A/36/PV.5 General Assembly

This morning we shall begin the general debate. I should like to remind representatives that the list of speakers will be closed at 6 p.m. on Wednesday, 23 September, in accord- ance with the decision taken by the General. Assembly at its 4th meeting. I request delegation~ to provide estim&ted speaking times' that are as precise as possible so that we can plan our meetings in an orderly way.

* Sir, as the flI'St speaker in the general debate, it is my privileg~ to extend the first words of congratulation to }OU upon }'Our election as President of the General Assembly at its thirty~sixth session. 3. Relations between Iraq and Brazil, based on the soli- darity between our two nations and strengthened by our converging action tbWards common objectives, fit into the broader context of co~operationbetween developing coun- tries on an equal basis. 4. Your election is certainly a tribute to your country, but just as certainly a tribute to }'Our personal and profes- sional qualifications. I am confident that under your lead- ership the work of the present session of the General As- sembly will be conducted with the greatest skill and efficiency.. S. I should also like to express our appreciation for the able and confident manner in which Mr. von WechlDar presided over the thirty-fifth session. His performance fully justified the. international community's decision to entrust him with this important role in such particularly difficult times. 6. On the occasion of Vanuatu's admission to member- ship in the United Nations, I should like to express .a cordial welcome to this new Member of our Organization. • Mr. Saraiva Guemiro spoke in Portuguese. The Edgtish vtrsion of his statement was supplied by the delegation. .' NEW YORK 7. In the Latin American tradition of support for decolo- nization, I congratulate Belize upon its accession to inde- pendence. Brazil wishes for that country a future of peace and prosperity. 8. Conflicts and tensions of both a political and an eco~ nomic nature exist in various parts of the world, adversely affecting the Organization and the functioning of the in- ternational system. Beyond those tensions and conflicts, which are almost inevitable given the present state of rela- tions among nations, what causes us even greater concern is the perception that the international order's ability to contain and resolve those conflicts is diminishing. The ideal of a community of nations is being gradually ·re- placed by an attitude of conformity and the acceptance of perpetual conflict. The strategy of mutual challenge tends to limit the efficacy ofJhe means for peaceful solutions of international disputes. Purportedly for the purpose of strengthenin~ peace and security, the annsrace has re- sumed, particularly in the nuclear field, to the detriment of essential priorities for the building of the future. 9. For some years now we have been liVing in the age of overkill. What was once to have been the final absurd chapter in a spiralling race has now proved to be only the groundwork for building new nuclear arsenals. Neverthe- less, no country is more secure now that it was then. De- spite the fact that the stockpiled capacity for nuclear de- struction has now reached the equivalent of twG tons of dynamite for every living human being, the diversification and sophistication of strategic weapons continue. But the risk of war is as great as ever. Hundreds of billions &re spent on activities which are, at best, unproductive. inter- national co-operation to improve living conditions .and to create a more equitable international society receives a lesser priority, as if the problems of development should, or even could, wait for a better opportunity. 10. That inational allocation of resources and the very international order that endorses it neglect the real pro~ lems that beset most of mankind. This state of affairs ~nly favours the perpetuation of inequality among na- tions. 11. We do not face a purely mow or ethical .issue. What is at stake is tale future of the international system itself. A new sense of direction is urgently needed in order to reverse this trend. The second special session of the General Assembly devoted to disannamentscheduled for next year therefore takes ona very special signifi- cance. 12. Even though the nuclear-weapon States bear the re- sponsibility of reversing the arms race, the search for sat- isfactory and lasting solutions must take into account the aspirations of'the international community as a whole. Full use should therefore be made of the negotiating lDa- 14. Besides the very complexity of the economics in- volved, perhaps the worst crisis we face is one of man- agement. What is still lacking is due recognition of a basic fact: that however traumatic its immediate conse- quences may be, the meaning of the rapid and unique process of change in the world economy is essentially positive. 15. The new, wore dynamic, and increasingly diversi- fied roJe played by developing countries in all areas of international trade is a healthy event. Its overall effect has been to expand opportunities for growth in the world economy as a whole. The maintenance of relatively high rates of growth by several developing countries in the 1970s was an important factor in sustaining basic rates of expansion in certain highly industrialized countries, which otherwise would have been in even greater difficulties than the ones they currently fac~. 16. What is missing now, particularly on the part of the developed countries, is the recognition of the need prop- erly to manage the process of change so as to maximize the numerous opportunities for creative partnership be- tween developed and developing countries. That process of change, I might add, cannot be halted and should not be hampered, because it is healthy and desirable for us all. 17. The unprecedented expansion in trade and capital' flows over the P88t decades, together with the increasing trend towards the internationalization of the factors of pro- duction, far outstripped the resources and managerial ca- pacity of the structure devised at Bretton Woods to carry out an orderly evolution of international trade. 18. As regards the third world, there was a widening of the gap between its needs for external support and· the resources available for development co-operation. Insuffi- cient progress in the improvement of the rules and mecha- nisms of multilateral agencies has made even more acute the inadequaCy of the institutional framework to meet the new, larger, and often more 'Complex needs of developing economies. 19.. The international agenda has thus been broadened to include new issues. In many cases, linkages have become apparent between problems that formerly seemed amena- ble to topical, isolated tre~tment. In a complex and in- creasingly diversified world economy, it is not enough to proclaim the fact of interdependence. A serious attempt must be made to resolve the problem of underdevelop- ment, which affects nearly two thirds of mankind. 20. For too long the third world countries have been told that development in the South must come about as a byproduct of prosperity in the North, as.if high levels of demand in the industrial world for products from the de- velo~ing countries would by themselves ensure the solu- 22. We think it would be a mistake, besides being a waste of precious time, to hold the North-South issue in abeyance until the major economies succeed in recover- ing. On the contrary, we hold that what the international community needs in the present circumstances is a con- certed effort to draw up, for the first time in history, an integrated, comprehensive set of principles and measures capahle of sustaining world trade, finance and technology flows on a sound course, while paying due attention to the needs of the developing countries. 23. The North-South issue has passed the stage of con- frontation-which, incidentally, was never inherent in the ex~rcise-but it has yet to move on to the stage of true dialogue. This will come about only when the developed world shows itself ready to engage in a negotiating pro- cess with the third world. Moderation is, after all, re- quired on both sides, and its ewression by the North will have to take the form of a constructiv~ position on devel- opment issues as a whole. 24. The basic premise underlying the whole North- South issue is that it affects all nations, rich and poor alike. In this context, differences of perception need not stand in the way of negotiations about what ultimately are common interests, provided thRt issu~s are tackled in a broader, longer-range perspective. The North-South exer- cise is not a win-or-lose game; it is not a matter of re- distributing existing wealth, but, rather, an attempt to de- fine a framework of relations that will provide all countries, developed as well developing, with greater op- portunities for growth. 25. An inescapable conclusion should be drawn: the time is over when benefits in the economic sphere. would be best assured by continued additions to a country's power. When the world economy becomes highly diversi- fied and problems assume global dimensions, the chal- lenge is no longer how to gain unilateral advantages, but rather how jointly to define viable ways. of managing an increasingly unstable system. It is our hope that the major developed countries, precisely because of their global re- sponsibilities, will Hot fail to acknowledge the need for multilateral action on global issues. 26. The international community has at its disposal a vast heritage of concepts and ideas to use as a basis for a serious commitment to settle the North-South issues. It is high time to take a decision to that effect. The meeting of 22 Heads of State or Government of North and South; to be held in Cancun, Mexico, next October, will provide a unique opportunity for r-- major Western Powers to re- gain the trust of the third WJrld by showing that there will 27. The prospects for concluding this year the long 34. Nevertheless, through all this diversity there is a work of codification of the new law of the sea were frus- clear perception that we must work together. We are trated by the sudden decision of one country to revise its proud of the values we have forged from our rich bistor- entire position on the draft convention. This setback, with ical experience, in which the defence of the principle of its serious implications, gives rise to real concern among non-intervention is outstanding. Our efforts are inspired all those devoted to the success of the multilateral co- by our own ideals and do not attempt to repeat what may operation effort. However, it served to demonstrate that have been successful elsewhere. Our major contribution to the vast majority of the countries represented at the Third the international system, a disposition towards negotiation United Nations Ccmference on the Law of the Sea firmly and peace, has never been denied, even in the mo~t diffi- adhere to the principles subscribed to in the Declaration cult and controversial situations. incorporated in resolution 2749 (XXV) and show no dis- position to reopen the fundamental points in the draft convention. • 28. Thus the Conference succeeded in advancing its mandate and formalizing the draft convention. A sign of the firm detennination of the international community to adopt the convention and to open it for signature next year was the selection of the headquarters of the Interna- tional Sea-Bed ~4qthority and of the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea. I take this opportunity to congratu- late' once again Jamaica and the Federal Republic of Ger- many which were chosen, respectively, to host those two international bodies. 29. At this time, when there is so much international instability, the movements being made by developing countries towards regional affirmation must not be wasted, since they may well be one of the most .efficient means of containing international differences. Regional affirmations supply a basis that cannot be dispensed with if we are to safeguard the complexity and variety of the international scene and to relaunch the drive towards peace, justice and development, in all their aspects. 30. The efforts of Latin Ameritan countries to act on the international scene on the basis of their own national profiles fit perfectly into this larger movement effectively to reduce the levels of internationaJ tension. 31. The Latin American inclination for international co- operation stems from no artificially created option. Atti- tudes that favour the peaceful settlement of disputes are deep-rooted in Latin America. These attitudes define the mechanisms of international co-operation and demand from States mutual re.spect, equilibrium and equity in bi- lateral relations. 32. Just as deeply implanted in Latin America. is the disposition towards multilateral efforts, towards working together to mould the international system, on the basis of the principles of justice and progress. In faet, the Latin American contribution is its understanding that jlcceptanee of change is the minimum prerequisite for th~ eonstruc.. 35. Brazilian diplomacy has always been fait"'ful to these ideals. One of the cornerstones of our foreign policy has been the stimulation of dia~';)gue with our neighbours at every opportunity and at every level. President Figueiredo has had meetings with his Latin American col- le~gues, accepting as bis own the responSibility for pro- moting the ideals of regional co-operation. 36. Brazil views the situation in El Salvador, as, well as in .any otMr part of Latin j, •.,erica, in the same spirit of full re~pect for the principle of non-intervention. It is the hope of the Brazilian Government that all States will re- spect the sov~reignty of that country and the right of the people of El Salvador to solve their own problems with- out foreign interference. Brazil believes in the importance of intensifying consultations among the countries of the region so as to avoid the weakening of the fabric of Latin American unity and solidarity by specific issues to the detriment of our common interests. 37. Brazil is proud of its African roots and, faithful to them, is open to co-operation with the developing coun- tries on the opposite shore of the South Atlantic. I should have preferred to confine my remarks to the accomplish- ments in the process of bringing Brazil,closer to Africa. However, one cannot speak of Africa without dealing with two crucial questions which remain unresolved-those of apartheid and of the independence of Namibia. 38. Brazil emphatically condemns the institutionalized practice of racism which characterizes the r6gime of the Republic of· South Africa. The universal conscience of mankind, and more specifically the Btaz~lian national conscience, totallyrejccts such a way of life, which is incompatible with any idea of justice and equality. Brazil associates itself with the community of nations in the re- newal of efforts to ensure South Africa's totalcomplifmce with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, to which we are all committed. 39. . The question of the independence of Namibia has been dealt with by the international, community on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and of the 40. The attitude of the South African regime constitutes a flagrant disservice to the cause a.nd.inte~sts of the West which it absurdly claims to defend. It IS a permanent source of tension and polarization in southern Africa, contributing towards turning it into one or more areas for East-West confrontation, to the detriment of the freedom of the peoples of the, area. :rhese Sout~ African acts. of aggression must stop ImmedIately. The ~lIegal occ~patl?n of Namibia must cease at once so that It can achIeve Its independence forthwith and so ~at all coun~ies .J the region fre"!! at last from the tensions of war, Its burdens and c~mmitments, may devote themselves, in favourable circumstances, to the just cause of their own development and to the authentic expression of their national existence in independence and sovereignty. 41. In the Middle East a succession of crises bears w,it- ness to the deterioration of the general situation. The IS- sues rel?t::-g to the future of the Palestinian people, that is to say, 10: the creation of the State of Palestine, and to the conciii'i~~s th?:, exist in the occupied Arab territories, seem t.o pa:rpetuate themselves. Furthermore, we have had to witness the aggression against the nuclear reactor of Tamuz and the renewed aggression against the territory of Lebanon. 42. I~ the face of such a worsening of the sitilation~ it beCOInI;:S more and more urgent to implement the resolu- tions of the United Nations that reflect the international consensus regarding the search for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. My Government firmly holds to the proposition that the conditionS' indispensable for peace are tu~ complete withdrawal. of occup~tion forces fr0":l ,all Arab territories; the exercise of the nght of the Palestmlan people to return to Palestine and ,;)Cognition of their right to self-detennination, independence and sovereignty; the participation of the Pale~ti~e Liberation <?~ganization [PLO] in the peace negotIations; the recogmtion of the right of all States in the region to Jive in peace within recognized borders. 43. The absence 'Of a comprehensive solution helps to increase tension and provokes localized crises. By the same token, it lessens the possibility of resorting to means for a peaceful solution provided for in the Charter and leads to further violation of its principles. The attack on the nuclear plant in Iraq comes within this context. Desp5te the attempt made to ,classify th~s act as "preemp- 44. Although the position and reactions of my Govern- ment in this case h.ave already been expressed, I should like to reaffirm our solidarity with the Government and people of Iraq in the face of the act of aggression they have suffered, in violation oftheir sovereignty. Moreover, I cannot fail to convey the anxiety we feel about the tur- moil and violence in Lebanon, which has so often been the victim of aggression. I reiterate our support for the preservation of the i~dependence, sovereignty and in~eg-, rity of Lebanon, which has ~ade such a great contnb~­ tion to· the progress of BrazIl through the efforts of Its emigrant sons. 45. I could not conclude my remarks on the Middle East without expressing my concern about the status of Jerusalem, particularly the steps most recently taken by the Israeli Administration regarding the Holy City. 46. Our position concerning-events in Afghanistan is clear, and coincides in essence with that of the broad ma- jority of the developing countries. We are opposed to the violation of the principles of non-interventiort and t~e self-detennination of peoples. We are equally in OppOSI- tion to the manipulation of domestic political conditions in a country in order to create a facade of legitimacy for acts which amount to foreign intervention. Legitimacy cannot be imposed from the outside, and any attempts in that direction only aggravate the situation they purport to resolve. Our support for these *principles is universal in scope. Any attempt to interfere in internal political pro- cesses in Asia, in Africa or in Latin America, as well as in Europe, will forever be, the object of unconcealed, open condemnation by the international community. 47., Looking back on the year just past, w.e ~e~ once again that events gi~e us no reason, to ~e ~ptImlstIc: Se- rious problems contmue to plague mternatlonal relations, due less to an inability to, balance them properly than to an absence of the political will to make use of the mecha- nismsdesigned to resolve them. In these circumstances, we should lose neither our confidence nor our analytical spirit, neither o~r creativity nor our real~sm. We rea~firm that the international system, to be both Just and effiCient, must allow ' for broad, effective and representative par- ticipation by the entire community of nations in the deci- sion-making process on world issues. We reiterate our re- spect for the United Nations Charter, for its purposes and principles, to be equally observed by all. We renew our pledge of confidence in the Organization under the Char- ter, for which there is no substitute as the, legally compe- tent instrument for the achievement of our highest ,aims. 48. Mr. President, I wish every success for the work of this thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly under your able guidance in dealing with the issues on our agenda. The Brazilian delegation will always stand ready to give you its best and most attentive co-operation to help make that success possible.

The Assembly will now hear, a statement by the President of the Republic of Venezuela. On behalf of the General. As- sembly, I have ,the honour to welcome His Excellency Mr. 51. I should also like to pay a cordial tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Riidiger von Wechmar, whose composure has earned him the affection and respect of the Organiza- tion. 52. I am also pleased to welcome Vanuatu, which this year participates in the work of the Organization, and with which Venezuela will work closely towards the com- mon objectives of peace, progress and social justice. 53. To me as a Venezuelan, and as Constitutional Presi- dent of Venezuela, addressing this gathering represents the embodiment of the admirable and grandiose foresight of The Liberator, Sim6n Bollvar, the 200th anniversary of whose birth we shall celebrate on 24 July 1983. 54. When Bollvar conceived the still unrealized dream of Latin American integration, of "forming a single na- tion from the entire New World", he wrote: "How beautiful it would be if the Isthmus of Panama were t, us what the Isthmus of Corinth is to the Greeksl Would to God that we may some day have the good fortune to convene there an august assembly of the representatives of republics, kingdoms and empires to deliberate upon the high interests of peace and of war with nations from three-quarters of the globe. This type of organization may come to pass in some happier period of our regeneration. . . ." I 55. Thirty-six years of United Nations life have led to the identification of its pathway, the consolidation of its perspectives and the evaluation of its achievements and failures. 56. Those years have seen much progress in terms of decolonization and the furthering of human rights. World political geography has a new design; the traditional great empires have disappeared. None the less, power politics, cruel and covert, have made themselves felt in the life of this institution, but the constant labour of the small coun- tries has given it an authentic being of its own. 57. The last decade bears witness to a. growing distor- tion of.the ends, purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, and the reality of a world in which the dizzy kaleidoscope of events damages thoseprinci- pIes. 58. Many peace-keeping efforts have been made in this forum, and we must overcome great difficulties for this institution to contribute effectively to the a,chievement of a true peace.- The evils threatening mankind are not invin- cible, and hope in the United Nations is fat',from van- quished. ., 60. The ideal of this Organization is to "save succeed- ing generations from the scourge of war". Article 4 of the Charter allows as Members only "peace-loving states". For the same reason, a collective security system was es- tablished to prevent and control aggression. 61. Yet aggression occurs frequently, shamelessly, un- disguisedly. Responses to such aggression are barely for- mal resolutions devoid of conC!'ete substance, or may sim- ply not even reach the level of operative recognition of the Organization, which often seems to have eyes so as not to see. 62. How long can this breach between principles and facts be maintained? 63. One of the bases of the United Nations is respect for the self-determination of peoples. Memorable General As- sembly resolutions have bravely and rightly developed that principle, but solemn words alone do not become practical effectiveness. 64. Manifest examples and subtle evidence of the ab- surd policy of blocs abound. On behalf of that policy of force, interventions occur with the intention of imposing or maintaining given poHtical regimes leaning towards one ideology or another, or intervention is threatened, to intimidate with the force of arms. 65. In 1945, the founding Members of the United Na- tions proclaimed our will "to employ international ma- chinery for the promotion of the economic and social ad- vancement of all peoples". 66. We committed ourselves "To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an eco- nomi~, social, cultural, or humanitarian character". 67. In that regard, reality has led us over very different and overwhelmingly opposed paths. 68. The gap between the more developed and the poorer countries has widened. Material resources of the latter group, usurped or acquired at ignoble cost, have served to develop the industrialized nations. 69. In his Encyclical of 14 September 1981, "Human Work", His Holiness John Paul 11 bravely denounced that deplorable reality: ". . . the highly industrialized countries, and even more the businesses that direct on a large scale the means of industrial productiofi(the companies referred to as multinational or transnational), fix the h!ghest possible prices for their products, while trying at the same time to fix the lowest possible prices for raw ma- terials or semi-manufactured. goods. This is one of the causes of an ever increasing disproportion between na- tional incomes. The gap between most of the richest ~ially if he himself wishes to obtain the highest pos- sible profits from the business which he runs (or from the businesses which he runs, in the case of a situation of 'socialized' ownership of the means of production)." He adds: ". . . it is respect for the objective rights of the worker-every kind of worker: manual or i,ntellectual, industrial or agricultural, etc.-that must constitute the adequate 9,nd fundamental criterion for shaping the whole economy, both on the level of the individual so- ciety and State and within the whole of the world eco- nomic policy and of the systems of international rela- tionships that derive from it." 70. Indifference, dehumanization and selfishness influ- ence those who refuse eVf;,n the most modest co-operation in reasonable plans for participation and for redistribution of wealth on the world level, adopting increasingly re- strictive policies protective of their own markets, using capital and technology to bend the sovereign will of others and not hesitating to disrupt institutions and Gov- ernments which oppose their designs of economic domi- nance. 71. A difficult world environment hinders the third world's efforts and the capacity of its individual nations to apply policies with a social content. 72. Our countries demand that perspectives of indepen- dent development be allowed; that our efforts be permit- ted to result in full and integral well-being. 73. In a year which has imparted many lessons, Vene- zuela presided over the Group of 77. The North-South dialogue faces difficult circumstances. Venezuela was honoured to host the High-Level Conference on.Economic Co-operation among Developing Countries, and to have our capital as reference point in the Programme of Action adopted [see AI361333]. That effort reinforces our soli- darity and we establish among ourselves the necessary principles of co-operation, self-confidence, equity and mutual benefit. 74. The Group of 77 considers the Programme and--its implementation as an effo~ at the collective restructuring of international economic relations, the establishment of a new international economic order, and a way for develop- ing nations to become aware of and apply their potential, exercising the prominent position which is theirs by right and showing that, through will and vision, the obstacles which stand in the way of a better future for all may be overcome. 75. The areas selected are strategic in the evolution of our societies and through them we seek a balanced ap- proach to handling our complementary attributes. 77. We aim at the operative levels, recognizing the global nature of the crisis and its solutions and seeking,a negotiating process which will commit the political wills of the participating nations. We know what is at stake and roust make the necessary decisions. It is nota matter of lapsing into transitory phases, nor of remaining therein. We must have clear objectives and programmes and carry out the required action until we achieve fair, sound and beneficial world relations. 78. The challenge assumes gigantic dimensions. If our efforts fail out of stubbornness or impermanence in deci- sion-making, we shall have exhausted the roads to nego- tiation and consultation and placed the United Nations system in a powerless vacuum. ... 79. We have waited as long as necessary to adopt deci- sions and to present them to this forum, the appropriate one in which all can participate equally in a debate on matters of general and fundamental interest. 80. Venezuela is honoured to have been invited to speak at the-highest level with countries of great political and economic importance, on the subject of international co- operation in its widest sense. We trust that at the forth- coming meeting in Cancun,,eMexico, the will to find solu- tions will prevail and be rapidly reflected in the global negotiations which the international community must un- dertake to regulate its economic relations. The presence in this Assembly of the representatives of participants at that meeting leads me to ask, on· my own behalf and-with permission of the Assembly-on behalf of all developing countries, that the dialogue live up to the objectives of the global negotiations process which we propose. 81. We must overcome the reticence confronting the North-South dialogue, reactivate it and impart to it a sub- stantial and operative content with clear objectives. Thus, within a period of months, we shall have launched a com- plete .revision of international economic relations in the North-South and South-South channels, recovering faith in our own collective future. 82. During this season Venezuela will end its chairman- ship of the Group of 77. We cannot judge our own ac- tions, but we made the greatest possible effort to be loyal to and worthy of the trust placed in us. We had 'made the same effort long before assuming chairmanship of the Group and we shall continue to do so in the future: our international actions are consistent with the democratic principles on which they are based and are not confined to the temporary presidency, with which we were hon- oured, of the Group of 77. 83. An African nation will soon replace Venezuela at the head of this Group. That encourages us to reflect on the understanding among Africa, Asia and Latin America in the context of the current world situation. The peoples of those three continents, with their similarities and dif- ferences, have a permanent vocation for. justice, liberty and peace~ 85. Concern for the Caribbean Basin's economic and so- cial development led the Governments of Canada, Mex- ico, the United States and my own Government to meet in Nassau last July. 86. The participating Governments issued a joint com- munique2 in which they restated their determination to continue efforts on behalf of the continuing, integral de- velopment of the area, with plans and priorities laid down by the countries of the area, free of military considera- t~ons or prior political conditions. 87. My country shares many problems and needs with the nations, of that Basin and supports them as far as its means and level of development allow., . 88. This co-operation effort is a move towards the new international economic order rather than the establishment of any particular relations in detriment of the North-South dialogue. Conscious of the size of this undertaking, we should like other Governments within or outside the re- gion to help those countries to achieve their national de- velopment. I extend this invitation to the Assembly. 89. ' No new international economic order can exist so long as colonialism endures. Since the cre'lltion of the United Nations my country has remained firmly anti-colo- nial in its policy, regardless of the centres of power in que$tion. 90. Confronted by coionialism, this Organization has comp!!~d with and will continue to further the struggle for the independence of peoples subjected to foreign dom- ination and should'be particularly energetic not only in the face of conventional colonialism, but also of new and subtle types of pressure of one State over another-new forms' of covert colonialism. , ' 91. Venezuela has been especially interested in the work of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea and hopes that that Conference, one of the most important held under the Organization's auspices, can fulfil next year the mandate which it received from the General Assembly in 1970. The Venezuelan people are very pleased that the Conference began its work in Ca- racas. 92. In Latin America and the Caribbean, we' also suffer . from problernsof colonialism or its vestiges, or 'Other types of foreign domiGation. 94. I hope that the day is not far off when the Latin American people of Puerto Rico take their place among us. We nurture this hope of all Latin Americans, in the conviction that it is for the people of Puerto Rico alone to determine their future. 95. The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries is one of the major organized expressions of the third world. Vene- zuela, as an observer of the Movement, shares the basic principles and objectives which inspire it. 96. We live in very difficult times. Tensions increase, and we return to a cold war which seems to spread and deepen. Extremists use terrorism as a we-apon to subju,. gate the will of the people. Human rights are violated day after day, not only by Government regimes, but'by organ- izations which share the common denominator ofpractis- ing violence. 97. In Africa, racism and the intervention of diverse poles of power fuel the flames of violence. Apartheid provokes indignation in the spirits of free men, and the United Nations has always condemned and stigmatized this practice. 98. The Middle East continues to be an explosive re- gion. No serious effort is m~de to terminate the conflict between Iraq and Iran. Lebanon continues to be martyred, and peace cannot be achieved nor kept until there is a global solution to the conflict accepted by all the parties involved and until the legitimate rights of both the Pcllestinian and Israeli peoples to live in peace and free- dom are recognized. 99. In Europe and North America, the neutron bomb is announced and the world recoils in justified !lOrrot Never has man felt so afraid of himself-of his destructive crea- tion, to state it paradoxically. 100. In Asia, foreign occupation' threatens the peace, sovereignty and independence of the countries of the le- gion. Afghanistan is pain writ in'red letters. 101. In Europe, the noise of tanks and boots reverber- ates and the silhouettes of missiles point in every direc~ tion. While Solidarity shakes the popUlar soul of Poland, the shadow of powerful manoeuvres huddles like a threat over that often-invaded country, whose people remain in- t~ct as such, in spite of successive dismemberments. 102. Sometimes it seems .that the United States and the Soviet Union feel themselves to be the owners of a world at whose creation they were absent, but whose hour of destruction they feel capable of imposing in an act of anti-gods. 105. The reaction could not be crueller or more fearful. The extreme right, rightly deprived of its ancestral priv- ileges, has unleashed a perverse series of terrorist actions, violating human rights in an attempt to recover its lost power and to impose a new dictatorship in its own inter- est. ' 106. The extreme left, nalying on the material backing of foreign countries, has also resorted to violence to at- tempt at any price to retain the abolition of social and economic injustice and to prevent the holding of free elec- tions from ending its opportunity. 107. The "ultras" attempt to erase any possibility of a political, democratic and civil centre. Neither side will allow itself to be counted, so as not to reveal its small- ness. 108. Unfortunately, some democratic countries have re- cently committed the error of attempting to impart an un- deserved respectability to groups devoted to terrorism and to play the game of those who see a moral equality be- tween the side that is making efforts to offer a political opening through elections leading to legal institutions, and the side that is undertaking efforts to prevent such a process. Believing that they are facilitating peace, they may institutionalize war on Central American soil. El Sal- vador could relive the tragedy of Spain. 109. My Government has offered support to the Govern- ment of President Napole6n Duarte on the basis of its solemn promise to allow the Salvadorian,people to elect their Government. This is done in support of freedom and peace, and not of any giver. tendency or group, as we do not wish to influence the internal affairs of that sister na- tion. 110. Venezuelans believe in and practise democracy. We do not attempt to impose our own values and concepts of society on anyone, but we know that freedom is the road of history. 111. We believe in pluralism, within and without. We believe in solidarity and international co-operation. We contributed to the foundation of OPEC and helped to make it a formidable instrument to guarantee a fair price for a rare, strategic and expensive energy resource. This was a first step, which pointed the way for weak and de- veloping countries. The road is open; traffic is invited. ... " 113. The wealth enjoyed and largely wasted by the 'in- dustrialized countries today is tied to the' systematic un- d~rvaluation of these resources, dating back many dec- ades. We received an unfair price and were almost expected t~ be grateful for it, as though it were a gener- ous gesture. 114. Oil is an example typical of the many adverse ef- fects of international economic relations based on the un- dervaluation of the developing world's resources and on poorly conceived a~d badly managed independence, as well as on the po,!:sible internal and international effects of the indefinite postponement.of"decisions related to the future evolution of those relations. 115. The situation is only partially resolved when new global responsibilities are imposed in the monetary or fi- nancial order. We must recall that constantly devalued for- eign exchange is of little real value, as are investment portfolio~ subject to the goodwill of nations receiving our investments in public debentures, if it is not recognized that our financial surplus, eminently circumstantial over the long term, also helps to maintain the levels of invest- ment, production and employptent through the placement of capital in productive sectors through credit and the im- portation of goods and services. 116. Current technological challenges continue to be motivated and justified in terms of costs, because of the revNuation of hydrocarbons. The time has not yet come when the contribution to the progress of humanity of a group of oil exporting countries can be objectively evalu- ated, although many developing countries consider the ex- perience 2S traumatic. , ,117. Recent events have proved us to be right. We have maintained that oil prices are not responsible for inflation and the West's economic crisis. For some time the in- crease in oil prices has been checked; the price has even dropped in some instances. But the inflationary process has not stopped, for the simple reason that it is the result of the economic policies of the various governments. 118. Venezuela, as a developing country, has been wil- ling to respond to calls for international solidarity. Our principles are devoid of selfishness, and our objectives of progress are not and never will be based on the'exploita- tion of the needs of others. 119. At the regional ~evel we took the initiative of invit- ing Mexico to participate in an Energy Co.operation Pro- gramme for Central American and Caribbean Countries, not only guaranteeing these nations a supply of oil and favourable terms of payment, but permitting 30 per cent of the oil bill to be converted into long-term (20-year) loans at minimum interest (2 per cent) if used for devel- opment plans, particularly the search for new sources of .energy..At the bilateral level, we have major co-operation programmes with countries of diverse socio-political ori- 120. The evolution of the developing countries' econo- mies depends both on their own efforts and on the exist- ence of favourable extemal conditions. They face today a series of outside pressures, as indicated by the financial problems pressing upon them. 121. The growing imbalance in developing countries' transactions-apart from the oil countries-with respect to the rest of the world during the seventies, has increased dramatically in the last two years. According to Intema- tional Monetary Fund calculations, the current account deficit in 1980 rose to $82 billion, as against $38 billion in 1978. Estimates for the current year indicate that the deficit will approach $100 billion. 122. The major factors invo]~!ed in this recent deteriora- tion were the erosion of the purchasing power of exports and the foreign exchange drain caused by the cost of for- eign debt. The recession in the industrialized countries and the emergence of protectionist pressures ~sulted in lower growth in exports and weakened prices for raw ma- terials. This was complicated by losses caused by intema- tional inflation and the adjustment of oil prices. Debt servicing further reduced the availability of foreign ex- change to finance the foreign cost of the development process. 123. Limitations imposed on growth by world im- balances were attenuated by resorting to foreign indebted- ness. During the last 10 years, the pending obligations of developing countries have multiplied more than sixfold: in 1980 they amounted to $370 billion. 124. In 1973, private financing accounted for more than 50 per c~nt of those countries' total liabilities, rising to 58 per cent by 1980. This dependency might have p..;ssibly been even greater without the active participation of OPEC in intemational financial co-operation. In contrast, the unfavourable attitude of the industrialized nations with respect to intemational aid helped create an even greater need for developing countries to seek assistance in private markets. 125. The vOlatility of exchange rates and deficiencies in the adjustItlent, creation and distribution of intemation~ liquidity caused by the lack of a real intemational mone- tary system constitute a set of problems in addition to those attributable to prevailing economic conditions and to structural deficiencies in the world economy, in which the third world-as reflected in the Brandt Report3-does not participate effectively in controlling its own develop- ment financing. 126. The major problems of social injustice, unemploy- ment, inflation, production, access of the developing world's manufactured goods to the industrialized nations' markets, the urgent need for women to participate in so- cial life, the increasing organized power of ~orkers and farmers, the need for development models, Mucational reform, cultural animation and the advance of sc~nce and 128. On 24 June 1981, a select group of SO men of science and the arts, winners of the Nobel Peace Prize and of the Nobel Prizes in literature, physics, chemistry, economics and medicine, made a dramatic call ". . . to retum to life tens of millions of human beings, dying of hunger and underdevelopment, victims of the political and intemational economic disorder currently prevailing", and concluded, optimistically, that "it is necessary, without delay, to choose, work, create and live in order to create life". 129. FAO, in making 16 October World Food Day, has attempted to emphasize the fact that man must become aware of the need for food security, intimately tied to agrarian social reform, the agricultural, productive and technological process, to the fair distribution of surpluses, to poverty, which is the main cause of hunger, and to intemational solidari~y. 130. We must tum again to the land, to agricultural growth within the positive social framework of integrated rural development, in a joint and sustained effort. Today, two thirds of the world's food comes from the United States, which supplies 50 per cent of the wheat, SO per cent of the com and 80 per cent of the soybeans required by the rest of mankind. As for cereals, three quarters of the world's population depend on the United States for their supplies. 131. The United States dominates "food power". The former French Minister of Agriculture, Mr. E. Pisani, has stated: "There are five ways of ruling the world: through arms, science, energy, minerals and food. In the first four sectors, the United States is neck and neck witb other Powers, but it dominates the world market in sta- . pIe foods (cereals, sugar andoilseens). This domination will grow, and the world imbalance will worsen". That fact increases the social and human responsibility of the United Stat.es in a world threatened by hunger. 132. The developing countries have been asked on sev- eral occasions to set as their objective an average yearly increase of 4 per cent in food and agricultural production. This goal has not yet been reached. In the 19708 the ef- fective increase was 3 per cent. These efforts must be constant and persistent, since imported food is very ex- pensive. For example, between 1967-1969 and 1976-1978 the volume of cereal imported by the weaker developing countries increased by only 14 per c~nt, but the prices nearly doubled, and the shipping costs increased four- fold. 133. Finally, it is worth pointing out that by the year 2000 foreign assistance for agriculture, according to the experts, should reach $10 billion. In contrast, the pro- gramme for the continuance of world military expenses currently amounts to $450 billion per yeat 135. First, the problems of Latin America should be solved by Latin Americans, without foreign interference, and without direct or indirect hemispheric or extra- hemis~heric intervention. " 136. Second, Latin America's position vis-a.-vis the world's great and serious problems should be autono- mous, and neither related to nor integrated with the inter- ests of bloc politics. 137. Third, Latin America should seek agreements with Africa and Asia in the framework of South-South co-oper- ation. 138. Fourth, 'Latin America should seek in.creasing agreements with Africa and Asia, both in adopting a common approach to problems in North-South relations and in assuming positions with respect to the many as- pects of the East-West confrontation. 139. Fifth, Latin America should seek with Africa and Asia the structural reform of international institutions to ensure democratic control of the international community. 140. The peoples of the third world have growing bar- gaining power and should use it to the maximum to bring about a new international order. 141. Venezuela and the countries of Latin America and the third world need a secure policy to strengthen our political independence, economic stability, cultural iden- tity and defence against possible aggression. 142. The present international order is the product of self-seeking nations which have grown old and worn themselves out exploiting us and of new Powers which only attempt to replace them in their negative role. 143. We are the vigorous expression of the world's youth, the powerful presence of the new age. This new age is growing up in the furrows of history, beautiful in its challenge, and, with God's help and the backing of our peoples, we will respond in greatness. 144-. At the founding of this Organization we pro- claimed the need to promote and encourage respect for human rights and for fundament~ freedoms for all with- out distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. We proclaimed those fervent and hopeful principles so that there should be no repetition of persecution and torture and the annihilation of human groups, or of disregard for the most elementary guarantees of dignified coexistence. 145. Yet political persecution, racial discrimination, re- ligious intolerance, open or concealed genocide, and the drug traffic continue and increase, with no effective pos- sibility of terminating these abuses and prosecuting those responsible. We have not been able to uproot terror and plant fIrm hope. 146. This is an Organization of "peace-loving coun- tries". In that spirit it was created, and in that spirit it should continue. That is the spirit that imbues Venezuela's foreign policy in all situations. 148. Those countries which openly trample on funda- mental human rights and torture, kill or C8l1se to disap- pear their presumed or real enemies are not lovers of peace. 149. Those countries which have built an unfair world which they have held for their own benefit for genera- tions, and which refuse to make the smallest changes to alleviate manifest injustice, are not lovers of peace. - 150. As President of a peaceful and united people, I again express my wishes for peace, a true peace, a peace without pitfalls. 151. The gap between the more developed and less de- veloped countries. cannot be maintained indefinitely. 152. It cannot be assumed th'ilt the dispossessed will for long accept with resignation their gradual and irreversible impoverishment. 153. The United Nations is the proper forum for the correction of existing wrongs through negotiation. I· wished to,be present at this thirty,;sixth session of the General Assembly to restate Venezuela's faith in this Or- ganization, and in peace and the hope of achieving peace. 154. We, the developing coli'ntries, constitute a majority in the United Nations, and our solidarity is our most for.. midable power resource. We hereby give notice that the powerful cannot be endlessly insatiable, nor can the poor and exploited be endlessly patient. 155. We all need peace to live in justice and liberty, and thus to make of love the highest ana most solid spir- itual and creative link among men and peoples.

On behalf of the General Assembly I thank Mr. Luis Herrera Campins, President of the Republic of Venezuela, for the important statement he has just made.

The United Nations, this parliament of man, offers us a unique oppor- tunity to examine the human condition. We are each called upon to declare our national purposes. We are all obligated to address those problems that obstruct the vi- sion of the Charter. 158. Let us begin with the vision. The Charter of the United Nations reflects cherished dreams of a world dis- tinguished by peaceful change and the resolution of inter- national disputes without resort to force. 159. The United States believes in these dreams. They offer the best chance of justice and progress for all man- kind. They promise a world hospitable to the values of our own society, including a certain idea of man as a creative and responsible individual, democracy and the rule of law. 160. The ideals of the United Nations are therefore also American ideals. The Charter embodies American princi- 162. As I make these comments I am reminded that an observer once said of this anrcual debate: "Every year . '. . a great and sacred orator . . . preaches before the assembly of nations a solemn sermon on the text of the Charter". Today, however, 1 would like to focus instead on an issue of compelling interest: international develop- ment. 163. International development reflects the worldwide search for economic progress, social justice and human dignity. Short of war itself, no other issue before us will affect more people, for good or ill, than this search. And peace itself cannot be truly secured if the aspirations of mankind to a better life are frustrated. 164. Development is therefore an enduring issue. It has preoccupied the United Nations from the beginning. It will survive the agenda of this Assembly and.every As- sembly far into the future. And although great progress has been made we face today a crucial choice of strategy that will dramatically affect the prospects for future suc- cess. 165. Since the Second World War the progress of devel- opment has been uneven but none the less widespread. Enormous economic growth has been registered: for ex- ample, in the last three decades average incomes have ac- tually doubled. There have also been great advances in health. Life expectancy has increased dramatically even in the poorest countries and infant mortality has been re- duced. 166. This experience, however, has not been fully shared by all countries and the prospect for the future is now clouded by recent trends. '167. The pattern of increasing economic growth, critical for development, has been slowed by inflation, high en- ergy p:l.ices, severe balance-of-payments problems, heavy debt and slower growth of markets. Political turmoil and instability _have diverted precious resources into arms and conflict. 'the necessary synthesis of traditional values and modernization, never easy to achieve, has grown more difficult under the impact of accelerating change. 168. Let us disPense with illusions. We must choose to- day between two futures: a future of sustainable growth, an expansion of world trade and a reduction of poverty; and a future of economic stagnation, _rising protectionism and the spread of poverty. As the World Bank has put it, "By the end of the century, the difference between the two cases amounts to some 220 million more absolutely poor people". 169. Clearly, our task is to give a fresh ~mpetus to de- velopment by devising a new strategy for gtqwth. Such a strategy begins by recognizing the highly c9mplex and difficult situation we face. '. 171. The middle tier developing countries have made significant progress. Nevertheless, they still suffer from widespread poverty. They are also acutely vulnerable to any economic downturn, especially in volatile commodity markets, because of their narrow range of .exports. These countries need foreign capital and assistance in develop- ing the experience and credit-worthiness to borrow on in- ternational capital markets. Technical support and man- power training are important to ensure that their populations are both productive and competitive. They also need an open international trading system to encour- age export development. 172. The more advanced of the developing countries are able to maintain living standards and economic perform- ance comparable to What some of today's industrialized countries achieved less than a generation ago. Their fur- ther development is sustained best by a strong interna- tional economy with an open capital and trading system. They must be able to pursue national policies that take advantage of the international opportunities and foster do- mestic adjustment. These countries also play a key role in helping poorer nations, both directly and as policy models. 173. The capital-surplus oil-exporting countries need a stable and prosperous international market for their oil ex- ports and a favourable environment in which to invest their financial assets and to develop their domestic econo- mies. The international system must continue to evolve to reflect the growing importance of these countries as they assume increasing responsibility for the management of that system and for assisting poorer nations. - 174. Finally, the industrialized countries are today suf- fering from low rates of growth and: high rates of infla- tion. They are trying to increase savings and investment in order to create employment, improve the environment, eliminate pockets of poverty and adjust to the changing competitiveness of their exports. They must sell more abroad to pay for the increased cost of imported energy. 175. In a slowly growing world these complex and di- verse requirements would become potent sources of con- flict. But the struggle for the world product can be avoided. The international economy can help all countries to achieve their objectives through a strategy of growth which creates the resources and the employment needed for progress. This cannot be the task of a single nation. As the report of the Independent Commission on Interna- tional Development Issues, chaired by Willy Brandt, has pointed out: '~bove all, the achievement of economic growth in one country depends increasingly on the per- formance of others".4 176. It is on this view of a differentiated and interde- pendent world that we must build a new strategy for ITIo. First, development is facilitated by an open inter- nation~ trading system. Developed and developing coun- tries fo,ether face the challenge of strengthening GATT and the international trading system to create mutual ex- port opportunities for all. 178. Today the trading system is under enonnous stress-rising protectionist pressures, new and subtle types of import barriers, restrictive bilateral arrangements, export subsidies and investment policies which distort trade. These are especially troublesome in a period of slow growth. Unless they are reduced or eliminate.d the international trading system will be seriously weakened. Such a setback to the world economy would inflict the most suffering on the developing countries. 179. The industrialized countries have a special respon- sibility to work for a more open trading system with im- proved rules. We also look to the more successful devel- oping countries to play a fuller role in strengthening the trading system. It will be difficult for each of our coun- tries individually to open markets further unless we are committed to doing so collectively. 180. For our part, the United States has long supported open markets. Despite current complications, America re- mains a strong advocate of free trade. Although our gross national product is only one third of the Western indus- trialized group's total, the United States imports roughly one half of all manufactured goods exported by develop- ing cQuntries.. Earnings of developing countries not mem- bers of OPEC from exports to the United States amount . to some $60 billion-more than double the foreign aid coming from all Western developed countries. 181. We call upon all members of the international community to jom in resisting the growth of protec- tionism. Developing nations must have the greatest possi- ble opportunity to sell their commodities and manufac- tured products. Let us also work together to achieve a successful conclusion of the multifibre agreement. 182. A dynamic and successful trading system requires a smoothly functioning international financial system. We must therefore continue to work with other countries to encourage their support for IMF and their constructive participation in the Fund's programmes to facilitate adjust- ment. We will continue to co-operate with our developing country colleagues to strengthen the Fund. We share the view that the responsibilities of the developing countries should be increased to keep pace with their growing eco- nomic importance. 183. Secondly, foreign assistance coupled with sound domestic policy and self-help can facilitate the develop- ment process. The United States has long believed in as- sistance as an effective tool in helping to promote devel- opment. Over the last three decades the United States has given more than $130 billion in concessional assistance; over the last decade alone the total has exceeded $50 bil- lion; In 1980 the American people provided $7.1 billion, almost twice as much as any other~onor. 185. We recognize that many of the poorer developing countries must continue to rely heavily on concessional assistance for some time to come. Moreover, certain kinds of vital development programmes will not pay ~he quick and direct financial returns needed to attract private capi- tal. For this reason a continuing bilateral assistance pro- gramme and continuing support for ,the multilateral banks will be essential. 186. Given today's economic conditions and the limita- tion on aid budgets in many countries, it is especially important that concessional assistance be utilized as effec- tively as possible; that it focus on countries which need it most and which use it best; and that it be a more effective catalyst for mobilizing other foreign and domestic re- sources. We must also recognize that a strategy for growth that depends on a massive increase in the transfer of resources from the developed to the developing coun- tries is simply unrealistic. IT \ 187. Thirdly, regional co-operation and bilateral con- sultations can be effective in promoting development. The United States is working with other regional States to pro- mote economic progress in the Caribbean area. We are convinced th~t the example of tC1e recent multinational co- operation in the case of Jamaica and the broader Carib- bean Basin initiative holds promise for other regions. 188. We are already committed to a close working rela- tionship with the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN]. We have benefited considerably from a better understanding of ASEAN's views on multilateral issues and on ways to strengthen our bilateral commercial ties. The United States-ASEAN Business Council is a model of how our private sectors can work together for mutual benefit. 189. In Africa we look forward to a close working rela- tionship with the Economic Community of West African States as it attempts to strengthen economic ties. within the regmn. Constructive consultations on trade and invest- ment issues have already occurred. We believe that mutu- ally beneficial co-operation can be strengthened to our common benefit. Similar consultations with the develop- ing countries of southern Africa are desirable. We have a strong interest in the economic health and stability of those nations. Commercial relationships, along with for- eign assistance, will help us to attain that objective. '190. The United States has also worked with the capital surplUS members of OPEC on bot~ a bilateral and a mul- tilateral basis. We have been able to combine resources to attack development problems of common interest, such as food prodllction:. This co-operation should be continued and expanded. 192. In all of these cases the United States recognizes the need to be sensitive to the diverse character of the societies .involved and to the international circumstances in which develop~ent must occur. 193. Fourthly, growth for development is best achieved through reliance on incentives for individual economic performance. The individual is the beginning, the key el- ement and the ultimate beneficiary of the development process. The greatest potential for development lies in the hard work and ingenuity of the farmer, the worker and the entrepreneur. They need incentives to produce and the op- portunity to benefit from their labours. 194. Suppression of economic incentives ultimately sup- presses enthusiasm and invention, and the denial of per- sonal freedom can be as great an obstacle to pJ:Cductivity as the deni~ of reward for achievement. 195. History cautions against regimes that regiment their people in the- name of ideals, yet fail to achieve either economic or social progress. Those Govemments that have been more solicitous of the liberties of their people have also been more successful in securing both freedom and prosperity. 196. The United States can offer what it knows best from its own experience. We have seen that policies which encourage private initiatives will promote better re- source. allocation and more rapid economic growth. Within a framework basically hospitable to market incen- tives, foreign private investment can supplement indige- nous investment and contribute significantly to develop- ment. . 197. But our goal is not to impose either our economic values or our judgements on anyone. In the final analysis, each country's path to development will be shaped by its own history, philosophy and interests. 198. Fifthly, development reqUires a certain measure of security and political stability. Political insecurity is a ma- jor barrier to development. Fear and uncertainty stifle the productivity of the individual. Scarce resources are squan- dered in conflict.. 199. The close relationship between security and devel- opment cannot be ignored. We are therefore committed to maintain and, where possible, to increase programmes es- sential to deter international aggression and to provide the domestic security necessary to carry out sound economic programmes. We have no intention of providing foreign assistance,· moral comfort or the prestige of international platforms to countries that foster intemational violence. ~ ~ 200.. The United Nations has a key role to 'play in re- solving conflict and promoting international sta~ility. We welcome the Secretary-General's efforts to promote inter- 201. One of the greatest dangers to the Charter today and to development itself is the wilful violation of the national integrity of both Afghanistan and Cambodia by the Soviet Union and Viet Nam. Their behaviour chal- lenges the basic rights of all sovereign States. The world's hopes for peace, for security and for development will be jeopardized if "might makes right" becomes the law of nations. 202. The United States will.continue to support security and stability as essential to progress. This is the basis of our active and continUing efforts to strengthen and expand the cease-fire in southern Lebanon. We shall also assist the negotiations specified by Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) in order to bring a just- and lasting peace to the Middle East. Our policy. is to remain a credible and reliable party in the negotiations to bring independence to Namibia on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and in a fashion acceptable to both the nations concerned and the international community. - . 203. The United States also believes that efforts to con- trol arms either among regional States or between super- Powers can make'an important contribution to the security that facilitates development. But these efforts do not oc- cur in a vacuum. The international community has tended over the years to overestimate the beneficial effects of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SAlT] in dampening re- gional conflict. We have also tended to underestimate the impact of such conflict on the negotiations themselves. 204. The United States is strongly committed to bal- anced and verifiable arms control. We are equally com- mitted to the peaceful resolution of regional disputes. Clearly the restraint implied by anns control must become a more widespread phenomenon if such agreements are, to survive and to make their proper contribution to .a more secure environment for development. 205. The United States is confident that a strategy for growth guided by these principles can succeed. We be- lie'Ve that three areas of action deserve immediate interna- tional attention. 206. The first is a global expansion of trade. Plans could·be formUlated for the 1982 GATT ministerial meet- ing with special concerns of growth in mind. A major priority should be to integrate more fully_ ~e developing . countries into the intemational trading system on the basis of sharP.d resp'onsibilities and sharP.d benefits. 207. The second area is an increase in investment. Our common objective should be to stimulate domestic and international private investment. We must encourage and support the individual investor. 208. The third is stronger international co-operation in food and in energy. The recent United' Nations Con- ference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy recom- mended that the developing countries be assisted in as- 209. .Domestic and international action must also go hand 'ill hand to achieve food security. The United States continues to be the largest donor of food aid and places a paramount emphasis on its bilateral programme to help developing countries increase food production. Greater at- tention should also be 'given to scientific and technologi- cal research that will yield more bountiful food supplies. 210. I have outlined today the broad principles that guide America's approach to a new strategy for growth. In the immediate future, and prior to the Cancun meeting, we will announce specific proposals to deal with this and other issues of development. 211. These broad principles reflect our view that the United States can and indeed will continue to make an essential contribution to the process of development. We do not claim to have, all the answers, but we believe that our collective responsibilities for the future allow no more time to be lost in sterile debate and unrealistic demands. The time has come for a reasoned dialogue with promise for the future. 212. The search for economic progress, social justice and human dignity has been supported by the American people, themselves an example of successful develop- ment. Our initiatives and resources, through bilateral pro': grammes, the United Nations and other multilateral agen- c~es,have made major contributions to the.·process of modernization throughout the world. For the United States, support of development constitutes 'a practical im- , perative. 213. At the Ottawa meeting the United States reaffinned its willingness to join its partners in exploring all avenues of consultation and co-operation with developing coun- tries. In October President Reagan will go to the meeting in Cancun.· He looks forward to a genuine and open ex- change of views on questions of e~onomic development and international co-operation. That meeting offers a novel opportunity to gain fresh understandings of the problems we face together. The United States will join in a constructive and co-operative spirit. Our objective is to bring about a new era of growth. But the purpose of both growth and development goes beyond simple materialism. As Winston Churchill said: ..Human beings and human societies are not strUctures that are built, or machines that are forged. They are plants that grow and must be treated as such". 214. Despite the difficulties of the moment, we should go forward in a spirit of optimism. We have the vision bequeathed to us by this Charter. We have the potential of all the peoples represented in this Hall. Let us go forward together to achieve a new era of growth for all mankind.

I wish to congratulate you" Sir, on your election as President of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. This session takes place at an importr ,it moment in international affairs. 1 believe you will enSUi J that it achieves signifi~ant and lasting re- 216. I should also like to join other speakers'in welcom- ing Vanuatu, a'Pacific partner and fellow Commonwealth member, as a Member of this Organization. I had the good fortune to pay a visit to Vila in August, when Van- uatu hosted the South Pacific Forum. 217. Australia's relationships with 3ts Pacific neighbours continue to expand. So too do our relationsJlipswith other neighbouring countries in South and South-East Asia. In- deed. Al!stralia is perhaps unique among the developed countries, being in a region otherwise populated by coun- tries in and of the third world-which brings me to the main theme of this statement, the North-South dialogue. 218. I am aware, of course, of the vast range of issues before this Assembly, many of which demand our imme- diate and earnest consideration. In the coming weeks our delegation will be making Australia's attitude on these is- sues known. However, today I will concentrate on the North-South dialogue. We have reached an, important stage in relations between developed and developing countries and we must be prepared to make genuine pro- gress. 219. Australia would welcome progress. We do not seek change simply for its own sake. Our belief in the need for change stems from 'our convicfton that new attitudes and new arrangements and, above all, a new commitment are needed to tackle the most fundal1lental problegls of the present international economic system. We believe, that merely preserving the status quo is not enough and that all nations will gain from a growing and more integrated world economy. 220. Over the last seven years a number of significant declarations have been made under the auspices of the United Nations. Many of these resolutions are landmarks in the search for a new basis for international co-opera- tion. Unfortunately, we have so far found it very difficult to put the spirit of them into practice. Rhetoric, conflict and division have characterized debate over North-South issues. Nevertheless, there have been some encouraging developments-notably the agreement to set up the Com- mon Fund for Commodities and the creation of the Inter- national Fund for Agricultural Development. The need to manage the growing interdependence of States demands lhat we do much more. 221. If the North-South dialogue is managed effectively and in a spirit of co-operation and compromise the inter- national economic system will be able to make necessary and equitable adjustments. We can avoid serious disrup- tions, which would be damaging for developed and devel- oping countries alike. 222. To do that we need to understand the consequences of greater interdependence; Recognition of interdepen- dence is essential, not only for prosperity, but also for long-term peace and security., Nations cannot put up the shutters, and attempt' to live in self-imposed isolation. We must resppnd I)ot only to the demands of our own na- tional communities but to those of the world as a whole. 224. In Australia's view, genuine progress in North- .~outh questions will only be achieved if we acknowledge fully some of the realities of the international economy. We should recognize that the major industrialized coun- tries of the North will be asked to carry the biggest share of the burden. Those economies generate the vast major- ity of the world's wealth and clearly, any setbacks they suffer will be felt far beyond their own borders. The fact is that the prospects for the peoples of the world's less developed nations hinge largely on the economic fortunes of those motor economies. In looking at how progress can be made in the North-South dialogue, we must not lose sight of the stake all nations have in a strong and dynamic international economic system. 225. Australia's recent economic performance is in con- trast to that of most of the other industrialiied nations. We have made real progress in fighting some of the most intractable economic problems. I suggest it is worthwhile to examine how we have done it. In mentioning Aus- tralia's distinctive economic performance, I am aware that within the market economies different economic strategies will have to be used, as appropriate, to produce the re- sults both North and South are looking for. Over the last decade Australia has used two strategies, with very differ- ent .results. 226. We initially looked to government to provide the solution to our economic problems, in the expectation that government could provide a comprehensive shelter from the harsh economic realities of the times. Rapid growth of government spending and relaxation of restraints on the money supply were tl'3nslated directly into unacceptably high levels of inflation. The damage to employment and investment was immmediate and severe. 227. We subsequently chose the alternative of fighting inflation as a first priority, restricting government spend- ing, cutting back government deficits and making careful use of monetary policy. That strategy has resulted in a significant reduction in inflation and unemployment, higher rates of growth and'a greater inflow of the overseas capital so vital to the development of our national re- sources. 228. But Australia recognizes that for progress to be made in the North-South dialogue industrialized nations must do more than simply use whmcver strategies they see fit to put their own houses in order. Those nations, whose participation will be vital to the success of any global round of negotiations, must be persuaded that on balance their domestic and external i~terests can be pre- served and indeed furthered. If we cannot do that we shall find, even though the negotiations may begin, that the process will constantly be pl~ced in jecpardy because the expectations exceed the results that are poUttcally possible or economically feasible. If the process of t6lobal negotiau tions is to.be resumed in the most promis~~ context we should all carefully review our demands and~xpectations, in terms not only of what can be achieved but,.also of the time-scale which might be necessary. We must devise 229. In "'~y event, Governments alone cannot cre~ the climate of international prosperity which will be neces- sary if we are to achieve the goals of the North-South dialogue. The potential contribution of the private sector must be recognize.d and it must be given the 0PiKl't1Unity to participate. We are sure that the global negoticmons process, conducted in a multilateral framework, will be able to provide a mle for the private sector. Our approach to global negotiations must embrace all aspects of eco- nomic endeavour. 230. The problems of a difficult w~d economic situa- tion have not prevented the efforts of member countries to get North-South co-operation moving again. Recent meet- ings in Caracas, Ottawa, Nairobi, Cancun and Paris have held out some prospect of progress. 231. In a few days time there will be an opportunity to review the state of North-South relations when the bien- nial meeting of the Commonwealth Heads of Government takes place in Australia. I am aware that non-Common- wealth Members of the General Assembly may not be fully aware of the role and function of the .Common- wealth. 232. The notion of the Commonwealth as a colonial rel- ic has now been well aI)d trUly dispelled. The modem Commonwealth has been responsive to the needs and as- pirations of its members. Moreover, it has made several important contributionlli to the international community, including arrangements for ffilijOrity rule in Zimbabwe and support for establishment of the Common Fund. 233. The Commonwealth has some distinct advantages as a forum for the consideration of North,.;South issues. Over a quarter of the States represented here today are members of the Commonwealth. It include~ major indus- trialized States, newly industrializing States, least devel- oped countries, island developing States and oil-exporting developing States. Its frank 3lld informal way of workin,g has helped build consensus among its members< 234. The Commonwealth Heads of Governmen~Meeting will be considering many of the subjects before h~is As- sembly. It wi11 take up the questions of decoloni~tion and racism in Africa, particularJy as they relate to Namibia and South Africa; ~ Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and the Vietnamese occupation of Kanl- puchea; arms control and disarmament; the Indian'Ocean: human rights; and the law of the sea. Nevertheless, a principal focus of the meeting will be the present state of North-South relations. Discussions with participating Heads of Government have indicated that special attention will be given to food and food security, trade and indus- trialization, international financial questions and energy. 235. Commonwealth leaders' will bavethe opportunity to examine those matters at that meeting, which comes shortly before the North-South summit meeting to be held in Mexico. in October. They have indicated that they wish to do so, and I am confident that the results of iIlat ~view will make a positive contribution to the work of nations attending the meeting in Cancun and to the work of this Assembly. 237. I should now like to make some specific comments on the principal issues on the North-South agenda. 238. One of the most pressing problems facing the de- veloping countries is food production and food security. Clearly, the only long-term solution lies in the developing countries increasing their own production, through in- creased investment in agriculture and the adoption of ap- propriate national food strategies. (\- 239. There is also a need for international measures which will assist world food security in both the short and long terms. Australia has consistently supported such measures. They include increased food grain aid commit- ments to meet the World Food Conference target of to million tonnes per year and a concerted effort to reach agreement on the replenishment of the International Fund for Agricultural Development. I also believ~ that a signifi- cant contribution could be made to world food security by the negotiation of an international grain agreement, with economic provisions which would safeguard the common interests of both exporting and importing countries while recognizing the special needs of developing countries. 240. In recognition of the continuing need of developing countries, Australia recently announced a number of ini- tintives relating to food security. Those include an in- crease in food aid to over $US 120 million this financial year and the establishment of an Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research. The principal aim of the Centre will be to contribute to the solution of agri- cultural problems in developing countries. A trust fund will be established for the Centre with an initial commit- ment of $US 28 million over four years. 241. The general situation in world trade is particularly difficUlt. Economic difficulties in the major world econo- mies have gone hand in hand with mounting protectionist pressures. Some form of protection is now applied to al- most 30 per cent of world trade. 242. The developing countrie~ are having an increasing impact on world trade. Their exports continue to increase more rapidly than the world average and they are the fast- est growing importers of the products of the major indus- trialized countries. 243. Increased opportunities for trade offer the most ef- fective means to bring greater prosperity to the develop- ing countries. However, the prospect of increased protec- tionism, when coupled with the significant deterioration in the terms of trade of non-oil developing countries as a group, means that the outlook of those countries is in- creasingly uncertain. 244. Despite the achievements of the last global round, the multilateral trade negotiations still left the developing countries facing higher levels of protection than the indus- trialized countries. The position has continued to deterio- 245. There is another angle to all this. To the extent that both the North and the South stand to benefit from im::, proved world economic conditions and higher levels of North-South trade, it can be shown that the participants in North-South dialogue are not necessarily participants in a "zero-sum game". There does not have to be a winner . and a loser. The gains from higher levels of trade are shared by both importer and exporter, by both North and South. That is an aspect which could be given more at- tention than it has in the past. 246. There is an urgent need for international bodies to consider ways and means of better accommodating devel- oping countries within the intematiobal trading system. Both the global negotiations, when they take place, and the forthcoming GATT meeting of trade ministers should address that issue. 247. Important contributions can also be made in the field of commodities. Commodity trade is fundamental to the well-being of the developing countries and price sta- bilization alone will not provide the means to greater prosperity. There is only limited scope for the introduc- tion of buffer-stock finance schemes and these are not ap- propriate for all commodities. Other aspects of the UNCTAD Jntegrated Programme for Commodities must be seriously. explored. In that cOI)text special attention should be given to the scope for increasing commodity processing within commodity-exporting ,countries. 248. We are all aware of the severe problems of higher energy prices for non-oil-producing developing countries. Although national Governments themselves must intro- duce energy policies -aimed at encouraging conservation, conversion and development of new resources, the inter- national community again can play an important part. 249. The United Nations Conference on New and Re- newable Sources of Energy, held in Nairobi, was able to demonstrate that the United Nations could make a posi- tive contribution to the discussion of energy matters. It also highlighted some of the special problems of develop- ing countries, including the supply of the most ancient of energy sources-fuel wood. The international community must address these critical prob!em~, while not neglecting the needs of all countries for conventional fuels. Meas- ures to implement the Programme of Action adopted by the Conferences must now be taken. For -its part, Aus- tralia has agreed to support financial proposals from that Programme. 250. Australia supports the establishment of the pro- posed World Bank energy affiliate to develop new sources of oil supply and to promote the use of alternative energy sources. However, greater lending for those purposes should not be delayed until some new body is established. We therefore welcome the recent increase in energy lend- ing by the World 13ank. 251. The debt ~ituation for many countries now imposes a severe burden. High energy costs, inflation, steep in- 252. Australia welcomes the response so far by IMF to iliese difficult problems which confront the developing countries. The IMF has shown flexibility in its approach and has made an important contribution to the recycling process. Australia supports soundly based improvements in the Fund which will benefit developing countries. The new enlarged access to the Fund's resources, the estab- lishment of a food facility and an interest subsidy account are innovative and important developments. 253. There remains a need for the Fund to continue to adapt its activities to changing circumstances. Australia would support increased IMF capacity to assist the finan- cing and adjustment of large financial deficits and in that context welcomes the recently concluded borrowing agreements to assist in ensuring that adequate resources are made available to countries in balance of payments difficulties. . 254. Australia recognizes the importance of industrial- ization for the developing countries. Industrialization pro- vides the main avenue for achieving rapid economic growth, improved employment opportunities and higher standards of living. Sound, practical economic measures, tailored to the resource endowments and capabilities of each country, are necessary. Recent years have seen pro- gress in those areas, with contributions from UNIDO and the regional commissions and the development banks. 255. Australia is also concerned with the related prob- lems of protection and structural adjustment. These raise complex issues for all countries and Australia is no ~x­ ception-though on a per capita basis we are already a major importer of manufactured goods from developing countries. The Australian Government has recently Com- missioned an independent inquiry into our domestic tariff arrangements. The objective of that inquiry, which is to be completed within six months, is to identify possible measures for further general reductions in long-term pro- tection levels. 256. Official development assistance remains an impor- tant instrument for growth. It is particularly effective when provided in support of domestic efforts and policies designed to promote self-reliant development. 257. Australia has recently increased its aid programme substantially to just under three quarters of a billion United States dollars in the current Australian financial year. The increase planned for the present financial year of more than $US 110 million is evidence of our accept- ance, of official development assistance as a key element in the North-South dialogue. It will allow us to undertake various important new practical initiatives in the main areas of North-South discussion, such as food, energy and international finance. ", 258. The outcome of the recent United Nations Con- ference on the Least Developed Countries recently held in 259. In the coming year we shall be increasing our con- tributions to UNDP, UNFPA and UNICEF. Similar sub- stantial increases are programmed in our contributions to UNHCR and UNRWA. Australia ranked ninth among the countries to announce contributions at the International Conference on Assistance to Refugees in Africa held ear- lier this year. Our food aid allocations are increasingly being directed to the famine and emergency situations which have arisen in Africa. 260. Australia, with other developed countries, sup- ported the principle of economic co-operation among de- veloping countries at the fifth session of UNCTAD in 1979. We welcome the potential identified by the Caracas South-South meeting In8t May for practical co-operation among developing countries in a wide range of economic areas. We are hopeful that South-South co-,operation will develop in a way which is complementary to the achieve- ment of improved relations between North and South. 261. I wish to refer also to the United Nations Con- ference on the Law of the Sea, which is drafting a legal regime to cover the resources of the oceans. The interna- tional ,community has worked in close,co-operation for almost a decade to finalize that new legal regime, which places great emphasis on equity and international re- source-sharing. It is my Government's sincere hope that next year a convention on the law of the sea, enjoying widespread slLlpport, may be opened for signature. I be- lieve that would be a major demonstration of what may be achieved by co-operation between developed and develop- ing countries. 262. I have today focused attention on Australia's inter- ests in the achievement of progress in the North-South dialogue. We must not lose the opportunity we have this year to make a historic contribution to progress in North- South questions. Let us hope that the summit meeting of Heads of Government in Cancun and the Commonwealth meeting will be able to provide a new momentum and a new commitment to the progress towards an effective global dialogue. Let us also recognize that a global round, to be effective, must allow for the participation of all interested countdeJ. All Member States must be per- suaded that their interests will be protected and that they will have the opportunity to contribute in a real way to the process of negotiation;' The United Nations must have a major role in the process. 263. The world community bas only, one universal body, the United Nations. The Organization has its limita- tions. It has its shortcomings. But we will have to work witt;in its framework and capitalize on its possibilities if we are to achieve a fundamental and long-lasting recon- ciliation of the interests of developed and developing countries. The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m. 2 See U.S. Department of State Bulletin, Vo!. 81, No. 20S4 (Septem- ber 1981~, pp. 68-70. "Ibid., p. 33. , See Report of the United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.8l.I.24), Chap. I, sect. A. ..