A/38/PV.8 General Assembly

This afternoon the General Assembly will hear an address by His Majesty King Hassan 11 of Morocco. On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome him to the United Nations and to invite him to address the Assembly. 2. King HASSAN (Morocco) (interpretation from Arabic): It is a great honour for me to address the Assembly in the name of Morocco, making the statement that is traditional at the opening of every session. 3. Numerous and varied subjects will be discussed during the current session, and we cannot say that one is more ~mportant or has higher priority than the others. I do not want to speak at length by enumerating the items on the agenda, and I do not want to mention all the documents available here. I shall confine myself to two issues-one to do with the Middle East and the other to do with Africa. 4. As all representatives know, there was held last ye&r in the city of Fez a conference which we called the Fez Summit Conference. After much lengthy, serious and purposeful work, the Twelfth Arab Summit Conference formulated a plan I which was well balanced and much discussed. Of the many descriptions given to it, the most important was that it made clear, practical and feasible recommendations unblemished by rhetoric or demagoguery. 5. We, the Arab kings, presidents and other heads of State, were able to reach the result that we did at the Fez Conference because at that time-I repeat "at that time" -we put aside everything that would have caused a split in our ranks. Each of us rose above the conflicts and disputes of the past, and with God's help we reached the conclusions of the Fez Conference. 6. As if by a happy coincidence, two days before the Conference the President ofthe United States announced his peace plan, known as the Reagan plan.2 We saw in that coincidence and the meeting of minds at Fez something that augured well for the future. I do not say that it promised success, but it gave grounds for optimism. 7. The Fez Conference decided to form a member committee, headed by the Chairman of the Conference, the one now humbly addressing you. The other members are from Algeria, Tunisia, the Kingdom ofSaudi Arabia, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Syrian Arab Republic and the Palestine Liberation Organization. The Conference instructed this Committee of Seven to travel to the capitals of the States permanent members of the Security Council and also entrusted it with a mission to Washington to ascertain the details of the Reagan peace NEW YORK plan and to explain the Fez plan. We carried out our duty in Washington, Paris, London, Moscow and Peking. 8. Moreover, because of the importance of this Assemblyand its impact on the course of events, the Committee of Seven decided that I should make a statement here in which I would try to explain the details of the Fez plan and say what bridges might be built, after dialogue, between the Reagan plan and the Fez plan. 9. We must be realistic and frank about historical facts. At first events went just as they should, and we made rapid progress, thank God. But unfortunately our horse began to feel weary, so to speak, and our enthusiasm waned. Since then the Committee of Seven has not met to assess objectively and clearly the results of its travels to the United States, the United Kingdom, France, the Soviet Union and China. If we had met to analyze and assess our work and its results, we could have kept the political and diplomatic dynamism without which no plan can be successful and yield results. 10. But, as I said, dark clouds loomed over the Arab ranks, and certain kings and heads of State procrastinated in meeting to assess and plan the next step. A few months later we were shocked by the Lebanese bomb, which became an obstacle impeding our advance towards further results. The Lebanese bomb exploded as if the enemy chose to have that explosion at that time because he knew the Arabs well. We have to say frankly that the enemy thus put a smaU tree in front of us, the Arab leaders. We are behind that tree and have lost our view of the forest. We had thought that by solving the problem of one country, an extremely complex problem in view of the multiplicity of ethnic communities, religions and factions, we would solve the general problem. We walked blindly into the trap set by the common enemy. We naively believed that we could solve the general Arab problem by solving that of Lebanon. Thus, as I have mentioned, we sat blocked behind that small tree instead of reaching the goal. That is why, as I said before, we lost perspective. 11. Here I wish to appeal that we correct our mistakes, mobilize our forces and spirits, you and we the Arab States, to get a second wind, in order to find a way out of the status quo, which is inaction. The worst enemy of any constructive policy is inertia. 12. Here, through my own personal efforts, I am able to propose the following action with regard to the Lebanese issue, which has dominated all aspects of the Arab problem. In all frankness we have to request either the United States-because the United States was the party that was watching over the Israeli-Lebanese agreementor the General Assembly to reconsider the Lebanese- Israeli agreement, because it could be described as a contrat leonin in French. In other words, it is an agreement between the lion and the lamb, but this is inconceivable, because no person of conscience can feel gratified, nor any politically intelligent person be convinced by it. 13. It may well be remembered that in 1975 an agreement was signed in Algeria between Iran and Iraq. That agreement was a one-sided agr-:ement because Iran at that betwe~n them. live at ease in our recovered territories in complete peace, 14. This is why, as far as the Arab issue in particular prosperity and co-operation, both with our neighbours is concerned, I appeal to all those of good will and even on the east and those on the south. But, as the Arab poet to our adversary, saying, "If you are the adversary we says, the winds do not always blow to the ship's liking. know, wise and with a history, religion and genius, you The winds were not favourable for tripartite co-operation ought yourself to request reconsideration of this agreeamong Morocco, Algeria and Mauritania-hence began ment you have concluded with Lebanon, because other- ,that false war, that war which has no name but is known wise you are building on sand, and it is not possible for as the war of the Sahara. two peoples or two neighbouring countries to build their 23. We thought a great deal about the tragedy that was future on sand or on unequal agreements that would facing us, pitting us against each other and preventing require lions to live with lambs in peace and safety." us from realizing our economic and social ideals in the 15. My task, as Chairman of the Twelfth Arab Summit region. Many African countries-rightly or wrongly- Conference and as Chairman ofthe Committee of Seven, said that it was absolutely necessary to hold a referendum will end with this session of the Conference. I wish on on self-determination in Western Sahara. Morocco, relythis occasion to inform all my Arab brethren that during ing on its rights, its history and the advisory opinion of the short time that stands between now and the Riyadh the International Court of Justice, refused-as long as conference, they will find, as always, in Hassan 11, King it could-to agree to that referendum. of Morocco, the faithful servant of the Arab cause and 24. But since the dialogue seemed to be interminable, an honest and steadfast supporter of the rights of the prejudicial not only to the present but also to the future Palestinians and the people of Palestine. and to the very unity ofthe Organization ofAfrican Unity 16. I shall now turn to the second problem, that of [OAU], we decided to give the appropriate response to Africa. the three interlocutors we had. There were those who [The speaker continued in French (interpretation from disregarded the whole matter, those who wanted to dis- French).) regard it and those who still do not want to understand anything about it. Taking our courage in both hands, the 17. I could continue in Arabic, but I think our African Moroccan people and its King tock the most distressing brothers who speak English or French will understand and painful decision of agreeing to prove what had been me more directly in French. already proven by history, facts and law. In 1981, we went 18. Immediately after its independence, Morocco, to Nairobi and officially proposed, on two occasions, that which had had the great misfortune of being colonized a referendum be held in the Sahara, for the reconciliation simultaneously by two countries, France and Spain, and of Africa and to teach those who were unaware ofthings, having been divided up into four zones-the international to demystify the facts for those who were trying to diszone of Tangier, the Spanish protectorate zone, the regard them all and to instill some wisdom into those who French protectorate zone, the Sidi Ifni and Sahara zonestill did not want to understand anything. came befGre this very Assembly and called immediately . h h . f h A bl f H d for the recovery ofits territorial unity. It did so in official 25. At the elg teent sessIOn 0 t e ssem y 0 ea s of State and Government of the Organization of African documents which we submitted to the Secretary-General. Unity, a unanimous decision was taken, by consensus, 19. As time went by and the years passed, we ·~:\.lre able to agree that there should be a referendum on selfto recover the international zone of Tangier; W~ were able determination in the Sahara, in accordance with the to recover the Sidi Ifni enclave and, finally, we were able wishes and commitment expressed by Morocco, and it to recover the province of Tarfaya. entrusted to a committee of heads of State the task of 20. There remained the Sahara, which was known as determining the procedures for the holding ofthat refer- Western Sahara and still is so known. For the Spanish, endum. Meeting at Nairobi in the same year, the heads there was no doubt that Western Sahara had to be reofState who had been designated as the Implementation turned to its legitimate inhabitants, namely, the Saharans, Committee, and in whose work we personally took part who at the time were represented in the Jema'a, which frankly, sincerely and loyally, decided on the measures was an elected assembly. The following was Morocco's concerning the refei'endum.4 The territorial area to be attitude. When Spain took possession of that territory, covered by the referendum was indicated on a map, as the Sahara was by no means a terra nullius. That means decided on by the OAU, from the east to the west, from that before occupying it, Spain had first expelled the the north to the south. The Implementation Committee legitimate inhabitants and owners ofthe land. Seeing that decided how the Saharans were to vote and where tbe the dialogue was 'becoming a dialogue of the deaf, we polling stations would be located. It decided that thn immediately asked the Assembly to be good enough to Saharans would have to vote at their birthplace. Finally, take this question to the International Court of Justice respect for legality, the validity and honesty of the refer~ at The Hague, which is one of ,ts consultative bodies in endum would be entrusted to observers from the OAU, matters of int~rnational law, so as clearly to ask the assisted by observerlt from the United Nations. following question: When Spain colonized the territory 26. Today, for the first time in the United Nations of Spanish Sahara, did it fmd there a terra nul/ius-a land but for the umpteenth time before public opinion~ Mowithout owner or citizens-or did it by force and occurocco says and solemnly declares, through the voice of pation take over the sovereignty and administration him whom God has designated to preside over the destiny exercised by Morocco ov~r that part of its territory? 6f my country, that it wants that referendum. Morocco 21. On 16 October 19'/5, the advisory opinion of tells you that 'it is ready for the referendum to take placethe Inter~ational Court of Justice3 left no room for tomorrow, if you wish it. Morocco is ready to grant all rep~rt, a c.ns!~ m the ml;1ltl1ateral approach m, mterthis, he req~ires a greater f~ct-finding capacity. Secon~y, na:tlOnal affairs . We unammously agreed?n the Imperthe Council should meet mformally to avert potential atl\~e need t? strenghten the role and effectiveness.of the crises by examining incipient disputes during in camera I!mted Nations. We .have not !et succee~e.d. It IS n~w sessionswiththeSecretary-General. Thirdly, theSecretarytime to move from hlgh:s?undmg generahtles on wh~ch General requires additional personnel and resources for we can all agree to speCifiC measures fo!:' strengthemng more effective use of his good offices in the resolution the mUltl1ater~ system., , , '. . of disputes.. Mr· Bwaklra (Burundi), Vice-President, 'tOok the 40. These.are not ~e~olutIonary ~teps. They can be t~en Chair. . on the baSIS of eXlstmg a'O.thonty and by reallocatmg 33. The reputation of the United Nations is widely resources. But they would be useful and concrete and measured by its contribution to peace and security. We would facilitate the tangible progress on specific problems must turn around the current perception that the United that is so urgently required. The Secretary-General has Nations cannot respond forcefully to crisis and conflict. shouldered his responsibilities in an exemplary fashion We must make more creative use of the existing provi- He does no~. however, possess supernatural or, alas, sions and mechanisms of the Charter. supra-national powers. We, as Member Governments, 34. The key is the Security Council and the way in which must also shoulder our responsibilities. the Secretary-General works with the Council and the 41. The Secretary-General has just reported on one members work with each other. Council members have problem crying out for a solution-that of Namibia. It been seeking ways to make the work ofthe Council more is almost five years to the day since the SecurityCounc effective. It will be unfortunate if political realities preadopted resolution 435 (1978). The outstanding issues vent any significant improvements. \Ve count upon the regarding its implementation have, in substance, been members ofthe Council, particularly its permanent memresolved. All the parties have made concessions to achieve bers, to exercise their responsibilities on behalf of all this result. Member States. 42. There is no excuse now for further delay. South 35. Is it naive to demand an enhanced spirit of co- Africa's pre-condition for implementation, the with~ op~ration and acceptance of responsibilities in the drawal of Cuban forces from Angola, cannot legitimize peace-ke~ping forces and observation teams. Peaceright to a homeland in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. keeping can be an important part ofpromoting the peace- I encourage all parties to exercise restraint. I call on Israel ful settlement of disputes. The presence of the United to rethink its policy on settlements. I urge all parties to Nations Peace-keeping Force in Cyprus, for example, has enter into genuine negotiations. I call on them to ma.ke pi'~vented a recurrence ofintercommunal fighting and has clear, in unambiguous terms, their readiness to accept the helped to maintain law and order. However, there is still right of all States in the area, including Israel, to exist no solution to the fundamental problems of the island. in security and peace. The Secretary-General and his representative have re- 55. Questions Gf disarmament and arms limitation have cently provided useful ideas on how a settlement can be become the central preoccupation of our time. Negotiareached. But until the parties themselves are prepared to dons between the major Powers have yet to show sigmake a serious commitment to negotiations, no just and nificant progress. President Reagan's announcement lasting settlement can be found. Peace-making must be yesterday provides some eccouragement that movement seen to go hand-in-hand with peace-keeping. may be possible on the question of intermediate-range 50. Ofcourse, the alarming course ofevents in Central nuclear weapons. The proposals he advanced are an America continu~s to preoccupy us. Political solutions important step forward and demonstrate a constructive to the region's problems are slow to emerge. For this flexibility on the United States side which, we hope, will reason we have welcomed the initiatives ofthe Contadora be matched on the Soviet side. Group, working with the five countries ofCentral Amer- 56. The major Powers have the paramount contribution iea to fmd a path toward reconciliation. We are convinced to make in disarmament and arms limitation. At the same that lasting solutions to the region's problems can be time, we must ensure that multilateral negotiations, under arranged only by the countries of the region-that ap- United Nations auspices, serve to reinforce the arms proach is fully consistent with the Charter of the United control and disarmament process. Machinery already Nations. The Contadora initiative provides a basic frameexists for this purpose, but it has to work more effectively. work for stability and co-operation within which the root The Committee on Disarmament, for example, has shown causes of the region's problems can be attacked more mixed results over the past year. constructively than by military means. . 57. I regret that a working group on arms control 51. One factor critical to the success of the Contadora and outer space was not established this year by the Comment if a draft convention on chemical weapons could 65. In trade, the task ahead for our Governments and be agreed upon by the end of 1984. international institutions is to work together to carry out 61. We recognize also the absolute necessity of verifIand monitor the commitments we have already made. It cation if we are going to make real progress in internais positive action, not just pledges, that will buiid confitional disarmament and arms control negotiations. Since dence in the trading system and contribute to economic the Second World War, Canada has attached special recovery. Canada is actively supporting efforts in GATT importance to the development ofinternational verificaand elsewhere to monitor commitments to resist protection mechanisms and has assigned a high priority to tionism. If individqal Governments are to resist protecresearch in this area. We have been making available tionist pressures, they need to know that they are engaged increased, funding for research which will help in the in a genuine collective effort and are not simply standing technical and practical aspects of verification. We hope alone. We are mindful of the vital role of trade in the that by sharing the results of our work through the Comprocess of global economic development and of the mittee on Disarmament we shall make a real contribution contribution which export earnings can make to relieving to the Committee's effectiveness. severe strains on the payments balance of many countries. These efforts require our attention and resolve. 62. Multilateral institutions face the same challenges in the economic as in the political sphere. We have started 66. There is another area where co-operation must be to meet the challenge. International co-operation has been nurtured. This is producer-consumer co-operation on strengthened through the most intensive round of highpetroleum. Repeated energy price shocks have been an level economic consultations in several years. The series important cause of accelerating inflation, lower real of meetings beginning with the joint IMF/IBRD meeting growth, the debt crisis and the mutiIIg ofthe North-South at Toronto in September last year and moving on to the dialogue. We are now facing an opportunity for profirst ministerial meeting in 10 years of the parties to the ducers and consumers to work together, as a reflection General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and then to the of overwhelming common interests, in conservation and Conference of Heads of State or Government of Nonassurance of supply and a fair, stable long-term price. Aligned Countries at New Delhi and the Summit of There is now a greater spirit of realism in consumer'" Industrialized Countries at Williamsburg and to the sixth producer relations that offers some hope for pragmatic session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and discussion of oil and related concerns in the coming years. Development ha~ been an exhausting but worthwhile 67. The international community has spent far too experience. much time trying to devise new machinery and not 6? These consultations have encouraged mutually reinenough in making what we have work better. I am enfOH,;ing national action in a number of sectors. There has couraged by the pragmatic direction that the debate on been a welcome drop in inflation and nominal interest reform of the international fInancial system has taken. rates. In the debt area, we have seen an outstanding The Commonwealth Study Group's report on challenges co-operative effort in handling major simultaneous refor the world's financial and trading system represents ~chedulings. I~F has performed with vigour and resila most useful recent contribution to this debate. Many Ie~ce. Developmg countries have adopted courageous of its recommendations are aimed, in the fIrst instance, . ~dJ.ustmentprogrammes to restore their payments equilat bringing about greater multilateral co-operation within y,C'i-~:::'~::::~~::::~:~=-=~ e~pansion, aggression and power politics, so that the .super-Powers have met with ever-stronger opposition and , constraints in purusing their hegemonist policies. We are confident that it is possible to maintain world peace, so long as the people of the world become truly united and A~mos~here, in Outer Space and under Water. During this penod the two super-Powers have held many disar- !Dament talks and reached some agreements. But what IS the result? Their armaments, especially nuclear all"mamen~s, have increased in quant!ty and improved in quality despIte all the talks on reductIOn. Their annual military expenditures amount to more than half of the world's total. More than 95 per cent of the world's nuclear weapon~ are in the hands of the two super-Powers, which adlDlt that they have long possessed what is commonly known as "overkill" capabilities, and it is always the people of the world who are to suffer once these capabilities are put to use. The arms race between super- Powers has extended from the land, sea and air to outer space. And the reality is that, for all the disarmament talks, the arms race is intensifying, with each super-Power trying to gain the upper hand over the other. One cannot b~t question their sincerity for disarmament. Will they gIve up their nuclear threats and nuclear blackmail to let ~thers live in peace for a while? Without good faith, theIr words and p~oposals, however high-sounding and numerous, would ID essence only serve to cover up their continued efforts to expand their nuclear arsenals and hoodwin~ world opinion. , 86. As matters now stand, it is only natural that people should ask the two nuclear super-Powers, which possess the largest arsenals, to be the first to reduce their arms drastically cut their nuclear and conventional armament~ and destroy the reduced armaments before there can be any reduction of arms by other countries. 87. China desires peace and favours disarmament. We are for genuine disarmament and against sham disarmament, that is, arms expansion under the camouflage of disarmament talks. The Chinese Government has t~gether with other third world countries, made unremit: tmg efforts to promote real progress in disarmament. S8.China has always stood for complete prohibition and thorough destruction of nuclear weapons. China declared explicitly, in 1964, on the occasion of the successful test of its first atomic bomb, that China was developing nuclear weapons for defence purpOSflS and that at no time and in no circumstances would China be the flfst to use nuclear weapons. China was the first country to propose that nuclear-weapon States should undertake not to use nuclear weapons against e2ch other and was the first country to undertake the commitment not to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear-weapon States or nuclear-free zones. China respects and supports the proposals of non-nuclear-weapon countries for the est~bli~lu;nentof nucle/ir-free zones or zones of peace. China IS In favour of reducing conventional armaments as v;:ell as nuclear iif!Ds. China stands for the early conclUSIon of a conventIon on the complete prohibition and thorough destruction of chemical weapons. pe~ce and security. Regrett.ably, however, peaceful coeXIStence among States, particularly the independence and sec1.!rity of the third world countries, has constantly been subjected to grave threat and violation by imperialism hegemonism and colonialism. ' 91: The Kampuchean issue is, in essence, one of undisguIsed armed aggression against and military occupation of Kampuchea by the Vietnamese authorities, with the support of a super-Power, in gross violation of Kampuch~a's independe~ce and sovereignty. Viet Nam's InvasIOn and occupation of Kampuchea is now more than four years old. It has not only brought untold sufferings to the Kampuchean people but has also posed a grave threat to peace and stability in South-East Asia. Viet Nam has so far refused to withdraw its troops, thus blocking a settlement of the Kampuchean issue which is long overdue. In an attempt to extricate itself from its predicament, Viet Nam has made all kinds of excuses and even described the Kampuchean question as "an issue between China and Viet Nam". This is sheer sophistry and slander. 92. The General Assembly has at four successive sessions adopted resolutions by an overwhelming majority ~d the Inter~ationalConference on Kampuehea, held In July 1981, issued a Declaration,ll all calling for the total withdrawal of the Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea so that the Kampucheanpeople may decide their own destiny free from outside interference. How can the Kampuchean issue be described as one involving differe':!ces only between China and Viet Nam'1 Talking about differences, they could be accurately stated as those between the Vietnamese authorities who crudely trample upon the Charter ofthe United Nations and the international communit.y which firmly upholds it. 93. A number of countries have tried more than once' to break the deadlock on the Kampuchean question and ~risis on to others. This has wrought havoc among th~ explore with other developing countries ways for active developing countries, and many of them are faced with co-operation. economic situations grimmer than any since their inde- 108. China is ready to work together with other counpendence. We hope that these developed countries will tries for the defence of world peace, in the interest of become more farsighted, for all countries are closely smooth progress in its modernization programme and of linked in their economies, and the economIes of the its national security and in the fundamental interests of developing countries constitutes an important part of the h I f h Id W will df 1 world economy. If their econo"'-Jc difficulties are not t e peop e 0 t e wor. e stea ast y pursue an independent foreign policy. We are opposed to all acts resolved or, worse still, are aggravated, the entire world of hegemonism. We are striving to maintain and develop economy is bound to suffer. In trying to harm others normal relations with all countries on the basis ofthe five these developed countries will end by harming themselves principles of peaceful coexistence and will persist in a and will find it difficult to achieve a steady recovery and long-term policy of opening to the outside world on the growth in their own economies. basis of self-reliance. We attach special importance to 105. Last April it was pointed out at the Fifth Minisstrengthening our unity and co-operation with the other tcrial Meeting of the Group of 77, held at Buenos Aires, third-world countries. We support the Movement ofNonthat the crisis confronting the world economy today is Aligned Countries, which is playing an increasingly imstructural as well as periodic. The Group called on the portant role in maintaining world peace. With unflagging international community to make the maximum effort interest we have done our best to develop good-neighto seek a global settlement and work out a set'ofmutually bourly and friendly relations with our neighbouring complementary and co-ordinated policies and measures countries. We are steadily promoting Ol&" good relations on a short-term as well as a long-term basis. The Chinese with the developed countries in Western Europe, North Government supports the series ofconcrete proposals put America and Oceania. We are striving to improve and forward by the Group of 77 for this purpose. It has strengthen our relations with the East European counbecome an increasingly urgent task to take emergency tries. As for the United States and the Soviet Union, measures in the fi.elds that are vital to the developing we also hope that the obstacles in our relations with countries and carry out the necessary reforms in internathem can be removed and normal relations maintained tional economic relations. We always maintain that the and developed in accordance with the five principles of 191. I also wish to extend a most cordial welcome to Saint Christopher and Nevis as the newest member ofthe United Nationd family. 192. We have all come together here to seek ways and means of maintaining international peace and furthering progress for the peoples.;of the world. Unfortunately, developments over the years have not made it easier for us to bear this awesome responsibility. On the contrary, the tasks ahead of us may seem even heavier than those we have tackled in the past. But we must see them as challenges rather than as threats. 193. In the past year very few conflicts, if any, have been settled. In fact, existing conflicts have escalated and new ones have arisen. Still, the world community of nations providr.s an opportunity for the parties to meet and listen to each other and thereby to take a dignifIed and responsible approach to the pursuit of international objectives in respect for the rights and interests of others. Bilateral diplomacy most often fails at the very time when a conflict comes to a head, and it is precisely in s~ch situations that multinational diplomacy at the United Nations can come to the rescue. The very existence of this forum is one of the most important instruments of the international community for confIdence-building measures. 194. We saw a dramatic fresh example of the need for confIdence-building only a few weeks ago when 269 innocent airline passengers lost their lives as victims of the excessive assertion of security interests. 195. Against that background, the Danish Government notes with pleasure that the American Government has once again confirmed its readiness for continuing the dialogue with the Soviet Union in the negotiations on intermediate-range nuclear forces at Geneva. 196. I strongly hope that the Soviet Union will respond positively to the new American proposals which are designed to meet Soviet concerns. It is now up to the Soviet Union to show similar flexibility at Geneva. 197. The Secretary-General, in his report to last year's General Assembly,S presented some thoughts and ideas on the role of the Organization. They were neither new nor revolutionary, but they came at a time when a warning was n{;~ded and from the person obviously most qualified to voice it. The world has embarked on an exceedingly dangerous course. Goverriments ignore the United Nations and seek to attain their political goals by resorting to the threat or use of force. By doing so they render the United Nations impotent to· pursue its most important purpose: the maintenance of international peace and security. When the United Nations is allowed to play its rightful role, it is often too late. And then, , 2~2. Nuclear disarmament remains the issue of the proclaimed by the recent Seventh Conference of Heads highest priority. At the bilateral level the United £~;.t~~s ofState or Government ofNon-Aligned Countries, conand the Soviet Union have ~onducted negotiations on tains a sentence which is phrased in such eloquent lanmutual reductiiOllils of nuclear strategic arms for well over guage that I should like to quote it: "The earth belongs a year The Danish Government hopes that these difficult to us all-let us cherish it in peace and true brotherhood, negoti~tions will result in an early agreement on substanbased on the dignity and equality ofman." [See A/38/l32 tial reductions of those weapons. and Corr.l and 2.] 223. The negotiations between the United States and the 232. In several statements, including that of the Secre- Soviet Union on intermediate-range nuclear forces are of tary-General, international economic problems have been special concern to us. We hope, and we believe, that the emphasized. This is not only because of the close internegotiation... "'tin lead to concrete results even before the relationship between the world economic situation and end of this ye-are Should this effort fail we must fear that international stability and security. the arms b,Jrdup will continue and that we cannot expect 233. Since the end of the 1970s, most countries, devel- ~l~::~=fn ~~9j~et::~~t~e~e:~ii~~~~~0~~e~~i~~~~i~~ ~~~~C:~f~;~b~~~~~~~~~~~:c:~r:~~~~:~~~~~~~: imbalance created by the Soviet Union's deployment of signs of change have emerged. Recovery seems to be additional SS-20 missiles. under way in some major industrialized countries, and 224. ParaUel multiIater::tl negotiations are taking place it is the responsibility of the international community to at Geneva ill the Committee on Disarmament. We clearly seize this opportunity to restore sustained economic growth and development. see that the bilateral ne,~otiations between the United States and the Soviet Union have had such an impact on 234. To do so, all nations must co-operate in creating the Geneva negotiations that they have almost become new and more equitable economic relations. In June of stalemated. This is understandable, but certainly not this year, at Belgrade, we all faced this challenge. The t bl A" h . t t b t t sixth session of the United Nations Conference on Trade accep a e. greemen... on a compre enslve es - an rea y and a convention banning chemical weapons remain and Development did not achieve a major breakthrough objectives of prime importance, and.:.~:.e Danish Governin the North-South dialogue. But is stressed the interrement urges all parties to show good will and flexibility. lationship between the various economic issues currently being discussed by the international community and 225. In this context, I should like to add that the Danish pointed out ways to carry on the process of economic Government supports all realistic efforts to establish co-operation in the appropriate forums. nuclear-weapon-free zones in conformity with the provisions of the Final Document of the Tenth Special Ses- 235. But most of all the Conference emphasized that sion, devoted to disarmament [resolution 5-10/2]. the concept of globaJi interdependence is more than just a catchword. Experience, including that of the sixth 226. It is a cause of great concern that serious internasession of the Conference, has proved the need to contional negotiations concerning the question of preventing sider all the interlinked economic questions. Consean arms race in outer space, including anti-satellite weaquently, Denmark continues to support an early launchpons, have not yet been initiated. The Danish Governing ofglobal negotiations covering all major issues in the ment hopes that the Committee on Disarmament will world economic area. agree to d~a1 with this important and complex question 236. The serious problems of the developing countries at its next session. . impose increased obligations on all developed countries, 227. The world-wide buildup of conventional arms is especially towards the poorest countries of the third a matter of growing concern. Conventional weapons are wodd. A serious setback for the results achieved so far the weapons used in current conflicts, and the resources in-development co-operation must be avoided. In this absorbed by the conventional arsenals exceed by far the respect, the performance of donor countries in the field :r:=::::::::= ::::rt .~Of~:~:,~~:=~,:::::==~~~~",,," The meeting rose at 6.55 p.m. NOTES 11 See United Nations publication, Sales No. E.81.1.20, annex I. 12See CD/421, Appendix Ill/Vol. I, document CD/PV.194. 13Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Sixth Session, vol. I, Report andAnnexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.83.II.D.6), annex VI.