A/37/PV.76 General Assembly

I am about to make some rather strong comments that include some rather harsh criticisms of some of the activities of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. I would like therefore at the outset to make it clear that what I have to say about the Special Committee and some of its activities has nothing whatever to do with, and should not be considered in any way to detract from, the enormously high regard which my delegation has for the Chairman of that Committee, Mr. Frank Abdulah. For a number of years my colleagues and I have been happy to work with this good colleague and good friend, and we wish to join others who have spoken from this rostrum in paying a tribute to him for all that he has done in the cause of decolonization and self-determination during his years here at the United Nations. 2. We donot altogether share the regret which other speakers have expressed concerning his departure, and this is because we know where he is going. What is the loss of New York is the gain of London, and we look forward to greeting at the Court of St. lames such a very distinguished representative ofthe Government of Trinidad and Tobago as is Mr. Abdulah. 3. The other person whose departure we note with regret is the Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs, Trusteeship and Decolonization, Mr. Djermakoye. Successive British Governments have found it a privilege to deal with Mr. Djermakoye. We pay him a tribute and offer him our good wishes for the future. 4. The principles governing the United Kingdom's policies towards its remaining dependent Territories were set out by my delegation in the statement by Mr. Arnold, MP, at the 17th meeting of the Fourth Committee, on 9 November. Since these are the wellknown principles stated succinctly in Article 73 of Tuesday, 23 November /982, at 10.55 a.m. NEW YORK the Charter of the United Nations, there is no need for me now to set them out again. 5. In particular, the 40 to 50 Member States that at an earlier stage in their constitutional development were themselves dependent Territories of the United Kingdom are familiar with the commitment of successive British Governments to the principle of selfdetermination and to the policy of granting independence to the peoples of dependent Territories whenever this has been their wish. As a direct consequence, between a quarter and a third of the States represented here became independent sovereign States, and there can be no doubt about the sincerity of our aims or about the success we have achieved in practice. 6. Of the 43 dependent Territories on which the United Kingdom first submitted information to the United Nations following the end of the Second World War, only nine continue to have dependent status, and several of these are island Territorie3 which have been detached by their own wishes from larger units with which th~y had been expected to progress to selfdetermination and independence. They are mostly very small, and in some cases 'very isolated, Territories, with above all a pressing need for project aid and technical assistance programmes to promote their economic development. Thus, a large part of the British role in respect of these Territories has been to assist them economically, as those familiar with the reports of the Special Committee will very well know. 7. But we have also had their political aspirations at heart. No one should underestimate the strength and resilience of the democratic structures which have been built up in each of these Territories by the peoples concerned and with the encouragement of ~uc­ cessive British Governments. Any decisions which are taken about constitutional development will be according to the wishes of the peoples concerned. I can assure members of the Assembly that the United Kingdom's policy will continue to be that independence should be granted whenever it is the wish of those peopks and at the pace that they seek. It will not be forced upon them against their will. 8. Over the years the British Government and the United Nations have worked closely together to bring dependent Territories to independence when such was their wish. We co-operate particularly closely with the Special Committee, whose report [Aj37j23jRev./] is before the Assembly today. To those delegations on that Committee that have made a diligent and effective study of the problems and preoccupations of the Territories remaining on the agenda I pay a tribute. Their work has helped to promote the principle of self-determination, and they have striven to make the Committee a source of moral support and encour- 13. Another undesirable tendency on the part of some delegations on the Special Committee has been to seek out new problems with a divisive and confrontational impact in the Committee, even though they are not properly part of the Committee's agenda. This tendency was illustrated by the adoption of tendentious resolutions on Puerto Rico. It was only when the matter of inscribing the question of Puerto Rico as a separate item for this session of the General As.sembly was discussed in the General Committee and then in the Assembly that the delegations concerned were prepared to accept that there is not overwhelming support at the United Nations for sniffing out colonial situations where acts of self-determination have already taken place. Similarly, there was an attempt to extend the General Assembly's jurisdiction to the Trust Territory of the Pacific, even though Micronesia is dealt with by the Trusteeship Council and the Charter is quite explicit about the division oflabour with respect to strategic and non-strategic Trust Territories respectively. The Assembly can indeed be justly proud that all the Trust Territories coming within its jurisdiction have proceeded to acts of selfdetermination and in most cases to independence. In the case of Micronesia, we look forward to acts of self-determination in the.near future, when the peoples concerned can take their own decisions to suit best their own particular needs. 14. These divisive issues to which I have referred unfortunately took up no less than three quarters of the Special Committee's work during its 1982 session. They also caused problems for the Fourth Committee, which was asked to take a position on draft resolutions which were submitted without any existing agenda item to encompass them. A thoroughly unsatisfactory text on military arrangements and activities by colonial P~wers which might be impeding the implementation of the Declaration was slipped in by the back door, supposedly coming within the purview of agenda item 98, on foreign economic and other interests. There was no substantive debate on the question in the Fourth Committee; there was considerable c1lnfusion amongst delegations; and a number of statements made clear the unhappiness of Member States at the strange procedure which had been adopted on a text which in the Special Committee could not command a consensus. The text which was submitted on Micronesia also caused confusion in the Fourth Committee, and delegations found themselves being asked to vote on a question of which the General Assembly had not been seized and for which a perfectly satisfactory forum for discussion existed, namely, in the Trusteeship Council. A vote on this draft resolution would only have precipitated further difficulties, and the Chairman of the Fourth Comm~ttee wisely suggested, following consultations WIth the Chairman of the Special Committee and other delega- 21. The United Nations is playing a vital role in the process of decolonization by rendering all kinds of support to the peoples which have gained their independence but have many difficulties because of the long period of colonial domination, economic exploitation and brutal suppression by the colonial Powers. 22. Since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the process of decolonization has been accelerated considerably as a result ofthe strong political and moral support of the international community. Considerable pressure has been put on the colonial Powers, which had for centuries used their military power to supr-ress any aspirations of the peoples under colonial rule to freedom and independence. The era of gunboat diplomacy has begun to come to an end. 23. The newly independent States enjoy the manysided support of the progressive forces of the world. My country, Hungary, has always been among those that have resolutely rejected all kinds of colonial domination and called for an end to economic exploitation, oppression and racial discrimination. Our solidarity with the colonial peoples in their struggle mili~ary bases of colonial Powers. These foreign economic and military interests constitute a major impediment to decolonization. Much has been said about these foreign interests in the debates in the Fourth Committee-during past years, but the situation remains unchanged. And, what is more, we are still witnessing the unceasing manreuvres of the neocolonialists to strengthen their positions, thus not only hamper.ng the process of decolonization but threatening the genuine independence of the peoples who, historically, rid themselves of the colonial yoke not long ago. 25. It has been agreed by many delegations that at present Namibia is the most acute issue of colonialism. Against the strong will of the international community, the racist regime ofSouth Africa continues to occupy this Territory, the homeland of a people that h~s suffered much, although according to the resolutions of the United Nations and the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, this is illegal. Countless efforts to persuade South Africa to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations have failed because of the intransigence of the racist regime. 26. South Africa is not simply a colonizing Power. It maintains a unique system of racial discrimination, the system of apartheid, which in itself is a crime against humanity. Furthermore, South Africa is the main destabilizing factor on the African continent and constitutes a constant threat to international peace·and security. The main targets of the racist regime's aggressiveness are the front-line States, above all Angola.·The southern part ofAngola has been occupied by tk~ military forces of the racist regime in flagrant violation of international law. 27. Everyone here knows that South Africa could not pursue its policy of colonial subjugation of Namibia and the constant f!ggression against neighbouring States and could :1ot maintain its shameful system of aparlheid without the collaboration and [rrffi support of its Western allies. 28. During past years efforts have been made to settle the question of Namibia outside the United Nations. On some occasions an atmosphere of optimism has been deliberately spread to generate hopes of a speedy solution, but this optimism has proved to be false. In connection with the solution ofthe question of Namibia, I ~~lould like to reiterate the firm conviction of my delegation that no settlement can be ad]ieved without the participation of the United Nations, no lasting solution can be found without respecting the basic right of the Namibian people to self-determination. No solution can be found by rejecting the role of the South West Africa People's Organizations [SWAPO] as the sole genuine representative of the ~~amibian people. Any attempt to put forward tre puppet groups ofSouth Africa in th" settlement process is doomed to failure. 30. In this year we have witnessed once again how unsolved problems of colonial origin endanger peace and contribute to tension not only in the region where they prevail but all over the world. The war in the South Atlantic has borne tragic testimony to that. In ord~r to avoid such tragic events in the future, the international community should pay particular attention to all questions related to decolonization. Even today we face some situations which might grow into more dangerous regional or global crises. There are some forces which are trying to block the process of decolonization because they wish to defend above all else their selfish economic and other interests-. Foreign economic interests in colonial Territories fire major obstacles to decolonization. Military bases on Non-Self·Governing Territories constitute an equally serious impediment to the process of decolonization. 31. It is my delegation's firm conviction that the military bases in the Pacific Islands and in the regions of the Indian Ocean and the Caribbean should be dismantled, because they impede the exercise of the right to self-determination of the peoples concerned and heighten tension in these regions. 32. 1ft ':onclusion, I should like to express my delegation's sincere appreciation to the Special Committee, to its Chairman, Mr. Frank Abdulah of Trinidad and Tobago, and to all the members of the Committee for their dedication and the work they have done to promote the cause of peoples under colonial domination. My ddegation has always paid great attention to tile questions ofdecolonization and will continue to do so until the last remnant of colonialism is eliminated. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to reassure the colonial countries and peoples of the solidarity and support of the people and Government of the Hungarian People's ReptJblic.

During the past decades history has proved that the process of the liberation of peoples from colonial and racist domination is irreversible. Nothing and nobody can hold it back in the long run. The United Nations, with the adoption of its historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Pfoples, gave a fresh impetus to that process. The peoples' struggle for natior.al and social liberation has found support through the consistent and systematic work of the General Assembly, the Fourth Committee and the Special Committee. 34. Many former colonial dependent Territories have won their independence during the past decades. As sovereign States Members of the United Nations, they contribute towards the general fulfilment of the objectives of the Organization. In drawing up a balance ~heet of the results achieved so far in the process of decolonization, it is necessary at the same time to reveal the reasons why the provisions of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial 45. As members know, the historic DecJaratiQn was adopted on the initiative of the Soviet Union. And that is only natural, for from the first days of its existenc~ the Soviet State has consistentlysupported States and peoples struggling against foreign domination and for natior..:tl liberation and the strengthening of their sovereignty and independence. This year the Soviet Union is celebrating a red-letter day, the sixH~th anniversary of its foundation, and it remains true to its consistent policy. International solidarity with the oppressed peoples of all countries pro~re.ss, and hei:,'s further the cau:;e of their speedy liberation from colonial anc' neo-colonial dependency. The appearance on the world map of newly independent States and the su~cess they have scored in carrying out progressive social and economic reforms are of great significance for ~he future of the world and internatioul1 security. The pe:oples recemtly freed from the coloLial yoke are playing an ever more significant part in internationa.l life and are making & worthy contribution to the d""f'ence ofdeten,te J.!l international affairs and to efforts io bring about tl~e complete and final elimination of colonialisIf'.. 47. But that course of events is not to the Iikine of the forces of imperialism and reaction. Th~y are trying by all the means in their power, including military means, to turn back the pag1es of history. They are aggravating the international situation and creating dangerous crises in one part of the world after the other. The recent events in the South Atlantic, the bloodbath in the Middle East a:cd the present situation in southern Afric& ale all the direct result of the aggressive policies pursued by a number of imperialist States. It is increasingly alarming that some of them, primarily the United States, stubbornly and consistently declat"~ practically any region on earth w be connecteo with their vital interests and attempt to put down national liberation moveme"l~S under the specious pretext of combating international terrorism. There is no doubt that it is precisely such policies that constitute the main reason for the persistence in the present-day world of the vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid. 48. In this connection, the delegation of the Ukrainian SSR considers it essential to draw the attention of the world community once again to the situation in southern Africa. As a result of the inhuman policy of apartheid practised by the racist regime of South Africa, brutal colonial laws continue to prevail there. Bloody racist terror is practised against the indigenous population of South Africa and the people of illegally occupied Namibia, and this constitutes a threat to international peace and security. ' 49. Determined to destabilize progressive regimes in southern Africa, the racists of South Africa, with the assistance of other imperialist forces, make active use of the territory of Namibia as a beach-head for launching aggression against neighbouring independent States, primarily Angola. Their purpose is to in.. timidate the peoples of the front-H~te States, to delay the process of their free and progressive development and to force them to give up helping and supporting SWAPO, which has been recognized by the United Nations and th~ Organization of African Unity as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people. 51. Assistance from the United ~aates to South Africa and the large-scale military and economic assistance from other countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATO], from Israel and from various international monopolies have enabled the racist regime in Pretoria publicly to challenge the international community and have given it a free hand to further escalate its aggressive actions against independent African States, which is, in fact, in accordance with the vhal interests of its overseas patrons and with their iatention of maintaining ten~ion in southern Africa. Brazenly disregarding the decisions and r,esolutions of the Gen~ra! Assembly and the Se~urity Council concernir.g the gumting (,f independence to Namibia, the South Af';C".c1n racists are going all out to maintain 'th:is preserve of retc!sm and uppr(;s- S'')fi for many yeat5 to come. 57, In this connection, their attel::1pt, wit:i the S'upport of th~ Unit,~d State:~, to link the quest;on (If tile decolonization ofNam~biaWilh the presence in Al'igo!a of a Cub.m military contingent is qu.ite TJnjustifiablc. As memb~rs knoVl, that contingel'~ is 'ihere at th~ reqMeSl: of the Govemmer.t of tbe Peop:e' s Republic of Anfl9la and in accordance with ILhe provi:..ions of the Charter of the United ~Tations. Sach lill"i.:agcs can only be r~:Jarded as !ntervention :r th~ inte'nat (;<ffairs of a 30vereign St~te and virtuaJ complicity WiKh ihe aggressor through unsav\Jury poHtical stratagems. 53. The delegation of the Ukrdnian SSR believes that the question 0f the exercise by the Namibian people of its riRht to :~elf-determinatioIJ and independence, on the ba.sis of the preservation of that country's unity and territorial integrity and the full tram;fer of pm;;'~r!o S\/APC :J- ....lId be settled immediately. \Ve alSJ believe that ule delaying tactics concerning the resolution of the Namibian problem employed on various pretexts are intended simply to undermine the foundations of a suitable political settlement within the framework of the United Nations, to legalize the puppet groups in Namibia and to preclude participation by SWAPO in the determination of the country's future. 54. The Ukrainian delegation fully shares the conclusion reached at the Paris International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa, as stated in paragraph 210 of the report of the Conference, that .4'The continuous political, economic and military collaboration of certain Western States and their transnational corporations with the racist regime of South Africa ... constitutes a serious obstacle to the elimination of the inhuman and criminal system of apartheid in South Africa and the attainment of self-determination, freedOM and national independence by the people of Namibia.,. t My delegation th~IS favours the !mmediate cessation by all States of any kind of co-operation With the Pretoria regime. 56. Unfortunate~y, it is not only in southern Africa that the noble purposes of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Coumries and Peoples have remained lU'fulfilled. There are still a number of ex~mpEeswhem the right ofpeoples to selfdetenl1ination and independence has been called into 1uestion or has in fact been completely denied for the sake of foreign and ::elf-seeking interests and designs and on the pretext of such trumped-up arguments as reference to the small size of the .;:olonial Territori~~, the sparseness of their population and so on and so forth. This is true primarily of a number of SO'- caned small colonial Te'litories situated in th\~ Pacific, Indian and At: -:ntic Oreans and in the Caribbean. The need 70r (heir -:iveeoy decolonization is becoming ever mol'\~ acute, since ~hl'se Territories are being us;;d by the im?eri~Iist States, agai~1st the interests and wishes of the mea} population, as military bases and strategic beachheads, which use represents a threat to internationa! peace and security. According to facts appearing in the American magazine V.S. News and Warld Report on 4 January 1982, the military strength of the United States on Guam totals 8,000 men, in Puerto Rico 3,500 men and in Diego Garcia 1,500 men, and there are also military bases in other dependent Territories. Surely this is a very strar1ge way of preparing the populations of those Territories for independence. 57. Endeavouring to maintain its control over vast expanses ~of the Pacific and to strengthen its military and strategic position in that part of the world, the United States, in violation of the obligations it undertook in its trusteeship ofMicronesia, continues illegally to dismember it and to impose upon individual parts of it the neo-colonialist status of so-called free associaHon, The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR once again declares that such acts on the part of the United States, carried out in violation of the Charter and circumventing the Security Council, and contrary to the provisions of the Declaration on decolonization, must cease. The same purposes, but this time in the Caribbean, are served by the United States policy towards Puerto Rico. By according to that territory the status of a State freely associated with the United States, the American colonizers have deprived it of all independence and have doomed it to long years of colonial dependency. 58. Thus it is perfectly obvious that the administering Powers are by no means anxious to fulfil the provisions of the Declaration on decolonization in the case of their Trust and dependent Territorie::. On the contrary, they are doing everything they canto preventthe pro~lems of d~coionization.However much the forces of imperialism and reaction attempt to hold up the irrever~ible process of positive wor:d development, they will not succeed in doing so. History is working against them. This is a fact which should he grasped by those who wish to perpetuate colonial and neo-colonial systems wherever they still existwhether it be in the Caribbean and Central America, in the Near East, in southern Africa or in the South Atlantic. 60. The completion of the process of decolonizatiJo il": an urgent requirement of the present times, in which an impnrtant part must be played by the United Nal~ons. The delegation of the Ukrc.mian SSR believes that the immediate tasks of the United Nations in this proc.ess continue to be to provide genuine independence to the people of Namibia, to abolish racism and apartheid in South Africa and to promote the full and speedy implementation of the Declaration on decolonization in all other specific Territories which remain in colonial status. Our delegation is prepared, as we have frequently stated in the past, to support any proposals which serve this end. 61. Mr. LE KIM CHUNG (Viet Nam) (intelpretation from French): We are considering today a question of deep concern to the intern~[ional community, since it is related to the attainment of the fundamental purposes and principles of the Charter. It provides us with the C'pportunity to make a serious critical analysis ofthe process ofimplementing resolution 1514 (XV), concerning the granting ofindependence to colonial countries and peoples. 62. My delegation is pleased, first of all, to underscore the third paragraph of the preamble to that historic Declaration, in which the General Assembly recognized "the decisive role" of colonial peoples in the struggle to attain their independence. In fact, the Declaration origin2'.ted at a time of sudden growth of· the national liberation movements, which have developed so vigorously since the end of the Second World War and whose victo~'ies are deservedly reflected in the Declaration. The Vietnamese people, for its part, is delighted to have had the honour of making its modest contribution to "'~.l~ 'uccess ofthis great revolutionary movement of our day-in 1954 through its historic victory which freed North Viet Nam from colonialism. and in 1975 through the complete liberation of South Viet Nam from imperialism, opening the way for the final reunification of the Vietnamese homeland. 63. While marking a decisive turning point in the process of the collapse of the world-wide system of colonialism, the Declaration became a legal and political instrument of crucial importance, encouraging and giving impetus to the struggle of dependent peoples for the complete r€alization of their right to selfquesti~n of the list ofTerritories to which the Declaration is applicable, as it did, with a great sense of responsibility and determination, in the case of Puerto Rico. 66. While giving its approval and its support to the programme of work for 1983 proposed by the Special Committee in its report [ibid., chap. I, sect. S], my delegation wishes to emphasize the magnitude, complexity and difficulty of the tasks the Committee will have to carry out at this last stage of the decolonization process, in view of tQe brazen obstinacy, accompanied by all kinds of delaying tactics and other perfidi9us manreuvres, on the part of the sinister alliance of colonialism, racism and international reaction. 67. The report of the Special Committee quite rightly stre£'\ies the great obstacles that have prt:vented and contmue to prevent the rapid implementation of the Declaration with a view to achieving the final objective of complete decolonization, the major and perhaps fundamental obstacle being the foreign economic, . financial, strategic and other interests that inexorably carry out their activities of exploitation and domination in the colonial Territo.ries. Deliberately ignoring the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, the imperialist and racist 7~". In this connection, my delegation wishes in particular to stress the importance of the widest possible mobilization of world public opinion, above all in Western Europe and in America, in favour of strong support for and effective assistance to the national liberation struggle of the peoples of colonial Territories. The experience of the Vietnamese people over the past three decades of fighting against colonialism, imperialism and big-Powerhegemonism taught us that international assistance and solidarity was one of the essential factors in our victories. This is why we fully support the widespread dissemination of information concerning the evils and dangers of colonialism, the resolute efforts being made by colonial peoples to achieve self-determination, freedom and independence and the assistance given by the international community in the elimination of tile last vestiges of colonialism in all its forms. 75. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, speaking from experience and with absolute sincerity, therefore expresses its deepest sympathy with and staunchest support for the just struggle of the stilldependent peoples against colonialism, racism, imperialism and international reaction. As a sponsor of draft resolutions A/37/L.32 and Add.l and A/37/ L.33 and Add.1,my delegation sincerely hopes that the General Assembly will adopt those draft resolutions unanimously-or by an overwhelming majority if unanimity is made impossible by the opposition of 77. To conclude my statement on an optimistic note, I should like to express the firm conviction of the Vietnamese delegation that the process of the liberation of peoples is irrepressible and irreversible, as was forcefully affirmed by the Declaration itself in its preamble. For the heroic and tireless struggle of peoples, supported by all who cherish peace and justice, constitutes the most solid guarantee of the ultimate success of that process, which no reactionary force in the world can halt. 78. Mr. SLIM (Tunisia)(interpretationfrom French): The achievements of the 22 years that have passed since the international community solemnly proclaimed the right of peoples to self-determination and independence are undoubtedly a source of satisfaction for the Assembly. In this respect, we need only recall that in 1960, when resolution 1514 (XV) was adopted, the Organization comprised only 90 States and that today its total membf~snip is 157, most of the new Members being former colonial Territories that have won their indep~ndence. However, those positive achievements, of which the international community can legitir':"ltely be proud, should not lead us to underrate those obstacles that still must be overcome if we are completely to eliminate colonialism in an its forms. 79. As it does each year, the Special Committee has submitted a report on its activities. It must be said that a perusal of the report before us this year reveals a distressing stagnation in the process of decolonization, particularly in that region in which we were entitled to expect a decisive acceleration of that process. I am referring to southern Africa. Unfortunately, the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly will nOl have the opportunity of welcoming new Member States because they are still under the rule of coionialism. 80. The colonial phenomenon is one that the Organization since its creation has dedicated itself to combat. It is also one of those phenomena that has stubbornly withstood all those efforts, despite the unanimous condemnation of the international community. The persistence of colonialism and the dangers it spells for intemafonal peace and security quite obviously require the preparation of a new strategy which will take account of the develop- 92. We venture to hope that wisdom and realism will prevail a~d that by combining our efforts we shall succeed in ensuring that higher interests prevail over short-term interesis which are guiding the decisions of some. It is important, therefore, to try a new experiment to get the Organization out of the paralysis , which it seems to be in. This new approach could be sought in concerted efforts which will make it possible for the colonized peoples to exercise freely their right to self-determination and independence. Through such concerted efforts we must succeed in convincing South Africa that its own interests and those of the international community can be properly safeguarded only to the extent that we all pledge ourselves to defend staunchly and sincerely the purposes and principles of the Charter. 87. It is hardly surprising that the Pretoria regime finds full support in that other racist regime-the one implanted in the Middle East, which has the same objectives and methods. 88. What is less explicable is the acquiescence, construed as encouragement by Pretoria, which has been shown by certain countries--countries none the less renowned for their defence of human rights and freedom in the world. When the problems of colonialism are raised, South Africa immediately 90. The Tunisian delegation has given some examples of the problems of decolonization. The report of the Special Committee provides complete and very instructive information on that subject. It makes it apparent that, after having made a good start, decolonizatio~ is now encountering obstacles that it cannot overcome, at a time when only the last stages remain to be covered. In order to spare the Organization further delays and further failures, we must seriously study ways other than those previously explored. Our attitude and our action will determine the fate of the peoples suffering under the yoke of colonialism, oppression and domination. 91. The delays experienced by the Organization in concluding its decolonization activities are extremely serious, because they call into question its ability to shoulder its responsibilities and because they entail a constant threat to international peace and security. We appeal to all the Members of the Organization, and particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, to co-operate effectively in efforts being made to remove the final vestiges of colonialism. The differences that are increasingly evident when decisions have to be taken on the problems of decoionization still gravely concern and puzzle us. The use of the veto, whatever explanations are given for it, remains unacceptable, in our opinion. in these circumstances. on~ of the basic principles of decolonization. Furthermore, these activities, being part of the strategic plans of imperialism and colonialism for achieving world domination, also pose a grave threat to international peace and security. Considering the small Territories as an important link in their strategic schemes, the imperialist Powers are taking concrete steps to perpetuate colonial domination and colonial situations in these Territories. Such is the case in the existing situations in Micronesia, Puerto Rico, Guam, the Turks and Caicos Islands, Bermuda and else-' where, .and the Special Committee has adopted deci-· sions and resolutions in this respect. The Bulgarian delegation believes that, in accordance with the Declaration on decolonization, all colonial Territories have the right to self-determination and independence, reg~rdless of their size, population or level of economic development. 107. Resolution 1514 (XV) fully applies to all colonial and Non-Self-Governing Territories, and it is the o~r contribution to the struggle for full decolonization until its final victory, which will be a victory for the international community and for the world Organization. 111. Mr. ADDABASHI (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (interpretation!rom Arabic): In the course of the past two decades the world has witnessed the widening of the field of action of the liberation movements and the regression of colonialism through the accession to independence of many countries. The United Nations has played an effective role in that process. We all hope to see the United Nations continue its effective work in this field with a view to the complete eradication of colonialism and racism, so that all peoples may enjoy their right to self-determination and independence, thus putting an end to injusti<;e and establishing equality and legality for all the inhabitants of the world. 118. My country hopes that the efforts of the United Nations will be crowned with success and that in the near future we shall achieve the complete elimination of colonialism in its old form, including the occupation of Territories, the domination of peoples and the denial of their freedom and the plundering of their wealth. We hope the Organization will then be able to devote itself to the elimination of the neo-colcnialism characterized by political hegemony and the economic and cultural dependence imposed on small States and peoples. The field of action of such neo-colonialism seems to have become larger in recent years. 119. The United Nations has a long and difficult road to travel in the realm of decolonization. It must adopt every enforcement measure necessary to compel the colonizers and the exploiters of Territories and the rights uf peoples to withdraw and to respect the wish and desire of those peoples to freedom and self-determination. The international community must remain wan.cbful of the methods used by certain colonialist couneries which, under the growing pressure of world public opinion, are intensifying their manreuvres, under the pretext of attempting to bring about a peaceful settlement, in a desperate attempt iD circumvent the authentic national liberation movements and impose suspect solutions in order to achieve their ultimat~ goal of establishing puppet regimes in their ~ervice that will protect the interests of imperialist countries. 120. There is no need ror the Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya to reaffirm its dedication to the cause of freedom and decolonization. This dedication is based on the conviction of the Libyan people that its own freedom will be incomplete as long as other peoples continue to bear the yoke ofcolonialism and racism and to be denied their fundamental rights. We support the struggle of those peoples, and shall continue to do so, by giving them all material and moral aid until all peoples throughout the world are free and attain the full enjoyment of their rights and until the era of colonialism has become a thing of the past. 121. In conclusion, my delegation pays a tribute to the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the 126. The continued illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa is intolerable. For the United Nations, wbich has assumed direct responsibility for the Territory, South Africa's illegal occupation ofNamibia is a direct challenge to its. very authority. There certainly is an urgent need for meaningful action to be taken to compel South Africa to withdraw from Namibia and to bring about the long delayed independence of the Territory. 127. Security Council resolution 435 (1978) was intended to bring about the independence of Nam;tia through an orderly process. That resolution provided for the holding of free and fair elections in Namibia 128. The apartheid system in South Africa itself constitutes the denial to the black majority of South Africa of its inalienable rights. Apartheid is a devilish system which is incompatible wit;l the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of justice and international law. Indeed, apartheid has been rightly condemned as a crime against humanity. 129. My delegati-.)n calls for intens5fied efforts by the United Nations to eradicate apartheid in all its forms and manifestations. The oppressed black majority is entitled to participate freely in the political, economic, social and other spheres of South African life on an equal footing with the white minority. 130. Time and again the General Assembly has reaffirmed that the geographical size and the population of Non-Self-Governing Territories cannot and should not constitute grounds for the non-implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. In this regard, the Assembly has deplored the maintenance of foreign military bases in Non-Self-Governing Territories as impeding self-determination and independence. 131. The Assembly has always taken the view that the people3 of the Non-Self-Governing Territories, regardless of any circumstances that may be peculiar to them, have a right to determine their own destiny. To this end, the Assembly has repeatedly urged the administering Powers to do their utmost to promote political awareness among the peoples of the Non- S~lf-Governing Territories and to take practical measu:res to promote the economic viability of the Territories. My delegation reiterates its full support for these positions of principle of the Assl,.;:mbly. In this regard, we recognize the importance of the visiting missions of the Special-Committee to these Territories and once again express our full support for them. 132. In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm my Government's unswerving commitment to the cause of those still under colonial and alien domination. In .this The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m. NOTES 1 See Report of the International Conference on Sanctions against South Africa. Paris. 20-27 May 1981 (A/CONF.I07/8). 2 Frente Popular para la Liberacion de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro.