A/36/PV.31 General Assembly

Permit me, Sir, before 1" begin my statement to express the profound SOllOW that my country feels over the death of President Sadat, a death which is a cause for grief among all peace-loving nations. 2. Mr. President, in you I greet one whose intell~ctual qualifications a.."e worthy of the presidency of the Assem- bly, and I welcome the fact that your election reflects a general tribute to the image of a centuries-old country which, in our day, maintains a cordial friendship with Latin America. 3. Ecuador extends a friendly welcome to the new Members of the United Nations and offers them its sup- port in achieving their goals and overcoming their prob- lems. 4. The principles that govern international life are well known and my Government fully respects them. Those principles are contained in the Charter of' the United Nations, or which, being fully in accord with its aims, require reinforcement through a'Cts of conduct that will give them effective force in the international field. In that regard, I would point out that my country attaches the utmost importance to the strengthening of the principles of non-intervention, self-determination of peoples, the equality of States in law, ideological pluralism, repudia- ticm of any form of racial discrimination, condemnation of colonialism and neo-colonialism, respect for legally con- cluded agreements, rejection of any form of aggression, non-validity of territorial conquests obtained tilrough the threat or use of force, and peaceful settlement of disputes. 8. While registering the gratitude of the Ecuadorien pe0- ple for the expressions of solidarity received from abroa<1 on the occasion of the tragic death of President Jaime Rold6s, I must also mention the fact that Ecuador's de- mocracy has functioned steadily following that unforeseen and regrettable event. The Vice-President, Mr. Osvaldo Hurtado, a university professor, politician and writer of broad experience, well versed in the study of our national circumstances, elected to his office by a popular vote, assumed the presidency in accordance with strict constitu- tional norms, and the Congress appointed as Vice-Presi- dent of the Republic, by a majority and in conformity 5. With regard to a principle as fundamental as that of with the law, Le6n Rold6s, a lawyer, an expert in eco- respect for'human rights, Ecuador not only·beHeves in it nomic and monetary matters, and one long familiar with and practices it, but also maintains the need (or its univer- the subjects relating to national development. I am there- sal application and above all for a geneial adh~nce to it fore pleased to state that the t:estoration of democracy in and recognition that all the regimes of the world are mor~ my country has suffered no setbacks, nor is there any NEW YOfJK ally obliged to accept it. In fact my country maintains that in the various international forums and organizations, no representative should take a public stand on how far human rights are respected in other nations without first reporting on the situation with regard to those rights in his own country. 6. I particularly wish to mention freedom of speech. E.c- uador is a representative. republican democracy with free elections for the three branches of government; it has no political prisoners, no martial law, and it gives generous hospitality to thos~ seeking asylum, exiled or fleeing from brother countries. It also prides itself on having ab- solutely unlimited respect for freedom of opinion, allow- ing access to any source of information and absolute free- dom for newsmen to travel anywhere in the national territory and to enter or leave it. Ecuador's view of the debate during the last few decades about the idea of free- dom of the press is that it is better to have great latitude rather than restrictions, apd iny Government prefers to surround the owner as well as the editor and the reporter with guarantees. Ecuador is proud to report that its media enjoy the light of dissent, within a broad democratic frame-"ork where, of course, the political parties, both in- side and outside Congress, are· respected, in accordance with their own decisions on their degree of co-operation, independence or opposition. Moreover, the Government of Ecuador believes there is a clear choice: and instead of dictatorship, which provides safeguards and privileges for the ruling regime, it prefers the democratic system, where strains and discomforts are absorbed by the executive branch in the inte!e&ts of the well-being of the majority. 7. That is a principle that is backed by ethical concepts and it is also the most solid basis for any legal argument in the international fieid. . 10. Of course, those are the same norms that inspired the recent EcuaAorian statement on El Salvador. My Gov- ernment maintains that ~~it is up to the Salvadorians alone to tmd a poli~.t~ and democratic solution to their prob- lems, free flum any kind of foreign intervention, either direct or indirect. Within a traditionally Ecuadorian con- duct opposed to violence, this statement means a condem- nation ('of any possible military solution." 11. Ecuador, which in its domestic affairs respects and practises id~ological pluralism and in the int~rnational field is ruled by the same guidelines and maintains rela- tions with all kinds of countries, has since the inaugura- tion of the present constitutional Government extended its relations to more than 20 nations of the Caribbean, Africa and Asia. Those principles governed its entry into the non-aligned movement, the members of which I greet cor- dially, while reaffirming that the international conduct of the Ecuadorian Government will continue to be indepen- dent and that it will not submit to any directives of th~ hegemonic blocs of the world, since the autonomy of our decisions and daily ex.Grcise of freedom are as deeply rooted in us as our continuous struggle for justice. 12. My country associates itself with those most charac- terized by their· attachment to peace. That spirit, which is the inheritance of centuries, and our concept of the dig- nity of man make it inconceivable to us that scientific development, the world's industrial structure and the eco- nomic power of a few nations should be oriented towards warlike purposes. Such a prospect is even more fearsome if one reca!ls that in industrial societies mma has reached the absurd extreme of producing and storing some 50,000 nuclecu- bombs capable of·exterminating the human race 20 times over. It is therefore urgently necessary to estab- lish a continuous warning system so that mankind may recover a ':"~rtain measure of good sense, for if it should come to the extreme of arguing in favour of certain recent weapons that they destroy only human beings, that would a.mount to declaring that human existence is subordinate, to the armaments business. 13. The unbelievably high military expenditure, which now amounts to well over $1 million a minute, is the real cause of inflation, of the dismrbance of the very concept of international trade, and of distortion of the principles at the basis of economic activity, which is currently being conducted by those arms merchants. 15. Among the theatres of confrontation that represent a threat to the world is Namibia. In that connection, as in others, my country's position is clear. The foreign troops that are occupying that Territory are committing an act of rebellion against the United Nations and are the accom- plices of apartheid, one of "tneworst forms of discrimina- tion and racism. Therefore South Africa, a Power typified by its violations of international law, must move without delay to accept the independence of Namibia in accord- ance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978), a just, solid and practicable basis for the solution of that serious problem. 16. Lebanon is a pathetic example of wars imported by elements foreign to the spirit of the peoples in whose ter- ritories the conflicts take place. The Lebanese people are being martyred and it is the responsibility of all, and par- ticularly the United Nations, to put an end to this. My Government fully understands that unfortunately the solu- tion of the Lebanese tragedy depends to a great extent on measures that must be taken by all the peoples of the Middle East. That is why we reiterate the basic principles applicable to the region, principles which in this case constitute also norms of procedure: the right of all States, including Israel, to existence and security; the need for sollltions concerning all the peoples, p311icularly the Pdl- estinian people; the condemnation of all forms of violence and of the retention of territories occupied by force; and the need to settle diflputes by peaceful means. 17. Perhaps all the world's dramas are rooted in the sit- uation I shall now present. One of the major frustrations of the poor, who make up the majority of the world's population, consists in the persistence of economic in- justices from which the affluent societies derive a profit. This generates deep resentment, acute tension and the misunderstandings between the industrialized countries of the North and the countries of the South. The objections of the fonner, which in international forums take advan- tage of the smallest preliminary points of procedure, not only hamper any kind of global strategy and common progress but also constitute a threat to the future of those same enclosed societies. If the forthcoming International Meeting on Co-operation and Development at Cancun does not succeed in opening the way and establishing at least some new guidelines for conduct, the United Nations will continue to be a forum for the expression of vague hopes and concrete disappointments and will not open up the ways towards the new international economic order, the philosophy and Programme of Action of which were adopted in 1974 [resolutions 3201 (S-VI) and 3202 (S-VI)]. 18. Among the resources of primary interest in connec- tion with which we wish to avoid the depredations and injustices of which we have been both witnesses and vic- tims in the distribution of the world's wealth-are, with- out doubt, the resources of the sea. Ecu:c\dor attache'J.due importance to fuose resources, and it affIrmS that they are the heritage of the riparian States within the already his- 19. My country will also more assiduously protect its rights to the fmite natural resource of the increasingly oc- cupied geostationary orbit. It will do so in conjunction with the other equatorial countries and in co-operation with other developing countries, in order to make a joint contribution in an area that vitally affects the future of our peoples. 20. We are concerned that the space Powers, in an ex- pansionist manner, may be, for purposes of power com- petition, exploiting outer space, which should be con- ceived of as a zone of peace. The arms race already involves artificial earth satellites, which are being launched at the rate of three per week; thus more than 1,700 satellites of a military nature have been placed in orbit during the past decade. Of the existing total of satel- lites, 75 per cent are for warlike purposes, according to the latest reports of the Stockholm International Peace Re- search Institute, which includes in that fig~ the func- tions of navigation, communications, meteorology, geod- esy, remote sensing and anti-satellite capability. This alarming race must be halted and brought back within the normal evolution of the universe, instead of incurring the risks of a course that could be tragic not only for the space Powers themselves, but for all the peoples that share this great spaceship called Earth. 21. Casting a glance at what man is doing, or has al- ready created, of which art is a prime example, Ecuador calls for the restitution of cultural assets to their legiti- mate owners, even though their acquisition may have re- sulted from centuries-old spoliation, tantamount, in fact, to colonialism, a vestige of times long past. World-wide restorations by. the Powers involved to the native peoples that have created cultural eras could be initiated under the sponsorship of the United Nations. In this regard, the di· rection given to the activities of UNESCO is praisewor- fUy, as are the incentives extended to those who support it. 22. Fortunately, there are signs of understanding be- tween dis-similar societies when they resort to the fulme- work of the United Nations. An example of North-South co-operation in positive terms, although on a very small scale, is UNDP, with its flexible and co-ordinated action to meet the requirements of the developing world-above all in the matter of the technological gap. Ecuador has fmnly supported the principle of universality on which UNDP is based, and has repeatedly appealed for in- creased voluntary contributions on the part of all coun- tries, rich and poor' alike. For its part, despite its financial constraints, my country has amply responded to the rec- ommendation for a minimum increase of 14 percent per year-a recnfi"''l1endation still being ignored\by those who could most afford to respond. 29. I shall not tire the Assembly with a review of the .four continuous centuries of Quitonian and Ecuadorian presence in the Maraii6n or Amazon, and its basin. To avoid entering into this long and comprehensive review, I have submitted to the Secretariat and to representatives a brief summary of the unsung heroic deeds of our religious communities and of our lay people, who devoted literally . thousands of lives to the cause of the inclusion of the Amazon region within what was then the Audience of Quito and which is tedaythe RepUblic of Ecuador. 23. At the other, more fruitful, level of co-operation- South-South-··Ecuador has entered, this year, into a spe- 24. Because of its intrinsic value for development, and because it is the best possible form of co-operation, we have faith in economic, social and cultural integration. For this reason, Ecuador remains active in the Andean Group, where it seeks effective fulfilment of the commit- ments undertaken in respect of sectoral industrial develop- ment programmes, as well as those concerning a common external tariff, the lowering of duties, the common treat- ment of foreign capital, and, above all, the structuring of the Andean Tribunal of Justice. We Ecuaaorians believe that the sub-regional process helps reduce the dependence of developing peoples, promote their harmonious progress and facilitate a consolidated position in international fo- rums. 25. We also believe that a prerequisite is the removal of real or potential threats among its members. In this re- spect, it is only natural that I should mention an issue that is of crucial importance to my n8non. 26. In his statement to the Assembly [6th "meeting], the Foreign Minister of Peru made specific reference to the territorial problem that his country has with Ecuador. On that occasion, the tone of the statement by the Foreign Minister of Peru was conciliatory, and we Ecuadorians and all Latin Americans must appreciate "it, since it can be interpreted as a shift in attitude towards a peaceful'line of conduct on the part of his Government. That, as- suredly, is something most worthy of note. 27. On the substance itself, when he asks that an end be put to the problem by the placing of landmarks along a 78-kilometre stretch, he is, while admitting that there is a disagreement, maintaining, in short, that the formula for a solution is Ecuador's acceptance, 100 per cent, of Peru's case. 28. In a constructive spirit, it is pertinent to recall, among the main Latin American problems related not only to the loss of territory but also to the historical exer- cise of sovereignty, the irrevocable rights of my country over the Maraii6n, or Amazon river, which it discovered, and part of whose basin it evangelized and civilized up tlJ its banks, on the basis of the Royal Deed of 1563. 30. The discovery of the Amazon river by Francisco de Orellana took place within the framework of the continu.. 31. The sequel to these efforts of discovery and colo- nization took concrete form in the Royal Deed of 1563, which, by creating the Audience of Quito, at the same time. recognized for it all of the territories to the east which it might discover or colonize, which was done for no other South American Audience. 3~. Thus it was that during the sixteenth, seventeenth, eIghteenth and ninet~enth centuries the religious and·secu- lar citizens of Quito navigated the Napo, the Pastaza, the Morona, the Santiago, the Putumayo and other rivers, while populating Amazor.i~. . i"> .33. In order to counter the effects of this historical truth Peru opposed the creation by Ecuador of the See of the Bishop of Maynas by the Royal.Deed of 1802, which was not implemented, even in its religious aspect, since there was no territory. 34. Peru maintains that the discovery of the I Amazon started from Cuzco, but the route followed by Orenana started from the very centre of what is today our capital city. The route. is a road that we use today to go to Ama- zoma, ~ road where 4,000 native citizens of the Audience of Quito di,~ during the epic of 1541. 35. I have emphasized the fact that this discovery, which was the result and the background of a long and sustained religions community effort, bears out the Ec- uadorian right, which is recognized .by titles beginning with the Deed of 1563 through those of 1717, 1720, 1739 and 1740, and ending with the 1Ieaty of Guayaquil of 1829, following the declaration of Marshal Antonio Jose de Sucre, that victory grants no rights and justice must be the same before and after battle. . 36. In this same brotherly spirit I say that the instnic- tions of the armed forces agd those of the Governments of all States must be positive. It makes no sense that Peru's objective should be to ignore our right and prevent the attainment of Ute national objective embodied in the his- tory and in the feelings q.f all our p~ople: namely, Ec- uador's Amazonian destiny and its character as a riparian State of the river it discovered. It makes no sense that Peru should have undertaken to confme Ecuador by force of arms to the Amazonian tributaries only up to the point where they become navigable. It cannot be said that a country is denied its right to such banks in a zone extend- ing east of the Cordillera del C6ndor, when its own repre.. sentatives in 1890 acknowledged that "not a shadow of reason" could be adduced and that "nowhere is its right less defensible". With regard to that region, where the confrontations of early 1981 took place, the Foreign Min- ister of Peru himself publicly acknowledged at the Organ- ization of American States [OAS] on 3 February 1981 that his country as its first act of presence, established a mili- tary outpost in 1938, that of Chavez Valdivia, thereby ad- mitting the truth of an old Ecu¥"orian accusation, that ~ru had violated by force fl· arms the status qUo of .<1936. ' . treaty. The geographical reality of the zone was dis- covered in 1947 through mapping done by the Aerial Photography Service of the United States Air Force, and it was definitively confirmed by other later work. 38. That fact is so irrefutable that Ecuador has from the start repeatedly invited the Peruvian Gov~mment to set up a commission whose fundamental purpose would be to verify the geographical facts. R1ced with Peru's refusai, in 1956 Ecuador reiterated to Peru, through Brazil, Chile, Argentina and the United States that it was necessary to survey the zone. Invited through these countries, Peru once more refused and·went to the extreme of rejecting the suggestion by these four States that a new aerial pho- tographic survey of the zone be made. 39. Peru unilaterally maintains that the boundary in that area is the Cordillera del Condor and that it owns the eastern slope. It cites an award of 1945, which was prior. to the discovery of the problems in 1947. On the basis of that reasoning, in 1981 it machine-gunned and bombed Ecuadorian outposts located in the Cordillera del C6ndor, on the eastern slope, even after the cease-fire had been formally agreed upon within PAS. 40. Ecuador, then, must recall that Peru has not com- plied with the undertakings which it was led to make by the consultative meeting and the four friendly countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States, to which Ecuador reiterates its gratitude for their endeavours in the defence of peace, which they conducted with sincerity and impartiality. Ecuador has formulated and is formUlat- ing emphatic public reservations as concerning whatever Peru may do in the zone extending east of the Cordlllera del C6ndor, a zone as yet without boundaries, even under the Protocol of Rio de Janeiro. 1 It is simple and cate- gorically a matter of occupation of territories by force. . The reservations which my COUiltry has encompass any military outpost, human settlements, any' general in- frastructure and anything that is contrary to the spirit of coexistence, which requires the parties to negotiate on pending problems and not presume to solve them uni- laterally or limit themselves to denying that such prob- lems exist. . 41. On this occasion I address a new appeal tathe Gov- ernment of Peru to undertake and maintain negotiations leading to an understanding that may solve one of the oldest problems of the continent, as mentioned by the Secretary-General, whose concern for the restoration of peace was appreciated at the time by Ecuador, and his reference to the problem in his report on the work of the Organization [see A/3611, sect. IV] is inspired by a spirit . of concord with which my country fully concurS. 42. I reiterate before the Assembly the words Presjdent Osuldo Hltttado spoke befote the National House of 43. Ecuador, a signatory of the San Francisco Charter, looks upon the Organization as th~ maximum guarantee and the embodiment pf the will of the peoples, which is the source of international law in our time. That is why it gives its, support,< without reservation, to the United Nations, in which it places its trust, and expresses its fer- vent wishes for the attainment of the noble ideals which inspire the Organization. My people and my Government will spare no effort that may be necessary to achieve that end.

Speaking as I am after the passing of the Egyptian head of State, allow me first to associate myself with the homage that has been paid to his memory. The tragic death of President Anwar El Sadat is a cruel loss, not only for his country, but for the United Nations and for all who are working to achieve peace and love between peoples, to which aim he dedicated himself with un- shakeable faith and exceptional courage. To the sorely be- reaved delegation of Egypt and, through it, to the frater- nal people of Egypt, I address our heartful condolences and sincere compassion. 45. Sir, in electing you to the presidency of its thirty- sixth session, the General Assembly has acquired the ex- perience, competence and effectiveness of a seasoned dip- lomat that you have always shown, both in the service of your country and in the United Nations. I am happy to extend to you,on behalf of my delegation and in a per- sonal capacity, our heartfelt congratulations, assuring you again of my high and very friendly esteem. 46. As you begin your important task, I should like to express to your predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, our high appreciation for the brilliant manner in.which he dis- charged his duties. 47. I should also like to express once agam to the Sec- retary-General our deep gra\itude for the exemplary de"o- tion with which he carries out his important respon- sibilities. 48. Over the years, the United Nations has ceaselessly reaffirmed its universality. Since it is" the framework par excellence for co-opc.ration and reconciliation between human communities, we are highly appreciative of that fact. We therefore welcome the entry of Vanuatu and Be- lize to the United Nations. We regret that some States are not yet membecs, altHough they have become members of the specialized agencies, and we invite them to join us. 49. The Ivory Coast hopes that in the near future the United Nations will be welcoming a new men1ber, the in- dependent State of Namibia. We reaffmn out. s\@port for Security Couocil resolution 435 (1918), ~h "provides for Namibia's accession to independence and self-detenni- 51. To avoid the risk of being accused of attempting to sanction South Africa's delaying tactics, of laxity and, consequently, of complicity, the five members of the con- tact group must unequivocally reaffinn their determination to do everything in their power to implement resolution 435 (1978), which does no more than reproduce the plan they themselves worked out in answer to the legitimate aspirations of the Namibian people to freedom and human dignity. In drawing up that plan, they assumed a commit- ment to the international community to ensure that Namibia accede to independence in a peaceful manner. They have the means to achieve this. They are in duty bound to succeed, for if that plan is not implemented, the ensuing disappointment will be commensurate with the immense hope that they have aroused throughout t.lte world, and particularly in Africa. 52. It is with satisfaction, therefore, that we who have trusted in them from the outset and have supported their plan, note that following their meeting in New" York on 24 September, they reaffirmed "their determination to pursue their efforts" to "assure without further delay a iJeaceful solution to the problem of Nmnibia". 53. Unfortunately, there is another problem that con- stitutes a treat to 'peace and security in southern Africa: apartheid. that odious system based on the segregation of human beings according to race, that ensures the reign of the minority over the majority and that deprives that ma- jority of human rights and fundamental freedoms, debas.. ing them solely because they are not white. 54. The strikes that have been called in South Africa and the acts of violence that have taken place in that country in recent years are ample proof that the majority is awakening and rejecting its present status. 55. Like clouds preceding a storm, rancours, hatreds, feelings of frostrationand reVOlt, are piling up. The longer the<scourge of !!PQrtheid goes on, the greater the danger of confrontation between the white Jllin()rityand the majority of the South .African·community.. Eacb day that goes by brings us closer to war and its conse- quences-destruction of human lives and ptOpe11y, for- eign interventions and the risks of the conflict'$beingex.- tended. 57. Some, considering the measures adopted thus far as insufficient to eliminate apartheid, and becoming impa- tient, advocate a recourse to war to achieve this; an under- standable attitude, but one which should not exclude the use of other means. 58. We thinIC indeed, that it is possible to prevail upon the Government of South Africa peacefully to bring about the changes that are desirable in that country. We can never over-emphasize the special responsibility incumbent upon the Powers which have economic relations with that country. We appeal to them resolutely to embark in this direction, because their long-term interests are at stake, , and so as to avoid the problem of apartheid degenerating into armed conflict and opening up the way to foreign interference in Africa. 59. We want Africa to be really neutral, to be free frO., foreign interference in its affairs. We are convinced that, left to themselves, Africans can resolve their differences. The Ivory Coast therefore welcomed the progress achieved by the Organization of African Unity [OAU] in the quest for a peaceful solution to the problem of West- ern Sahara. 60. To our mind, what we should do, now that the prin- ciple of self-determination of the people of Western Sa- hara has been, acknowledged by all· parties concerned, now that the organization of a referendum has been agreed upon during which the United Nations is required to give its assistance, now that practical ways to imple- ment this have been defined, and a progressive relaxing of tension in the region is taking place, is to avoid debates and decision which would revive passions, provoke an es- o calation of fighting and frustrate the efforts of the GAU to bring about a peaceful soJution to the problem. 61. It seems to us that the United Nations should con- fine itself to taking note of the agreement which was reached this year in the OAU at the Assembly of Heads of State and Government and in the Implementation Com- mittee on Western Sahara, and to invite the pan-African organization to pursue its efforts. The parties concerned should co-operate honestly in implementing the self-deter- mination process. We urge the African countries in partic- ular to facilitate, as is their duty, the very delicate and complicated task of the Implementation Committee. 62. Respect for the right of peoples to self-determina- tion should be admitted in other situations of conflict as well. The United Nations. in 1947 recognized that die Pal- estinians had that right, and sins:e 1947 the Palestinians have been deprived of it. The Palestinian problem, is at ,,' "the oore of the Middle E,ast conflict. As long as the Pal- ---IlIiiI-. ...... .-. ... 63. The major obstacle to the exercise of the Palesti- nians of the right·'of peoples to self-determination seems to be the absence of mutual and simultaneous recognition of their existence and that of the State of Israel. We wel- come the approach made in that direction by Saudi Ara- bia. We venture to hope that this initiative will be wel- comed by all parties concerned and by the Powers involved, and that it will give new impetus to efforts al- ready undertaken to bring about a comprehensive peaceful solution to the conflict. 64. Almost two years ago the United Nations pro- claimed its indignation and condemned the invasion of Afghanistan by foreign forces which, as in similar situa- tions, reminded us sadly of coups de force in the past and re-established the climate of the cold war which, we be- lieved, had gone for ever. Recalling the principle of re- spect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of 'all States and the right of peoples to self-determination and, in particular, to decide their own form of government and to choose their own economic, political and social system without intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint from outside in whatever form, the General Assembly re- quested the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan [resolution ES-6/2]. It renewed this request last year at the thirty-fifth session [resolution 35-37], but for almost two years now Afghanistan has been occupied by foreign troops, obviously against the will of the Afghan people. 65. The situation prevailing in that country is disturbing for more than one reason. It has caused the displacement of people who look for shelter in other countries, in par- ticular in neighbouring States. Whatever action is under- taken, bilaterally or multilaterally, to assist them, will be only a partial solution to a phenomenon which has politi- cal, social and economic consequences. The situation cre- ates a danger of confrontation between the great Powers. It also hampers the development of that tlUrd world·coun- try, It constitut~s an extremely dangerous precedent for the progress and security of a large number of developing countries. 66. To prevent such situations, there is only orie reliable method: the neutrality of the developing countries towards the two blocs. That means that peace must reign between these countries and within each country, and in order to do this they should resort to permanent dialogue to settle their disputes, whf.?ther internal or against one another. This means the pracdce of a true policy of non-alignment towards the great Powers. 67. What' the developing countries need are not im- ported ideologies but technology and resources fOl: their economic, social and cultural development. What th~y •want is not to be the pawns in this political rivalry be- 68. Today in the d~veloping countries 1.8 billion people live in poverty, and it appears that 800 million will find themselves in a state of absolute poverty in 1990 unless we are careful. Now in these countries two out of three people die of hunger. Seventy per cent of the children suffer from malnutrition, a billion people are condemned to .illiteracy, three quarters of the population of the earth have only one fifth of the word's income. In the devel- oped countries, on the other hand, one quarter of the peo- ple possess four fifths of that income; a human being will rarely suffer from hunger and will receive an education to a level at least equal to that of secondary education, and the majority have a life expectancy. of 50 years at least. 69. The efforts to bridge this gap are frustrated by the short-term instability of commodities markets which man- ifests itself in severe annual price fluctuations. The trend is usually downward and therefore export earnings drop. This has had an adverse long-term effect on markets. Be- tween 1950 and 1970, the price ratio for primkry products sold by the developing countries and manufactured prod- ucts sold by the developing countries went down by 35 per cent. In 1981 a ton of cocoa, coffee or cotton-to take only these examples-in the best possible circum- stances only buys half of the capital goods, particUlarly agricultural ~apital goods, that could be bought 20 years ago. 70. Commodity price fluctuations and deterioration of the terms of trade have, for the developing countries, se- vere financial consequences which jeopardize their ability to save, invest and therefore to develop, but the two phe- nomena also have consequences for the developed coun- tries. 71. Indeed <;ommodities from developing countries as a general rule are processed in the developed countries re- fore being cons~med. A drop in commodity prices dis- courages producers, makes them reduce their output and fmally creates supply difficulties at the industrial level in the processing countries, not to mention the unemploy- ment which might result. 72. Some developed countries producing raw materials or synthetic goods also suffer from the deterioration of the terms of trade. Differences in cost structures often bring activitY to a partial 'or total halt Some coal basins in Europe, following the continued fall in oil prices from 1960 to 1972, are a case in point. 73. As we see, excessive price fluctuations and the dete- rioration of the terms of trade are the cause of economic waste for all countries, whether developed or developing, and this demonstrates a major fact of our t~es. the grow- ing interdependence between natiQnal econoinies. 74. The solutions which have so far been put forward to solve these two problems have not been entirely satisfac- 75. The so-called price stabilization agreements seek to avoid excessive price fluctuations that would jeopardize the long-term interests of producers and consumers, and to stabilize and increase export earnings for the producer countries. However, where they exist, these agreements promote the first aim better than the second. Furthermore, difficulties arise when it comes to determining the mini- mum and maximum prices to be fixed, which provide the benchmark for the tlpplication of the stabilizing action, as can be seen in the International Cocoa Agreement. 76. These difficulties are due to the ~y the stabiliza- tion agreements are conceived. Generally, from the con- sumer's point of view, they are conceived not as a means of ensuring effective price stabilization but as an instru- ment to maintain free market conditions, in accordance with the wishes of those who think that commodity prices should result from market forces. To be sure, this market is effectively free of any State intervention. But can one say that it is a free market when the means to market these products are more or less out of the hands of the developing countries, when, at the pre-marketing stage the economic decisions are not taken by those countries; in brief, when the market is dominated by the importers, distributors, processors and a whole gamut of middlemen from the developed countries whose activity is often ex- clusively financial, and only very distantly connC\.'1ed with the product concerned., 77. In ~ddition, how can one offer the developing coun- tries the argument that the market forces must be given free play, when those who pIJt forward that argument re- fuse to apply it whenever their products are threatened by competition from products originating in other developed countries? Is that not a tacit admission that a free market is one in which ri,ght is right? That amounts to recogniz- ing both the need to correct the short-comings of the mar- ket and the legitimacy of the desire of developing coun- tries for a policy ensuring remunerative prices for their commodities. 78. Furthermore, attainment of the objecti¥es of the sta- bilizarlon agreements is hampered by the lack of adequate funds for the operation of the machinery provided for that p\JIP\1se: buffer stocks and stocks established by producer countries to ensure fulfilment of their export quotes. The Common Fund for Commodities will make it possible to remedy this situation, if its reliability is guaranteed. 79. The idea of setting up this kind of machinery bears . witness to the need fo!' more co-operation among all countries in order to solve the problems inherent in the imbalance of trade in general, and in the commodity trade, in particular. 80. Apart from trade, the development of the poor countries is meeting with obstacles in the industrialization sphere. If those- countries are to develop some of their 81. Those countries are also having difficulty in acquir- ing, adapting and disseminating industrial techniques, and when transfers of technology take place, they often have onerous conditions attached, are badly adapted, or pro- vide elementaI1 or obsolete technology. International ne- gotiations aimed at organizing relationships between de- veloped and developing countries in a just and equitable manner, in particular through the preparation of a code of conduct on transfer of technology and revision of legisla- tion on patents, have made scarcely any progress. \ 82. The fmancial resources required for the indus- trialization of developing countries greatly exceeds their internal savings capacity. Official aid is well below the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product recom- mended by the United Nations. From 0.35 per cent in 1975, it has fallen to a level of p.31 per cent in 1978. Furthermore, the high level of indebtedness of the devel- oping countries, the continuing rise in energy costs and the declining trend in export earnings means that much of the aid they receive and the loans they contract go to re- ducing their debt burden and paying for their oil bills, instead of to new projects. .' 83. Because of such obstacles, the industrialization of the developing· countries is making slow progress. The share of those countries in world industrial production was only 7 per cent in the 196Os; it has risen since then, but was only 9 per cent in 1977. Taking the broad view, those obstacles also have consequences for the developed countries. 84. By providing considerable subsidies and buying up part of their output, Governptents prolong the existence of firms which cannot compete with similar products from developing countries. Thus protectionism leads to higher prices, which are a burden to the consumer, and in the long run, to inflation and losses for the economies of de- veloped countries as a whole. Furthermore, to block ex- ports from developing countries· means reducing their ca- pacity to import and in the final analysis to preventing the· -creation of more productive employment in developed countries. 85. Studies have shown that although initially increasing imports of finished and semi-fmished goods from devel- oping countries can cause employment problems in some sectors of the economy of developed countries, at a later stage it should enable them to incxease their exports in other sectors, a process leading lO an upsurge in the world economy. It is therefore in.the mutual interests of 86. The disorder in the monetary system since the gen- eral floating of major reserve currencies authorized by IMF in 1976, which has resulted in wide fluctuations in exchange rates, is also hampering the developing of the poor countries. Bearing in mind the instability of the cur- rency market and the prevailing uncertainty there, trans- fers .from multilateral financial institutions and private sources are too burdensome and ill-suited to the specific needs of those countries, and are subject to the harmful effects of the floating of reserve currencies, like their ex- port earnings, quite apart from the fluctuations in com- modity prices. 87. The developed countries responsible for this mone- tary disorder have not been spared. The increase in inter- est rates is leading to a slowing down of investments and growth and, fmally, to unemployment in those countries. 88. Any new monetary order aimed at more stable inter- national currencies will make sense only if it takes into account all economic interests, and if all States participate in its management. Thus, wherever one turns, it seems that the developed countries cannot obtain prosperity by themselves; that they must, by way of efficient interna- tional co-operation, help the poor countries towards devel- opment and that, in so doing, ~they are both helping them- selves and working for peace, for the poverty of the developing countries gives rise to disturbances, political instability, foreign interference and international tension. 89. What framework could be better than the United Nations for such co-operation? This sentiment reflects the hope which we place in the International Meeting on Co- operation and Development, which will take place at Can- cUn, for launching global negotiations. We also hope that the second special session of the General Assembly de- voted to disarmament, to be held· next year, will be the start of a new awareness of the obstacle represented by the arms race, that will make it possible to mobilize addi- tional resources for development. 90. It is inconceivable that military expenditures should have grown year after year to reach in 1981 the astro- nomical figure of $500 billion, whereas developm~nt aid is falling, and is only $20 billion. It is repugnant to see that the resources devoted to works of death are 25 times as great as those devoted to works of life, and that the programme of WHO for the eradication of malaria, which represents only one thousandth of military expenditures, should lack funds and the cost of the lO-year programme to cover the essential needs of food and medical care should be less than 50 per cent of these expenditures. 91. May the CancUn Meeting and the second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament pave the way to international co-operation .within the framework of the United Nations, bringing peace and happiness to all, thus justifying the very reason for· the existence of the Organization. 93. At the last session we noted with concern a marked complication of the international situation because of im- perialist and hegemonistic forces. At the same time, the forces of peace and progress, deeply conscious of their responsibility for the destinies of mankind, succeeded un- derlining in a number of General Assembly resolutions urgent measures for lessening the danger of war, curbing the arms race and solving vitally important problems through negotiations in the interests of peace and co-oper- ation among peoples. 94. Regrettably, it is stit to be noted today that the in- ternational situation continues to remain extremely com- plicated and that it has even worsened in the past year. The true reasons for this are well known. Imperialist Powers, primarily the United States, deliberately heat up the international situation and continue their policy of confrontation with the world of socialism, try to achieve military superiority, feverishly whip up the arms race, which is unprecendented in its dimensions, while avoid- ing negotiations on disarmament, interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign States in a bid te subordinate them to their diktat and oppose the political settlement of conflicts and the elimination of hotbeds of tension. They are pursu- ing a policy of expanding the system of aggressive blocs, fighting national liberation movements, hampering the normal development of inter-State relations and trying to bury everything positive that was achieved in the 1970s in the field of detente. 95. The policy of the ruling circles of those States at the present time particularly blatantly demonstrates adven- turism, and a readiness to risk the vital interests of man- kind in the pursuit of their criminal designs. The close- ness between imperialism and Beijing hegemonism is becoming ever more obvious. The military c<;J-operation between the United States and China, with its far-reaching expansionist goals, is taking on tangible shape. 96. In this situation, the United Nations, which com- prises practically all countries in the world, is called ·upon to concentrate its· efforts as never before on the imple- mentation of the primary task proclaimed in its Charter: to save the present and succeeding generations from the scourge of war. 97. Comrade T. Y. Kiselev, Alternate Member of the Politbureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Uaion, First SeCretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of tl)e Byelorussian SSR, pointed out in his statement during the adoption of the appeal of the USSR Supreme Soviet to 'parliaments and peoples of the world that the conscience Of peoples cannot remain silent when the aggl'essive circles of impe- rialism, especially United States imperialism, whip up 98. For us, peace matters more than anythirig else. Peace-loving forces had to pay a very high price for the right to live in conditions of peace, for the opportunity to work peacefully and creatively for the benefit of their peoples in the interests of international economic co-oper- ation. More than 20 million Soviet people, including every fourth Byelorussian inhabitant, perished in the scorching flames of the Second World WaI; which caused enormous suffering and misfortune. 99. Everyone needs peace. War in the nuclear age is a calamity for all and isa direct threat to the existence of human civilization itself. What is needed. is an active joint struggle against war and the forces which threaten to dis- rupt peace. The source of wars and of the arms race is generally known: it.is the tycoons of the war business rather than peoples who make profits out of armaments and wars. 100. Unswervingly following Lenin's behest that all our policy and propa.ganda are aimed at putting an end· to war rather than dragging peoples into it, the Soviet State has made the struggle for peace and for the prevention of the threat of war and for curbing reactionary and militaristic forces the cornerstone. of its international activities. The policy of peace which flows from the social nature of the socialist system is the fundamental course adopted by S0- viet foreign policy. It has found its expression in specific foreign policy actions and proposals advanced by the country of the Soviets in the international arena. That was once again convincingly demonstrated at the twenty-sixth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which put forward a whole series of new sweeping ini- tiatives aimed at preventing the threat of a nuclear war, curbing the arms race and strengthening international· se~ curity. They deal both with nuclear missiles and conven- tional types of weapons as well as with land, naval and air forces. Those initiatives touch upon the situation in Europe and in the N~ Middle and Far East. They in- clud(~ the adoption of specific measures of both a political and a military ~ature. . 101. Those proposals constitute an organic continuation and a further development of the Soviet Pro~e of Peace adopted at the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth Con- gresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the context of the most important contemporary problems. As Comrade Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, President of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet, stressed "It is not war preparations that doom the peoples to a senseless sqandering of their mate- rial and spiritual wealth, but consolidation of peace-that is the clue to the future". 103. The general debate about to be concluded testifies to the fact that the majority of States share this approach. Yet forces which are against it are also active. This can be seen in their approach to any problem that the interna- tional community expects the United Nations to help re:.. solve. 104. All States Members of the United Natio~s, even though they have their own specific interests, should be guided by the major commitments freely assumed under the Charter· of the United Nations, that is, "to practice tolerance and live together in peace with one another as good neighbours, and to unite our strength to maintain international peace and security". Yet, is everyone com- plying with the aforementioned requirements? No, unfor- tunately not. We see instances of irresponsibility, attempts by the ruling circles of some Western countries to build their relations with peace-loving States on the basis of hostility and the desire to unite the forces of aggression and reaction to undermine peace and the security of the- peoples. All this is accompanied by disgraceful political blather about the hackneyed subject of the so-called So- viet military threat. Under its cover the United States has taken the decision to deploy 100 MX intercontinental bal- listic missiles and to build 100· strategic bombers of the new B-1 type. As a result of this, military expenditures by the United States will increase by over $180 billion. 105. Besides, various malicious and fraudulent alle- gations are being turned out one after another, like for example the one contending that sometime, someone, somewhere in South-East Asia used toxic chemical sub- stances said to be of Soviet manufacture. Yet what is known to be true is that the United States, in busily wag- ing a hostile anti-Cuban campaign, is using biological weapons against it and is engaged in a new round of the chemical-weapons race, in particular, the binary system of warfare, and that the consf;quences of the large-scale use . by the United States of the chemical means of warfare during its aggressive war in Viet Nam can stili be- felt. 106. Some people are deliberately ignoring the indis- putable fact, solemnly reaff1I1Iledby the USSR Supreme Soviet in its appeal to parliaments and peoples of the world, that the Soviet Union is not threatening anyone, nor does it seek confrontation with 4lIlY State, and that safeguarding peace has been, is ana- remains the highest goal of the foreign policy of the Soviet State. 108. So far there has been no positive response to those initiatives from the United States and a number of its partners in the North Atlantic 1teaty Organization [NATO]. In fact, the· opposite is taking place, namely, the idea is being persistently impressed on Western Europe th~ the so-called dual decision does not in the least call for the entry into force of the SALT-ll treaty on the limitation of strategic arms or for negotiations on all the aforemen- tioned proposals, but that it merely envisages "additional armament" and the deployment of new United States me- dium-range nuclear systems, and now the neutron weapon as well, on the territories of some Western European countries contrary to the will of their peoples, who do not wish to live on top of a nuclear powder keg or close to it. Europe, which has received tangible benefits from the process of detente, is now being pushed towards the dete- rioration of relations with the socialist States, allegedly for the sake of "NATO common interests". 109. It is to be hoped that the Soviet-American agree- ment on the resumption of negotiations on the limitation of nuclear armaments in Europe, which we welcome, will help to overcome those unfavourable trends. 110. In the Middle East, stubborn attempts are still being made to push through the Camp David deal rejected and condemned in the United Nations. The Arab territo- ries captured by Israel in 1967 have not been vacated, and the Arab people of Palestine is still being deprived of its inalienable right to create its own State. On an ever-grow- ing scale, Israel is undertaking aggressive actions against Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, while the United States is tak- ing Israel under American protection, even in the Security Council, and is entering into a "strategic alliance" with Israel, while fattening it up with what amounts annually to $5.5 billion of the American taxpayers' money. 111. The current situation makes especially timely the USSR proposal concerning an honest collective search for a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East problem on a just-and realistic basis within the framework of a· specially convened international conference, with the par- ticipation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization [PW]. 112. The United States refuses to support the relevant proposals on nonnaliiing the situation in the Persian Gulf area, on turning the Mediterranean into a zone of stable peace and co-operation or on establishing nuclear-free zones in the north of Europe, the Balkans and the Medi- terranean. Theise proposals are countered with the policy of an accelerated establishment of the "rapid deployment force" and military bases, the expansion of the NATO 114. Regrettably, some participants in the hastily con- vened so-called "Conference on Kampuchea" in fact took their cue from the United States and China which are at- tempting to impose on the Kampuchean people blood- thirsty butchers who have been cursed and rejected by them and to keep those political corpses in the United Nations. Apparently, some people in those countries are deliberately forgetting or ignoring the fact that it is the United States and China which have turned down the idea of turning South-East Asia into a zone of peace, stability and co-operation and that it is the United States which has foiled the convening of a conference on making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace, refused to ,participate in the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa and opposed the positive conclusion of the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. They only need conferences that poison relations among States. 115. We vehemently reject the approach of imperialists and hegemonists to the problems of Asia, fraught as it is with the gravest consequences. A realistic approach to the settlement of probleIm in that area by peaceful political means has been outlined in the relevant proposals of Afghanistan [see A/36/457] and the countries of Indo- China [see A/36/86, annex], the proposal of the USSR on the ,implementation of confidence-building measures in the Rrr East,2 the proposal of the Mongolian People's Re- public on the conclusion of a convention on mutual non- aggreflsion and renunciation of force in relations among the States of Asia and of the Pacific and on the convening of a conference of States of that region [see A/36/388, annex] and the proposals of the Korean People's Demo- cratic Republic on the peaceful solution of the Korean question, fannulated by its President of the Sixth Con- gress of the Workers' Party of Korea. 116. Any attempts to resolve questions related to the problems of Asia, which disregard the will of the peoples of the States concerned who have independently chosen the path of their development, and of their legitimate Governments, are doomed to failure. 117. We are convinced that joint constr..Ictive efforts by delegations to work out decisions designed to avert a nu- clear catastrophe and to curb the anns race,should occupy the central place in the work of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It is obviously urgent for the Gen- eral Assembly to adopt a declaration on the pre*ntion of a nuclear catastrophe, a draft text of which was submitted at the current session by the Soviet Union [A/36/241, an- 118. A new impetus should also be given to the solution of questions relating to ending the nuclear anns race and reducing nuclear anns stockpiles until they are completely destroyed. Here, too, the process of negotiations to limit strategic offensive anns should be resumed as early as possiDle, while preserving the results already achieved in that fIeld. Naturally, a reliable barrier should be estab- lished against the monstrous neutron weapon which threatens universal peace and the whole of mankind. That weapon can play the role of a fuse that could detonate a large-scale war. It dangerously lowers the so-called nu- clear threshold; once it has crossed it mankind will find itself in the abyss of catastrophe. There is something sin- ister in the fact that that particularly barbaric weapon of the mass destruction of people which is meant to be used for seizir,3 their material assets and natural resources re- ceived the blessing of Washington on the very day that the civilized world bowed to the memory of the victims of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima. For Washington strat- egists who expatiate on the subject of the "acceptability" of a nuclear war and of "limited" nuclear wars to be waged on foreign soil, Hiroshima was not enough, they need "Euroshima"-a Europe Sl:orched by a fire-spitting tornado. And not only Europe it seems, for the neutron weapon may appear anywhere where there are United States military bases or rapid deployment forces, or in any area· of the world which Washington would take it into its head to declare the sphere of "vital interests of the United States", even without the consent of the coun- tries concerned. 119. Tales about the "clean" or "humane" nature of that weapon should mislead no one. We all remember how, using similar arguments, the United States went ahead with building up and improving its current nuclear potential. 120. The General Assembly should advance and should react positively to new important initiatives while making further efforts to achieve the complete and general prohi- bition of nuclear-weaPon tests, the strengthening of se- curity guarantees of non-nuclear countries, the non-sta- tioning of nuclear weapons on the territories of those States where there are none at present, the creation of nuclear-free zones, the consolidation of the nuc::lear- weapon non-proliferation regime and the prevention of their acquisition by South Africa, Israel, Pakistan and other countries, the prohibition of chemical and radi- ological weapons and of new types and systems of weap- ons of mass destruction, ttee limitation of ro~ventional weapons and the reduction of military expenditures, as well as coping with other tasks stemming from resolutions previously adopted. in the United Nations which are as yet unimplemented because of Western countries. We call on 121. The elaboration and implementation of measures in the field of limiting the arms race and of disarmament should be linked inseparably with strengthening political, international and legal- guarantees of the security of States. Of crucial importance here is the speedy elabora- tion and conclusion of a world treaty on" the non-use of force in international relations. 122. In the course of the general debate numerous fig- ures have already been cited concerning the nefarious consequences oCthe arms race for the cause of peace and for the economic and social progress of peoples. It has been said, for instance, that in per capita terms there are more explosives than foodstuffs in the worid. It may also be recalled that world expenditures on armaments in the post-Second World War period totalled more than $6,000 billion, a sum of 15 times that of the gross national prod- uct of all developing countries taken together and that profit.s of United States monopolies from the sale of arms to African countries alone surpassed threefold the volume of United States economic aid to those States. 123. As military expenditures increase, inflation and un- employment incre~e, since military expenditures do not produce the goods needed for the market and create fewer jobs than would be the case if the same amount of money were invested in peaceful branches of the economy. Natu- rally the question arises: why does the United'States step.: up the arms race and force other countries to joint in it? There are numerous reasons, such as the desire to estab- lish their diktat,'military supremacy and world domina- tion, and the need to solve its own economic problems at the expense of other countries. The militarization of the United States economy results in greater profits for the military-industrial complex and for those that deal in le- thal weapons. The dragging of other States into the arms race not only ties them to the militaristic course pursued by United States foreigri policy, to the detriment of their natural interests, but also lessens the prospects for the de- velopment of their peaceful.. economies and sharply de- creases the competitiveness of their goods on the world markets, which is to the advantage of United States busi- ness, already secure behind protectionist measures. 124. As Comrade Leonid llyich Brezhnev has pointed out, "peace based on mutual intimidation is not attractive to us. We prefer peace in which the levels of armaments become lower and lower while the scale and quality of co·operation in all fields grows and improves." That is the keynote of all the initiatives of the Soviet Union, in- cluding the proposals advanced at the twenty-sixth Con- gress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union for the creation of a competent international committee, com- posed of the most eminent scientists of different coun- tries, which would demonstrate the vital m~ed to prevent a nuclear catastrophe l and to convene~a special meeting of the Security Council at the highest level in order to look 126. As in the past, our delegation will actively contrib- ute to the adoption, at the current session, of further steps aimed at ensuring the complete implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the plan of action adopted last year [resolution 35/118] to further its implementation with regard to Namibia as well as Micronesia or any other territory where imperiali~ts, colonialists ana· racists hold sway. 127. We welcome the admission to membership in the United Nations of the Republic of Vanuatu and of Belize, which have freed themselves from colonial oppression. We wish their peoples every success on the road to inde- pendent development. 128. Newly free independent States are facing the huge and difficult task of overcoming their economic back- wardness, which can be done only in conditions of peace. Those countries can rely on our solidarity and support in their struggle for the elimination of all manifestations of inequality, diktat and exploitation in international eco- nomic relations and for the eventual initiation of global negotiations on the problems of economic development and mutually beneficial co-operation, which·are currently blocked by imperialist forces. It is high time to take up the study of the problem of the outflow of fmancial re- sources from developing countries and to draw up meas- ures for the protection of those States from the predatory activities of private foreign capital and especially the transnational corporation. 129. The States of the socialist community not only suc- cessfully resolve their economic and social problems in the interests of the working masses but also assist new independent countries in their economic development. Over the past decade the number of newly free countries receiving economic and technical assistance from the States members of the Council for Mutual Economic As- sistance has risen 62 to 90, and the amount of credits extended to them has increased by 110 per ~nt. During the same period 47,000 persons from developing coun- 130. We shall have another opportunity to express our view!) on various items included in the agenda of the cur- rent session of the General Assembly. _ 131. In conclusion, allOVv' me to stress our readiness to -support proposals designed to develop and deepen the po- litical dialogue between States, to resume suspended talks and to initiate new negotiations, both bilateral and multi- lateral, including negotiations at the highest leveL These should be based on the principle of equality and equal security; they should not be conducted from a position of strength and military superiority. They should be aimed at . achieving specific and positive results in the interests of the prevention of the danger of nuclear war, the strength- ening of peace and intemational security, the triumph of the principle of the non-use er force in international rela- tions, the curbing of the arms race and peaceful and mu- tually beneficial co-operation among peoples. 132. We call on all delegations to take such an ap- proach, and we believe that compliance with the obliga- tions stemming from. the Charter and progressive United Nations decisions and our collective efforts will make it possible to adopt at this session decisions that will con- tribute to peace and progress on earth. We regard that as the primary role of the United Nations and as its principal responsibility to mankind.

* I am particularly pleased to convey to you, Sir, my delegation's warm congratulations on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. Our satisfaction is all the greater since, quite naturally, you were destined, by reason of your exceptional diplomatic background, to assume this lofty responsibility. The international community "1~ thus honoured a remarkable career that has been closely Ei1t:led to the life and activities of the United Nations for over a quarter century. 134. The prestige of your country, Iraq, with wlUch Guinea-Bissau has fraternal relations of friendship and co- operation, has thus been further enhanced, and it extends to all member States of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the non-aligned movement. My delega- tion will lend you its friendly co-operation throughout this particularly- important thirty-sixth session. 135. Mr. President, }lOu succeed a distinguished person- ality known for his devotion, competence and initiative throughout the work of a heavily charged and trying ses- sion and between that session and this one. Mr. RUdiger von Wechmar d~serves our congratulations and warmest thanks for the excellent results attained by the thirty-fifth session. Wc are particularly grateful for his efforts to re- activate the global negotiations. . '. -' 137. The admission of two new Member States to the United Nations is a source of particular satisfaction to my delegation. Aware, as we are, of the hard trials which preceded that important event in Vanuatu and- Belize, we warmly welcome the representatives of those two coun- tries and assure them of our determination to develop strong bonds of frank, :friendly and mutually beneficial co-operation with thJill. 138. In response to an increasingly pressing need for world-wide agreement, leaders and politicians of most of the countries of the globe come together in this forum every year to analyse the international situation. This phe- nomenon, although traditional, is not a ritual: it is the logical outcome of our will to seek, together, the ways and means likely to ensure us of peace and happiness. For the radical changes that have taken place in the world thanks to the enormous progress made in the fields of science and technology have confirmed the interdepen~ dence of nations and forged the common destiny of man- kind. 139. Today the world belongs to all its inhabitants. Its progress-or its destruction-can no longer escape the mie of participation, but depends on the individual and collective effor~ of our Governments. Each one of us bears a share of the responsibility for building our com- mon edifice. Peace in the world cannot be brought about by a single nation, hO\l;./Cver powerful it may be, nor can it be the fragile result (/1 a transitory compromise among major Powers. If peace in the world is to be lasting and is to respond to the aspirations of our peoples, it must be forged by the international community as a whole and must be based on its need for progress. 140. The h'OOration struggle of oppressed peoples is founded on eV.i:ry human being's right to freedom. It i~ an inalienable and unique right; it is the same right for all people throughout the world. It is a sacred right which must be respected and defended by all available means, wherev~r it may be ~gnored or flouted. 141. On the basis of that principle, and aware of its own collective responsibility, the international community lends its total support to the cause of peoples fighting for their independence. This solidarity was once again ex- pressed, in support of freedom fighte~, at the eighth emergency special session, devoted to the question of Namibia. 142. International public opinion has recognized the urgent need to put an end to the sufferings imposed by the racist apartheid regime on the African people of southern Africa. An independent and non-aligned Namibia would be an invaluable contribution to the strengthening of infemati{)nal peace and security, because each and every one. of us is aware of the gravity of the situation obtaining in tliat region. regim~. The hundreds of victims of the savage bombings by the South African Air Force, and the vast extent of the material damage to the Angolan economy, are macabre pieces of evidence of Pretoria's true designs. 144. Disdain for the human person can only evoke ab- horence and condemnation. The international community and the Governments which represent it cannot tolerate such acts, which seriously jeopardize international peace and security. Qpr need for peace in order to ensure man- kind's survival and our people's prosperity calls for ac- tion. But our action should noi be inspired by selfish in- terests. To be effective, it must be based on our common destiny and start with acknowledgement of the need for all people on earth to pool their efforts so as to shoulder fully their collective responsibility for saving the world from destruction. 145. South Africa cannot alone defy the rest of the in- ternational community. It persists in its racist policy of apartheid, domination and aggression because of the sup- port it receives from certain countries. 'frue, that support most frequently takes the fonn of economic and military co-operation, but there can be no doubt that it constitutes moral and political support for the practitioners of apartheid, who derive sure encouragement from it for the perpetuation of their domination. 146. The independence of Namibia cannot be deferred sine die without there being unforeseeable consequences, to say the least, for the entire community of nations. 147. The contact group continues to be responsible for the strict implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which those Members themselves sponsored, and which pfovide the only real basis for a swift and peaceful settlement of the Namibian problem..The contact group must go beyond the stage of ambiguous behaviour and laconic communiques and devote itself with determi- nation to the quest for a true and definitive solution to the problem. l'he five States must bring to bear their power of economic, political and moral coercion on the Govern- ment of Pretoria to prevail upon it to come to tenns with the international community :md with the South West Af- rica People's Organization [SWAPO]. SWAPO, the only legitimate representative of the Namibian people, has al~ ready expressed its readiness and preference for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. 148. Since the problem of Namibia is a problem of de- colonization the~ is only one solution: the accession to independence of the Namibian people and the exercise of its inalienable right to decide its own fate. Such indepen- dence is inevitable; contemporary history confinns this. What is important at present is to. preserve the chance of brotherly coexistence among all 'the. components of the Namibian population so t]la~; rich in ethnic and cultural 149. The racist regime of apartheid will not be able to oppose indefinitely the struggle of the South African peo- ple and its detennination to restore justice and impose re- spect for the human condition. To judge by the recent events in that country and the scope of the struggle being courageously waged by the South African patriots under the banner of the African National Congress and the Pan Africanist Congress, its days are limited. 150. It is essential for the international community to play an effective part in the establishment of a climate of peace in that part of the African continent by stepping up its aid to the African patriots and increasing its pressure on Pretoria in order to force that apartheid regime to rec- ognize and respect the basic rights of every South African citizen. 151. It is also necessary for the United Nations to de- cide during this session to grant special emergency aid to the People's Republic of Angola. That aid should be com- mensurate with the damage done and the suffering so courageously borne by the people of Angola, and should be given in the name of the United Nations and in keep- ing with the obligation of the international community as a whole to contribute to the cause of the independence of Namibia. 152. Needless to say, the countries that have close rela- tions with the Republic of South Africa have an undenia- ble moral obligation to contribute to that internation:l1 effort, thus acting pursuant to the relevant decisions and resolutions of the United Nations. 153. My Government welcomes the results achieved by the OAU at the eighteenth session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, held last June at Nai- robi, with regard to the question of Western Sahara. 154. Acceptance by the Moroccan Government of orga- nizing a referendum in Western Sahara no doubt con- stitutes a decisive step towards the just and definitive so- lution of the problem. The consensus reached by Africa, with the direct participation of all the interested parties, although all aspects of the question were not defined in detail shows the unanimous will of the African States to contribute together to a peaceful settlement of the con- flict. We hope that the referendum will enable the Sa- hraoui people to determine their future and to satisfy their legitimate aspirations to independence. My country, aware of the diffic!.tlties inherent in the complex natnre of such a process, will spare no effort to contribute in a construc- tive spirit to its successful outcome. . 155. The International Conference on Assistance to Ref- ugees in Africa, which was held last April at Geneva, made the international public &Ware of the serious prob- lem which affects the existence of 5 million human beings. ~e hope will become even stronger may prove mean- ingless unless an effective solution to the problem of refu- gees is found. Last June at Nairobi the OAU adopted an African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights,3 and re- spect for and strict implementation of that charter will contribute greatly to the solution of the problem. 157. Thrning now to the eastern part of the African con- tinent, we must ~xpress our concern over the growing ten- dency to install foreign bases in the region and the in- creasing deployment of an entire armada in the Indian Ocean, which seriously threatens peace and security in that region. The situation is even more threatening be- cause the will of the international community to make the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace has not been cmied out, for reasons that are well knoWn to all anp which we deplore. The decision of the United Nations to convene a conference on that question should be implemented as soon as possible in order to provide a positive response to the aspirations to peace and security of the riparian States of the Indian Ocean and of the rest of the world. 158. It is with the same wish to see the countries of the region devote themselves legitimately to the consolidation of their unity and their development that has led us to hope that the negotiations that have begun between the Comorian and French Governments will lead to the swift reintegration of the Island of Ma)'Otte in the rest of the Comoros. In our view, France's retrocession of the Mal- agasy Islands in the Indian Ocean should obey the same logic and satisfy the same principle of respect for the ter- ritorial integrity of States. 159. For several years now we have been denouncing with the same vigour a:ld condemning with the same force the violation of the right of peoples in the Middle East. Israel's persistent denial of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people continues to whip up tension in the region and is giving a world-wide dimension to the con- flict. 160. Guinea-Bissau, which has always adhered to the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of ter- ritory by force, vigorously condemns Israel's aggressive and annexationist policy. Despite the continuous efforts of the United Nations to uphold legality and international norms governing normal relations among States, the solu- tion of this serious conflict continues to elude us. Israel continues to defy the international community by reject- fug with the greatest arrogance all of its 4.ecisions and recommendations. Its intransigence, as eve~ne knows, is based on its alliances with certain Western Powers which lend it the political, economic, military 'and even moral support that is indispensable to its policy of aggres- sion. The contempt expressed by ce!fain Governments to- 161. The very nature of the question of Palestine, which is the struggle of a people for its most legitimate rights, is distorted and reduced to the mere matter of a refugee problem. Such an overturning of historical facts, which are nevertheless unimpeachable, is being shamefully of- fered to us today in the utterly absurd form of so-called negotiations on the internal autonomy of the Palestinians. The international community, having been alerted by a whole series of earlier manoeuvres and aware of the de- reption involved, must, after the well-known and inevita- ble failure of the partial accords, demonstrate with even greater vigour its disagreement, and it must condemn this plot. 162. The fre~ exercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and to the creation of an independent State continues to be the sine qua non of any just and final settlement of the problem. The ques- tion of Palestine, representing as it does the heart of the problem of the Middle East, as has been stated many times, must form the basis of any peace initiative which, in order to be viable and to be acceptable to the commu- nity of nations, must consider that problem in all its as- pects. 163. First and foremost, Israel must withdraw uncondi- tionally from all th Arab territories occupied since 1967 and must recognize the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including the right to fO_ID their own State. 164. Israel must recognize the PW, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all the States in the region. 165. Israel -must renounce its policy of· aggression and its expansionist aims, just as it must put an end to its murderous attacks against Lebanon. It is obvious that the Israeli bombings are designed to disrupt the Lebanese Stal~e and to destroy its national unity. This further act committed by Israel with impunity shows the seriousness of the situation with even grearerclarity and places the responsibility of the United Nations with regard to this problem in its true ~ontext. Guinea-Bissau strongly con- demns the flagrant violations of the independence and ter- ritorial integrity of Lebanon and repeats to the brother people of Lebanon its unswerving solidarit). 166. Another example of the escalation of ~srael's ag- gressive policy is the bombing of the Iraqi nuclear :0- stallation at Tamui:. The entire world has condemned the criminal nature of that act, which was designed solely to halt Iraq's technological development. 167. The world cannot remain idle in the face of the groundless decision of the Israeli authorities to make Jeru- salem the capital of the Hebrew State. The method used, it· is true, stems from the same arrogant and aggressive Israeli policy. However, such contempt for the faith of millions ofbe~;vers will inevitably aggravate the situation 181. The implementation of measures to establish a new international economic order necessitates the establish- ment of a new system of institutions which would enable a qualitative change to be made in the present world eco- nomic structures, particularly in the trade, monetary and financial fields. The cOlmmes of the South have quite rightly remained inflex!ble in regard to this need. 182. The need to eliminate the structural causes of in- equality is made clear in the documents adopted at the end of the most recent international meetings, in particu- lar the High-Level Conference on Economic Co-operation among Devel'Jping Countries that was held at Caracas. This action is all the more indispensable in that it is the only thing capable of bringing about a complete change in the existing order' and opening the way to new eco- nomic prospects. 183. Facts show ever more clearly that because of the disparities in the present international economic order the world is on the brink of an abyss, and a revolution is necessary to change this situation. Only strong political determination based on the imperative needs of justice, equity and re~pect for man can lead to the solution that humanity is anxiously awaiting. 184. the promotion of individual and collective self-re- liance in developing countries can be regarded as a reli- able means of attaining the main goals of the new interna- tional economic order. In Africa, significant progress has been made towards developing regional co-operation, as is borne out, for example, by the establishment of joint eco- nomic institutions, such as the Economic Community of West African States [ECOWAS]. 185. The United Nations Conference on New and Re- newable Sources of Energy, held recently at Nairobi, has created new hopes for the developing countries in particu- lar for the African countries which do not possess energy resources. If we use the opportunities for co-operation in this field, we shall undoubtedly be able to overcome the major problems in the field of energy, and thus help to make the nen-oil-producing countries less dependent on outside sources. 186. The Republic· of Guinea-Bissau, which is among the 31 least developed countries, continues to be con- fronted with great economic difficulties. We think that in speaking on behalf of Guinea-Bissau we are also voicing the point of view of other members of this group, for the simple reason that, despite the existence of certain local variations, problems are by and large the same. 187. For us, the fact that our country has been put on the list of the least developed countries is very 'iIpportant. Indeed, apart from the deficiencies and the multiple struc- tural problems we inherited from five centuries 01. colo- nial domination, the seven years which have just passed since our accession to iildependence in 1974 have shown 188. The dislocation of the traditional sector resulting from the process of colonial exploitation and the impos- sibility for the modem economic sector to absorb workers from rural areas have given rise to serious problems, such as unemployment and under-employment, and have made difficult the participation of rural workers in a compre- hensive development process within an integrated national economy. 189. Agricultural production, constantly decreasing be- cause of desertification in the Sudano-Sahelian region, is far below the level required for us to be self-sufficient in food. 190. Our determination to support any measures aimed at bringing about a complete change in international eco- nomic relations is based on fundamental social and eco- nomic considerations. That is why we welcome the results achieved at recent international meetings on economic problems and we hope that aduption of the Substantial New Programme of Action by the United Nations Con- ference on the Least Developed Countries, which was held in Paris,s will initiate a solution to the many prob- lems confronting these countries. Increasing international assistance to the least developed countries is essential. 191. While we are aware that the Cancun Meeting is not a forum for negotiations, we hope that a genuine will to contribute positively to the establishment of a new inter- national economic order will prevail during this highly important meethlg, thanks to the new concept of the inter- dependence of peoples and of international relations. 192. The draft convention on the law of the sea is an important step forward in the development of international law. Unfortunately, the hopes aroused by the possible adoption, at long last, of rules governing the sea have not been met because of the obstruction encountered at the last session of the .Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and in spite of the existence of a consensus which had been reached after more than seven years of difficult negotiations. However, we hope that the decision taken at Geneva to conclude the convention at the next session, scheduled to be held in New York, will be acted upon, thus allowing us to proceed to the signing of the convention in September 1982 at Caracas. 193. The proclamation by the international community of 1981 as the International Year of Disabled Persons is obvious proof of the abiding concern of the great family of the United Nati::;ns to find just and adequate solutions to all problems affecting mankind. My country, which is emerging from a long war, is making great efforts not only in the sphere of national reconstruction, which has been particularly affected by the international economic crisis, but also in the reintegration of the disabled into the socio-economic development process. 194. The Republic of Guinea-Bissau welcomes this important decision, .which is of great help in m.aking the international public aware of the special situation of dis- 196. At a time when we are celebrating the twentieth anniversary of the creation of the non-aligned movement, which is making a positive contribution to the mainte- nance of international peace and security, it is an honour for me to pay a resounding tribute to the founding fathers of our movement. 197. My country, the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, reite- rates its total support for the principles of non-alignment and expresses &tce more its wish to establish and strengthen ties of friendship and co-operation with all countries, as well as its resolve to contribute tirelessly to the establishment of a climate of peace and progress for all mankind.

I now give the floor to those representatives who have asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply.

I lis- tened with surprise and regret to yesterday's remarks by the Co-ordinator of the Junta of the Government of Nic- aragua. We have sought to establish a dialogue with Nic- aragua and continue to hope and to try. But our efforts are met only by rhetoric, distortions and misrepresenta- tions. 200. Nicaragua's representative spoke of "threats" to.: Nicaragua. Who, in fact, is being threatened? Is it not Nicaragua that has lent its territory for use as a base for the export of violence to neighbouring countries? Is it not Nicaragua that continues to pump arms and other military support int<{ El Salvador? Is it not Nicaragua·that has built up regular armed forces, many times greater than those of the Somoza regime, and more than twice those of any of its neighbours? Is it not ~Jicaragua that is creat- ing a force of Soviet-built tanks capable of invading those neighbours? Is it not Nicaragua that has sent more than 30 military personnel fe l rilot training in Bulgaria and other countries before receiving jet fighters? The fact is that Nicaragua is helping to subvert its neighbours, while building a force which can generate an even more funda- mental threat. Nicaragua's accusations have become more . and more shrill, as its military build-up moves to a new stage. 201. This military build-up and the export of subversion . goes on while the Sandinist Front for National Liberation [FSlN] makes a mockery of the hopes of all who thought· they were democrats. The progressive consolidation of power in the hands of a one-party dictatorship is another, even more basic, disappointment to those who believed the Sandinists to be democrats and the proponents of de- mocracy. 202. It is preposterous that a govprnment which closes down its country's leading independent newspaper, La 203. It is not nec~ssary to respond to all of Mr. Ortega's accusations, they will be readily recognized as being without substance. Two, however, do merit explicit rebut- tal because of their erroneous malicious allegations against the United States. I 204. Mr. Ortega issued a veritable laundry list of re- puted United States "aggression against Centr~ American countries throughout more than a century". His list lacks historical accuracy, or even approximation to historical ac- curacy. Furthermore, it conveys a totally false impres- sion-but only among those who know no better-that the United States Marines landed in Central America quite frequently without the host Governments' permis- sion and did not leave. These points are quite wrong. The American military interventions were often at the--invita- tion, indeed at the pleading, of; a host Central American Government for the explicit goal of returning stability dur- ing a particularly dangerous moment in its history. Most were also of limited duration. Unlike other major Powers, the United States has never had any imperialist designs on or become a colonial Power in Central America. 205. Secondly, nor can Mr. Ortega's charges with regard to the joint Honduran-United States "Halcon Vista" mili- tary exercise be left unanswered. These periodic exercises have been conducted 16 times in ~e last decade. They are not directed towards any country; rather, they provide an opportunity for countries in the region to work to- gether to contribute to the peace and stability of the re- gion. In response to initial expressions of concern by the Government of Nicaragua about the "Halcon Vista" exer- cise, the United States offered to consider a. request by Nicaragua to observe the exercise. Nicaragua chose not to respond. It is significant that the Nicaraguan Government made no protest when the Soviet Union held naval exer- cises in the Caribbean in April. Mr. Ortega did, however, choose to use the small-scale "Halcon Vista" exercise as an excuse to- justify Nicaragua's militarization and to crack down on the people of Nicaragua. 206. With regard to Mr. Ortega's proposal for ending the tragic violence in El Salvador, I would remind the Assembly that only a'week ago PJ:esident Duarte outlined the Salvadorian Government's plans to hold free demo- cratic elections. The United States shares El Salvador's conviction that elections in which the political currents of the right, centre and left can all test their strength peace- fully and demOcratically offer the best hope for resolving El Salvador's political problems. 208: All this leads to the central question: will the tragic cycle that is all to familiar repeat itself here in the Sandinist revolution-the cycle of economic and social failure at home, domestic repression and external aggres- sion? That is the fear of many Nicaraguans, of many of Nicaragua's neighbours, of many of the countries that would be Nicaragua's friends. It is for the Sandinist lead- ers to answer.

Since, in his address, the Minister for Ex- ternal Relations of Ecuador reiterated the singular, Ec- uadorian thesis about the alleged territorial rights of his country over an extensive geographical area which has been, is and will'continue.to be the heritage of the Peru- vian nation, and about the unquestionable validity of the Protocol of Peace, Friendship and Frontiers between Peru and Ecuador, signed at Rio de Janeiro in 1942,1 incidents which occurred on Peruvian border territory' earlier this year, this delegation considers it its duty to make clear before this international forum the fundamental concepts which relate to the histoncal truth and to the reality of the Peruvian-Ecuadorian bond. 210. First of an, I should like to reaffirm that Peru has always maintained and still maintains an attitude of friendship and brotherly ties with Ecuador. Therefore it is not new and should not surprise anyone that we have the best intentions to develop mutually beneficial relations with Ecuador. If my country has been forced to resort to the use of force it has been in the exercise of the elemen- tary principle of self-defence. 211. The Minister for External Rd~tic&is li Ecuador bases the alleged territorial rights of his country over Per- uvian Amazonia exclusively on the old and refuted argu- ment that it was from Quito that the expedition which discovered the Amazon River started and that for four centuries it has continued the "civilizing and evangeliz- ing" task there. 212. It is an historical truth proved by documents and contemporary chronicles that the expedition which dis- covered the great river started from Cuzco on th.~ express Groers of the Governor of Peru, Don Francisco\Pizarro. May I say in passing that in 1541 Peru already eXisted as a constituted .political entity, whereas Quito-since Ec- uador could not be spoken of as yet-was merely a de- 214. I will not dwell any longer on an historical fact which is well known and needs no further proof. On the other hand, the Minister for External Relations of Ec- uador has maintained that Ecuador's work of evangelizing and civilizing was carried out through an Ecuadorian presence in the area of Maraii6n and the Amazon for four centuries. This is clearly inconsistent with the geograph- ical reality of the area. There exists no city, village or settlement which was founded by natives of the Audience of Quito. 215. As to the allegation that there are royal decrees en- dorsing Ecuador's aspirations regarding Peru's Amazon territories, I wish to say that the Royal Decrees of 15 July 1802 repealed or superseded them ..ill. That instrument or- dered that the Maynas Government and military district be reincorporated into the Peruvian Viceroyship and sepa- rated from the Santa Fe Viceroyship and from the Au- dience of Quite, the latter already attached since 1739 to the Viceroyship of Bogota. 216. Both in 1810, when the principle of uti possidetis was first applied, and in 1821, the year of Peru's indepen- dence, the territory of Maynas, which today forms the Departments of Loreto, Amazonas and San Martin, which constitute approximately .~O per cent of Peru's territory, was integrated into my country, and ever since then with- out any interruption it has been under Peruvian sov- ereignty. This has been fully proved throughout history; it will not be denied through any biased pamphleteering that distorts facts and confuses concepts. 217. In short, it could be said that the sovereign rights of Peru over the territory that is still being questioned by Ecuador are based on legitimate titles, uninterrupted pos- session and the exercise of national sovereignty over it, which was fully endorsed by the Rio de Janeiro Protocol of 1942, signed and ratified by both countries. 218. Therefore, there is no border problem whatsoever between Peru and EcuadOI: All matters relating to their boundaries were finally settled through the Protocol which they signed in Rio de Janeiro, as I have said. 219. Two sovereign States freely agreed to that 1reaty. Its validity and existence in form and in substance were and are still guaranteed by Argentina, Brazil, Chile-and the United States-four nations, which, with a strong sense of loyalty to the Americas, assumed responsibility for that noble task. In strict observRIlce of the relevant precepts of the respective Constitutions of Peru and Ec- uador, the Congresses of both countries adopted and 220. The arguments adduced by the External Relations Minister of Ecuador cannot in any way affect the inde- structible nature of that Protocol, since bilateral border treaties; in conformity with basic principles of interna- tional law, can be changed only through the expressed agreement of the parties and never through thr separate action of either. 221. The Rio de Janeiro Protocol has been carefully ap- plied. The entire border area was accurately marked in strict accordance with the provisions of the Protocol and the formula of Fbreign Minister Aranha6 of Brazil and the decision of the arbitrator, Braz Dias de Aguiar.7 Both par- ties formally accepted them. ' 222. Ecuador refuses to take part·in the placing of a few landmarks in a short 78-kilometre stretch of the Cordillera del C6ndor, even though the mixed commissions made up of experts from both countries did so over 1,597 kilo- metres-in other words, over 96 per cent of the lengthy border separating the two territories. 223. This attitude on the part of Ecuador can obviously in no way change the line that has been drawn and marked nor that part of the range where, by virtue of that decision, there is a clear, specific and defInitive delimita- tion. The fact that at present Ecuador reneges on its obli- gation in no way affects; the reality of a border that has been established in compliance with the Rio de JaneirQ Protocol. . 224. It is therefore regrettable that the events of January and February of this year occurred. The External Rela- tions Minister of Ecuador confuses concepts, for it was not a matter of Peruvian aggression but, on the contrary, of the exercise of the legitimate right to repel an invasion by foreign armed forces which had infiltrated Peruvian territory. Peru acted in defence of its sovereignty and ter- ritorial integrity. 225. On Peru's initiative.the disagreeable incident cre- ated by Ecuador was dealt with, thanks to the valuable and effective intervention of the guarantor countries which, following thr border incident in January 1981, ad- dressed a letter to the President of the Security Council on 23 Febroary 19818 reaffirming categorically the re- sponsibilities they assumed as guarantors of the Protocol of Rio de Janeiro of 1942. 226. The legal validity of that Protocol, freely entered into by Peru and Ecuador, ca::lnot be questioned. \Ve urge the Ecuadorian Foreign Ministry to renew, together with our Foreign Ministry, the technical work of delimiting the

From the statement of the Peruvian representative I take into account his admission of his country's use of force in 1981, but I also wish to affirm that for its part Ecuador stands ever. ready to engage in friendly dialogue in the search for a peaceful solution of our dispute. 228. I emphasize the fact that Ecuador has for centuries of its history and even for the 50 or 60 years of Inca domination, been a peaceful country, and is today as al- ways committed to its social and economic development and to opposition to the arms race. 229. I fully endorse what I said in my statement con- cerning the Rio de Janeiro Protocol, the attacks of 1981 once again admitted by the representative of Peru, the substance of the problem, and the Amazonian rights of Ecuador, based on· three facts: the discovery of the great river by the Governor of Quito and the Governor of Guayaquil, our undeniable legal titles and our civilizing work. Regarding that work, which has surprised the rep- resentative of Peru, Ecuadorian proof will be even more surprising today. A Peruvian document entitled "The Rio de Janeiro Protocol before History", dated LimE- 1942, will be distributed which, when mentioning 90 Ec- uadorian sites, states that through the Protocol imposed by force they are being "reincorporated and restored to Peru". 230. In any case, I repeat that we are willing to arriue at detente and at an understanding, as stated by the Presi- dent of Ecuador in his message to Congress, ~ messagt.: that was also directed at the two basic aims of the United Nations, namely, peace and justice. Noms I Protocol of Peace, Friendship and Frontiers between Peru and Ec- uador; see United States Statutes at lArge, vol. 56, p3rt 2, p. 1818. 2 Sce CD/228, Appendix llIVol. I, document CDI160. 3 See American Society of International Law, International Legal Ma- terials, vol. XXI, No. 1, January 1982. 4 Frente Revolucuionans de Tunor Leste Independente. 5 See Report of the United Nations Conference on the Least Devel- oped Countries (United Nations publication, Sales No. F..82.I.8), part I, Sect. A. 6 See Ministry of External Relations of Peru, Documentos Btisicos so- bre el Protocol de Rio de Janeiro de 1942 y su ejecuciOn, 3rd ed., Lima 1961, p. 13. 7 Ibid., p. 22.