A/36/PV.6 General Assembly

May I begin by con- gratulating you, Mr. President, on your assumption this year of the weighty office that you hold. 2. Foremost in my thoughts, as I again have the great honour of addressing this Assembly, are the enormous hopes that the world's peoples have had of this Organiza- tion. These hopes have constantly had to confront the grave problems and dangers that continue to threaten world peace and security and to divide the nations of the world. But I am also conscious of the accomplishments of the United Nations in the past 40 years in advancing some of our common aspirations. There is progress to- wards greater equity in economic opportunity. We have avoided generalized world conflict. Appalling wars have occurred, but they have been contained. The United Na- tions role in these achievements is especially significant when we consider the limitations that we, as Member States, have placed on its capacity to act. 3. I congratulate our Secretary-General on his own tire- less efforts over the years. I wish particularly to place in review today the notion of the United Nations place in world affairs because I am very conscious of the fact that it is almost 20 years exactly since one of the Secretary- General's forerunners, the great Dag HammarskjOld, was killed, in the service of world peace and of our Organiza- tion. . 4. The sort of world problems that existed 20 years ago are a gauge for measuring how far we have come, if in- deed we have come any distance at all, in our search for the truly better world that we were then after. A simple judgement is not easy. The world was dangerous then and it is dangerous now. But some of the dangers today are different than they were in 1961. It requires adaptation on the part of the States Members of the Organization to deal with them. We are entitled to ask whether it is not be- cause of difficulties in adapting. the Organization to change, as well as the restrictions that we· ha~e placed in NEY YORK it, that the United Nations impact on world problems has not been greater. 5. Not all of today's problems are different. Sadly, some of the problems then are still with us today-white mi- ,ority domination in South Africa, for example, and South Africa's continued occupation of Namibia,. or the seemingly intractable problems of the Middle East. Others have appeared to work their way back into our preoccupa- tions, such as features of East-West competition that for a time had receded from the forefront of our attention. 6. But, whatever the problems, there is a constant need to adapt to change. As I emphasized here at last year's session [4th meeting], change is natural and inevitable. Our greatest challenge is to adapt to that change, not to resist it. 7. Many of us here are meliorists, who hold that we can encourage change for the better and that the role of the Organization is central to the promotion of a better life for all the world's inhabitants. But even if we were not thus optimistic, we would still wish the United Nations to be effective in dealing with the problems that are within its mandate and in changing to cope with threats in the world today. 8. Dag HammarskjOld died in 1961, along with other devoted members of the United Nations Secretariat,. to whom I also pay homage, in an attempt to assist the pro- gress of decolonization in Africa, to preserve the ter- ritorial integrity of a newly independent State and to resist the designs of countries and interests from there and else- where which, for reasons of self-interest or nostalgia, meant to subvert the changes which were taking place. I think that Hammarskjold died with a vision of the United Nations peace-making and peace-keeping capability which was resisted then and which has been ;resisted since. But at least the process of political decolonization which seized our attention in those years has now been virtually completed. And, while I ask myself how many newly in- dependent States enjoy today the sort of economic and political security and opportunity which they so bravely expected at the outset of their struggle for independence, it is perhaps illusory to tie their development to the no- tion of national independence. Self-determination, yes; but in 1981 we are much more deeply conscious of our global interdependence-the interdependence of States, of economies, of peoples and of dangers. 9. Economically, our interdependence is more authen- tically reciprocal. Twenty years ago the economic rela- tionships between North and South were much more those of the classical form of colonial dependence. The idea that most industrialized countries of the world would by now be purchasing 30 and 40 per cent of their imported manufactured goods in developing countries would have A/36/PV.6 10. , There has been remarkable progress in the economic development of many developing countries since 1961. But still for many in the world the basic conditions of life are just as impoverished now as they were then. The ap- parent inability to aid these people in the dimensions re- quired is an indictment we must accept. But, sadly, we must also accept that the economic expectations many held for the world in 1961, and for the industrialized countries in particular, were exaggerated. Were those years of unprecedented boom an aberration? Do we need to live now <With diminished expectations for growth in the future? If so, it is our obligation to find ways to deal with world problems within the limits of a more stringent environment now than in 1961 and to redouble our efforts, with discipline and dedication, to direct our atten- tions to where they are really vitally needed. 11. Interdependence and its relationship to self-determi- nation are a global political as well as economic reality. We are all neighbours, and strategically so. 1\venty years ago the East-West strategic focus was mainly on Europe. Today the risk of confrontation between the super-Powers in areas normally considered to be part of the third world is also enhanced. There is a risk of aggravating problems already anguishing enough in terms of the turbulence and fragility of the conditions of underdevelopment and con- flict indigenous to the regions in question. I call for a look backward to those contemporaries of HammarskjOld who saw in non-alignment an opportunity for developing countries to concentrate on the problems before them without the threat of interference in their affairs from more powerful countries intent on diverting their assets to their own purposes. I say that true non-alignment is not only consistent with interdependence but more necessary because of it. 12. Is it possible that in the last 20 years the nature of East-West tension has changed because the Soviet Union is today a military super-Power with a capability of inter- vention which ranges far and wide? This capability can constitute a threat to world peace as well as to the non- alignment of countries as Jong as it is the instrument, in Afghanistan as well as in Kampuchea, of cynical real- politik. Let us recognize that, if the strategic interests of great Powers are now in fact interdependent with events in the third world, then there is a need, above all, for great restraint on all our parts. 13. All these circumstances in 1981 call for a United Nations which is more meaningful and more relevant to global concerns and. events, not less. As the .challenges to all of us increase in complexity and urgency, the need for more sophisticated, flexible and responsive instruments to meet them grows apace. The problems of the rest of the century and be'yond englobe the ecology and use of our land, our space and our seas, as well as the security of peoples and their rising expectation in a world concen- trated through technology. 15. We must enable the institutions of the United Na- tions to be more productive, not less, and we must en- courage all countries to participate actively in the pursuit of solutions in these institutions. In doing so, we can demonstrate that we wish to make them relevant and pro- ductive for the general benefit, adapted to the shape of the world today. Many of my remaining remarks are di- rected to prospects for development in countries which were still colonies 20 years ago, and this reflects the in- terdependence of our interests and purposes today. But the political and economic problems of the world intersect and interact. It is important that the Organization adapt itself as well through greater sharing in the exercise of power and responsibility. Can we not ask ourselves if some of the notions of Dag HammarskjOld with regard to a stronger United Nations in the interests of world peace and security cannot today be generally seen as m\Jre rea- sonable than they were 20 years ago? It is my view that they are certainly every bit..as necessary. 16. Surely the continued occupation of Afghanistan by foreign military forces is an example of precisely the sort of threat to world peace and security which the United Nations was meant to prevent. The courage and determi- nation of the resistance is an ennobling assertion of the human spirit against the machinery of military oppres- sion, but the tragic facts reflect a basic fault in the notion of collective security. When a powerful country wishes to ignore United Nations decisions, it will feel free to do so unless its actions remain the object of continued interna- tional attention. The continued presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan is an affront to the principles of the Orga- nization. 17. I call on the Soviet Government to honour those principles and also the ideals of international, conduct which the Soviet Union itself is pledged to follow. I ask that it respond positively to international efforts, including re-establishing a truly independent and non-aligned Gov- ernment in Afghanistan, a Government which can reflect without out~ide interference the real will of the Afghan people. 18. As has been emphasized by the countries of the re- gion, the situation in Kampuchea is also a threat to peace and security. A first attempt has been made to cope with the political problems that lie at the heart of the Kam- puchean question, and we now know that a settlement should cover a cease-fire on the ground, the supervised withdrawal of f01:eign troops, the holding of free elections under United Nations supervision and the adoption of ap- propriate measures to ensure that those elections' are not 19. The self-determination sought for both Afghanistan and Kampuchea is one of the historic themes of the United Nations. It has been a central focus of the non- aligned movement, of which both Afghanistan and Kam- puchea are members. It was also 20 years ago this month that the first meeting of the movement was held in Belgrade. I salute what the movement has done to ad- vance the rights of newly emerging countries. 20. Today this ideal of self-determination is celebrated with the attainment of independence by Belize. This is an achievement for the United' Nations in which Canada takes particular satisfaction as a long-time GO-sponsor of United Nations resolutions on the subject. While Canada is disappointed that talks between the United Kingdom, Belize and Guatemala have not .led to the resolution of all outstanding issues, we are encouraged that there is a real commitment on the part of all parties to the promotion of peace in the region, which must inclu.de a final agreement on Belize. We are confident that the Governments of Belize and Guatemala will settle the issues between them in a peaceful and durable manner. . 21. But if the independence of Belize represents an event to celebrate, how depressing it is again to contem- plate on the agenda of this session of the General Assem- bly the same issues affecting southern Africa that the United Nations has been pronouncing itself on for dec- ades. I was speaking earlier of the dynamics of change in human affairs and of the futility of resisting the strength of human aspiration to self-determination. But in South Africa in 1981 resistance to change has increased. I have no doubt that justice will come for the victims of racism in South Africa, for the majority whose human dignity is abused in an affront to us all. I sympathize with the im- patience of those who shudder at abiding any longer, for another generation, another decade or two, the oppression of apartheid. But I counsel wisdom in choosing methods of promoting the freedom of these people, for wetnust not let differences over tactics serve to weaken our unity in that purpose.' 22. In Namibia, too, the intransigence of the South Af- rican Government remains the sole obstacle to a negoti- ated settlement. Our only goal is to enable the Namibian people to gain their independence at last and the right to a free and fair election in which all Namibians can take part under United Nations supervision. Canada supports unconditionally Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the United Nations plan which theoCouncil has em- braced by that resolution, and we have ~n active, par- ticularly in the contact group and with Afri~an States, in pursuing that goal. . 24. I therefore urge all the parties concerned to summon the vision and the will required to take decisions which are as necessary as they are difficult. Among the areas where progress is urgently needed, none is more pressing than measures to ensure that the Middle East will remain free of nuclear weapons: 25. Another early concern of the United Nations was the Korean peninsula. There too the Secretary-General is per- forming a useful good-offices role. We are encouraged by the recent initiatives of the Republic of Korea for dialogue and reconciliation without conditions and for the greater integration of the peninsula into the international commu- nity. 26. The United Nations is also playing a valuable role in Cyprus, where peace-keeping and peace-making are proceeding in parallel under the Secretary-General's lead- ership. We hope that the approaches now being considered in negotiations between the two communities will lead to the just and lasting comprehensive settlement they both desire. 27. It is in Cyprus that the oldest and largest of Can- ada's present peace-keeping contingents is serving. Twenty-five years after the introduction of United Nations peace-keeping forces to world affairs, I see the Cyprus force as accomplishing an impOrtant role, encouraging us to believe in the notion of collective security through re- course to negotiation instead of conflict. 28. That is also the notion involved in Qur attempt to advance the rule of law at the Third United N~tions Con- ferenceon the Law of the Sea. I should like to associate myself with the statement made by the SecretaryuGeneral at the opening of the tenth session of the United Nations" Conference on the Law of the Sea, on 9 MarCh, when he said: '~part from the achievement of the specific objectives of this Conference, I attach the highest importance to the impact which its success may have in strengthening the role of the United Nations in finding viable solu- tions to great global issues.'~3 29. I wish to emphasize that the Conference is not merely an attempt to codify technical rules of law. It is a resource Conference; it is a food Conference; it is an en- vironmental Conference; it is an energy Conference; it is a conservation Conference; it is an economic Conference; it is a maritime-boundary-delimitation .Conference; it is a territorial-limitation and jurisdictional Conference; it is a transportation, communications and freedom-of-navigation Conference; it is a Conference which regulates all the 30.. The Third United Nations Cohference on the Law of the Sea ranks in importance with the San Francisco Con- fe~n<ie founding the United Nations itself. It represents an .extremely important element in the North-South di- alogue. It has significant implications for peaceful East- West relations. It touches on the interests of every State great or small, rich or .poor, coastal or land-locked. The achievement of a universal agreement on a Law of the Sea Convention is fundamental to world peace and security. 31. Of course, inteI'J;lational peace and security, as well as development, freedom and life itself, will ultimately depend on whether we can successfully work towards arms control and disarmament. International security can be consistent with lower levels of armaments and expendi- tures. The coming special session on disarmament must point the way to more concrete progress than in recent years if credibility is to be maintained. Deliberations on disarmament at this session of the General Assembly can be of crucial importance in preparation. The remarkable consensus reached in 1978 needs reaffirmation and further direction. 32. It 1s true that 'the-iiiternational climate' is less favourable today. At the same time, we cannot ignore the growing impatience of the world's peoples with the lack of progress towards verifiable arms limitation and disar- mament agreements. Our. efforts on their behalf should take into account the situation as it is in covering realistic proposals which have some substantive chance to effect change. The Canadian Government recently reaffirnied the validity of the concept of the strategy of suffocation mentioned in the Final Document of the first special ses- sion of the General Assembly on disarmament [resolution S-10/2]. Embracing that strategy are Canada's priorities on preparations for the second special session. They are: to encourage the continuation of the Strategic Arms Lim- itation Talks [SALT]; to promote the attainment of a multilateral comprehensive test-ban treaty; to assist in the preparation of a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons and on their destruction; to promote the evolu- tion of an effective non-proliferation regime based on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons; and top4U1icipare in. negotiations to limit and reduce conven- tional forces. Canada is committed to breaking the pattern of madness which spiralliqg rearmament represents, and those priorities will guide our endeavours to fulfil this commitment. 38. On the subject of human rights and massive exodus, Canada welcomed the adoption of our proposal to appoint a special rapporteur. We trust that the experience of . Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan in that role will lead to the adoption of a report which provides insight into how the United Nations organizations and Member States can to- gether prevent refugee situations from reaching existing proportions. We believe that report should provide an im- partial basis for examining broader aspects of interna- tional refugee problems, including, for example, the pro- posed initiative by. the Federal Republic of Germany 33. I have spoken about the far-reaching quests for peace, self-determination and development. These are the forces by which pervasive change can be channelled in positive directions. They are as new as today and as old as humankind; constants amid change. They have found eloquent expression in the ideals of our Charter, and I urge our rededication to them. 34. But there is none so pervasive as the quest for human dignity for the individual and for his rights. That is- why the United Nations enshrined in its Charter, as a primary objective, the promotion and encouragement of respect. for human rights and fundamental freedoms. There has been the development of several important 35. 'The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural RightS is an equally significant covenant needing serious and expert review. There are areas in which international standards have yet to be established. We applaud the placing before this Assembly for adoption of a draft declaration on the elimination of all forms of intolerance and of discrimination based on religion or be- lief.4 36. But, while we welcome the continuing development of international human rights standards, we are deeply conscious that despite these the gJ;Dssest abuses occur; the lives, freedom and integrity of innocent persons are con- stantly swept aside in the name of one cause, or power struggle, or another. If the United Nations provides relief unhesitatingly to the victims of natural disasters, how can we do less when the crises are man-made? 37. The' United Nations has the means to respond. It can, for example, employ the good offices of the Secre- tary-General; it can provide for the urgent dispatch of a special rapporteur or a mission of. enquiry. All that is needed is-the will to act in providing protection for those individuals or groups whose situation has become perilous in situations of social breakdown. regardin~ international guidelines for preventing massive flows of refugees. 39. Even in more tranquil situations, there is work to be done. This is the International Year of Disabled Persons, to promote the right of more than 500 million disabled' people throughout the world to full participation and equality in a barrier-free world. 40. And there is the position of women in all countries and the need to improve their condition socially and polit- ically and to promote the equality of women with men. An important step in this direction is the recent entry into force, on 3 September 1981, of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. 41. Collective world concern for individual human rights and for organized efforts to promote the rights of women and the specifically disadvantaged are important recent' phenomena. These issues are 'Concerned with indi- viduals, with the lives of people and groups of people, birth and hope. But for many of those new States, per- haps for most, this hope was quickly tempered by the economic realities which faced them. 43. One reality which was evident immediately to the new States was that any economic interdependence which then applied was heavily skewed on the side of depen- dence and vulnerability for them. It was an asymmetrical relationship. The developing countries were acutely aware of this, but the developed world was not. That has now changed. I think that the change in perception on the part of developed countries towards the reality of global inter- dependence is of great significance, even a source of hope. 44. The growing realization th,at to an increasing extent our economic futures are linked can spur us towards solu- tions. The Brandt ReportS has, I think, contril}uted in this regard. In particular, there has been an increased aware- ness of the contribution of the developing countries to the over-all world economy. It is now projected that between 1980 and 1990 developing countries will account for more than a quarter of the increase in world trade. These statistics mask, of course, important differences among the various developing countries most involved as well as the relative impact of these changes on individual econo- mies. But they indicate that developing countries are mov- ing closer to the centre of the world economic stage. 45. Interdependence also has a price. It tends to make all nations more vulnerable to shocks from the outside and from forces beyond the control of national Govern- ments. It is therefore of paramount importance that the international institutions which provide the frameworks for the international economic system function effectively. If they do not, if they become deadlocked and divided along bloc lines, or if they become hostage to narrow interests, then the international economy will suffer. In these circumstances, interdependence becomes a liability . and all States suffer. . 46. Inflation, high interest rates and sluggish growth pose real problems for the industrialized countries. The constraints on· export growth and financing are mounting in the middle-income developing countries. It is, however, the low-income countries, particularly the least devel- oped, which are the most vulnerable and whose prospects are the bleakest. Whether from oil shocks or high inter- est-rate shocks, they have suffered most. 47. The rising prices and diminishing supply of conven- tional petroleum reserves have had a major impact on all of us, but the impact of the two oil shocks of the 19708 has had a disproportionate effect on the developing coun- tries, setting back the development plans pf many of them. Canada agrees that a high priority in. international action should be accorded to their energy netds. It .is be- cause energy is central to development that C1lnada sup- ports the expansion of World B1ink energy. lending, in- 48. In Canada we have responded to this need by creat- ing a new development assistance arm of our national oil company, Petro-Canada International, devoted to aiding oil-importing developing countries in the mobilization of their own energy resources, particularly hydrocarbons. Effort and imagination must also be used to seek out ways of assisting developing countries in non-petroleum sources of energ}ro The. recent United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy was important. in this respect, but represented a single step on a long and difficult road. 49. Just as Canada's economic structure and expertise favour development assistance in the energy area. so we also intend to make a major contribution to helping to improve agricultural production in developing countries. While international trade in food products has increased dramatically in recent decades, many nations which were previously self-sufficient in staple products, and even sig- nificant exporters of them,have become today rel~ant on food imports, particularly food grains. There is a real prospect of a food crisis in the 1980s and urgent interna- tional attention is needed on this problem. 50. I have spoken of energy and food-areas where Canada can make a unique contribution-but I would like also to say a few words about trade, for it is perhaps trade which, in the long run, offers the best promise of escape from the wheel of poverty for many countries. 51. Developing countries have seized important new op- portunitiesto increase trade .among themselves. But northern markets continue to be crucial, and future pros- pects for expanding North-South trade will depend to a large extent on the ability of industrial countries to de- velop el.rt'ective adjustment strategies which Cat:! maintain a reasonab~e rate of economic growth employment. In fact, the relative significance of North-South trade has grown in recent years compared with trade just among the indus- trializoo countries. Now, a number. of the most advanced developing countries represent· the potential trade partner- ships of greatest opportunity for many developed coun- tries. All countries will benefit from an open, universal international trading system, and Canada will continue to pursue this goal. This would be our focus at the new pro- posed ministerial meeting· of GATT in 1982.. 52. The export prospects of developing. countries are also an increasingly important factor in the health of the international payments system and of international bank- ing. For the foreseeable future, developing countries will continue to need substantial external finance; whether in the fol'lIl of private investment, commercial loans or con- cessional loans and grants. While private banking con-· tinues to. play a major role in recycling. the international financial institutions must be increasingly involved. We support renewed effort by IMF and the World Bank in this direction. But fGt many of the low-income countries, the ability to participate in the expansion of world trade. is limited; so is their access to commercial credit. If poverty in those countries is to be attacked-and social justice 53: .'Ite recent United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries held in Pcuis from 1 to 14 Septem- ber 1981 was an important contribution to progress. Widespread consensus was achieved in the international community for the setting of objectives to be pursued by recipients and for the projections from donor~ of signifi- cant additional official development assistance in real terms during this decade. Thken together, these hold promise for advancing substantially the development of States most in need. (4, 54. The Substantial New Programme of Action for the 1980s for the Least Developed Countries6 adopted in Paris not only set an· important course for achieving progress with respect to the least developed countries but provides a guide for approaching vitally neede.d interaction be- tween developed and developing countries on a range of subjects on the North-South agenda. Key portions of the Substantial New Programme of Action became known as the "Canadian Compromise". Canada was pleased to be associated with those vital conclusions because they dem- onstrated that constructive agreement can be reached on a subject of vital importance to the developing countries. In keeping with the role my country played in Paris, I urge that the momentum and techniques generated there be pursued during this session of the Assembly and during other international meetings addressing relations between developing and developed countries. 55. As a result of the Paris achievement, which Canada. helped to create, and in the context of translating that achievement into concrete reality, I am pleased to an- nounce today that Canada will devote 0.15 per cent of its gross national product as official development assistance to the least developed countries in the coming years. 56. This pledge is in the context of the announcement I made at the eleventh special session of the General As- sembly on development last year [4th meeting] that Can- ada would reverse the trend of previous years and increase our official development assistance to ensure that we are soon at 0.5 per cent of gross national product as part of an effort to reach 0.7 per cent by the end of the decade. I am pleased that we have remained on that upward track. 57. I spoke earlier of the fact that interdependence means that international economic co-operation is not a luxury. It is a vital necessity without which interdepend- ence becomes a liability. 58. We must look towards deeper global economic co- operation, yet solutions to world economic problems will not always ~ global. The progress made at the High Level Conference on Economic Co-operation among De- veloping Countries in Caracas last May is a case in point. Relations with·developing countries was the major focus of a number of high-level consultations among indus- trialized countries---in particular the June ministe.rial meeting of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Ottawa summit. I want to.take this opportunity' to report very briefly to the Assembly on the.·latter meeting. . 60. Moreover, we sought at this meeting to address the key problems of energy, food, trade and finance in a posi- tive and constructive way. We pledged to maintain sub- stantial and~ in many cases, growing levels of official de- velopment assistance, the major portion of which will be directed to poorer countries. Of signal importance was our affirmation at this meeting of our willingness to par- ticipate in preparations for a process of global negotia- tions. It has been encouraging to me that both developed and developing countries have expressed their appreciation of the results of the Ottawa Summit. 61. Another important initiative in North-South relations this year will be the meeting of 22 Heads of State and Government of North and South to be held at C~un. We hope that this meeting will'"foster understanding of the key North-South· issues and give political impetus to their resolution in whatever forums may be appropriate. We do not see this meeting as a substitute for global negotia- tions. No non-universal forum can be. But we do see it as a catalyst for them. And while the nature of the North- South meeting precludes participation by, all of the inter- ested parties, we welcome the link with the United Na- tions as represented by the presence at Cancun of the Sec- retary-General. 62. While we admit the value of summits, however, uni- versally determined multilateral agreementS remain funda- mental to our search for effective solutions to global problems. For this reason, a large degree of consensus has been reached on the launching of global negotiations. While admitting that compromise on all sides will be nec- essary in that process, I believe there is new willingness to face that challenge. Preparatory discussions will resume during this session, and I pledge Canada's determination to work for a successful outcome. 63. In Canada during the past year we have taken a number of steps to enable us to play a more active and constructive'role in international co-operation in those vi- tal areas. A Parliamentary task force on North-South rela- tions submitted a major and invaluable report. It advo- cated strongly that Canada continue to play an active North-South· role, based on the principles of mutual bene- fit and humanitarianism, and made a series of construc- tive recommendations relating to energy, finance, trade, food and development assistance. Our Government has been pleased with the broad support the report has re- ceivedand with the increased public awareness fostered by the work ~f the task force. 65. We must as nations acknowledge the fact that our e~onomic concefl.ls, as well as many of our political, so- Cial and economic problems, are fundamentally interna- tional in na~~.,In an ever-changing world, the problem of the reconclhatIon of the fact of interdependence and the imperative need for self-determination is one of the great- est challenges facing political decision-makers. But our ~waren~ss of the complexities of interdependence and of Its ramIfications throughout all areas of national life must not lead us to despair, but rather to act. We must meet the challenge posed by the adaptation and development both of internatIOnal institutional machinery and of our national ways of thinking to cope with those new realities and the need for change. 66. Whatever means are used, the institUtional ma- chinery is inadequate. What is crucial is the will·of all countries to make those instruments effective. Govern- ments, whatever their national. policies, must have the courage to tackle the major international problems of our day. In order to do so, they must feel confident that only through international co-operation can security, stability and justice for the world be guaranteed. 67. Canadians have that confidence. We shall dedicate ourselves-here and wherever these problems are consid- ered-to the quest for far-reaching international solutions which will affect the lives of every one of us.

First of all, Sir, I should like to congratulate you and your country upon your election to the presidency of the General Assembly' at its thirty-sixth session. 69. Both your diplomatic talents and your great knowl- edge of the workings of this institution enable us to look forward to a satisfactory outcome of our work. It does not seem to me superfluous to emphasize this, because this year again, to the great disappointment of many Member States which' cherish peace and justice, we have seen the Organization's Security Council founder lamentably in its 'York because of its having been diverted from its objec- tives of peace by the abuse of the right of veto by certain permanent members. 70. That is why, faithful to its traditions, the General A~s~mbly must continue to be a place of freedom and the pnvI1eged forum for the full and complete participation of ~l peop!es in the affairs of the \Y0ild. The fact that you, Sir, are In charge of our proceedmgscan only be a guar- antee of that. My delegation, then, will consider it its ~uty to co-operate fully with you in the fulfllment of the Important ~ks entrusted to you. " 71. We should like also to thank Mr. RUtliger von ":echmar for his competent leadership of the work of the thirty-fifth session of the Assembly which has just come to an end, and to express our gratjtude to the Secretary- ~st the struggle of that brother·people of the Islands for its I~dependence and for th~ pro~ction of its territorial integ- nty. We were struck by Its dnve and tenacity, and now we :-annot but be, de~ighted at the presence of this young State 10 our Organization. 73. Last year when we spoke during the general debate [6th meeting], we considered a number of matters, both econoI]1ic and ,political, which af~ict and often paralyze countries, particularly our countries of the third world. This year we are in fact faced with those same matters to which others have been added. Unfortunately it s~ms that no major steps have been taken towards c~ncrete so- lutions. Further, one cannot fail to note the disturbing na- ture of this situation: at a time when more and more meetings are being held throughout the world in the col· lective, sincere. sear~h for solutions t,?0U! many prob- lems, we are wltnessmg a steady detenoratlon of interna- tional relations attributable toa clear lack of will on the part of certain Powers resolutely and calmly to confront the great problems of the day, that· is, those concerning peace, security and development. 74. In their relations with others, certain Powers seem to have deliberately .opted for the language of threats, provocation, and evenaggl'ession, in contempt of the most elementary prin(;-:iples of coexistence between States. They brandish in the face·of the world their nuclear strike forces and their neutron bomb, and they parade their mili- tary arsenal at the very door of others as though this were not a tragic threa.t to security, peace or the lives of mil- lions of people. ~5. pespitethat disturbing state of affairs, my delega- tIon .IS plea'ied to m~e a statement during this debate preCisely because we Wish to underscore how important it IS to.op~s~ any ~haviour ~ased on domination and ag- gressIOn m mternational relations, because we believe that the right t'? a better fu~ is an imprescriptibie right of all peoples WithOut exception; and because we know that de- spite everything the forces of progress, throughout the world, continue to develop and bonds of solidarity to be forged with a view to building that future of justice peace and well-being. ' 76. It is. only normal that we should begin by turning to the question of decoloniz~tion. While it is.independent, ~y country ~owsthat ItS own progress IS essentially lInked to the disappearance of every form of colonial or neo-~olon.ial relations·.betw~n.States: That is why it is seeking tIrelessly to mtenslfy ·Its .sohdarity with all the broth~r peoples.which are still fighting in the field against colomallsm: the peoples of Namibia, Western' ·Sahara South Africa; Palestine, East Timor, Puerto Rico and' others. 77. A year ago,. for example, we were convinced that the peoples of Namibia and Western Sahara were on the .point of .. ~aining their independence, the occupying Powers havmg finally. agreed to face the facts and release their grip over those Territories. . 80. From the adoption of General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI) in. 1966 to the convening of the' Security Council from :t1 to 30 April 1981 on the question of . Namib1a, our Organization has tried everything without achieving the desired reliults. It has now declared itself by a great majority, during the emergency special session of the General Assembly, clearly in favour of the armed struggle being waged by the South West Aft:ic~ People's Organization [SWAPO] against the ~toria regime [resolution ES-8/2]. Towards this end, it has appealed to brother countries to provide material ,flnd military as- sistance to SWAPO and to 'the front~line countries en an urgent basis. 81. My delegation can only subscribe to this once again, in the hope that this last attempt will make it pos- sible for Namibia to attain independence in keeping with the United Nations plan contained in Sr.:curity Council resolution 435 (1978). It goes without saying that any col- lective sanctions we agree to impose in concrete tenns against the Pretoria regime can only accelerate the process of independence for Namibia. 82. With regard to Namibia, we cannot fail to mention the brother people of South Africa who, under the heroic leadership of the African National Congress, are also con- tinuing their struggle against the same oppressive and bar- baric colonial regime of Pretoria. 83. Once again, we Gandemn the blind policy of that regime which, on the pretext of protecting Christian civi- lization and through the practice of racism, apartheid and bantustanization, is perpetuating the exploitation of the la- bour force of the South African people by a minority closely linked to international capitalism whose interests it defends. 84. Since its assumption of power on 5 June 1977, the Government of President France Albert Rene has, within the limits of its modest capacities, taken concrete meas- ures of reprisal against the Pretoria regime. In this, con- text, my delegation calls for the strict implementation of Security Council resolution~ 417 (1977) and 418 (1977), the latter of which calls for the immediate cessation of the provision to South Africa of arms and related materiel of .all types ·and of any co-operation with South Africa in the manufacture and development of nuclear weapons; as well as of General Assembly resolution 35/206 which, among other things, refers to the situation in South Africa, the imposition of comprehensive sanctions and an oil em- pargo, and the harmful role of transnational corporations. ~. . 91. The General Assembly, at its thirty-finh Se§S!OH [resolution 35/169 A], once again endorsed therecom- mendations of the Committee on the Exercise of the In- II!IIIIl!!J!I--- ---- ---- -- " 85. The Pretoria regime manage~.·(0 survive thanks to its relations not only with Israel but with many other States '86. However, it is comforting to note that the hard- working people of South Africa, albeit excessively ex- ploited, constitute the sole historic strength of that coun- try, and we continue to be convinced that, with the active solidarity of other brother peoples, they will triumph. 87. In this regard, we should like to congratulate th~ people of Angola and their Government, which have played a decisive role in support of the liberation move- ~ents of southern Africa, particularly SWAPO, at an im- mense cost in human life and material damage. 88. We regret that the Security Council has once again failed in its mission by refusing to condemn the South African aggression against Angola "owing to the veto of the United States. We are also aware, however, that An- gola needs, in addition to the moral support which the international community owes it, also material assistance. We hope that the United Nations will see to it that when a breach of the peace occurs, Angola will,' within the framework of General Assembly resolution 377 (V), bene- fit as rapidly as possible from the material and military assistance of Member States. That assistance was called for at the emergency special session on Namibia and by the Heads of State of the front-line States meeting in Lagos on 11 September. 89. With regard to the Sahraoui people, we believe that during the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAU] held at Nai- robi in June 1981, and at the most recent meeting of that Organization's Implementation Committee, Morocco agreed to the early holding of a free and general referen- dum in exercise of the right to self-determination in West- ern Sahara under the supervision of the OAU and the United Nations. My delegation welcomes this develop- ment and my country will continue to make its humble contribution to the establishment of a just and lasting peace in that part of Africa, in keeping with OAU resolu- tions and with General Assembly resolutions 34/37 and 35/19. 90. In line with the goal of decolonization which we have set for ourselves is the question of Pdlestine, which has been before the General Assembly for m~ny years and which concerns the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their "right of return and their right to self-determination, national indepen- dence and sovereignty in Palestine". We detect a growing awareness of those rights at the international level. How- ever, this awareness continues to be countered by Israel which, like its ally in Pretoria, defies international public opinion and the numerous resolutions of our Organization with impunity. Like South Africa and, needless to say, with its assistance,.the Zionist entity, not satisfied with occupying Palesti~ian and Arab territories, including Jeru- salem, has embarked upon acts of aggression against such neighbouring territOlies as Lebanon and Iraq designed to establish its own military supremacy in the area-acts of aggression to which we shall return in due course. 92. As in the past, my country will continue to demon- strate its unswerving solidarity with the Palestine Libera- tion Organization [PW], the sole legitimate and authentic representative of the Palestinian people, in its heroic strug- gle against the aggressor and invader. 93. With regard to East Timor, both the General Assem- bly and the Security Council have already spoken out on the subject of the military intervention by Indonesian armed forces and have called-so far, unfortunately, in vain-for the prompt withdrawal. of those forces in order to enable the people of that territory freely to exercise their right to self-detennination and independence in keeping with General Assembly resolution 3485 (XXX) and Security Council resolutions 384 (1975) and 389 (1976). 94. It should be emphasized that the Assembly is deter- mined to pursue its efforts to promote the independence of East Timor by keeping the question on its agenda until ~he ~'~1ple of Timor, under the leadership of FRETILIN,7 have ~ucceeded in achieving their independence and building their own future in pr3ce and security. 95. Belize is on the threshold of national sovereignty-a fact which we welcome. We understand that the question of Puerto Rico is to be discussed in the Assembly. Thus the Organization is gradually dealing with all these little islands of colonialism which are scattered about the world. 96. However, as they steadily lose their colonial domin- ion in the world, certain great Powers are now acting not only against the independence of individual countries and setting up neo-colonial structures in them, but are taking action against whole regions by introducing military in- stallations there in order to impose their political will and economic domination on the countries of those regions. They have been doing so in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, the Caribbean, the South Atlantic and South-East Asia. 97. First, a word about the situation in the Indian Ocean. As long ago as 1964, the people of the Seychelles, through Mr. France Albert Rene, then Presi- dent of the Party struggling for the independence of the Seychelles, called upon the great Powers not to extend theh.' rivalries to our waters. And in 1971 the General As- sembly .proclaimed the Indian Ocean a Zone of Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)]. 98. Today, however, 85 foreign warships and nudear submarines are patrolling the waters of that ocean. Thl.'ir military presence has virtually doubled comwred with th~ preceding year. Diego Garcfa will soon be rec~iving B-52 bombers. That island, as you know, havi1l1g b~!;l emptied of its population-most of whom' are still living in hovels, without employment-by the colonial Govern- ment of the day, has now become the major strategic nu- 99. The General Assembly, at its thirty-fourth session [resolution 34/80 B], had decided to convene a con- . ference on the Indian Ocean in Colombo in 1981 with a view to implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a, Zone of Peace. The Special Committee on the Indian Ocean was asked to carry out preparatory work for the convening of the conference. But while we have been able to convene oUter international conferences, the one on the Indian Ocean has not yet been held, and it is rather unlikely that it will be held dlis year. We are disap- pointed .to note that the report of the Secretary-General says nothing about the question of the demilitarization of the Indian Ocean. 100. There has been no lack of manoeuvres to sabotage the conference. It has been argued that there was a need to wait until there was a "harmonization of positions" be- fore convening it, but that is merely a ploy. As I have already said, the interests to be defended in the region cannot be the same for the coastal States as for the great Powers, which, in the final analysis, are interested only in the exploitation of our wealth-our raw materials, our commercial pot~ntial and energy resources-and in the export of their policy of confrontation between military blocs. So what "harmonization. of positions" can there be? 101. My delegation reiterates that there is an urgent need to convene that conference in order to attain·the ob- jectives of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean as a Zone of Peace, by demanding the dismantling of military in- stallations and the withdrawal of foreign forces. As for the "harmonization of positions" , it can only be the result ~ a long proces~ following the conference, rather than preceding it. My delegation would also like to reiterate the appeal addressed by the President of the Republic of Seychelles to the Governments of the coastal States: '~It is imperative that we speak out forcefully and raise our voices against this escalation which is becoming in~ creasingly deplorable and dangerous." 102. It goes without saying that once again we demand the return of the island of Diego Garcfa to Mauritilln sov- ereignty and the removal of foreign troops. 103. As for the legal status of Mayotte and the Mal- agasy Islands of Glorieuses, Juan de Nova, Europa and Bassas da India, we understand that the new French Gov- ernment is prepared to co-operate fully with a view to incorporating those islands, respectively, into the Com- oros and the Malagasy Republic. 104. Respect by the great Powers for the territorial in- tegrity of the countries of the Indian Ocean and for the rights of all peoples to their independent policies, and the cessation of the trading off of technical and financial as- sistanceagainst the right to use military' facilities in the cQnti'ri~ing aggression with a view to achieving economic and political control over the region. Examples are the recent provQcative military manoeuvres of the United States naval forces off the Libyan coast; the assassination plans; Israel's continual acts of aggression ,against Lebanese and other Arab territory, as well as its establish- ment of settlements, its' attacks against UNIFIL, and, 2uore recently still, last June its'attack on and long-pre- meditated destruction of the Tamuz nuclear facility in Iraq. 106. The Unifted. Nations has repeatedly condemned these various acts of aggression, which form part of one and the same plan for the destabilization of the progres- sive forces of the region. 'I'he Security Council has con- demned these acts clearly; after taking note of the perti- nent resolution of the IAEA, the Council made it clear in resolution 487 (1981) that the attack on the Tamuz facility was a flagrant violation of the Charter of the United Na- tions and the norms of international oonduct. It recog- nized that Iraq was entitled to compensation from Israel. Already' at its thirty-fourth session the General Assembly requested all Member States to take all necessary meas-- ures to prevent the transfer to Israel d fissionable mate- rial and nuclear technology which could be used for the manufacture of nuclear weapons. The Assembly also called upon Israel to submit all its nuclear facilities to inspection by IAEA [resolution 34/89]. ' 107. In the opinion of my delegation, the implementa- tion of that resolution is crucial mId we hope that during the thirty-sixth session the General Assembly will take other measures which it deems appropriate in order to put an end to this bellicose policy on the part of Israel. 108. It goes without saying that, haVing taken note of the letters of Mr. Abdulati AI-Obeidi, Secretary of For- eign Affairs of the <Jeneral 'People's Committee of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, addressed to the Security Coun- cil on the subject of the provocative military inanoeUvres and threats against the Libyan people, its leaders and its territory, rnJ;' delegation calls upon our Organization to adopt a clear position after studying the relevant facts. IQ9. It is becoming the practice to call the Libyan re- gime a terrorist one; whereas, in fsct Libya is one of the few countries which has given unqualified assistance to the liberatV 1 movements of the African continent and most recently has contributed to the restoration of peace in a brother African country at the request of the legiti- mate Government of that country. That is why we re- affirm that any global condemnation of Libya and all threats against it are unjustifiable and unjustified# and we cannot but reject them. ' 110. In parallel with the intensification of the military presence of the foreign Powers in the Middle East and the Indian Ocean, in the South Atlantic,tbe Port of Walvis , Bay, allegedly annexed by Pretoria, has been transformed inte a common base for the Pretoria regime and the North Atlantic 'freaty Organization [NATO]xThis is hardly likely to bring about an. atmosphere of detente and is one more 111. The sphere of destabilization extends also to the Caribbean, where the Government of Grenada and that of Cuba· find themselves permanently threatened by outside sources. In this respect, a letter from the Prime Minister of Grenada, Mr. Maurice Bishop, addressed to the Secre- tary-General has been brought to our attention. We firmly denounce these external manoeuvres aimed at overthrow- ing a Government which is deemed "unfavourable" and we hope that action will be taken on Mr. Bishop's letter. 112. The question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia has been included in the agenda of this session. We note, however, that while positive action has been taken by the countries of Indo-China in order to es- tablish peace in the region based on mutual recognition, equality among States and respect for their sovereignty, and while in the People's Republic of Kal1)puchea the people, having regained their security, are reconstructing their country, which was devastated by the former regime of Pol Pot, manoeuvres are continuing in the face of all this to maintain a state of insecurity in the region at the expense of peoples which have already suffered too much. 113 i This year there was an"international conference on the subject of Kampuchea at which a decision was taken to set up an ad hoc committee to deal with the situation in the country. But by what right was that done, and for what purpose? 114. Elections have taken place in that country and a legitimate Government has been elected to deal with both internal affairs and foreign relations. The relations of the People's Republic of Kampuchea with the State of Viet Nam are a matter of concern only to the peoples and Governments of those two countries. 115. My country, the Republic of Seychelles, cannot ac- cept that this Organization should be used for purposes contrary to the spirit.of its Charter. The Vietnamese Gov- ernment has extended a guarantee that it will withdraw its forces from Kampuchea as soon as Kampuchea asks it to do so. The exercise of sovereignty on the part of those two countries should therefore be respected. My'delega- tion sees no valid reason why this Assembly should again take up this question of the so-called situation in Kam- puchea. On the other hand, we regret that the legitimate representatives of the people of Kampuchea continue to be excluded from this Assembly, whereas an ousted and, in its day, murderous regime, condemned by international public opinion, is still sitting here. We demand that jus- tice be done to the people of Kampuchea and to the Gov- ernment of President Heng Samrin, which has been legit- imately elected. 116. In that same region, we wish to welcome the efforts of the De!I1ocratic People's Republic of Korea aimed at promoting the peaceful reunification of Korea, which only re~ently were accorded international support at the Algiers meeting on that subject in March. Here again, it is high time to put an endto manoeuvres and foreign 118. My delegation endorses this declaration and very much hopes that it will serve as a guide in the·relations of our Organization and our States with that country. 119. We wish to conclude this second part of our state- ment by refening to item 39 of the agenda, which pro- vides for a second special session of the General Assem- bly devoted to disarmament in 1982, following a decision taken at the thirty-third session of the General Assembly [resolution 33/71 Hl. 120. Clearly, the struggle against military escalation in certain regions is closely linked with the policy of disar- maoumt at the international level in its most salient as- pectsi"for example, the cost of armaments, which has now risen, to more than $500 billion annually, and a possible rechannelling of those financial and technical resources to the cause of peace and development; the state of insecu- rity which fosters the arms race; the impact of the arms trade on the economies of the third world countries; the economic importance of the military-industrial complex ., for the developed countries; and, lastly, the nature of tbe weapons themselves. 121. Therefore, we can but give our fullest support to the holding of the second special session of the General Assembly on disarmament. 122. I have dwelt at length on the need to protect politi- cal independence' and to develop new international rela- tions in order to emphasize that both can be achieved only within the franiework of economic independence and a new form of relations in this sphere. 123. The economy has always been our primary bat- tleground. When in the course of history people began-to revolt they did so primarily against poverty, insecurity and injustice, but they quickly realized that it was impos- sible to fight those scourges without the .power to take political decisions. They fought for that power, and once independence had been partially achieved, the economic battle resumed its full intensity. But for us, the countries of the third world, it is a diffiCUlt battle to win, for the simple reason that the former colonizing countries, which are now developed, indu~trialized countries, have done nothing so far but to perpetuate between the economies of the north and of the south reIations based on exploitation and subjugation. . , 124. For years we have hied to bring about a'dialogue with the north in order. to change this situation' in the interests of all. We have called for control over our raw 125. Indeed, on the contrary, some northern countries, now headed by the United States, are getting together to continue to extract the maximum advantage from the cur- rent economic and monetary disorder. We noted,this again during the most recent session of the United Nations Con- ference on the Law of the Sea and in connection with the opening of global. negotiations on a new international eco- nomic order. 126. However, those negotiations are still necessary. The conditions that led the United Nations to take the matter up in 1974 have not improved. We therefore call upon the Organization to pursue its efforts so that negotiations can begin as soon as possible and lead to concrete results. 127. In this respect we shall follow attentively the de- velopment of the position of the EU1'9pean Economic Community on this matter, just as we shall follow with interest the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development which will be held at. Cancon in October. It is none the less true that the North-South dialogue will make progress only under the pressure of South-South co- operation. We welcome the positions adopted by the non- aligned movement and the OAU in. this respect. Such co- operation between deve~oping countries will enable us to devise our own models for development and will make us, as a group, more autonomous in our dealings with the North, thereby increasing our negotiating power in the North-South 'dialogue, a dialogue that we should like to see become more authentic. . 128. I must admit, however, that, without wishing to sink into pessimism, my delegation is anxious about the prospects for the future. The richest and most powerful among us stubborn~y refuse to consider revising the foun- dations of a ,system that has made it possible for them to become rich at the expense of the· poorest and weakest. 129. In conclusion, I wish to reiterate the unequivocm dedication of the Republic of the Seychelles to the ideals of our Organization and its full willingness to contribute to the attainment of the Organization's prime objective- the promotion of peace and the development of peoples for the greater good of mankind.

I am pleased to express the cordial congratula- tions of the delegatior. of Peru to our President on his election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. His election is a well-deserved tribute to him and to his standing as an experienced diplomat and internationalist. 131. I also wish to express my delegation's appreciation to his distinguished predecessor, Mr. .Riidiger von Wechmar, of the Federal Republic of Germany, who car- ried out the delicate functions of President with undenia- ble brilliance both within and outside this hall. 132. Peru wishes to extend a welcome to the Republic of Vanuatu. Because of its location in the Pacific Ocean, 134. 1 wish also to express the admiration and apprecia- tion of the Government of Peru to Mr. Kurt Waldheim, Secretary-General of the United Nations, who for 10 years has rendered distinguished service to the cause of peace by his personal efforts, with diplomatic skill that deserves a tribute from our Organization. 135. The gathering here each year of representatives from all the States Members of the Organization gives us an opportunity to take stock of the international' situation and, which is even more important, to realize our respon- sibilities with regard to the preservation of peace and the attainment of prosperity for all 'our peoples. 136. Over the past year two realities have. emerged with increased clarity on the international scene. On the one hand, the gradual expansion of universal ideopolitical ten- dencies has given rise to a lively reaction and produced a ·new clash between different concepts of the way to achiev,e the well-being. of the community. Thus interna- tional tension has increased and the competition for mili- tary supremacy has aggravated and deepened our fears and concerns. 137. On the other hand, the manner in which the coun- tries of the third world have asserted their positions at the United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea has in many instances convinced others of, the justice of their views, which were at first unacceptable to the indus- trialized nations. This is clear demonstration of the enor- mous potential of the developing countries if they can stand together and apply their goodwill to co-ordination and' action. 138. This example gives a glil'l.lmerof hope in the still slow progress towards the attainment of a new interna- tional order. However, we believe that that is not the only historical task falling on the developing countries. There is now a growing realization that oilr demands to the de- veloped countries do not reflect. enmity or mean confron- tation; it is also true that, in the struggle for world hegemony, to which we have alluded, there is no reason why the developing countries need t&ke sides in this struggle, which we had thought two decades ago was a thing of the past. 139. This force which we are beginning to appreciate and which has been brought about by the convergence of the developing countries could well have a historic des- tiny here at the United Nations, that of preventing a suici- dal conflagration and becoming the prime guarantor of peace. 140. The active promotion of peaceful coexistence is the great undertaking of the third world at the present time. 141. We reported in the previous se.ssion of th~ Assem- bly [5th meeting] .on the meani~g .arid: importance of the 142.. Now that the first year of that Government has passed we can quote with legitimate satisfaction what the President of Peru has said: "Today in Peru the Constitu- tion prevails, the law rules and freedom reigns in the en- tire Republic." .I < 143. New laws covering the agriculture, livestock, pe- troleum and mines are giving renewed vigour to the ex- ploitation of the natural resources of Peru. The creation of the bank for the procurement of building and housing ma- terials and the institution of social mortgages, with subsi- dized interest rates, have given creative momentum to a vast housing plan which at the present·time, counting units under construction and those already completed, covers more than 10,000 housing units at moderate rents. 144. An energetic beginning has been made on length- ening roads, repairing stretches' of highway and building new roads along the Pan-American highway on the coast and along the mountains and adjacent forest areas-all of which has made it possible for the growing Peruvian pop- ulation to establish new settlements with a view to the proper utilization of the national territory. 145. The cumulative effect of the people's co-operation and voluntary work by the communities, with thetechni- cal advice of the State, which is internationally consid- ered to be the most efficient way of using intermediate technology, is already bearing fruit among the most re- mote and the'poorest peoples, thanks to the 150 provin- cial centres. 146. We are carrying out this immense task while mak- ing every effort to improve the economy, which is still affected by the crisis we are facing and by the current world recession and inflation. 147. We promised freedom of expression and we have altered the situation which we found and kept our word. Today in Peru national newspapers, television. channels and radio stations have all been pat in the bands of their rightful owners, thus giving the Peruvian people the right to the free interplay of opinions and ideas. £48. We promised genuine municipal elections, and on 23 November 1980 such elections were held throughout the country. 149. We know full well that to live in freedom and complete democracy is no easy undertaking. But what can enhance the prestige of a Government and the major- ity political party sustaining it more than respect' for the representation and the criticism of all the political sectors of the country without exception? That is what is happen- ing today in our country. 150. Full respect for human rights and a sincere attempt to achieve social justice and progress are the best safe- guards against any .attempt to promote violence and social chaos. They a,re also the best guarantees of the stability of the democtaticsystem which today, fortunately, has been established thanks to the express will of the Peruvian peo- ple. ~ith our status as developing countries bound together with all the countries of the third world, and in line with our status as an authentically independent non-aligned country. 152. We are pleased that we have achieved the best pos- sible relations with all neighbouring countries, which guarantees not only fraternal links but also the effective attainment of our common objectives, namely, co-opera- tion for development with respect for our national sov- ereignties~ 153. The task of promoting integration, which has been set forth in the Constitution of the State, has been vig- orously assumed by the Government of Peru. We have contributed to a thorough analysis of the Cartegena Agreement and to making the various positions more real- istic, thus paving the way for the revival of the most am- bitious joint effort thus far to realize Bolivar's desire for integration. 154. We are 'pleased that, in accordance with the strict time-table for the carrying out of those tasks, early in September a meeting of the Commission of the Cartagena Agreement was held in Bogota at which the Ministers of Industry and Integration took fruitful decisions. 155. During this meeting effective steps were taken to carry out the lreaty for Amazonian Co-operation, and early this month in' Lima the first technical meeting took place with the participation of all member States. That was a preliminary step before the forthcoming meeting of the Council on the Amazo~. 156. Aware, that without physical,links any efforts at economic integration are purely utopian, in the Organiza- tion of American States we emphasized the need to begin serious work to link the waterbasins ot' the Orinoco, the Amazon and the Plata. It is indeed heartening to note. that, now our proposal having been favourably received,' the first technical meeting for analysis and study of this most important continental project will be held in October 1981 in Lima, under the auspices of ou" regional organi- zation. 157. In his report on. the work of the United Nations, the Secretary-General hlls mentioned the happy outcome of a border incident between Peru and Ecuador [A/36/1, sect. IV]. In the early months of this year, Peru was forced, in defence of its sovereignty and integrity, to repel foreign military forces that had penetrated, its territory. 158. That situation was, however, resolved through the valuable intervention of the countries guaranteeing the Peruvian-Ecuadorian Protocol of Peace, Friendship and Frontiers of Rio de Janeiro and its complementary docu- ments, still in force, which Peru and Ecuador solemnly signed in 1942. 160. Within the framework of this legal instrument, Peru remains willing to cease placing of landmarks over the remaining 78 kilometre length of the common frontier of the Cordillera del Condor. 161. Over the past few years we have been concerned about the growing social unrest in Central America and the Caribbean, which is'an expression of the problems and difficulties in achieving sustained development. The magnitude of those unfortunate confrontations has served to draw the attention of the international community to the region. 162. Although there is an awareness·of the .need and the desire to co-operate in. efforts to promote socio-economic development in the area,there has been a lack ofspeCjfic machinery and a lack of co-ordination in efforts to achieve those objectiv.es. 163. We have noted that in spite of their, willingness many Latin American countries that are techno!~gically advanced and have the necessary human resources have not been able to transfer their experience and potentials to Central America and the Caribbean, because of the weak- ness of the economies of the donor and recipient coun- tries, which stands in the way of the speedy and easy utilization of those resoutees. Consequently, now that many countries are anxious to ,establish what has been called a "mini-Marshall Plan" for the area, Peru proposes a plan to support horizontal co-operation and establish- ment of a trust fund for that purpose. 164. My Government would like to express its fraternal concern over the situation existing in the Republic of El Salvador. At the same time we express our hope that there will be a speedy settlement, and appeal for strict ob$er- vara:e of the principle of non-intervention in a problem whose political and democratic settlement is strictly a matter for the people of El Salvador without any foreign interference, direct or indirect. 165. Peru shares with other peoples of America, Africa, Asia and Oceania a common concern: development. The third world is an unavoidable reality in the great interna- tional discussions of our time. We have not yet found the path to a speedy and just development. But our countries continue to absorb, without a reciprocal balance, one third or more of the exports of the industrialized countries and wt{'. contribute 40 per cent or more to the'profits·that those countries obtain from their investments. It is diffi- cult for us to obtain fair terms of trade, but the statistics show that for the 1980-1990 decade we shall contribute nearly 30 per cent of the increase in world production. It should come as no surprise, then, that the-countries of the third world are making' a major effort to identify their common problems. Nor is it surprising that there has f66, Nevertheless, the continuation of protectionist pol- icies.in many industrialized countries, the problem of the decbne in the prices of raw materials caused by forces quite beyond the control of the producing countries,the resistance to the transfer of financial resources to the de- veloping countries, the postponement of demands for a new international economic order, the deterioration in the terms of trade, the defence of sovereignty and maritime jurisdiction are problems common to the entire developing world and must be the basis of a joint effort to overcome these problems. We need more than just a statement of the problems: we need determination to do away with whatever divktes us and to affirm our areas of agreement. 167. It is encouraging that the report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues5 recog- nizes facts and underscores the prospects of the world to- day and tomorrow, and that it puts forward a body of solutions which, if strictly carried out, will make the North-South dialogue fruitful and might very well point the way towards the just world that we all aspire to. Peru is confident that a spirit of solidarity and a sense of bal- ance will prevail at the meeting to be held shortly in Can- clm, Mexico, with the participation of a limited number of Heads of State or Government of North and South. :\s the future of the international order is at issue, other sum- mit meetings must be envisaged where those who are not participating on this occasion will be able to state their views. 168. We view with interest the meeting that the Latin American Economic System [SELA] has scheduled for this year, to co-ordinate Latin American positions and to make effective our dialogue with the United States, in an effort to bring about better understanding in our hemi- sphere. 169. We consider that development should be the com- mon heritage of mankind, the inalienable right of our peoples, and we believe also that })eace and security should not be the privilege of any group of nations. In order to ensure this right to peace and international se- curity, to ensure that it is enjoyed by one and all, the non-aligned movement arose, and inspi.red by the convic- tion that it is tlrn>ugh the. association of all these coun- tries, respecting the national sovereignty of all countries and rejecting any fonn of discrimination, that peace can be preserved without the need for nations to form blocs with. one or another of the great world Powers. 170. This year we are celebrating the twentieth anni.ver- sary of the non-aliglled movement, and I am pleased to stress our contribution to the co-ordination of efforts of the developing counuies which have strengthened our position in the struggle to establish a new world order. It IS important to preserve the very essence of non-align- ment, ba~ on ea Commitment to either of the great world Pow~}rs. 171. The present Government of Peru, which, from the Peruvian past, hliS inberited treditioDs of justice and work and has made them the nucleus 9f a new ideology, is particularly well endowed to pur~ue an independent, sov- 172. In the ,search for a new order, the developing coun- tries have been aware that they cannot achieve' immediate results in their dialogue with the industrialized countries, and they have realized that full use must be made of,their own present and potential economies. For that reason,' the Group of 77, which encompasses at the present time more than 127 developing countries, put forward the idea of what it calls "South-South co-operation", and this year t}le programme for economic co-operation among devel- oping countries [see A/36/333] was approved at its most recent meeting at Caraballeda, Venezuela. Ina concrete and consistent way it contains distinct sectoralobjectives in the financial, monetary, commercial, food, raw mate- rial, energy and technological cu:eas-'now at various lev- els of development. 173. It should be mentioned here that horizontal co-op- eration should not be seen as a substitute for global eco- nomic co-operation between the developing countries and the industrialized countries. 174. The Government of Peru appreciates the true di- mension of the efforts that are needed, and it wishes to participate in the solution of international problems..We have promoted global negotiations within the United Na- tions as the t>est way to achieve, by negotiation and not through confrontation, a restructuring of the present un- just international economic order, lowering the rising level of world tension and forging a truly safe world for every- one. 175. Peru has been active in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea, which has been meet- ing since the end of 1973 and which in August completed its tenth session, at Geneva. In so doing, .we have done nothing more than protect the higher national interests of our country, a mining country of the first order, which, in the future, with many other countries, could see the prices of its raw materials and minerals affected if in the future the free unilateral exploitation of the sea-bed by the highly industrialized. countries and their trailsnational en- terprises is pennitted. That would violate the principle that the sea-bed and its resources are the common heritage of mankind. 176. We are pleased by the fact that at the last meeting the unofficial text of the draft Convention lO became offi- cial, that the argument for 200 miles 'which was so tena- ciously defended has finally achieved its official confir- mation, the headquarters of the International Seabed Authority and of the International Tribunal on the Law of the Sea have been established and consensus' has been reached on the difficult task of the delimitation of the economic zones and continental shelves between States with adjacent and opposing coastlines. 177. As we have already stated, these achievements demonstrate that the States of the third world are united in their (jetennination to prevent any changes in substantive aspects of :'the draft Convention. This is also a des!re shared by the great majority of the developed countries that participated in the Conference. 179. One of the most important events of the foreign policy of Peru this year has been Peru's accession to the Antarctic Treaty, signed in Washington on 1 December 1959. The Government of Peru considers that, given the special geographical position of our country, we have a direct and substantial interest in the Antarctic region and consequently, on the basis of the principle of the legal equality of all the signatories, we shall strive hard in the search for a general and final statute for that area in which equal consideration will be given to the interests of all the States involved. 180. My country deems it opportune to mention the important step taken by the United Nations in promoting the Conference on New and Renewable Sources of En- ergy, which has permitted the drawing up of the Nairobi Programme of Action on the development and utilization of those, sources of energy. 11 In addition, we believe that in order to consolidate the progress that has been.made it will be necessary to bring about a real transfer of finan- cial and technological resources from the developed coun- tries to the developing countries with a view to the util- ization of those new sources of energy. 181. The Government of Peru views with apprehension the close relationship between the tense international sit- uation and the deadlock in the disarmament process. The deterioration of the latter has been dangerously aggravated , by an escalation in the arms race on a world-wide level which involves primarily those nations that have the largest arsenals of nuclear and conventional weapons. In this connection, Peru is particularly concerned over the fact that an appreciation' of the universal importance of peace tends to be diluted in theoretical and birtding for- mulations, if not in misunderstandings which lead to failure, and that the institutionalized efforts of the United Nations run the risk of becoming bureaucratized when they are not legitimized by the political will of Govern- ments. 182. In keeping with our traditional positions, Peru will continue to work in 'every way possible for general and complete disarmament. 183. Our Organization, through its work on the constant and difficult task of promoting a world order in which each individual and each nation can enjoy without any encumbrance, limitations or threats the elementary rights to freedom, security, development and well-being, is the appropriate framework for the consideration of any matter that may have ,to do with the defence of h~n' rights. . .' ~ 184. 'l\vo d~ades ago, Peru ratified the Univers"aI Dec- laration of Human Rights, and we are a signatory''to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and its Optional ProtocoL Regionally, we have·ratified the 185. Peru, in keeping with its demonstrated humanistic calling, .today reiterates its devotion to those principles and rights as well as its determination to contribute to the promotion of the essential dignity of the human' person and the development and well-being of society in a framework of freedom, social justice and full respect for the basic rights of the individual. 186. This historic p('lsition of principle, set forth in the new Political Charter of the State of Peru, has been and will be zealously respected by the Government' of Presi- dent Belaunde Terry. 187. We reject as inhumane and contrary to the march of history the system of apartheid which prevails in South Africa. Peru is a country which is proud of its multiracial ancestry, and we cannot a~'"w the establishment of dis- criminatory differences of any kind. This is set forth in one of the articles of the Peruvian Constitution. 188. Peru once again denounces the unlawful occupa- tion of the territory of Namibia, in flagrant violation of the express injunctions of the United Nations and of the advisory opinion of. 2J June 1971 of the International Court of Justice. '2 We reaffirm here the unconditional support of my Government for the self-determination' of the Namibian people, their inalienable right to indepen- dence, respect for their sovereignty and territorial integ- rity and their right to their natural resources. 189. Peru reaffirms its devotion to peace and its full and total support for the principle banning the. use of force' in the settlement of disputes, which is the fundamental guid- ing principle of its foreign' policy. Disputes must be set- tled by the peaceful means set forth in the international instruments.to which the parties ,are bound, for respect for the obligations arising from treaties, as enshrined in the Charter, is the indisputable foundation on which contem- porary international relations are built. Thus, .Peru will co-operate in the adoptionof any international instrument which bans once and for all the use of force in relations among States. 190. It is therefore regrettable that situations of tension persist between Iraq and Iran, in Cyprus, in I<ampuchea and in Afghanistan. My delegation considers that every effort must be made in this Assembly and. in the Security Council to put an end soon to those situations. At the same time, we give full backing to the Secretary-General in his efforts to find negotiated political fonnulas' which would cQntribute to their solution, whether by mandate of the Council or on his own initiative within the framework of his prerogatives. 191. My delegation cannot fail to indicate its rejection of the recent invasion of Angola by foreign troops, which not only is an attack on the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, but which furthermore c4"ntributes to an increase in the threat to international peace and security. 192. Weexpresso~rserious concern over the deteriora- tion in the situation in the Middle East. We condemn the 193. _IG is urgent that the General Assembly find valid procedures and machinery which would bring this painful conflict to a satisfactory solution, bearing in mind the rel- evant Security Council and General Assembly resolutions, the secure existence of all the concerned States and par- ties in. the region and all valid efforts to achieve peace and understanding.' 194. Peru considers that it is the obligation of the As- sembly to tackle the task of making the provisions of the Charter of the Qrganization more effective. To that end, we believe that the decision-making machinery of the United Nations must be revitalized to make it more effec- tive, especially in the case of the Security Council. It is discouraging to note the abuse of the exceptional priv- ileges ofcertain countries in the Organization. It is there- fore our urgent and inescapable obligation to resolve this serious situation. 195. In my country, the Head of State has appealed to all political parties and all sectors of national activity to join together, without setting aside their own convictions, "in their humble homes-with all their unfulfilled yearn- ings, in the squalor of their urban and rural slums, in their decaying schools, to take the decision to overcome their afflictions". 196. He called for a great united effort: for national brotherhood. 197. At this time of tension and trial for the interna- tional community, I think that it behoves us too to think deeply. There should be an appeal to the conscience of all nations to join together-making use of only what is positive in progress and science-to solve mankind's problems. 198. For its part,. my country, at this thirty-sixth session of the Genera] Assembly, calls for world brotherhood.

Sir, I should like first of all to congratulate you most warmly on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. You have spent almost a quarter of a century in this Organization, as a representative of your Government and as an official of the United Nations Sec- retariat. You have an enviable reputation among your col- leagues. They regard you as a person of high intelligence, of great ability and of unquestionable integrity, and there is no doubt that you will lead this session with fairness and efficiency. 200. I should also like to pay a brief tribute to your immediate predecessor, Mr. Rtidiger von Wechmar of the Federal Republic of Germany. He presided over the thirty- fifth session of the General Assembly with efficiency, faimess and punctuality. 201. It also gives me great pleasure to welcome a fel- low-member of the Commonwealth-, Vanuatu, as.the 155th lv1ember of this Organization. ' 204. Students of the subject tell us that since the end of the Second World War there have been more than 100 wars and military actions between nations. Millions have died in these conflicts and, in fact, more have died in conflicts since 1945 than in the Second World War. Many more have been maimed and made homeless. Millions have been dispossessed and have been living as refugees, becoming endemic problems to host countries. Those who are victims of these conflicts and others who are cynics may well ask whether the United Nations has been of any use at all. To those of us who think that it has, the more pertinent question is, perhaps, what would have been the experience of the world without the United Nations. 205. There are many of us who feel that the United Na- tions, in order to be an effective security organization, must be able to intervene in conflicts on the side of the victim against the aggressor. We wish that the United Na- tions could be a supranational body with the capacity to impose peace. This assumes that the great Powers that are Members of this Organization will act in unity and out of a common perception when faced with matters of war and peace. This, in fact, was the underlying assumption be- hind the founding of this Organization-that the co-oper- ation of the great Powers would make collective action possible. Our experience, sadly, is that this has not mate- rialized. Collective action has not been possible except in a few and rare instances. 206. From a number of great Powers at the founding of the United Nations, we have today two super-Powers. Every conflict involving any two or more nations is seen either as an opportunity to advance the interest of one super-Power or as a danger to the interest of the other super-Power. The United nations, where the super-Powers are supposed to co-operate in collective action to ensure peace, has instead become a cockpit of rivalry between them. They use the United Nations to further their interest in whatever way possible. 207. Thus the United Nations has not been able to act directly to bring C\bout peace in armed conflicts except, as 1 said, in r€ire instances. Are we therefore wasting our time here? Isthis just a charade on stage with no bearing on real events? I do not believe so, because if we did so believe, most of us would not be here. 209. For us, the United Nations offers the most effec- tive forum in which to highlight our problems of peace, to bring pressure to bear on militant nations and to work towards a solution in a conflict. It is in the United Na- tio~s and through its numerous organs that our diplomats and officials deal directly with one another. Through this process we have become more sensitive to each other's concerns. As others have said, our agenda now goes be- yond mere questions of security and territory. We are con- cerned with problems of energy, environment, population, resources and even our seas. We the small nations need the United Nations all the mbre to protect our interests, and it is to our advantage to use and develop the United Nations machinery. We have to search for new and more effective ways to mobilize and express the view of those who are exercised by a problem. 210. It is for that reason that small nations have, from time to time, resorted to this Organization to solve their problems, be it the Middle East problem or problems in Africa, Afghanistan or Cambodia. For instance, on the Kampuchean problem, the overwhelming majority of United Nations Members have felt sufficiently strongly about it to caB for an International Conference on Kam- puchea. The attendance at that Conference confirmed the continuing concern of the international community with this problem. The Conference's Declaration and resolution provide a reasonable framework for a solution to the problem. 211. I believe that the United Nations has played and can play a role in matters of war and peace. The deci- sions in the United Nations and the moral pressure of the collective stand of the majority of the Members here can help ensure not only that an aggressor nation pays a high price. but that it is denied the fruits of its conquest. When the protagonists in a conflict and the super-Powers or other outside Powers indirectly involved in the conflict find that the price of their action is high, they can be led to see that it is in their interest to bring the conflict to an end. Through the United Nations, a face-saving way out of the problem can be provided. These are vital roles that the United Nations can play. 212. With the "one State, one vote" norm, the United Nations has made it easier for us, the sn.all countries, to link our strength and to exert the moral pressure that United Nations Mem!>ets can collectively bring to bear upon a recalcitrant Member that pursues an expansionist policy. 213. Nations, like men, are interdependent. They are members of a community. They desire a place in the community of nations which will bring co-operation, re- spect and even approbation. Through the United Nations, we can deny a nation a place if it transgresses the princi- ples of the Charter of the United Nations to ;,which it sub- scribes. The United Nations may be unable to\t~e armed action collectively, but by the decisions and principled positions that we take here we can impress on' 'pOtential aggressors that the use of military force in resolving dis- agreements or expressing disapproval is unacceptable. 215. Moral support and assistance to those who sustain the resistance against an aggressor does help, for it not only gives strength to the victim but also provides sus- tained international pressure on the aggressor. Over time, the aggressor will have to find a face-saving way out of the situation. 216. We who gather here annually, therefore, can play an important role in the peace process by our pronounce- ments on issues, provided those pronouncements are cred- ible and based on fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. If we trade supportfor issues with- out regard for principles or allow the interests of big Powers to detennine our position, we will lose all cred- ibility. 217. On two of the questions which have engaged the General Assembly for the last two years-Cambodia and Afghanistan-nearly two thirds of the Members have been unequivocal in their stand. In both cases, the major- ity of United Nations Members have taken the position they have because they have been able to see clearly that there has been armed invasion and occupation of small nations by other, larger. nations, with either direct or indi- rect participation of a permanent member of the Security Council of this Organization. It is a delusion to think' that two thirds.of the Members l1ere. ~ acting at the behest of other Powers. The justification has been pfferedthat for- eign forces were invited by the victims, but these have been shown to be spurious. 218. It is not surprising, th~~fore, that those who fil1d themselves in the dock in the United Nations today on these two issues dismiss the resolutions of the United Na- tions against them as irrelevant and of no. consequence. Yet, the re:cords will show that those who dismiss the res- olutions tried to win the approval of this Assembly for their actions in Cambodia and Afghanistan. Having failed to win the support of this Assembly, they now dismiss the resolutiorisas of no consequence. It is perhaps forgivable when a new member of this Organization expresses his belief that United Nations resolutions c.an be ignored. But it gives reason for concern .wh~n .a pennanent member of the Security Council urges Members of this body to ig- nore its pronouncements and recommendations as en- shrined in various resolutions. It becomes a matter of even greater concern when a large. country and leader of the non-aligned movement is publicly On record as saying that: "These overwhelming majorities mean nothing. We have had so many overwhelming majoritie~,.... These votes do not mean anything." 219. For the past two years, the majority of us have not been taken in by. such gratuitous advice. On the other r; 220. The debate and resolutions in'the Assembly have over the past two years demonstrated to patriotic' Cambo- dians and Afghans that they are not alone and that they have not been forgotten by the world community.. The United Nations has by its pronouncements given the moral basis and encouragement for others to help these patriots. 221. We, therefore, in this Assembly must continue to focus attention <w these and similar problems, such as the South African occupation of Namibia and the South Af- rican incursion into Angola. And we. have to focus atten- tion not only in the General Assembly, but also through special conferences, like the International Conference on Kampuchea. 222. We the Member States should not, therefore, hesi- tate to mobilize ourselves to condemn any violation of principles of the Charter of the United, Nations. At the same time, a way out of the problem must be offered. It is the least we as a body can do to encourage those who courageously resist aggression and strive to preserve their national independence and .uphold the principles of the Charter. 223. Mr. GON<;ALVES PEREIRA (Portugal):* Sir, I should like to begin by extending to you my warmest words of.congratulation on your election to the presidency of the thirty-sixth session of the General Assembly. It is with profound satisfaction that we once again see serving. the international community someone whose human qualities and vast experience as politician and diplomat guarantee that we shall reach positive results during this session. . 224. I am very pleased to see this high office occupied by the representative of a friendly Arab nation with which we share so many historical· and traditional links-and specially from Iraq., whose relations with Portugal have been marked by a close and fruitful co-operation that we wish to maintain Hnd develop. 225. I should also like to express our sincere esteem and gratitude to Mr. von Wechmar for his constant and devoted efforts in favour of peace and justice and for the untiring and commendable manner in which he dedicated himself to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. We have the highest respect for his excellent contribution to the good conduct of our work last year. 226. Finally, I wish to address a special word of greet- ing and gratitude to the Secretary-General, who recently greatly honoured our country with an official visit. His clear vision of the international community, his human and diplomatic qualities" and the competent and devoted way in which he guides the. work of the Organization are all worthy of our highest praise. . 228. The General Assembly has gathered once again to avail itself of the diligence and efforts of its Members to analyse and" debate the grave issues· facing the world which, for the major part, call for, an urgent solution. Notwithstanding their best efforts, it is not an easy task to find new solutions, to follow up and reinforce those al- ready advocated and to remove the obstacles in the path of peace and progress. 229. Profound changes in the international system have been brought about by the cumulative effects of diverse factors. The agenda of the General Assembly has been broadened beyond the traditional themes of security and the balance of power to include matters of increasing complexity which pose a continuing challenge·to the Gov- ernments of all the countries here represented. However, like the speakers who preceded me and those who will follow, I am certain that we, the Members of this dis- tinguished Organization, will do our utmost to find the proper solutions. 230. The continuing situation in Afghanistan, where a Soviet intervention. persists in open violation of the Ch~­ ter and in defiance of the condemnation of international public opinion and of the Assembly, constitutes clear evi- dence of a policy of expansion and of the ensuing risks to stability and international detente. Convinced that the present situation is not evolving favourably, and aware of the risk it represents to the geostrategical balance of power and to peace, the Portuguese Government has clearly and cOlisistently condemned the persistence of a situation that is both politically and juridically unaccept- 'able. . 231. In this spirit, my delegation wishes to express its full support for the recent plan of the European Council meeting at Luxembourg on 29 and 30 June! for the con- vening of an international conference within the. frame- work of the diplomatic efforts initiated by the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. 232. The invasion and occupation of Kampuchea by the Vietnamese armed forces have also been condemned by an overwhelming majority of the States Members of the Organization, including my own country. Portugal consid- ers that a solution to this problem must be based on the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the territory of Kampu9hea. We further consider that the International Conference convened earlier this year by the United Na- tions constituted an important step towards the peaceful solution of this conflict. 233. In view of such situations as these, the fundamen- tal question confronting the General Assembly is to de- cide whether the Declaration on Principles of International Law concex.;ning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter. of .the United Nations [resolution 2625 (XXV)] and the Declara- tion on Principles Guiding Relations between Participating 234.. These fundamental questions have been. and still are under discussion in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe meeting in Madrid. New pro- posals and criticisms presented there must not be seen as contrary to detente, but in their proper context of review and positive appraisal. What cannot be admitted is a con- cept of detente that allows it to exist simultaneously as an instrument of co-operation and struggle in all fields, to suit each party's interests at any given moment. If detente is a necessity of international life, the practice of reci- procity is essential to it. 235. Furthermore, good faith is required if detente is to lead to co-operation in all fields and to the elimination, or at least the easing of tensions. This is, we believe, the correct position, one which has. guided our participation in this important meeting within the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe. We still hope that such an approach will prevail and that sub- stantial results wHl be achieved. 236. Finally, the principles of detente must also be ob- served and respected in the relations between countries with basically similar political and social systems. In fact, there is no sense in confining respect for the principles of detente, peace, territorial integrity and non-interference in the internal affairs of States to relations between countries with different systems. Moreover, we think that drastic ac- tion against them will inevitably lead to developments dif- ficult to control and therefore capable of generating the most dangerous reactions. 237. It has often been stated here that the degree of technological development in the field of armaments has rendered obsolete the classic geographical theories of de- fence. We all· know that the security that resulted from distance and natural frontiers is today to a certain extent greatly reduced, if not nullified. The sole reality is that the capahility for mutual destruction exists. 238. Considering, from this p'erspective; the destabiliz- ing changes that ;have taken place during the last several years in the~ military balance between East and West, it seems appropriate for me to underline the fact that NATO, of which Portugal is an active and committed member, consider the stability of the military balance to be an important and timely .contribution to general se- curity and peace. 239. This is also the primary objective of arms control, the aim of which is to attain a balance of power at a minimal level of armaments, especially' J:~uclear arma- ments, without loss of security. The decision\taken by the members of NATO on 12 December 197914 "served that purpose. In this sense, my country strongly'supports the important negotiations between the United States and the Soviel Union which are due to open befo~ the end of this 241. It is our hope that the second special session on disarmament will allow us collectively. to review the achievements in the field of disarmament in the light of the Final Document of the tenth special session of the General Assembly, whose validity remains intact. We hope its conclusions will help the negotiations and assure them of significant progress in this field. 242. I should now like to mention some of the problems that contribute to the worsening of \"Cgional tensions~d jeopardize the United Nations principles and, capacity for effective intervention. The question of Namibia, where South Africa persists in maintaining an illegal situation, thus preventing the Namibian people from exercising their right to self-detennination, has led to .attacks on Angolan territory that are to be condemned. Almost three years have elapsed since the adoption of Security Council reso- lution 435 (1978), yet, notwithstanding the constant dip- lomatic initiatives of the Secretary-General and of the "contact group" , with the support of the front-line States, the legitimate hopes for a final settlement have not yet been fulfilled. 243. The recent invasion of Angola's territory-.un- justifiable on any grounds, and undermining the princi- ples of international law that should govern us all-is a negative result of a latent confrontation that must urgently be solved through political. means. 244. The events in southern Angola represent an evident sign of the risks created by the present situation, resulting in heavy sacrifices for the sovereign State ofAngola, with which we renew our solidarity. We shQuldnot forget. either, the attack perpetrated on Mozambique last January, which we equally reject. 245. My country has supported Namibia's independence in accordance with .Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and trusts the diplolllatic efforts that the "contact group" bas been conducting within. its fram~work. This support we reiterate today, convinced that new delays or . unacceptable intransigence may lead to a grave confronta- tion in southern. Africa, with dire repercussions on inter- national stability. 247. On the other hand, my country has stressed the urgent need for a mutual effort towards an understanding between Israel and the PLO, based on a mutual recogni- tion that would take into account unquestionable political realities and help create a peaceful future for the area. To this end, it is legitimate to hope that,the Government of Tel Aviv may draw from the martyred history of the Jew- ish people such human understanding as will permit it to break the present circle of intransigence, recognizing that' the Palestinian people cannot be denied the political, na- tional and social rights that have made possible the exist- ence and consolidation of the State of Israel itself. 248. It is in this context that Portugal supports the dip- lomatic initiatives-particularly the. efforts made by the EEC-that, hopefully, will substitute for the present con- frontatiQn an indispensable dialogue of peace and co-oper- ation. Likewise, the recent plan advanced by Crown Prince Fahd of Saudi Arabia represents a significant politi- calstep that should be given the attention that it deserves. 249. Still within the existing sources of international tension that are gloomily pictured in our agenda, we should acknOWledge with hope that progress has, been achieved under the auspices of the OAU on the problem of the self-determination of Western Sahara. We salute the spirit of negotiation resulting in the exploration of avenues leading towards a democratic solution and an equitable conciliation of the legitimate interests of the parties con- cerned, 250. As is known, Portugal's adherence as quickly as possible to the European Communities, to which my Government remains deeply committed, reflects the pro- found political; economic, social and cultural realities that identify us with the countries members of· those Comrnu- nities~ This goal is in' keeping with the legitimate aspira- tions of the Portuguese people and,constitutes one of the main priorities of my Government within the framework 9f its global policy and its. external action. . pf c,....~... ..... - ........ ... 253. Because of its intermediate state of economic de- velopment, Portugal is in a position to understand the dif- ficulties facing both sides. We attach importance to all initiatives aimed at overcoming the present crisis. We be- lieve that all countries should contribute to these· initia- tives, regardless of their own level of development or eco- nomic and social systems. That is the only WflY to keep .the North-South dialogue alive and to contribute to the timely launching of the global negotiations, which have given rise to so many hopes in the international commu- nity. It is in that spirit that Portugal has actively partici- pated in several meetings and conferences of the United Nations, more particularly the United Nations Conference on New and Renew~ble Sources of Energy and the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries. We support the basic idea of the International Meeting on Co-operation and Development which will be held at Cancun,and we hope that this meeting will bear positive results and a better understanding between countries with larger dimensions and consequently commitments, and those which have suffered more because of their lack of resources. 254. We share the view that there are two main prob- lems which stand out in the complex of development: en- ergy and food. Interlinked and complementary, these two issues, which are indeed important to the international community as a whole, to a large extent determine the possibilities of overcoming the stage of underdevelop- ment. In fact, more than two thirds of mankind' are af- flicted with a scarcity of food and energy jeopardizing all efforts towards development. Because of the world-wide crisis in energy products and the acute world food and agricultural situation causing the depleti()n of,grain re- serves and the consequent price increases, the importing countries, in addition to endangering gravely their balance of payments, must allocate to these consumer products resources that are vital to support the structural changes capable of allowing them to make progress on the.path,to developml1nt. 255. My country has historic relations with a group of nations occupying extensive areas of what is traditionally called the third world, Together with the leaders of these nations, we have embarked upon broader co-operation, co-operation which hitherto haS been mainly bilateral. Our growing and tintiring efforts are aimed' at diversifying this co-operation which we intend to intensify with the third-world countries and the specialized agencies, rhus we hope to overcome a situation repreSenting 'an obstacle to progress, one which is an insult to human dignity. 258. This is a field where the United Nations, in ac- cordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter, has the responsibility to promote and protect human rights and to provide an opportunity for dialogue and co-opera- tion among its Member States with the most diverse sys- tems and historical and social conditions. It is our view that such a task can be fulfilled only through enhancing the effectiveness of the United Nations system, whose ca- pabilities to intervene should also be strengthened. That is the position we have been advocating particularly during the past three years in the Commission on Human Rig~ts, of which we have had the privilege of being a member. 259. The Portuguese Government attaches the highest importance to the observance of these principles, which are enshrined in clear and decisive terms in our Constitu- tion and integrated in the day-to-day practice of the Por- tuguese people. We have stated as much in the report on the implementation of the rights protected by the Xnterna- tional Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prese:n",~d by Portugal to the last session of the Commission on Hun'~an Rights. IS 260. We wish to reiterate the importance we attach to civil and political rights, which are the very foundation of our own historical reality. Even though we recognize that the effective enjoyment of such rights calls for the im- provement of the present economic, social and cultural conditions, we cannot agree that the search for such im- provement should take precedence over the guarantee of what we consider to be the fundamental rights inherent in human dignity, which, above all, we must protect at any cost. 261. However, we think it is far more important to en- sure effective and increasingly wide protection of all rights than to form a hierarchy of various types of rights. Let us' remain hopeful that those rights will be imple- mented. This is a field in which a primary role must be played by the international community and i'n..which the United Nations has a special responsibility. ". . , 262. Still regarding the protection of the rights' of peo- ples, I must mention: that one problem persists which is a 264. The resolution of this problem lies within the re- sponsibility of the United Nations. However, Portugal, having no territorial claims whatsoever to East Timor, ac- knowledges .its responsibilities in. helping to find solutions by consent that are in keeping with the right of self-deter- mination. 265. Many and grave are the problems .demanding an urgent solution that are faced by the international commu- nity. Without the goodwill of peoples in the'struggle against misery, hunger and war, the ingenuity of man and, the potential of States will continue to be misdirected to- wards .the perpetuation of conflicts, and thus the····progress and well-being of mankind will be set aside. We trust that common sense will prevail and that the world of tomor- row will see the conflagrations that now afflict mankind progressively diminish. 266. It is our profound belief that the United Nations will play an important role in this fundamental harmo- nization of efforts. 267. The R,-'.1{b£lDENT (interpretation from Arabic): The representative of Ecuador has asked to be allowed to speak in exer'cise of the right of reply.

The Foreign Minister of Peru has seen fit in this Assembly today to refer to the territorial problem con- fror-ling Ecuador and Peru with regard to the important reference to it in the report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, as fo!lows: ". . . the Governments of Ecuador and Peru decided to engage in negotiations after a series of armed skirmishes early this year. By their posi- tive attitude these Governments were. able to arrest an es- calation of hostilities". [A/36/1, sect. IV.] 269. The last incident with Ecuador to which Peru r~­ ferred took place in January of this year, and in due course my Foreign Office informed the United Nations Security Council of it in a letter dated 1 February 1981 17 in which we indicated the aggression suffered by Ecuador on 22 January in the region of Cordillera del C6ndor. It is hardly possible to refer to the presence of Ecuadorian forces in another territory when the boundaries of the area in question are undefined because of the geographical error of the absence of any divortium aquarum or line 270.E<!uador welcomed the appeal of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and the United States that both countries should ab- stain from any resort to force and should make the great- est possible efforts to eliminate tensions by peaceful means. 271. In a later note addressed to the Security Council on 5 February,18 Ecuador informed it of the resolution adopted unanimously at the Nineteenth Meeting' of Con- sultation of Mini~ters of Foreign Affairs of the Organiza- tion of American States dated 4 February, which took note with satisfaction of the announcement by the two Governments of a ce:lse-fire, urgt~d both countries to de- mobilize and stressed the solemn commitment of both countries to re-establish and consolidate the peace and avoid any act that might endanger that peace, and to make every effort to overcome the present difficulties. All this Ecuador has continued to do in accordance with its vocation and its mission as a peace-loving State that re- e spects international law. 272. Ecuador firmly maintains its faith in the principles of international law and in the peaceful settlement of dis- putes and controversies, and trusts in the usefulness and the responsibility of international organizations to ensure the rule of justice. Thus Ecuador is ready for construc- tive, open and cordial dialogue with Peru in order to find a worthy solution that will put an end to this problem once and for all. 273. The Constitutional President of Ecuador, Mr. Os- valdo Hurtado, in August last stated to the National Con- gress that "Ecuador has sought ceaselessly and by every NarES • See Report of the International Conference on Kampuchea, (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.I.20), annex I. 2 Ibid., annex 11, resolution I (I). 4 Later adopted as resolution 36/55. 5 North-South: A program for survival; report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, under the Chairman- ship of Willy Brandt (Cambridge, Massachusetts, The MIT Preloii, . 1980). 6 AlCONEI04/22 and Con: 2 and 3, part one, sect. A. 7 Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independente. . 9 Ibid., Supplement for January, February and March 19~1, document S1I4384. IJ See United Nations Conference on New and Renewable Sources of Energy (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.8l.I.24), chap. I, sect. A. 12 Legal90nsequences for States of (/ze Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithsianding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.C.J. Reports 1971, p. 16. 13 See Bulletin of the E.uropean Communities, No. 6, 1981, vol. 14, para. 1.1.13. 14 See NATO Information Service, Texts of Final Communiques, vol. 11, p. 118. 15 CCPRlC/6/Add.6. 16 See AlAC.109/663, para. 15. 18 Ibid., document S1I4363.