A/36/PV.32 General Assembly

Sir, I should like first to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. I feel confi- dent that the good fortune which brought you t6 the Gen- eral Assembly will attend the work of this body through- out the present session. 2. I should like also, on behalf of the Government and people of Saint Lucia, to extend a sincere welcome to the newly independent State, and the most recent Member of the United Nations, Belize. It is a signal honour to ad- dress the congratulations of the Government and people of Saint Lucia to the Government and people of Belize who, as members of this Assembly know well, had to struggle for the last 16 years to achieve the status of independence and to take their rightful place among this family of na- tions. We would wish it to be known that the Government and people of Saillt Lucia are at one with our fellow Gov- ernments in the Caribbean Community, of which Belize is a member, in our determination to advance and sustain the peaceful and democratic progress of our sister State, a large majority of whose nationals are our own kith and kin. 3. We also wish to congratulate the newly independent State of Vanuatu, which has taken its proper place in this family of nations. 4. The political st.ate of the world leaves much to be desired as we mark the thirty-siXth anniversary of the United Nations. The Organization, which began as the hope of all of us, continues in that singular role for the realization of the progress of mankind in this and suc- ceeding generations. Let us then face squarely both its strengths and its weaknesses. In so doing, we must also continually examine the forces that are working within it by .analysing both their methods and their aims. More- over, we must attempt to determine their motivating fac- tors in order that a clear understanding and apPJeCiation of the role of the: Organization may emerge. ., NEW YORK 5. The United Nations, while continuing to promote world peace, has not been entirely successful inimple- menting the principle of collective security. For small and weak States this is the only guarantee of their territorial inviolability. We pay lip service to a plethora of treaties and agreements which, while encompassing security guar- antees for most of the small and weak States, are, in the [mal analysis, subordinate to the strategic interests of the larger and stronger States. In short, our salvation does not appear to lie within the tenets of equal consideration based on sovereignty, but rather on how we are strate- gically perceived by those that wish to control the world and thereby the destiny of all mankind. 6. As a result of this, the old animosities have given way to heightened tensions, continually fanned by a changing perspective, which leads to actual confrontations and consequently an escalating arms race. It is indeed a sad irony that insularity of one kind or another seems to be increasing with the growing interdependence of na- tions. The great historian Amold Toynbee once observed that the cult of nationalism is now the worid's major re- ligion and that its God demands human sacrifice; but when that anachronistic attitude, which we euphe- mistically refer to as nationalism, is not busy fomenting wars in some otherwise peaceful area of the world, it is actively driving wedges which preclude meaningful co- operation between nation States. We in the Caribbean can speak with great authority on that issue. The cult of in- sularity has in the past thwarted meaningful economic and political co-operation among our impoverished is- lands, even though we share a common people and an identical history. 7. This explains our preference for regional groupings, groupings that give greater strength and lend further cohe- sion to the United Nations in the task of bringing peace and progress to the world community at large. They::uso lead to better understanding, close co-operation and -friendship between peoples. Saint Lucia has became a member of the non-aligned group and, in addition, we spearheaded the movement which transformed the· depen- dent group known as the West Indies Associated States into the more meaningful and internationally acceptable organization termed the Organisation of Eastern Carib- bean States. We have realized that identity in the interna- tional community as a prerequisite for the development of our political economy can best be achieved within our regional grouping. The Government and people of Saint Lucia place great faith in that new organization. To us it is a watershed in inter-Caribbean relations, indeed, the be- ginning of a new era in Caribbean unity. 8. But in that context we are equally a part of the Carib- bean Community, that .clearly distinctive, English-speak:- 9. We wish to establish rmnly, from the outset, that we do not consider ourselves perched on the peiiphery of the so-called Caribbean Basin, there to gain merely peripheral advanUtges from those in whose interest it is to secure that Basin. If the idea of a Basin is to have any validity, if it is to ensure the interests of its benefactors, then that, in our view, can only be done by ftrst securing the en- lightened self-interest of all the occupants of that Basin. Moreover, ensuring the material advancement and well- being of all the peoples of our small island States in that Basin must be given special attention, since in the broad perspective of history those small islands have always been the ftrst safeguard of those benefactors. i\ 10. The Government and people of Saint Lucia fully support the removal of the arbitrary line which has sepa- rated the proud people of the Korean peninsula for over three and a half decades. While the United Nations, inter alia. has traditionally been intimately involved in the Korean question, the' General Assembly since 1976 has agreed that the question of reurJfic:.tion, consistent with the principle of the right to self-determination, must be . left to the Korean people themselves. The Korean penin- sula should not be a focal point where East-West tensions are played out. Reuniftcation in today's world is not merely a lofty ideal but a most practical aspiration. 11. Saint Lucia supports the sovereignty, territorial in- tegrity and, indeed, non-alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. While we do not in any way underestimate the obstacles to be surmounted, we believe that the intercom- munal talks at present kept under the purview of the Sec-,: retary-General, with the consent of the Security Council, can be a medium for a just and lasting solution only if they are conducted in a most serious and substantive man- ner. In calling for more serious attitudes during the iilter- communal taJI(s, the Government and people of Saint Lu- cia rea.ff"lIDl their solidarity with the Government and people of Cyprus and strongly urge that without further delay a just and lasting solution be negotiated between the parties based on high-level agreements, the relevant United Nations resolutions and the declarations and deci- sions of the group of non-aligned countries. .. 12. National jealousies cannot be blamed for all of the world's ills. If nationalism is antiquated, then racism has always been idiotic. And if racism is stupid, then the apartheid-practising regime of South Africa is an affront to the dignity and intelligence of man. The people of Saint Lucia have always felt an unmitigated disgust for the apartheid system. Since independence my Govern- ment has consistently opposed any area that will court it. The continued illegal occupation of Namibia by that apartheid-practising regime further aggravates the prob- lem. It should now be abundantly clear that South Africa does not intend to comply with Security Council resolu- tion 435 (1978) except, of course, if it can contrive to have its hand-picked lackeys retain power. There a..-e no logical excuses to be offered for deferring comprehensive and meaningful economic sanctions .against South Africa. They must be implemented now. 14. This year marks a full decade since the fraternal country of Sri Lanka-later joined by others-introduced in the world Organization the concept of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace. While one should have little difftculty in accepting that the process of bringing this idea to frui- tion would of necessity be cumulative, the lack of serious progress over the past iO years has been most disturbing. While the security interests and realpolitik considerationg of the great Powers made this concept idealistic, even quixotic, we none the less believe that it is time for its realization. Tensions in the Middle East and South-East Asia, including possible threatS" to economic desiderata in the Persian Gulf, continue to prove a hindrance to the disarming of the Indian Ocean. Recent events continue to show iliat the balance of terror in the Indian Ocean is no deterrent to aggression in the area. Saint Lucia fmnly supports the idea of making the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. 15. It also continues to advocate that this concept be extended to the Caribbean region as well, because if pres- ent trends continue, sooner or later we in the Caribbean will be facing situations more difficult than anything imagined at present. We have focused our plea for a zone of peace in our regional institutions with remarkable suc- cess. We now wish it to be heard and projected within this world forum. 16. It is our view that economic aid alone will not sig- niftcantly alter the instability in an area which is being held back by economic stagnation. No investor will wish to move into a region full of military movements and ma- noeuvres. We have stated in every forum open to us that, in order to raise the standard of living of our peoples, we need to have a massive injection of investments and as- sistance; further, that if States continue to destabilize our area with the movement of their armed forces, the climate for economic development and progress will be de- stroyed. Our voice may be a cry in the wilderness, but we are convinced tliat it is a wilderness on which this august institution would be well advised to focus more attention. If we do not fmd the satisfaction of our interests in the Organization, if the developed world pays no heed to our real needs, and if we only vaunt a!l empty sov- ereignty whose value is determined by the interests of our larger neighbours, then IS this not an invitation to take - 17. As a small island State, Saint Lucia interprets the principle of non-alignment quite literally. While we have our own notions about the kind of political and economic system in which we ourselves would prefer to live, we are, for all essential purposes, respectful of the existence of various preferences and their justifications. We have, in tenns of consistent policy, maintained good relations with all friendly nations and, in line with our acceptance of the ideological plurality of the world, we intend to expand our political intercourse to all States, regardless of their political persuasion. However, we wish to repeat here that we will not countenance or consort with South Africa or similar apartheid-practising States. 18: In 1979, when we entered the world stage, we were encouraged to enter forums that considered matters of vi- tal interest to us. Hitherto such interests had been taken care of by a former metropolitan Power. Such was the case, for example, of the questions concerning the law of the sea. Since 1974 the nations of the world have been hard at woik, seeking to formulate a convention to put some order in the regime of the Sea. Even at that late stage in 1979, Saint Lucia sought to have its' interests registered. We have held off from seeking to advance solely our own interests, however important and vital they may have been, because we felt and were encouraged to believe that it was the wish of other important States ti~at one should not rock the boat or disturb the balance of the package. 19. We have sought through bilateral means to secure our maritime areas, especially those that are in relation to other friendly and co-operative States, and in i..::lis regard we .cite the Agreement on Delimitation of the Saint Lu- cian Channel, signed in Paris in March of this year, be- tween the Government of the French Republic and the Government of Saint Lucia. The Agreement is an exam- ple of what can be achieved between a metropolitan Power that shows good will and understanding of a small State's problem and an island State which is prepared to co-operate while having regard to i~ own national inter- ests. From this basis it is expected that many further ave- nues of co-operation and co-ordination will open up. 20. Our major concern with the law of the sea is mainly with the question of pollution and that of control over the waters surrounding our island State wit.'t respect to the passage of foreign ships. For us, pollution is a nightmare from which there is no awakening. We say categorically in this forum that the present Agreement does not ade- quately prevent the possibilities of pollution. It does not !!(11 far enough. It is therefore necessary that we seek to advance our ideals at the next session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, since the ac- tiom\ of other States appear to reopen the entire package- for renewed I\egotiatioils. If the Conference is now seek- ing to renegotiate the package, t.lten it is logical that every area should come under renewed scrutiny. We <'Will also seek assistance from the international institutions'. whose work is related to the law of the sea. Some have indicated their willingness to aid in solving our pollution problems, but we still have not seen any implementation in terms of 21. With the adoption, on 5 December 1980, of the In- ternational Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade [resolution 35/56], it was considered that the next phase-that of global negotia- tions to implement the Strategy-would follow. Unfortu- nately, there are interests that have decided not to under- take global negotiations at this particular time, and the issue is now in limbo. We know that the economic picture around the world continues to deteriorate and worsens with every passing day. We are thus forced into an ec0- nomic position that is reflected in a deteriorating state of affairs which, as time passes, makes us more susceptible to accepting the lowest common denominator in terms of trade. What we are aware of is that the evident failu.-e or lack of purpose in coming to grips with the global econ- omy negates any attempt to bring peace and security to this world and thereby undermines the chances for small States to achieve the economic development and progress to which we all aspire. 22. However, the picture is not all bleak and disconso- late. We must readily commend the efforts of the partici- pants in the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development, to be held at Cancnn. They will perhaps provide more positive results in the near future. We be- lieve that some exchange of ideas is wClrthwhile and may serve to engender a better understanding of some of the problems. We welcome the initiative of the four sPOllsors of the Meeting and we are playing our part by making the necessary fmancial sacrifices to attend those costly meet- ings in order that we may be able to present. a proper economic package for their acceptance and implementa- tion. But we cannot help thinking that we are voters in the constituency of rhetoric, for we have little to show by way of development in certain sectors of our infrastruc- ture. This is particularly so as those very sponsors con- tinually point to that as the reason for our inability to absorb the aid and investment which could alleviate our economic circumstances. It is a vicious circle and we· look apprehensively at the unfolding of the plans to rem- edy this malaise. There is no small island State to ade- quately convey our problems as we see them or to be in a position to take the word to those that may give in terms consonant with a small island State's interests. 23. Global negotiations must lead to a substantial change in the economic regime established after the Sec- ond World Wm: It is our hope that all countries will p·a- rticipate, regardless of their economic standing and social structures, in bringing about a more equitable and just , , system and that the guiding factor for negotiations will be the immediate improvement of the conditions of the mil- lions for whom this planet is an unrepentant executioner that ensures death by starvation. 24. In the opening statement by the Administrator of UNDP to t.lte twenty-eighth session of the Governing Council, a very disheartening picture-in our view-was painted. 1 The anticipated shortfall in resources was not just a projection, but.rather a reality. The Admipistrator of UNDP noted that, whereas at the end of Mar 1979, 54.4 25. The developing countries have come to rely heavily on UNDP assistance in their efforts to meet the develop- mental aspirations of their peoples. The importance which developing countries attach to UNDP can be seen simply by an examination of their own contributions to the pro- gramme. For the past year contributions from the devel- oping countries have continued to increase, even though there have not been any significant increases in growth in their national economies. Had other countries taken up the ..:hallenge, the-1982-1986 cycle would have been in a healthier position. At a time when the overall economic picture is gloomy, we cannot allow the one glimm.er of hope to fade. Saint Lucia strongly urges the donor coun- tries to continue their support for UNDP through in· creased contrib:tions and the prompt payment of these contributions. The efforts of UNDP in o"~ development process are too critical to be neglected and ailowed to .flounder. It is of paramount importance that we, in the developing countries, plan as efficiently as possible the programmes and projects that will assist us in bettering out livelihood. But that planning is only possible when the sources of financing are assured. Taken together, proper planning and availab.-·ty of funds will result in maximum utilization and efficient use of resources, and this assumes greater importance when these resources are already in short supply. 26. It is n~eseary to point out that, apart from the.: country programmes directly administered by UNDP, there are a number of special funds and activities super- vised by UNDP personnel or dependent on the UNDP field network for their operation. These will also be se- riously affected, resulting in an across4he-board decrease in activities and efficiency. This situation should not be allowed to arise. We repeat that it is therefore important in our view that all.donor countries increase as much as possible their con,tribution to the programme and make those pledged sums available at the beginning of the year. Only in this' way can developing countries achieve the programme envisaged in decision" 80/30,2 which has been hailed as a positive step and through which the develop- . ing countries can be sure of continued assistance in their efforts towards self-reliance and economic liberation. 27. In looking at those programmes, we wish to express our concern and apprehension over the thinking that un- derlies the distribution of those funds and, for that matter, the way the funds are deployed in any particular country's' programme. There is an increasing tendency to think that assistance is being rendered by sending experts to the de- veloping world. We do not entirely share that view. This is not to say that experts do not have an important role to play in our countries. But it is the consideration that ex- perts are the be-ail and end-all of the solution that causes us concern. The dispatch of experts, absorbing the better proportion of available funds, in fact hinders the receiving countries from developing the necessary technical skills 3J!d expertise in their indigenous' personnel which are 32. Few island developing States qualify under the ex- isting criteria as least developed States. Yet, in some cases, their situation may be worse. That is a dilemma of most of the island developing countries, and unless the special measure, called for in UNCTAD resolutions 98 (IV) of 19763 and resolution 111 (V) of 197~ are carried through, some developing countries may automatically de- serve to be reclassified and thereby qualify as least devel- oped States because of a worsening economic situation. 33. My Government is particularly concerned at the ap- parent lack of interest in the welfare and well-being of some of the less fortunate States of the Organization. Last year, following the neat devastation of our country by hur- ricane AlIen, whjch caused considerable damage to crops, housing, industry and infrastructure, we were able to get a resolution adopted by this body for increased assistance to Saint Lucia. That resolul:ion 35/101, was adopted on 5 December 1980 and called for the mobilization of the fi- nancial, technical and economic assistance of the interna- tional community and the United Nations system to meet the short and long-term needs of the State. The appropri- ate sum of money which wo~d enable a special mission to visit Saint Lucia to consult with the Government on the best possible modes to undertake the operation was ap- proved by the Fifth Committee. 34. Unfortunately, no action was taken on this until September this year, over one year after the hurricane di- saster. To date, a report on how this mobilization will be effected has not been issued. This shows either a consid- erable lack of interest or an arrogant disregard on the part of those who are charged with this ~sponsibility. It does not speak well for the manner in which the administrative area of this body fulfills its obligations. 35. Given the critical political and economic situation which now faces the world community, some of which we have tried to highlight today, we in Saint Lllcia still dare to be optimistic, still date to li'ie in hope. We are hopeful because when we look at the long and turbulent history of man we see that the greatest leap forward has always been achieved in the midst of the greatest adversity. 36. We have already' formulated and agreed upon pre- liminary proposals, on a regional basis, for an improve- ment in food production, better terms of trade and the proCurement of finance. 37. We have listened with interest to the commitment expressed at.the Assembly by many nations, and we have reason to feel that in the end good sense and .logic will prevail and that the integrity of the United· Nations as an instrument of peace shall be preserved. This is our wish, this is our hope, this is our prayer.

I am very grate- ful for the opportunity to address the thirty-sixth session 39. On my own behalf and also speaking for the Zim- b2bwe delegation, may I congratulate you, Sir, and your country on your well-deserved election to the most impor- tant position of President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. The Assembly could not have made a better choice of a successor to the President of the thirty- fifth session, Mr. Riidiger von·Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany. Your predecessor presided over the deliberations of the thirty-fifth session and of the special sessions with skill, dedication and, indeed, distinction. May I congratulate him through. you. Your own experi- ence and distinguished caree:r as diplomat and member of the United Nations Secretariat amply qualify you for the difficult task which the Assembly has given you. Let me assure you of my personal wishes and those of the Zim- babwe delegation for a most enjoyable and fruitlUl term of office. 40. The thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly has before it an agenda which is as long as it is truly reflective of the current international scene. Even the most 'optimistic observer of international affairs will read- ily admit that our world is today characterized' and, in- deed, threatened by potentially explosive tensions which have in some regions already led to open armed conflicts, . thus menacing regional if not international stability, se- curity and peace. Political oppression, flagrant disregard for and violation of the principle of non-intervention and non-interference in the affairs of a sovereign State, ter- ritorial expansionism, racism, disrespect for human rights and inequitable distribution of wealth, nationally and re- gionally, are among the most common generators of these tensions and open conflicts. In other words, the dangers to region31 and international stability and security are very much man-made. In our view, the United Nations, which was founded to ensource world peace and security and to protect the rights of the individual and those of the nations and peoples of the world, must stand frrmly and without fear of favour behind the principles and ideals of its Cahrter. The United Nations must unequivocally de- nounce, condemn and ~ject outright any acts, designs or tendencies, from whatever quarter, which are aimed at compromising the principles and ideals that have always made this international body a truly effective guarantor of human rights and world peac~ and security. 41. May I now turn to the southern African region, one of the world's danger spots. We from that troubled area are very much concerned that unless the international community, through the United Nations, intervenes quickly and effectively, the rapid breakdown of regional stability now threatening world peace and security may soon get irretrievably out of control. It is our sincere hope, therefore, that this warning will be taken seriously ecol:'i~pUcalIy .and culturally exploited black majority, but the white racist minority Government also, without any provocation, repeatedly invades the neighbouring sov- ereign States. Thus, un~shamedly, the ~gime~s forces have invaded and continue to. attack the People's Republic of Angola,. the Republic. of Botswana, the People's Re- public of Mozambique and the Republic of Zambia. Again, without any.provocation, the racist Pretoria regime has declared its intention to attack our young republic and is currently doAng everything in its power to destabilize it. 43. By far the most dangerous crime in the racist re- gime's endless catalogue of brutalities against humanity is the recent unprovoked invasion of Angola. As represen- tatives know, the invasion was followed by the'occupation of the southern part of Angola by the enemy forces, which killed thousands of civilians and senselessly de- stroyed much Angolan property. The world was stunned and revolted by the regime's disregard of international law. And yet, it must also be sadly observed that Pretoria was not without advocates, if not supporters, in its acts of brutality against the peace-loving people of Angola. As representatives will recall r when in August last the Se- curity Council met to discuss apartheid South Africa's aggression against Angola, certain voices would not sup- port the relevant draft resolution. Those voices wanted the f,nvasion to be seen within a context other than that of an unprovoked aggression against another State resulting.in the violation of that State's territorial integrity and na- tional sovereignty. 44. In addition to its attacks against the neighbouring States with its well-equipped air force, it is also a· well- known fact that lde' Pretoria regime [mances, equips and trains . dissj~erit .and. unpatriotic. Angolan, Moz~bican, ZambIan and ZImbabwean criminal elements which are regularly unleashed to return to their respective countries to commit sabotage, rape and murder against their own people. Nor is this list of the racist regime's crimes com- plete. The activities of the murder and kidnapping squads of the apartheid Pretoria 'Government are well known in the capitals of neighbouring Botswana, Lesotho, Mozam- bique, Swaziland, the United Republic of Tanzania Zam':' bia and Zimbabwe, where hundreds of Namibian ~d ex- iled South African patriots have been cold-bloodedly murdered. Many more bave been and are being kidnapped and abducted to apartheid South Africa to be tortured to death in the regime's death chambers, euphemistically called prisons. 45. The international community has now given the rac- ist minority regime more than enough warning and oppor- tunity to end its crimes against the black majority in South Africa and Namibia in particular and humanity in· general. And yet, racist Pretoria continues arrogantly to defy with impunity the already very numerous resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. It has disregarded, again with .impunity, an equally large 46. We have already expressed grave concern and warn-. ing about the dangerous military consequences for our re- gion caused by the regime's destabilizing policies and ac- tivities. We must also emphasize and. warn against the equally injuriclls effects of the apartheid system upon na- tional as well as regional economic developments. For in- stance, it is not a secret that, taking advantage of the f~ct that the economies of the neighbouring States are linked to it by geographical and historical factors, apartheid South Africa often adopts a policy of economic intimida-. tion and blackmail. Pret()ria's economic "bullying and its military aggression' against the front~line States are aimed at deterring us from giVing material, moral and diplo- matic support and assistance to the oppressed South Af- ricans and Namibians and their respective authentic liber- ation movements. 47. The Republic of Zimbabwe joins its free and inde- pendent neighbours in the region in telling racist South Africa unequivocally th~lt in~imidation, whether military or economic, will never deter us from our progressive and internationalist duty and responsibility to give wbatever assistance we can to the forces fighting for social justice, political independence and sovereignty in our own region or for th~t matter anywhere-else in the world. 48. Those of u§ Hving in the troubled region also know full well that economic independence is crucial not only to our ability effectively to support the processes of liber- ation in SOTo]th Africa and Namibia, but also to the main- tenance of our own respective hard-won national indepen- dence and sovereignty. Consequently, not only do. we, as the -concerned nations, promote diplomatic relations among ourselves and with other regions, but we are also taking practical measures to develop our respective na- tional and regional economies. Our countries are co-oper- ating amongst themselves economically and are also en- couraging co-operation with other regions. The formation of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Con- ference in early 1980 clearly demonstrates that determina- tion to develop our economies through reg~onal and inter- region~ co-operation and also effectively to resist the rac- ist regime's economic blackmail. . 49. Those honest efforts can succeed only if there is an effective mobilization of our national and regional re- sources, as well as generous assistance from the devel- oped countries which c..Ie Members of this international body. I should like, in th~t context, to express our sincere apprec.iation and gratitude to those countries, organiza- tions and institutions which have already responded so generously to our .appeal for financial, technical and ma- terial aid and assistance. Indeed, the remarkable success of the Zimbabwe Conference on Reconstruction and De- velopment in March this year was largely attributable to a positive international response to our needs. 5u. 1 should now like to turn to other areas where tOI- eign aggression, occupation and domination continue to 52. The delegation of Zimbabwe also wishes to see the United Nations and the OAU take the necessary measures to implement their resPeCtive decisions and resolutions to bring about a cease-fire in the area. Zimbabwe wishes to see. the people of WesLern Sahara establish their republic on their own territory. We believe that the referendum mentioned in the resolution on Western Sahara, adopted by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [see A/36/534, annex II, resolution AHG/Res.ID3 (XVIII)], is a step in the right direction. 53. My delegation is equally concerned about the rapidly deteriorating situation in the Middle East. As rep- resentatives know, for decades the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement have been warning against the dangerous situation developing in that region. 54. As in southern Africa, in the Middl~ East too the rapid deterioration is mainly attributal:!ie to one factor, in this .case zionism. Indeed, as political and social doc- trines, zionism and apartheid share several common char- acteristics; hence the existence of what has been called a Tel Aviv-Pretoria axis. They are both racist philosophies whose followers believe that certain races are inferior. Both doctrines justify and encourage the territorial oc- cupation, dispossession and colonization of the so-called racial inferiors. 55. In the Middle East Zionist expansionist policies and practices have resulted in the grabbing of Arab land and are seriously threatening the very existence of some Arab States and communities. The main cause of tension in that region is zionist Israel's refusal to accept the universally recognized fact that the Petlestinians are a people which, like every other people, is entitled to its own freedom and an independent and sovereign State. Naturally, the dis- possessed and oppressed PetleStini&ns and their gallant rev- olutionary movement, the Petlestine Liberation Organiza- tion [PW], are fighting with all the means at their disposal to wrench·their fatherland, including historic Je- rusalem, from the Zionists. Again Zimbabwe fully sup- ports the just and legitimate Petlestinian struggle for sur- vival, liberation, independence and sovereignty that is being waged in that area. 56. We also wish to call upon the United Nations urgently to take appropriate steps to compel Israel uncon- ditionally to withdraw from all Peilestinian and other Arab lands occupied during the 1967 expansionist .~ includ- ing the city of Jerusalem, in order to facilitate· f'alestinian self-determination. In the meantime, the inte~ational community, collectively and severally, must continue its political; diplomatic, material and military support for the 58. The United Nations is the only hope left to all the peoples still ~:ving under foreign occupation and oppres- sion for their freedom, self-determination, peace and the fulfilment of their national aspirations. Accordingly, my delegation very strongly supports the people of East TImor in their efforts to enlist United Nations assistance in their struggle for self~determination. We call upon all freedom-loving people to support the FRETILIN6 libera- tion movement, which is guiding the East Tunorese in their struggle for freedom. 59. We also note with joy that, after decades of colonial rule, the people of Vanuatu have now gained freedom and independence. It pleases us even more to see them oc- cupy the seat, which has always been theirs by right, in this assembly of sovereign nations as the one hundred fifty-fifth Member State of the United Nations. To them we extend our .... iIIllest congratulations. 60. By the same token, we also wish to salute Belize, which attained nationhood on 21 September this year, and we are extremely pleased to see the Belizean delegation occupying its seat in the Assembly. 01. One of the most sacred principles of the United Nations is that of non-intervention and non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign State. Regrettably, how- ever, this fundamental pillar of relationships among na- tions has been, and continues to be, transgressed in sev- eral areas, including Mghanietan, Kampuchea and the Korean peninsula, to mention only some of the areas where such violation is taking place. As tepresentatives know, in all these cases, external inre-tfetence not only makes murky waters even muddier but ~lsocertainlyen- dangers world peace and se-<:urity. Zimbabwe strongly be- lieves that it is the right of every sovereign nation to settle its internal affairs without outside intervention and inter- ference. Accordingly, Zimbabwe supports the call for the immediate Withdrawal of all foreign troops stationed on Mghan and Kampuchean territory. We also appeal for the strict observance of, and respect for, the territorial integ- rity, sovereignty and non-aligned status. of both Mghanistan and Kampuchea. 62. On the Korean 'peninsula, external intervention and interference have taken the following main forms: a mas- sive· foreign military build-up in the South and foreign propaganda geared towards the throttling of any positive move towards the reunification· of Korea. The ene~ of Korean unity would like, for' instance, to perpetuate dis- unity among the people of the peninsula by preaching the divisive myth of the so-called· two Koreas policy. The United Nations must reject outright any designs to create two Koreas and the international community should, in- 63. Zimbabwe also fully supports the initiatives of Pres.. ident Kim n Sung of the Democratic People's Republic of KQie~ and his Government. We believe that the establish- ment of a confederate system as envisioned by President Kim n Sung is a most· realistic step towards the ultimate unification of Korea. 64. I should like now to turn to the economic factors \/hich are some of the main causes of tension on the in- ternational scene. Many speakers before me have already referred to the deteriorating world economic situation. Some have warned against its national and regional conse- quences, whreh are bound to have serious repercussions on world stability. It has been observed that everycoun- try, developing and industrialized, has been experiencing a low level of economic performance, stagnation in indus- trial output, inflation and increasing unemployment. The ravages of the adverse world economic situation have been more severe in the economies and societies of the developing countries than in thos~ of the industrialized nations. 65. What is more disturbing is the fact that the immedi- ate future is not promising for the developing economies and societies, which are certain to experience a further decline in the coming years. The only }10pe, in our opin- ion, lies in 'lIl international approach to what is certainly a world-wide crisis. While no one would blame the eco- nomic woes of the developing countries entirely upon the economic policies and practices of the major in4us- trialized nations, most observers would agree that leading industrialized countries have so far been responsible for retarding progress towards the achievement of interna- tional co-operation in dealing with· the declining world economic situation. For instance, it is the total lack of political will, coupled with stubbornness. in some quar- ters, on the part Qf these nations that has been the chief stumbling block to the launching of global negotiations for the creation of a new international economic order. 66.' The delegation of Zimbabwe wishes to pledge its full support'for, and co-operation with, any efforts to bring about international'"co-operation in dealing with the serious world economic situation. Although we do not be- lieve that there is any panacea for the current economic woes of the South, we are convinced that North-South co- operation will contribute markedly to averting the catas- trophe facing our world today. 67. By far the biggest threat to international peace and security, and to the very existence of human ~fe on this planet, is the vicious arms race between the two super- Powers. This race, which began just after the Second World War, is being fuelled by growing East-West ten- sion, as each super-Power seeks to gain mastery over the whole world and to ensure its security against the other by the massive production of arms, including nuclear weapons. United Nations efforts and calls to stop the fur- ther spread of military nuclem::' technology have been- 68. The search for an international agreement to reduce arms, and ultimately to onng about general and complete disarmament, must be continued vigorously. My delega- tion is most appreciative of United Nations efforts in this regard. We also support the convening of a spezial ses- sion of the General Assembly on disarmament and we believe, too, that a world conference devoted to this issue is in the interest of world peace and security.

Permit me first of all to convey the congratulations of my Government to Mr. Kittani on his election as President of the General Assembly. That action is an appropriate honouring of his country and of his dis- tinguished personal qualities. The Organization has placed its trust in a highly qualifiea person who, becaus~ of his experience, is well aware of the delicate responsibilities of his high post. 70. I also wish to express the congratulations of my Government to his illustrious predecessor, Mr. von Wechmar, who, by his actions during a particularly diffi- cult time, amply justified the trust placed in him by the international community. 11. Let me also take this opportunity to welCOIln;; me admission to the United Nations of two' new States, Van- uatu and Belize. Colombia is pleased to note this new and important step in the process of decolonization, and offers its best wishes for the peace and prosperity of both new nations. 72. The report on the work of the Organization pre- sented to the Assembly by the Secretary-General [A/36/1] is further proof of his intelligent approach to complex sit- uations and serious conflicts; it provides much food for thought, including an objective description of the difficul- ties and challenges which place formidable obstacles in the path to world peace. ' 73. This annual meeting of the General Assembly has been overshadowed by the tragic news of the assassination of Presidenlt Anwar El Sadat. He was a statesman who fought for world peace with exemplary courage and con- stancy. His death, which has moved all those working for harmony among peoples, was his legacy to that cause, to which we should all contribute with the same courage and with a similar will to sacrifice. 74. In entrusting to Mr. Kittani the guidance of this body, conceived as a forum for peace, the Assembly 75. It was precisely to prevent nations from comIng to blows after the first disagreement or the IlfSt conflict and from turning disputes that could be discussed and settled into 'a catastrophe that, after many setbacks and great effort, international· law was established. It was simply a matter of transferring to international relations the same rational mechanism as that which in the domestic jurisdic- tion had deprived those prepared to strike flfSt, deal a cowardly blow, or hit, hardest, of the ability to impose their will on others. If something as elementary but also as difficult as this-Le. that it is up to the laws and the interpreters of the laws, the mediators and the courts, to decide who was right in the innumerable disputes among citizens without waiting for them all to come to blows to establish who was in the right-could prevail, of course with some regrettable exceptions, within countries, why not try the same on the international level? In the finro analysis, if the experiment has been successful-not with- out a certain amount of inevitable coercion-among un- civilized and· ignorant people who fought over land, water, cattle, and the right to survive and even the right to believe, to have opinions and to persuade others of the virtues of their beliefs and opinions, why should this not I be applied in relations among nations, which are sup- posedly ruled by men and women who are more en- lightened, wiser, and more sensible and far-sighted? 76. For four centuries and even longer perhaps, jurists, theologians, statesmen and skilled diplomats, sophisti- cated or pragmatic, llnd~rtook the colossal task of con- vincing their peers throughout the world of the excellence of their project, and designing, and making ?';ceptable to reluctant nationalism the institutions that woUld safeguard it. Its evolution was extremely slow, butth~ very bes- tiality of war-to which nations repeatedly' resorted,.at- tracted by profitable imperial trade, by simple vanity or 77. Without question, the Organization is the culmina- tion of that long and arduous effort. As is s~ in the Preamble to its Charter" it was created "to save su~­ ing generations from the scourge of war,. which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind" . 'In a way, then, it is the tangible embodiment of that ec- umenical humanitarian purpose: to avoid war and to con- vince nations that there are more civilized systems-and certainly much more effective ones-than those of gen- eral butchery in settling their pending affairs and even their grievances, which are.generally the result of some other dispute for which no solution was found and which only brought out latent rancou£ 78. That being the case, it seems to me that there can be no more appropriate forum or more responsive au~ dience than this one for reference to a subject of concern to,my Government: the obvious crisis in international law. 79. While throughout the long period of its creation great and even malicious departures from it were used with notorious cynicism to justify wars of aggression and greedy acts of conquest, today's international community is based on the acceptance of certain fundamental b~ic rules, without which the maintenance· of international peace and security is impossible. They are not many or very complicated, but they suffice to prevent the planet from becoming a vast pile of debris, if they are respe::ted and not placed-'through cowardice or perhaps through chronic confusion-in the deceitful hands of those who adhere to them without conviction, perversely and with suspect reservations. Those rules include: the sovereign equality of all nations, large and small; the seif-determi- nation of peoples; the' prohibition of interference in affairs essentially within the internal jurisdiction of States; the duty to comply in good faith with obligations st,emming from treaties and other sources of international law; the obligation to settle internatio~al dispates' by peaceful means; and the prohibition of any torm of attack on the integrity or political 'independence of any, State. Those norms, to be sure, we~ in large part incorporated into the Charter of the United Nations on the initiativ~ of the Lati.n American countries, which f~r many years lived un- der the threat of foreign interference, from the dreadful punitive expeditions organized by the great Powers to can- cel,sometimes insignificant debts to their nationals, to the old and c:candalous international trickery aimed at distort- ing the will of peoples pr at nullifying it by placing at the head of Governments cruel, venal and greedy men, as ob- liging towards foreigners as they are merclless towards their own fellow-citizens. ' 80. The 51 original signatories of the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the others which have joined the Organization in. the course of its 35 years of exis- tence, have willingly accepted those norms, and -have sol- SI. Those. ·principles and. nonns,along ..with interna~ tiooal IDQreS, judjcial decisions and the doctrines of the most competent writers in the field, are the essence of interqational: law and govem the conduct of nations in their·mutual relations; hut Utey. seem to have entered into a disquieting crisis, tu.rning almost imperceptibly into a flexible cP...wogue ofa.morphous solemnities, often used with unabashed cynicism- to support the not always sound domestic objectives of some States and, on more occa- sions than we would m~e to admit, the blatant expan- sionism of others. 82. .The. traditional procedures for the· peaceful settle- ment of disputes such as good offices, conciliation, ar- bitrationand j~dicial Sf~ttlement, which are enshrined, after visible compliance with· ritual fonnalities, in many bilateral Of multilateral instru~nts, are in the process of becoming laughable dead letters w~th nG use other than serving as rhetorical disguise for manifest ill will. Some States, when they sign intemational agreements, skilfully manoeuVJe to present themseJves to- the international com- munity as standard-bearers of principleS in wbi~h they do not believe, principles which, in their domestic policies, they do not apply, or disregard, and which they would not hestitate to violate if, for any reason, they did not meet the interests of the Gove~nt in power, or of the sys- tem, or"of the political ideology they attempt to impose ami consolidate. . 83. At times, they go to the extreme of using a change in reglme as an argument:-of course, with no grounds. in international law-to support the denunciation of interna- tional territorial treaties, which are flawless and unassail- ~ble, and were-agreed on years before and ratified in due fonn by the pertinent legislative powers. Paced with such serious evidence, one might say that we are going back- wards to the uncertain and.dangerous times when, with unbeard-of insolence and, of course, with. distored inten- tions, it was declared that treaties were nothing but mean- inglesspieces of paper. 84.' Law, in any of its mapif~tations, is based on an elemental principle ,of good faith: without good faith, it is impossible. to govern .mutual relations. At the domestic level,. the great. social pact which establishes a very subtle but valuable line between anarchy and harmony, is guar- an!eed by the restraining power inherent in the pact itself. But. good will is essential, the conviction that only by heeding the laws and the principles which inspire them is it possible to build a' disciplined,· harmonious, equitable and Sound society. Without. this 'deep conviction that the law is necessary and valuable, and of course perfectible, althOugh it impost's limits and constraints~ is restrictive and sometimes unpleasant, no community of free men can exist. But even were a community temporarily to sur- vive the inGuperable challenge of its own disorder, it would not be respected, and all other communities would be wary of making agreements with it or· trusting in its statements,. however sensible they nnght be. Thus, if there is no intentional subjection to roles of conduct which are the same· for all, there is no society, no credibiiity which 86. Any devious interpretation of what should be a transparently clear explanation will turn against whoever makes it and set in motion his own downfall. To ~h~ve as though one believ~s' that only what is in one's uW~l interest is ethical exposes on~'Je1f to the calcukated risk of leaving the fate of international hannony in the hands of the strongest or the l~ast honest or a dangerous combina- tion of the two. 87. The thorough and enlightened discus~Lons of many complex issues which have taken place over the years and which are taking place here now, will be meaningless'un- less we all seek to bring about an effective return to faithful ~ompliance with international law. The ind~pen­ dence and self-determination of peoples will be nothing but empty words devoid of content if real or veiled inter- vention-and in some cases actions which openly violate international law-by some·countries in the internal af- fairs of others, shielded behind pretexts and artificial con- siderations, are yet part of a clear political design. We have reached such extremes of complacent complicity and unpardonable leniency in the application of international norms that there are those who do not consider as flagrant intervention cases of economic, political and even mili- tary support for minority groups which at times violently challenge the legitimate existence of Governmc;nts that are supported by large majorities. Others, as if it were an insignificant matt~r, allege that the supply of arms and military training to extremist organizations or terrorist groups (which act in the broad area of subversion with the open and declared purpose of destabiliziitg democratically constituted Governments and imposing by force on other countries the systems and ideologies that exist in the countries that assist and fmance) does not constitute inter- vention or damage the juridical structure, which was so difficult to build· and which is now threatened with de- struction by the indifference of those who should be the most concerned by its grndual disappearance. 88. On the other hand, general and complete disarma- ment will continue to be not much more than an irrele- vant item ot acaaemlc discussion if, as could occur now, States do not have the opportunity of recourse to law to . avert the risk of a real or imagined threat to the integrity and stabilitY of their Governments. As long as the present alanning indifference exists.regarding the fate of interna- tional law, there will always be justification for the ac- 89. If the full rule of law were restored, as it should be, it would not be necessary to affl1'ffi, as, unfortunately it too often is nowadays, th~t the only purpose of the arms race is t1te routine replacement of equipment, the search for a rational balance with Qther Powers or the natural de- fence of the country,Since the juridical mechanism would suffice to cause any attempted aggression.to be rejected immediately or to be heavily punished by the international community. But as long,as that ES not the position, on the pretext of the demands of national or even collective de- fence, enormous amounts will continue to be spent on sophisticated weapons, thus diverting those resources from development projects and the improvement of the general well-being. 90. If disregard of the norms of international law can bring about changes with unforeseeable consequences in the field of political relations, the same is true in the field of international economic relations. What is required there-and perhaps with the same urgency-is not only a substantive review but also the full restoration of the com- pulsory nature of intemMional agreements and strict re- spect for their provisions. 91. We have had seven years without practical results of the commitment to establish a new international economic order; five years without implementation of the Integrated Programme for Commodities; more than 15 years of ster- ility and despair in the implementation of the agreements in .principle ol'i the law of the sea; and more than two years to begin a modest cycle of global negotiations. Those .are only some indications, in my view serious ones, of wh~ may await mankind in the future if we do not counter weakness, reluctance, lack of responsibility and negligence with a fl1'ffi decision to respect our agree- ments. 92. I believe that we are passing the limits of cred- ibility. Organizations such as this one and those associ- ated with it, but not ensuring respect for agreements, run the risk of being replaced by structures which respond better to the aspirations of the international community. It is unnecessary to. state what a backward step it would be in the search for understanding among nations if that were to occur. But unfortun&tely that will be the case if deci- sions, agreements, rules and settlements are not strictly and promptly implemented or respected. What we are wit- nessing with increasing concern is a scandalous succes- sion of acts which directly or' indirectly infringe the norms which protect justice by means of the law in the field of international relations. Diplomatic prerogatives, which were formally agreed to or which have been ac- cepted for centuries to facilitate normal communications among Governments, are brazenly violated;·. Juridical mandates are being disregarded and trampled underfoot, mandates which translate the principle of non-intervention 93. Let us think for a moment of the conseque~ of a possible final and total disruption of the legu norms on which is based tbeoperation of intematiooal organizaions, the continual activities of which guarantee the functioning of the various sectors of what could be termed.interna- tional public administration. The disappearance of those bodies, the exnstence of which we have come to consider natural, would mean a world-without postal serviCes, tele- communications, international civil aviation, economic or financial co-operation amcng States, meteorological data from outside national bOundaries, preventive lIYastJreS against the spread of global epidemics, without tbt~ means of continuing, promoting and increasing world food pr0- duction, without action or joint guidelines in the field of education or labour, without the possibility of maintaining scientific and cultural exchanges, without stimulus for the support and progress of maritime navigation, without c0- operation in the use of nuclear energy for peaceful pur- poses, without a network of international intergovernme~­ tal and non-government~ organizations dealing with the most varied needs of pwples at the international level, without international commerce; in a word, without any trade at all, since the"least trade presupposes the existence ~f rules governing it. 94. Colombia, which prides itself above all QIl its re- spect. for law, can therefore not ignore such an almning . situation. It is to the crisis in international law and the lack of interest shown in it that we attribute phenomena that have .created tremendous tension and that will proba- bly bring about untold calamaties in.~ community of nations. 95. The presence of f~ign troops in Mghanistan and Kampuchea, despite the teiterated appeals made by the Organization to guarantee to tbosecountties the right to self-determination, is nothing but one itlOIe example- 96. Something similar could be said about one of the most offensive and abhorrent violations of the dignity of the J1J.!man ~rson-racial discrimination. Colombia, which has traditionally been a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia,. has always rejected and continu~s vigorously to reject apartheid. It also considers that .the fate of the Territory should be determined by its inhabitants, without the intervention or support of foreign Powers. In keeping with this position, it considers that the G9vernment of.south Africa has an inescapable obligation to bring about the independence of Namibia and not put obstacles in the way of its legitimate claim to self-govern- ment. .i\ 97. My country is of course aware' of the general con- cern at the sin,Iation in the Middle East-which has been further complicated by the assassination of President An- war El Sadat. We welcomed the dialogue that made possi- ble peace between Egypt and Israel and the agreements that \yere the happy result 'or that splendid gesture of con- ciliation and goodwill. That is why, as a contribution to peace in the Middle East, Colombia has decided to take part in the multinational force which will- guarantee the demilitarization of the Sinai Peninsula. My country would like to see a similar climate prevail with regard to the definitive solution of.the Palestinian problem, which cer- .Jainly cannot be solved without the participation of the legitimate representatives of that people. 98. In the continuous process of the leg~ codification of relations.'among States and between geography and m~ there is a field that is still subject to rules of law that are inapequate and renect the unfairness of the relations of force which led to their adoption. I am referring to the regime which exists for outer space and the geostatiqnary synchronous orbit. 99. That orbit is a Scarce resource and should not be allocated on' the basis'of the excessive advan~ges that the unequal development of technology offers to a very small number of States. This points to the advisability of con- vening an international conference for the purpose of fill- ing the gaps in the treatY on Principles Governing the Activities'of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies [resolution 222 (XXI)] and elaborating apropet ·law of space, consistent, equitable and harmonious. 100. Equatorial countries have already begun an interna- tional debate on the geostationary synchronous orbit, a debate that has shown the gaps in that' Treaty and has enabled peoples of the third world to begin to s~ how a vital, element of contemporary civilization, satellite com:' munications, is becoming the' object of a process of in- creased monopolization. That is why we must legally dis- tinguish. the .geostationary synchronous orbit from the amorphous concept of outer space. In that essential task developing countries must promote an international, legal or~er which, responmng to the legitimate rights of equa- torial·States, will regulate the use of the orbit bearing in mind the·'common interest of-niankind. 102. I belong to a country which believes more in the force of law than in the force of arms; which admires more the quiet labour of jurists than the (.;lameur and ar- rogant ostentation of strong men; which has created a civ- ilized society that respects the popular will and is peace- ful and republican. All those circumstances, -together 'with the diSl.:}uiet that we experience owing to the progressive deterioration of a - true international legal order, 'have led me to put before the General Assembly a subject which may not have the same apparent topicality as others which have properly been dealt with here. But I would say that it is perhaps in the ostensible breach in international law that we may find the origin of our many present tribula- tions and of those that will undoubtedly follow if we do not act courageously to restore what we have left to fade and languish through our negligence,. in our improvident hands. - 103. Were international law to disappear and 'Were· organizations such as this one, where dialogue is still possible, to remain as another monument to the futility of our efforts to make reason prevail over unbridled force, humanity would have unwittingly entered into a new dark age. But if, on the contrary, we persevere. in the worth- while task of replacing the ferOCious code of war by a judicious and thoughtful code of agreements, against all forecasts we shall- have done more lasting work for peace than that resulting from the precari(\us and'sombrebal- ance of terror. If we are to coexist, as we must, at least as long as the planet tolerates us and provides for _us, it will not be as the result of a sterile, inclement and -ruinous play of mistrust, shock 'and contained violence. Let 'us seek, as so many before us, tlie best of the speCies, have done successfully, an intelligent framework of impersonal and abstract laws so that our strong aspiration to peace may not be frustrated by the merciless and. fateful law of the jungle. - The meeting rose at n.40 p.m. NarES I See DP/SR.708. J See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on. Trade and Development, Fourth Session, vol. I. Report and Annexes ,(Uni~ Nations' publication, Sales No. E.76.n.D.10 and corrigendum), part one, sect. A. ~ Ibid, Fifth Session, vcl. I, Report and Annexes (United Nations pu~ lication,Sales No. E.79.n.D;14), part one, sect. A. . s Ftente 'Po~lar para fa Liberaci6n de Saguia el-Hamra y.de Rfode om.