A/36/PV.43 General Assembly

The question of peace, sta- bility and co-operation in South-East Asia is an extremely important one not only for all the countries and peoples of the region, since it concerns and directly affects their present and future existence, but also for international peace and stability, inasmuch as South-East Asia, because of its geopolitical situation, represents a strategic zone of the first order. 2. The motives which last year led a number of coun- tries, including my own, to request the inclusion of this item in the agenda of the General Assembly were clearly stated in the memorandum accompanying the request! and can be summarized as follows. 3. For the past 40 years South-East Asia has never known peace and stability. During the 1940s all the peo- ples and countries of this region suffered in varying de- grees the adverse consequences of the Second World War, which took the fonn of a brutal invasion by foreign forces, followed first by occupation and then a bloody struggle for liberation. During the. 1950s all th~ peoples and countries of South-East Asia carried out in different ways a struggle for their self-detennination and total inde- pendence against the colonial yoke and foreign domina- tion. 4. It was during that period that virtually all the coun- tries of the region, except the three countries of Indo- China, which had to continue to struggle against neo- colonialism and the imperialist war of aggression until 1975, attained their independence, benefiting from their regained peace and freedom by devoting themselves to the task of development and national construction in the intp.r- est of the progress and welfare of their peoples. 5. But because of the continuance of the war in Indo- China, which attained its peak of intensity during the lat- ter years of the 1960s and the early 1970s, the overall situation in the region nevertheless remained very unsta- ble. NE\'1 YORK 6. After the historic victory of the three peoples of Indo-China in 1975, an era of peace, independence, sta- bility and co-operation began for all the countries of South-East Asia, but unfortunately did nOl last very long, owing to further interference by foreign Powers in the in- ternal affairs of all those countries, albeit of varying de- grees. 7. These new interventions are infinitely more subtle and devious inasmuch as they come from an Asiatic super-Power that nourishes unlimited expansionist and hegemonistic ambitions with respect to all its small neigh- bours and to the region as a whole and one that, more- over, is perfectly familiar with the terrain upon which it is carrying out its activities. 8. In order to achieve its SlDlster designs, this same super-Power has resorted to every means, including the cementing and constant development of its collusion and, indeed, its unholy alliance, with the imperialist reaction- ary forces that are also attempting to maintain their pres- ence in South-East Asia. 9. Acting in close collusion with those evil forces and with other retrograde forces, the great hegemonistic and expansionist strength of the great nation in question is being methodically employed to encourage the resurgence in all countries in the region of the activities of the pseudo-revolutionary groups it supports and supplies, at- tempting to sow discord among the peoples of the region and within the same nation, turning the countries of the region against each other, particularly the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] against the three countries of Indo-China, opposing the policy of peace, independence, friendship and co-operation adopted by the three countries of Indo-China and, worse still, openly interfering in the internal affairs of the people of Kampuchea, which is rising inexorably from the ashes of genocide. 10. There is no need to emphasize that such actions are doubly repulsive and degrading in that they emanate from a super-Power that proclaims to all and sundry that it is a "friend" f the third-world countries, that it is a part of the third world and, even more ironically, that it is de- fending the interests of medium-sized and small coun- tries. 11. It is indeed those actions that constitute the funda- mental source of the acute tension that is prevailing in South-East Asia at this moment. This tension, apart from the fact that it represents a serious threat t~ peace and stability in the region and-In the world, constItutes a-very serious obstacle to the nonnalization and development of good-neighbourly relations and co-operation among all the countries of the region, whose peoples at all social levels aspire only to live in peace and harmony among them- selves and with the other peoples of the world. 12. Since time immemorial the peoples of South-East Asia have lived side by side, have moulded their history 13. Proceeding from this consideration, it is highly de- sirable and even necessary, in ensuring a guaranteed and prosperous future for succeeding generations, for the peo- ples and countries of South-East Asia, which possess vast economic, human and cultural potential, to work reso- lutely together in order to put an end to all foreign inter- ference, in whatever shape or form, and to any such re- course to force as underlies their present differences and is the implacable enemy of their tranquillity and their pro- gress. 14. These goals will certainly be attained gradually, given the firm will of all the countries of the region, which must in the process place above all other interests the higher, long-term interests of their nations. Moreover, history has clearly shown that confrontation leads only to deadlock. In the case of South-East Asia it is bound to increase misunderstanding, prolong suffering and exacer- bate tension in the relations among the countries con- cerned. At the same time, it promotes all manner of in- trigues and acts of interference by foreign Powers, and this will thus transform the entire region into a permanent hotbed of tension, with great danger to world peace and security. 15. We sincerely believe that the countries of the third world, the majority of which have endured and are still enduring imperialist and neo-colonialist intrigues and in- terferences and the hegemonism of the great nation, will understand perfectly the pernicious nature of the situation that prevails at present in South-East Asia. It is to them, first and foremost, and to countries that cherish peace al1d progress that we address an appeal for help in re-estab- lishing confidence, peace, stability, friendship and co-op- eration in our region, which has suffered for so long a time. 16. The peoples of South-East Asia, in particular the three 'peoples of Indo-China, which have for over 30 years been exposed to great suffering and devastation provoked by imperialist aggression, ardently seek peace in order to reconstruct their countries and to improve the living conditions of their populations. They wish to live in mutual understanding and good-neighbourliness with all their neighbours and the other countries of the world, with strict respect for independence, sovereignty and ter- ritorial integrity, non-interference in internal affairs and the principles of equality and mutual advantage. More- over, the three countries of Indo-China have deliberately and irrevocably opted for a policy of peace, indepen- dence, friendship, non-alignment and peaceful coexis- tence. 17. Thus, is it not reasonable and just to ask the inter- national community, specifically the United Nations, whose noble ideals are the strengthening of peace and the , promotion of understanding and co-operation among all , peoples, to assist us usefully and positively in the achievement of our goals and profound aspirations? 18. It is in that spirit that we wish to see the debate on the item now before the General Assembly directed. As the saying goes, each thing has its season. There is a season for tears and a season for joy, a season for con- frontation and a season for co-operation. It is our ke.en hope that the season of tears and confrontation has now 19. Concerning South-East Asia, although, as pointed out in the memorandum from the Ministry of Foreign Af- fairs of my country, there "still exists between the, two groups of countries a number of divergencies regarding the underlying cause of the potentially explosive tension ... and the ways of eliminating it" (see A/36/561. all- llexI,that does not, nor should it, constitute an obstacle to our making sincere and sustained efforts to smooth out and eliminate such divergencies. The memorandum goes on to state: .. ... only continuation of the dialogue between the two groups of countries"-those of Indo-China and those of ASEAN-"will make it possible to promote mutual understanding and trust, to eliminate such diver- gencies and to seek together means of settlement to re- move the causes of the threat to the States' indepen- dence and sovereignty and in general to the peace and stability of the region. "Such an approach is in line with the Final Declara- tion adopted at the Conference of Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Non-Aligned Countries, held at New Delhi in February 1981, which urged 'all States in the region to undertake a dialogue which would lead to the resolu- tion of differences among themselves and the establish- ment of durable peace and stability in the area, as weIl as the elimination of involvement and threats of inter- vention of outside Powers'." 20. I hasten to add that such an approach not only is in keeping with the goals and principles of the non-aligned movement but also forms part of the practice of other in- ternational bodies such as the Organization of African Unity, the Organization of American States and the League of Arab States, which have always held that re- gional problems should be settled in the first instance by the States concerned within the region. Moreover, such an approach is perfectly in keeping with the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, which gives pride of place to the principle of peaceful settlement of disputes. 21. Abiding by their policies of peace, friendship, co- operation and good-neighbourliness. the three countries of Indo-China recently proposed to the countries of ASEAN that they should reach agreement on some principles gov- erning relations between them. Those principles, which were put before the Assembly at the 16th meeting by my Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, during the general debate, are enumerated in the memo- randum to which I referred earlier. However, for the bene- fit of representatives who do not have the memorandum at hand or who have not had the time to read it, I should like to take the liberty of recalling some of the principles which seem to me the most relevant and, fundamental. They are: "Respect for the independence, sovereignty and ter- ritorial integrity of each country, non-aggression, equal- ity, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries, for peace, stability, friendship and co-operation in South-East Asia. "Respect for the rights of the people of each cGuntry to choose ~md develop freely their political, social, eco- "The domestic and foreign affairs of each country in the Indo-China and ASEAN groups should be con- trolled by the people concerned and no country should have the right to interfere in those affairs individually or collectively, directly or indirectly. "Settlement of questions in dispute and differences in relations between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries, as well as between the other countries in the region, by peaceful means through ne- gotiation and in the spirit of settlement of all the prob- lems of South-East Asia by the countries of the region in accordance with the principles of equality, friend- ship, mutual respect, understanding and regard for the legitimate interests of each, by mutual agreement, and without imposition of the will of one party on the other, without external interference and without the use or threat of use of force in their relations. "Respect for the right of each country in Indo-China and ASEAN, as well as of other countries in South- East Asia, to individual or collective self-defence in ac- cordance with the principles of non-alignment and of the Charter of the United Nations; no country should be allowed to use collective defence treaties to serve its particular interests and oppose other countries in the region. "Continuation and development of bilateral and mul- tilateral co-operation in economic, technical and scien- tific, cultural, sporting and tourist matters between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries, as well as with other countries in South-East Asia, on the basis of the principles of equality and mutual benefit, with a view to strengthening mutual understanding and trust and friendly and good-neighbourly relations, in the interest of the task of building up each country in accordance with its individual conditions. " "The countries outside the region must respect the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the countries of the region. There must be an end to all forms of pressure and threat from outside, creating a situation of tension and hostility between the countries of the region. "The countries of the region should not allow any country to use their territories as a base for aggression and direct or indirect interference aimed at the others. "They declare themselves ready to co-operate with the other countries outside the region and with interna- tional organizations and to accept their politically un- tied assistance. "Under no circumstances should bilateral or multi- lateral co-operation betwf;en the countries of Indo- China, the ASEAN countries or the other countries in the region and countries outside the region, jeopardize the security and the interests of other cou.ntries of the region or be directed against any third country." Ilbid.) 22. Those are the principles which, because of their car- dinal importance, I wanted to remind the General Assem- 23. There is no need to emphasize that entering into the commitment in question would be a decisive step towards the transformation of South-East Asia into a zone of peace, stability &'l'J.d co-operation, for the greater welfare of the peoples living there as well as the strengthening of international peace and stability. 24. My delegation urges the General Assembly to make its positive contribution in that direction. A situation as complex as the one now prevailing in South-East Asia cannot be settled overnight. Much effort in the dialogue and in the bilateral or multilateral negotiations between the countries of Indo-China and the ASEAN countries is abs.olutely necessary. 25. In this connection, we are pleased that in the con- sideration of this question a frank and constructive dia- logue has been established between the representatives of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam on the one hand and the representatives of the ASEAN coun- tries on the other. We shall do everything in our power to see that this dialogue is continued and intensified in order to come together with our partners in harmony to find solutions to all the matters of common concern. We are confident that, sheltered from all external interference, we shall succeed, together with the ASEAN countries, in overcoming the tense situation in our region and that we shall all begin a genuine era of peace, stability, friendship and fruitful co-operation.

Australia is a part of the region of Asia and the Pacific and has the closest interest in peace and stability in South-East Asia and in friendship and co-operation both with and among all its South-East Asian neighbours. For these reasons, Australia has given strong and consistent support to the concept of ASEAN of a zone of peace, friendship and neutrality in South-East Asia. 27. My delegation has accordingly studied closely and carefuny the memorandum from the Lao People's Demo- cratic Republic. 28. We find most of these prin~iples impeccable. Who could contest, for instance, the principle of respect for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of each country in South-East Asia and for non-aggression, equal- ity, mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence among them? Who would deny the right of the people of each country to choose and develop freely their political, social, eco- nomic and cultural system or to determine freely their do- mestic and foreign policy position in accordance·with the objectives and principles of non-alignment and of the Charter? 29. It is when we look at the present situation in South- East Asia, and particularly the situation in Kampuchea, and ask how these principles are being applied in practice that difficulties arise. When we do so, we find that the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the 30. As the Australian Foreign Minister said in an ad- dress to the Australian Asian Association of Victoria on 15 October last: "Viet Nam's proper future lies in a constructive rela- tionship with its South-East Asian neighbours. But Viet Nam seems unable to understand the apprehen- sions aroused by its past military record and strength, its occupation of Kampuchea and its relationship with the Soviet Union. Viet Nam remains stubborn, and the problem of Kampuchea will remain intractable until there is ~ withdrawal of Vietnamese forces." 31. Until there is a withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea, until there is universal respect for the fundamental right of the Khmer people to self-determina- tion, we cannot take this Lao memorandum seriously. The noble principles it recites are vitiated by the stark realities of the situation inside Kampuchea today. 32. But, we should not conclude without urging Viet Nam to respect and to put in practice the principles to which it has subscribed. We call yet again upon Viet Nam to withdraw its military forces from Kampuchea, to respect the rights and freedoms of its neighbours and to join with the overwhelming. majority of the Assembly, in accordance with resolution 36/5, in working for a com- prehensive political settlement of the problem of Kampu- chea. For the achievement of such a settlement will in turn open the way to the restoration of conditions of true peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia.

This is the second successive year the General Assembly, on the initiative of a group of countries that includes Viet Nam, has discussed the question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia. Over the past year South-East Asia has continued to be one of the most tense areas of the world; there are serious risks of explosion, with unforeseeable consequences. This situa- tion justifiably arouses the concern of the international community. 34. Unfortunately, from the debates at the thirty-fifth session and at this session it is clear that differences still exist between the two groups of countries in South-East Asia regarding the origins and causes of tension and, therefore, regarding the solutions to be found. Views have been broadly expounded by both sides, and it is obvious that it will be impossible to eliminate these differences in the immediate future. 35. On the other hand, during the same year, the coun- , tries belonging to the two groups of the region have had . numerous contacts and exchanges of views at different levels, including the visits made to most of the ASEAN countries by the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the meetings between the Ministers and Vice-Minis- ters for Foreign Affairs of Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic and their counterparts in South-East Asia. At this very session there have been bilateral talks between the Lao Minister for Foreign Affairs and his 36. Peace, friendship and co-operation with the neigh- bouring countries in South-East Asia have been and still are the long-term basic policy of my country, Viet Nam. Over the past 40 years Viet Nam and other Indo-Chinese countries, through their struggle for national liberation and enormous sacrifices, have successfully regained and defended their independence and sovereignty and they have checked the schemes of intervention and aggression nurtured by imperialistic and hegemonistic big Powers and have foiled their manoeuvres aimed at sowing divi- sion and confrontation, thereby contributing to opening up a new era favourable to peace, stability, friendship and co-operation between the countries of the region. 37. At the end of the second Indo-Chinese war in 1975, Viet· Nam, forgetting the past, proclaimed its four-point policy to normalize relations with the ASEAN countries; and our leaders made official visits to various capital cit- ies in South-East Asia. Great efforts were made on both sides to promote and develop relations of peaceful coexis- tence, friendship and co-operation in all fields between the countries in the region. This brought encouraging ini- tial results. 38. However, the restoration of peace in Indo-China, welcomed with joy and relief by all peace-loving and jus- tice-loving peoples in the world, including those in South-East Asia, was not, unfortunately, to the taste of our great neighbour to the north, whose hegemonistic am- bitions were suddenly being thwarted. That resulted in the· implementation of a policy of open intervention and ag- gression by that Asian Power against the three lndo-Chi- nese countries, first of all the reunified and independent Viet Nam, plunging the region once again into the abyss of war and sowing disagreement among the countries in the area. The relations between the Indo-Chinese coun- tries and the ASEAN countries have worsened day by day. In spite of that, Viet Nam, together with the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the People's Republic of Kampuchea, persists in its policy of peace and friend- ship with the ASEAN neighbours. The three Indo-Chi- nese countries have taken the initiative of putting forward, on repeated occasions, constructive proposals aimed at re- moving fears, restoring mutual confidence, improving re- lations between the two groups of countries and re-estab- lishing peace and stability in the region. 39. In July 1980 the Conference of the Foreign f\1inis- ters of the three Indo-Chinese countries, held at Vien- tiane, proposed specific and realistic measures in order to 40. This year the Foreign Ministers of the three Indo- Chinese countries met successively at Ho Chi Minh City in January [see A/36/86] and in Phnom Penh in June [see A/36/328] and undertook new peace initiatives of great importance. 41. In the course of the thirty-sixth session the goodwill of the lndo-Chinese countries was once again displayed in the important memorandum of the Minister of Foreign Af- fairs of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, which set forth seven principles governing peaceful coexistence be- tween the two groups of countries-the Indo-Chinese and the ASEAN-for peace, stability, friendship and co-oper- ation in South-East Asia. Toe representative of the Lao People's Democratic Republic has just explained the con- tent and significance of those principles. 42. An objective analysis should clearly stress two as- pects of the situation now prevailing in South-East Asia: on the one hand intervention by Powers outside the region and on the other the problems between the countries in the region. Those new proposals and initiatives on the part of the Indo-Chinese countries are' in conformity with that reality of South-East Asia because they are based on the distinction between those two aspects of the situation. Proceeding from that assessment, the Indo-Chinese coun- tries have proposed different, yet appropriate, approaches with regard to the solution of each type of relations. 43. For the reasons which we have had the opportunity to explai~ before the Assembly, we are convinced that the cause of the absence of peace and the instability in South- East Asia and the deterioration of the relations between the countries in the region was and still is the intervention by outside Powers in the region. That is why, in order to restore peace and stability, it is fundamental and urgently necessary to put an end to that intervention. 44. Whatever may be said about the origin of tension in South-East Asia, the existence of a real conflict, provoked by China, against the three Indo-Chinese countries cannot be denied. A peaceful settlement of the conflict-which is what the three countries of Indo-China have always ad- vocated-can and must be reached through direct negotia- tions between the three Indo-Chinese countries and China. Certainly the intervention of China, in collusion with the United States, against the three countries of Indo-China has an international dimension. But the last United States war of aggression against Viet Nam represented a much greater threat to world peace and it too was resolved be- tween Viet Nam and the United States directly. 45. Persevering in its desire to resolve the conflict peacefully, the Vietnamese Government has made numer- ous constructive proposals to the Chinese Government in order to remove the tension and to restore peace and nor- mal relations between the two countries. We have pro- posed to China that Vietnamese-Chinese negotiations be resumed and have declared our readiness to start the third round of talks at any time. The three Indo-Chinese coun- 46. Viet Nam, like the Lao People's Democratic Re- public and Kampuchea, values the traditional solidarity and friendship which has existed between the Chinese people and the three Indo-Chinese peoples. We ardently desire to re-establish relations of good-neighbourliness with China and will spare no effort in the search for a peaceful settlement of the conflict, with the profound con- viction that in the end the just cause will win and that friendship between peoples will always prevail. 47. As to the disputes in the relations between the coun- tries of Indo-China and the members of ASEAN, my country, as always, believes that any solution should be based on the idea that all the problems of South-East Asia should be resolved by the countries of the region by means of negotiations, without pre-conditions, on the basis of mutual respect for each other's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity, equality and respect for legitimate interests, without the imposition of one party's point of view on the other and without outside interference. This basic idea is observed in practice in the relations between States of many regions-in Europe, Af- rica, Latin America and elsewhere-and for the settle- ment of regional problems. It is in full conformity, more- over, with the principles of the countries of the non- aligned movement and with those of the Charter. 48. Concerning the region of South-East Asia, experi- ence has shown that as long as intervention by outside forces in the region persists it will be impossible to solve the radical differences between the two groups of coun- tries. Nevertheless, we think that what could and should be done urgently at this time is to start and to continue dialogue between the two sides, to seek together means to promote mutual understanding and trust, and to refrain from any action which might further aggravate the situa- tion. By doing this, the two sides would create a favoura- ble climate for the gradual elimination of differences, im- prove relations between the two groups of countries ancl limit the possibilities of outside intervention, proceedi: step by step towards the restoration of peace and stability in the region. 49. Given the complexity of the problems, this delicate work of normalization of relations between the two groups of countries cannot be completed either overnight or in the framework of contradictory debates which do nothing but exacerbate the existing tension. In our view, this great aim can by achieved only with great perseverance at many levels and through a process of direct contacts among the sovereign countries concerned, which are equally ani- mated by the political will to put an end to their disputes and to solve their own problems in the common interest of the region and that of each country as well. 50. It is in this spirit that the three countries of Indo- China have proposed a framework sufficiently broad for negotiations on the basis of universally accepted princi- ples. The principles that we have proposed to the mem- bers of ASEAN encompass the issues of common interest in the relations between the two groups of countries in the immediate future and in the long term as well in very 51. These proposals are being put forward by the coun- tries of Indo-China with a sincere desire for negotiations and without any pre-conditions. As for the issues for ne- gotiation and the procedure to follow, the three countries of Indo-China have shown themselves to be flexible, ad- vocating an open agenda so that each group of countries and each country may raise any issue it deems necessary .related to peace and stability in the region. The discussion would proceed on the basis of strict equality, taking up alternately the issues raised by the two groups of coun- tries. The negotiations might be conducted in a regional conference as well as through bilateral and multilateral consultations between countries of the region, provided that the process of dialogue leads to a solution acceptable to all countries of the region. An international conference would be convened afterwards to endorse and guarantee the agreements reached by the countries of the region. 52. Considering the difficulties which certain countries of the region might have, it was carefully specified that the fact of participating in the conference or consultations did not imply reciprocal recognition at the political or diplomatic levels. The three countries of Indo-China have agreed to propose the formula of one or two representa- tives for each group of countries. Finally, the regional conference or regional consultations could take place in the presence of observers from outside the region; the Secretary-General of the United Nations or a certain num- ber of countries agreed upon by the two groups, Indo- China and ASEAN, might be invited. 53. The three countries of Indo-Chjna welcome the good offices of the Secretary-General in promoting mutual understanding and trust between the two groups of coun- tries for the settlement of questions related to peace and stability in the region. 54. Numerous delegations in the course of previous de- bates at this session haye wondered rightly whether the maintenance of the Pol Pot clique in the Organization constitutes a major obstacle to the United Nations playing its role in the problems of peace and stability in the re- gion of South-East Asia. Furthermore, the countries of Indo-China have declared that if the United Nations were to discard Pol Pot and his followers the Organization could be entrusted with the initiative in convening an in- ternational conference to endorse and guarantee the agree- ments achieved by the countries of the area in the course of their regional conference or regional consultations. 55. We say that the proposals of the three countries of Indo-China are equitable because they are not aimed in any way at defending our interests at the expense of those of the countries of ASEAN; on the contrary, they are ben- eficial to both sides. As has been clearly indicated by the experience of the past three years, any attempt to im- pose a solution beneficial to just one side could lead only to an impas£e, aggravate the confrontation between the two groups of countries and create conditions favourable to increased intervention and interference on the part of outside Powers in the region. All the countries in the re- gion realize that such a situation, which could well lead to uncontrollable consequences, would not be in the inter- est or to the advantage of the ASEAN countries, Indo- 56. In short, the proposals of the three Indo-Chinese countries, stemming as they do from a constant long-term policy, are based on reality. They are sensible and reason- able, realistic and flexible; they are fair proposals for open and frank negotiations. 57. The three Indo-Chinese countries are conscious of the complexity of the present situation. We nurture no il- lusion that the differences between the two groups of countries can be easily resolved. Intervention by outside Powers hostile to our common objectives of peace and stability always constitutes a big obstacle. 58. However, we have a basis for optimism and reasons to be optimistic. First, between the countries of Indo- China' and ASEAN there exist many things in common: historical and cultural links; similar suffering and humilia- tions in colonial times; the same present aspiration to peace and security, without outside interference; a sim- ilarity of human and natural resources; and similar prob- lems to confront in the process of economic development. What brings us closer together than anything else is the common interest in peace and stability in the area so that we may concentrate all our efforts on national construc- tion on the lines freely chosen by each country. 59. There was a time when the relationship between the two groups of countries developed happily on the basis of the principle of peaceful coexistence. The confrontati<?n of the y.ears before 1975 and the present deterioration in the relations between the two groups of countries were not caused by us but are linked to the policy of intervention and aggression on. the part of Powers outside the region. The three Indo-Chinese countries are convinced that the process of consultation and dialQgue between the two groups of South-East Asian countries will, sooner or later, help us to reach a just and reasonable settlement of all the problems of common concern. 60. Choosing the path. of dialogue is the path of wisdom, which is in conformity with the present general tendency of the non-aligned movement. The Conference of Foreign Ministers of non-aligned countries which was held at New Delhi in February 1981 "urged all States in the region to undertake a dialogue which would lead to the resolution of differences among themselves and the establishment of durable peace and stability in the area, as well as the elimination of involvement and threats of intervention by outside Powers" [A/36/lJ6 and Carr.l, annex, para. 85]. 61. That appeal was reiterated at the Meeting of Minis- ters for Foreign Affairs and Heads of Delegations of Non- I Aligned Countries, held in New York on 25 and 28 Sep- tember last [see A/35/566]. This course is also in confor- mity with the general tendency of the international com- munity as a whole, clearly expressed during this session of the General Assembly, in favour of the maintenance of detente, the calming of situations of tension, and the set- tlement of differences through negotiations. Representa- tives of many countries that cherish peace and justice have appealed for the promotion of a dialogue, or at least that nothing be done to hinder the existing process of 'con- sultations among the countries of the region. 63. We are happy to inform the General Assembly that the consultations between the countries in the area con- tinue to proceed in an atmosphere of frank and friendly co-operation. The delegation of Viet Nam has made every effort to present an objective analysis of the situation and of our proposals, with a view to giving the General As- sembly certain food for thought. We sincerely hope that the Assembly will make a positive contribution to the cause of peace and stability in South-East Asia by encour- aging the tendency to move towards a dialogue which now exists between the countries of the area. 64. For its part,- Viet Nam, together with the other Indo- Chinese countries, remains determined to work tirelessly for peace, stability, friendship and co-operation in South- East Asia, and for peace in Asia and in the world.

Today, once more our attention is drawn to the region of South-East Asia, under item 34 of our agenda. Only a few days ago we heatedly debated the existing tension and danger in the region arising out of the explosive situation in Kam- puchea. By an overwhelming majority the General As- sembly adopted resolution 36/5, in which it endorsed the Declaration and resolution of the International Conference on Kampuchea. 3 Our colleagues from the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam, together with their supporters, voted against the resolution. But now we are asked to deliberate upon the question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia on a higher plane, in isolation from the serious and protracted events that are taking place in Kampuchea today and ignoring the series of resolutions that have been adopted thus far by the United Nations. I must humbly submit at the outset that this is an exercise in futility. We are not involved in this body in an academic exercise. The problem before us is real and concerns the lives of millions of people, includ- ing hundreds of thousands of refugees astride the Thai- Kampuchean border. The problem cannot simply be swept under the carpet, or whisked off by pretending that it does not exist. 66. The item under discussion is so broad in its per- spective, so general in its theme and so lofty in its objec- tive that nobody could ever disagree. Who in South-East Asia does not desire peace? Who in his right mind does not require stability, which is so essential for develop- ment? Who in the region does not consider co-operation as a guarantee of progress and well-being for the area as a whole? In fact, all of us envisage a grand design; an edi- fice of-regional co-operation which needs to be painstak- ingly built; an edifice that must be based on a strong and sound foundation of principles of international relations, principles that must be held sacrosanct by all concerned. Such principles have been well enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. in the Bandung Communique-l and in the non-aligned movement. It is not necessary for me to reiterate them. They were clearly incorporated in our proposal for a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, which has been in existence since 1971. S It must, how- ever, be emphasized that a violation of any of these prin- ciples would immediately undermine the very foundation of regional co-operation that needs to be earnestly built, 68. Unfortunately the open Vietnamese invasion of Kampuchea at the end of 1978 gave us a rude shock. How could we extend the hand of co-operation to a coun- try which unhesitatingly and readily ignored the rudi- ments of international law and the basic principles gov- erning international relations? How could we be asked to believe the protestation of good intention of the leaders of Viet Nam, when they conveniently and willingly sought the involvement of a super-Power before mounting such an invasion? When the boundary of Kampuchea could be ignored in an alleged exercise of self-defence, what other boundaries could similarly be ignored for the same rea- sons? I am reminded of a theory which I heard many years ago, the theory that asserts that in the vast span of the ocean the big fish eats the medium-sized fish, the medium-sized fish eats the small fish and the small fish eats the shrimps. Sometimes, however, some of these shrimps prove to be poisonous. The oceanic law cannot therefore be applied by Viet Nam whatever the circum- stances. Its application to Kampuchea has totally de- stroyed Viet Nam's credibility and has eliminated what- ever trust and confidence existed among countries in the region. If Viet Nam is true to its intention to seek peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, then it has to respond to appeals by the international community by withdrawing its forces from Kampuchea and seeking a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean prob- lem. Such a solution would be in the direct interest of the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam and of all of us in the region as a whole. 69. Our colleagues from the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam have asked us to face and accept the reality in Kampuchea and in South-East Asia. We are asked to recognize the reality that the Heng Samrin re- gime is entrenched and in full control of the country and that the situation is irreversible. The reality, however, ap- pears to us to be somewhat different. We see in Kam- puchea a regime that would immediately collapse without the presence of the 200,000 Vietnamese troops in the country. We see a country still at the height of a civil war fought between the guerrillas, who are Kampucheans, on the one hand and the Vietnamese forces on the other. We see a country still heavily dependent on foreign food aid to feed its hungry millions. We see a land that still forces hundreds of thousands of people beyond its boundary to seek food and shelter-people who are still reluctant to return to their homeland. We see a human tragedy of 70. In short, we see ourselves, if we are not careful, falling victim to a similar situation and facing the same fate and tragedy. That is the reality that we see. Our re- sponse is therefore'clear. We want the Vietnamese and the Lao to sit down together with us, as envisaged by resolu- tion 36/5, to seek a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean problem as quickly as possible. To us, their readiness or reluctance to do so is a measure of their credibility; by which we can assess their intention to build, or otherwise, the desired regional peace and co- operation. 71. It has been stated that in seeking solutions for the various problems in South-East Asia, Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Republic do seek the path not of confrontation but of co-operation. Countries of the area must therefore get together without interference from out- side.. · Indeed" the non-confrontational and regional ap- proach to resolving common problems is an approach to which Malaysia has always subscribed. It is consistent with the principle of the non-use of force in settling dis- putes. I can only wish that Viet Nam had not forgotten this principle and this approach before it decided to in- vade Kampuchea a few years ago. We would not now be .facing the present problem. We cannot therefore, at this stage, commit ourselves to an obvious ploy in the name of a non-confrontational and regional approach. We can- not, in the first instance, be asked by ignoring the Kam- puchean conflict to accept, however indirectly, the status quo in Kampuchea. Nor can we be involved in any initia- tive in the name of regional co-operation to mount a pos- ture of confrontation towards any country outside the re- gion.. In our view this is a step in the direction of greater problems, which would bring about greater major-Power involvement and confrontation in the region itself. 72. The Kampuchean situation in particular, and peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia in general, cannot be viewed in isolation. While we agree that we should steer clear of major-Power rivalry, we realize that we need the respective co-operation of those Powers in order to achieve our objective. The path of confrontation will not bring about the desired result. The legitimate in- terests of major Powers in our region must equally be rec- ognized. 73. For this reason, it is our sincere belief that the for- mula presented by the International Conference on Kam- puchea in July, which was endorsed by the General As- sembly in resolution 36/5, is the most viable and practical proposal for all concerned. It is an approach that can guarantee permanent peace, non-alignment and neutrality, for Kampuchea, that would bring about peace and sta-' bility for Viet Nam and the Lao People's Democratic Re- public, and that would ensure peace, stability and co-op- eration in the region of South-East Asia. It is a proposal that could harmonize relations between the Lao People's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam on the one hand and their big neighbour in the north and smaller neighbours in the south on the other. It is a way to ensure at the same time the legitimate interests of the friends of the Lao Peo- ple's Democratic Republic and Viet Nam. Above all, it 75. The primary cause for that situation is to be found in the continuing adventurist policy of creating instability in that region from outside, and the promotion of distrust and conflict. This is the product of collusion between im- perialism and Chinese hegemonism. These are the forces which, in flagrant contradiction to the principles of the Charter and the rules of international law, are undermin- ing the independence of sovereign countries of the region, violating their territorial integrity, inciting psychological war' against them and committing acts of direct aggres- sion, including armed attack, which they call "lessons". As long as there is a threat from Beijing to give Viet Nam Ha second lesson", as long as attempts from outside to maintain and artificially to increase tension on the Kampuchean-Thai border continue, as long as there is no end to the generous foreign military, material, moral and diplomatic assistance being given to the remnants of the Pol Pot group and other groups which are not supported by the Kampuchean people, it will not be possible to eradicate the sources of tension, disquiet and instability in South-East Asia. 76. This destructive category also includes attempts to cobble together a so-called front, or even some sort of coalition Government, for one of the sovereign States of the region, the people of.which have already freely and unequivocally elected the highest organs of their govern- ment authority. Those organs are conducting a policy which has already led to considerable success. Matters are proceeding su~cessfully towards the consolidation of inter- nal living conditions. 77. In the area of foreign relations, the People's Re- public of Kampuchea is "Conducting a policy of non-align- ment and friendship with all the countries of the world. As we emphasized in the joint statement signed during the official friendly visit to the People's Republic of Kam- puchea in February of last year by a Czechoslovak Party-Government delegation headed by the General Sec- retary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia, the President of Czechoslovakia, Gustav Husak, our country fully supports its foreign pol- icy orientation and welcomes that policy of peace, mutual understanding and non-alignment, which is aimed at ex- panding co-operation with all Governments, in particular with the countries of South-East Asia, based on the prin- ciples of equality and peaceful coexistence. 78. The solution of the problems of this region in ac- cordance with the vital interests and aspirations of the peoples of the countries of South-East Asia must neces- sarily be initiated, in our view, through the elimination of the causes of distrust, disquiet and instability. In the first place, a speedy end must be put to the interference by the imperialists and hegemonists. With the elimination of these causes-which necessitate the presence of th~ Viet- namese peopk under an arrangement for a specific period of time in the Republic of Kampuchea-the Socialist Re- 80. The way to peaceful negotiations is clearly stated in the memorandum of 28 September 1981 from the Minis- try of Foreign Affairs of the Lao People's Democratic Re- public, containing principles governing relations of peace- ful coexistence for the purpose of securing peace, stability and co-operation between the two groups of countries of South-East Asia. It confirms indisputably the desire for a solution. It confirms the genuine desire of the countries of Indo-China for a dialogue with the ASEAN countries and clearly formulates the principles for the development of mutual understanc~, '? and trust between those countries. The implementation-ot those principles and the opening of negotiations and consultations for the purpose of achieving an agreement or any other form of undertaking between the countries of Indo-China and ASEAN would, we are convinced, contribute to eliminating the most se- rious barriers in the way of attaining lasting peace and security in the region. 81. We also welcome the fact that the aforementioned memorandum and the proposal concerning the continu- ance of a political dialogue contain highly concrete ideas relating to the expansion of co-operation between the countries of South-East Asia in the economic, technical, scientific, cultural and other spheres. Any other course involving any manoeuvres or subterfuge aimed against di- alogue and pursuing the purpose of pitting the countries of Indo-China and ASEAN against one another and any other attempts to misuse the authority of the Organization for the purpose of interfering in the internal affairs of a sovereign State will merely lead to maintaining a situation of disquiet and instability in South-East Asia. It is pre- cisely the elimination of this serious source of tension that is the the urgent task of the United Nations, for the pur- pose of strengthening universal peace and global interna- tional security.

In connection with the election of five members of the International Court of Justice which is scheduled to take place on Thursday afternoon, 5 November, I would draw the Assembly's attention to the relevant documents: document A/36/30I-SI1450I, dated II June 1981, sets out the composition of the Court and the procedure for the election in the General Assf:mbly and in the Security Council; documents A/36/302 and Add.! to 3-S/14502 and Add.! to 3 list the candidates; and, document A/36/303 and Corr.1 and 2-S/14503 and Corr.l and 2 contains the curricula vitae of the candidates. 83. In view of the changes in the original list of candi- dates as communicated in documents A/36/302 and Add.! to 3-S114502 and Add.! to 3, some Member States have indicated that they feel it would be desirable, in order to facilitate the election, that at the time of election the As- sembly should have before it a consolidated and updated list of candidates. Accordingly, I request the Secretariat to issue a revised list of candidates which would contain the latest information received since the issuance of the origi- nal list, thus facilitating the election for all representa- tives. The meeting rose at 12:15 p.m. * Resumed from the 35th meeting. NarES 3 See Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea. New York (13-17 July 1981) (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.20). -I See Asian-African Conference. April 18-24. 1955. New Delhi. Gov- ernment of India Press. 5 Declaration and joint communique issued at Kuala Lumpur on 27 November 1971 by the Foreign Ministers of the countries of the Asso- ciation of South-East Asian Nations (see AlC.1I1019).