to that country. The meeting rose at 5.55 p.m. NarES I American Convention on Human Rights, "Pact of San Jose, Costa Rica". 'll'eaty Series No. 36 (Washington, D.C., Organization of Ameri- can States, 1970~ 2 See Bulletin of the European Communities, No. 6; 1981. val. 14. para. 1.1.13. 4 Report of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.82.I.8), part one, sect. A. 6 Report of the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.81.1.24). chap. I. sect. A. 7 Ibid., p.ara. 59. B A/CONE107/8. chap. X.