A/40/PV.11 General Assembly

1 should like to invite mellbers to turn their attention first to the repl;)rt of the Fifth CCCllllittee on agenda item 17 (a), docunent A/40/681. In paragraph 4 of that report, the Fifth Coaaittee reee_ends the appointment of Mr. Luiz Se:l:gio Ga_ Figueira of Brazil to fill the vacancy on the Advisory Cc.ittee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions for the unexpired portion of Mr. Samuel Pinheiro-Guimaraes' term of office until 31 December 1986. May 1 take it that it is the wish of the Aesemb1y to adopt that recolllllendation? It was so decided.

I now call on Bis Excellency Sheikh Sabah Al-Abmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabo, Dtputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, and special envoy of bis Uigbness Sheikh J'aber Al-Abmad Al-Sabab, Emir of the state of Kuwait. Mr. AL-SASAB (Kuwait) (interpltetation from Arabic): At the outset, I should like b) express the sense of shock felt in ray country at the earthquake in Mexico, a disaster which has resulted in thousands of casualties aJlX)ng the friendly people of Mexico, as well as total" destruction of houses, installations and facilities. While we trust that the people of Mexico, well-known for its courage and pa tience, "ill be able to recover from this tragedy, we should like to declare from this rostrum that the people of Kuwait stands by the people of Mexico in its plight and that the Government and people of Kuwait will not hesitate to send e"very possible assistance in an effort to alleviate the burden of the Mexica~ people in its present afflic tion. Mr. President, it is my pleasure t'". ~ngratulate you on behalf of Kuwait on your election as President of this significant session of the United Nations. You represent a venerable and friendly nation with whom Kuwait and the Arab world hav~ historic ties, characterized over the ages by friendship, co-operation and understanding. Wi th your renowned wisdom and remarkable abilities, we are confident that success will be yours in the conduct of the affairs of this session. I should like also to pay tribute to the fruitful efforts of your predecessor, Mr. Paul Lusaka, during his presidency of the previous session of the General Assembly. I also want to register our thanks to Mr. Javier Perez de r.uellar, Secretary-General of the united Nations, appreciation of his services to world peace and in upholding the role and effectiveness of the Uni ted Nations. The Amir of Kuwait, His Highness Sheikh Jaber Al-Ahmad Al-Sabah, would have liked to be here today to address this important body on this historic occasion, had :.l. ~ not been for coJll"!lling circumstanc-es. His Highness has asked me toO c~nvey to the Assembly his best re9ards. There is no doubt whatsoever that the period in the history of mankind in which we live is faced with a number of thr-eats that jeopardize the future of man in an unprecedented manner. Our realization of the magnitude and nature of those threats makes it imperative that we pause for a lengthy teview of the forces and factors whictl influence the direction of our collective march forward for generations to come. It makes it imperative that we undertake a sincere dis9ussion of the best methods for preventing any diversion from the course of this march, which is guio.ed by the United Nations Charter. Our ing this cantury, mankind has been afflicted by two world war s which came close to destroying the wealth of civilizations built by our forefather3 in every part of the world. Evil tendencies coupled with overpowering force overshadowed 'tmth and the supremacy of law i,. such a way that eyes everywhere were turned with hope towards the international efforts which were being made at that time to reorganize the world in which we live by putting forward an international formula which w\')uld, on the one hand, put an end to wor ld war s 81'ld guarantee the secur i ty , peace and stability of the world and, on the other, lay down the outlines of a ne\i world order in which the rule of law, justice, peace, harmony and prosperity would prevail. As a result of these sincere and enormous efforts, the world Organization came into being, and its birth was a source of hope that the world might be moving towards a brighter reaU.ty and a more promisi,ng future. We cannot find a better time than this, when the United Nations is celebrating its fortieth anniversary, to pause and reflect on the future of th<e world Organization, a forwn in which this gathering of world leaders is discussing its problems. We should like to begin by saying that in reviewing the 40 years of the existence of the world Organization, we are bound to come across a great number of hopeful signs. Yet, at the same time, we confront a great number of signs which give cause for pessimism. We also find ourselves compelled by intellect and logic to state that our world today is very far removed from perfection or, to say the least, from the situation we hoped would prevail when our forefathers drafted the uni ted Nations Char ter 40 yearsago. For despite the fact that the darkness of colonialism has already receded and that the dawn of political liberation and economic advancement has emerged, the shining light of independence which has reached the remotest parts of the world has stopped short of reaching som~ nations, which continue to languish under the yoke of one form of colonialism or another. I speak partiCUlarly of the peoples of Palestine, Namibia and SOuth Africa, which are all struggling against tyranny. Furthermore, the vestiges of times gone by are still with us and accentuate the wide gap between the advanced and developing nations. In taking up the task of evaluating the assets of the United Nations and its role in the international community, we must ensure that we do so from the proper perspective - namely, through dealing with failures only against a clear background of successes - and that we evaluate wha tever has been achieved of the goals of the United Nations only from that standpoint. Heading the list of those goals which the united Nations was established to achieve is, naturally, the aaintenance of international peace and security. In spite of the fact that world peace and security during this period have fallen short of our hopes, as the result of either limited local and regional wars, which frequently break out, or because world probleJlS and dilemmas threatening world peace and security have persistently remained unsolved, :Lt is clear that the world has not wi tnessed any world wars dur ing this period despite the frequen t recurrence of world crises during which limited wars threatened to spill over into other parts of the world or to bring the world increasingly closer to the brink of catastrophe as a result of the escalation of the cold war between East and West. There is no doubt that the periods in which the policy of detente prevailed between the two super-Powers, short as these were, have been the only periods when relative tranquility prevailed and negative eXPeCtations about the future of . mankind lessened. The United Nations has repeatedly proved its effectiveness during those international crises, either through mediation efforts or through the use of its good offices represented by its Secretary-General, or by sending peace-keeping forces to areas of internntional tension. One should not ignore the role played by the united Na.tions in defence of human rights, particularly the fact that the Universal Declmration of Human Rights was coupleted only three years after the establishment of the world Organization. It therefore heads the list of great achievements of the United Nations, even if this does not mean that this Declaration has eliminated continuing violations of human rights in various parts of ~le world. We should also pay tribute to the role of the United Nations in the field of self-determination and independence - a role that was embodied in the Declarat'.ion (Mr. Al-Sabah, Kuwait) on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, whose twenty-fifth anniversary is also being celebrated this year. The fact that so many countries have joined the Uni ted Nations is by itself an indication of its success in this outstanding area of the Organization's wer k, as well as a source of hope that the nations that are still languishing under the yoke of imperialism and foreign domination will llttain their full rights. The success of thOSE~ United Nations efforts is complemented by an even greater success in its attempts 1:0 achieve the other two principal goals for which the Organization was established, namely, the promotion of friendly relations among all States and the achievement of international co-operation solving economic, social and development problems. Current international efforts, led by the united Nations, aimed at ridding Africa of the problems of famine and drought are one of the landmarks of the Organization's endeavours in this respect. All those positive elements should constitute the appropriate background for any genuine evaluation of the effectiveness of the united Nations - particularly when some tend to criticize a number of negati~e elements which, up until now, have stood in the way of the effective tmplementation of the Charter - without giving any consideration to the forces which occasionally try to orient the Organization in a direction contrary to the causes of peace, security and prosperity in the world. It is our conviction that those negative elements fall into two categories: One is endemic, stemming from a fault or deficiency in the functional structure of certain United Nations organs, particularly the Security Council~ where the permanent members have the right of veto, which has paralysed the Council on various occasions when world peace and security hinged on a strong unanimous resolution by the Security Council. The other is extraneous to the framework of the United Nations and stems from the policies of certain States which insist on having their own interests outwe1gh those of the international community as a whole. This is evidenced by the eagerness on the part of certain major Powers to try to settle international problems through individual efforts that bypass the United Nations. The recurrence of such actions undermine the role and prestige of the United Nations in its efforts to solve international disputes. When we review the list of international problems which continue to prevail because of negative attitudes surrounding the decision-making process and the implementation of United Nations resolutions, the question of Palestine, which has been on the United Nations agenda since its inception, leaps to the forefront. While the Security Council is unable to deal with the developments of this problem, which flare up periodically, thus threatening world peace and security and requiring decisive action on the part of the Council, we find that the General AsseJlbly, on the other hand, has adopted scores of resolutions which guarantee the inalienable rights of the Palesti~lan people, including its right to self-deteraination, to return to its home and establish its own State on its national soil. Furthermore, the General Assembly has repeatedly expressed its concern to find 3 solution to this problem, in the creation of which the United Nations itself took part when it decided to partition Arab palestine, and wben it then accepted the Zionist entity in its membership before any opportunity was given to the Palestinian people to establish its own state. That concern has been reflected ~ the setting up of a special committee, namely the COmmittee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People and the convening of the International COnference on the Question of Palestine in Geneva in 1983. The obvious discrepancy between the positions of the Security Council and the General Assembly is a consequence of the positions of certain major Powers designed to protect the aggressor, namely, Israel, by sparing it from any international pressure, either ~ paralysing the Security Council, or blocking the convening of an internati~nal peace conference on the Middle East. Such positions have increased Israel's arrogance, increased its continued arbitrary policy and its continued occupation of Arab territories, the very thing which has led to the increasing inability of the United Nations to perform its functions in accordance with the Charter. The continued Israeli occupation of cherished Lebanese land reflects yet another chapter in the continued Israeli agqression on Arab territories. Consequently, Israe~ must expect the Lebanese national resistence to remain the Sword of Damocles until its genuine withdrawal from the land it occupies and until it ceases to interfere in the internal affairs of ~~is Arab sister state. (~. Al-Sabah, Kuwait) The second problem of concern to the united Nation3 and which the world Organization should not spare any effort to solve, is the problem of southern Africa, the ugliest facet of which is the continued control by the white minority in South Africa over the destiny of the black majority, with its iron-fisted rule imposed without any regard for the will of the international community. This deplorable picture is also reflected ~ its continued occupation of Namibia. The United Nations concern in this respect has found expression in the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia whose function is to administer this Territory until it gains independence. This arrogance on the part of the apartheid regime in South Africa is supported ~ the positions of some western States, which not only associate with the racist regime, despite its condemnation by the united Nations, which calls upon all nations to impose sanctions, but they actually support it, whether by r~fusing to impose and implement strong deterrent sanctions against it, or by introducing impossible conditions, the end result of which would be to keep the general situation in South Africa and Namibia exactly where it is today. The insistence on the part of western states to take such positions encourages the racist regime to persist in its aggressive policy against the black majority, on the one hand, and the neighbouring African countries on the other. While hailing the current popular upsurge in South Africa, Kuwait hopes that this will motivate all the States which have relations with the racist regime to reconsider such relations and to give full support to this courageous upsurge. Besides these questions, our world is not devoid of other areas of tension. There is the problem of Afghanistan, whose people continue to languish under the yoke of a regime supported by Soviet troops. There are also the problems of Cambodia and Central America, which are awaiting a solution from the international community, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, which guarantees the (Mr. Al-Sabah, Kuwait) freedom, independence and sovereignty of all States of the world and which prohibits interference in the internal affairs of other States, as well as the use or threat of use of force. The common denominator in all these problems, as we see it, is the intervention by major Powers in a way that will not help their solution. It is our conviction that involvement, if based on ~sing the good offices of those major Powers, in an effort to solve those problems, and thus serve the cause of peace, woul<'l constitute a constructive effort. However, for that involvement to serve only ~he intp.rests of those same Powers, or of the aggressors, would be somethirv~ that is unacceptable to the international community. However, although most of the blame for the failure to settle most of the international problems reElts squarely with certain major Powers, either because of their interventions outside the framework of the united Nations or their block~ng of the Security Council through exploiting the use of the veto, there are some other internati.)nal problems in which the parties to the dispute or some of them are to be blamed for the lack of a settlement. Heading the list of these problems, is the Iran-Iraq war, a war which broke out over five years ago, and which has brought death, devastation and destruction to thousands of people on both sides, all this despite the repeated appeals and ceaseless mediation efforts, both by the world Organization itself, which has played a great role in this field, and by certain States or organizations which are interested in seeing this deatructive war come to an end. However, while we see one of the two parties to the dispute, Iraq, constantly expressing its readiness to put an end to the war, we find that the other party, Iran, fails to respond to the will of the intern'}.tional co11lllunity, which wants this war to end without delay. If there is one region eager to have this catastrophic war come to an end it is undoubtedly the Arabian Gulf area, which appreciates the gravity of the responsibilities of its States. Those States are represented by the Gulf Co-operation Council, which conside~s co-operation among its member States a basis for their constant pursuit of peace, harmony, stability and prosperity in this sensitive region of the world. Furthermore, the continuation of this raging war all these year s has exposed, and indeed continues to expose, the States of the Gulf area to the danger of a widening of the war I s scope so as to engUlf 0 ther par ts of the region. Kuwait itself has repeatedly been exposed to the fallout of war. In :ecent days, the problem of the interception of some Kuwaiti commercial vessels by Iranian authorities has recurred in a manner that constitutes a flagrant violation of all interna tional norms and conventions and the principle of free navigation in international waters, as provided for in Security Council resolution 552 (1984), which described such acts as a threat to the security and fOtability of the area and which reaffirmed the need to respect the rights of all States to free navigation in accordance with international law. For all these reasons, we reaffirm our absolute support for all the efforts aimed at putting an end to this destructive war between two Moslem neighbours, Iran and Ir",q, and restoring peace and prosperity to this region. The world situation, fraught as it is with apprehensions. about the implications of the failure to solve the international problems which jeopardize world peace and security is also overshadowed by a dark cloud which makes all those concerned about the security and tranquillity of mankind feel extremely concerned. I am speaking of the wave of terrorism which the world has been witnessing for several years. Kuwait has been subjected to a series cf such blind terrorist attacks, attacks which aimed at challenging the rule of law, international norms and ethics. Kuwait, therefore, calls upon the United Nations to make more serious and sincere efforts to define the dimensions of international terrorism and to lay down an effective international co-operative basis for the elimination of this dangerous international phenomenon as soon as possible. Combating international terrorism has become an international collective responsibility which we all have·to assume sincerely and honestly. The universality of the United Nations has made of this world Organization a true mirror reflecting the collective will of the international community, and that, in itself, involves tremendous burdens on Member States, both individually and collectively. Consequently we call upon all States, at this time when the United Nations is celebrating this important anniversary, to seize this opportunity to renew their comi tment to the 91eY:'i1'~al principles which govern international conduct in accordance with the Charter. The destiny of the world depends upon the comi tments of States. In the course of discussing these general principles we should like to cefer more particularly to some of the rules tc which Stat9S should adhere, foremost among those rules derived from the spirit of the Cha~ter are the following.. First, is the need for all States, both large and small, to make all possible efforts to reinforce the role and effectiveness of the United Nations, through rendering every possible assistance to any action taken by the United Nations for world peace and the prosperity of mankind. Second, is the need for the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities under the Charter for the maintenance of international peace and security. Third, is the need to support the various efforts of the secretary-General in the use of his good offices, and to strengthen his role in the settlement of international problems. Fourth is the need to refrain as far as possible from settling international problems in isolation from the United Nations. The recently increasing tendency to concentrate on individual efforts in international relations will undoubtedly have a harmful effect on the concept of international co-operati~n and collective efforts. While reviewing, at this time, the United Nations experience with all its elements of success and failure after 40 years of its existence, the eyes of the world are directed towards us to see whether we have learnt from this experience, with all its favourable and unfavourable elements, and whether we have striven to ensure that the world Organization will be an effective instrument which will help us solve our problems through dialogue and not confrontation. In assuming our common historic responsibilities within the framework of the United Nations, we sincerely hope that our future will be better than our pclst, a (Kr. Al-Sabeh, Kuwait) future where truth is restored, a future where reason anc1 justice, freedoll, fairness and equality prevail. Let us work together for a tollOrrow where the collective human experience will reach the stage of maturity with whatever that entails in terms of a cOlElOn sense of the depth and worth of this experience for the present and future of mankind. May God grant us his help and support. Hr. ImStRAA'l'MADJA (Indonesia): It is a great pleasure for me to extend to Mr. Jaime de Pinies, on behalf of the delegation of Indonesia, my sincer~ congratulations on his election as President of the General Assembly at its fortieth sessio."l. His elevation to this high office is a tribute to his personal qualities and reflects the esteem in which Spain is held among the cODlDunity of nations. The fact that he has served his country as a diplomat with great distinction and ability over the past four decades, three of them at the United Nations, eminently qualifies him to carry out his onerous duties with authority and efficiency. I also wish to express the gratitude and deep appreciation of my delegation to his predecessor, Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia for the dignified and skilful manner in wich which he guided the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly, as well as for his chairmanship of the preparatory Committee for the Fortieth Anniversary of the United Nations~ The Assembly is greatly indebted to our distinguished secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his dedicated leadership in guiding the work of the Organization. His incisive analyses and candid assessments of the impediments standing in the way of achieVing the full potential of the United Nations, and the measures he has proposed to improve its performance, have provided us wi th a useful framework for our efforts to make ·the Organization assume its proper role in creating a better world. Before proceeding, I would like to express my delegation's heartfelt sorrow for the victims of the tragic earthquakes that have struck Mexico with such devastation. Our sympathy and feelings of solidarity go out to the Government and people of Mexico, in their hour of anguish and great hardship. We are all aware of the particular significance of this fortieth anniversary session of the General Assembly, taking place as it does amidst the turbulence of sweeping changes and the emergence of histot ical trends in the world. Some of (Hr. KusUllaamadja, Indonesia) these changes are to be welcomed as opportunities for the advancellent of world peace, justice and the well-being of aankind, while others pose new problems and challenges to our collective ingenui~ and resolve. On this auspicious occasion, therefore, we shall have the oppor tuni ~ both for deep reflection on the history of the past forty years and a collective reappraisal of how fur ther to enhance the effectiveness of the Organization in its realization of the purposes and objectives enshrined in the Charter. The United Nations was founded in the afteraath of a world conflagration of such devastation and destruction as to cause the founding fathers to summon up the collllOn determination -to save succeeding generations froll the scourge of war-. Sigr,ificantly, they had the clarity of vision to conceive on organization designed not only to prevent war but to seek the elimination of the seeds of war as well: by establishing the principles of sovereign equali~, justice, self-determination and freedom; by instituting a system of collective securi~ based on non-interference and abstention from the tbreat or use of force; and by developing an international machinery for the promotion of the economic and social progress of all peoples, through friendly relations and co-operation among nations. While still in its formative stage, the United Nations faced major challenges unforeseen by the Charter. The security provisions, premised on great Power unity and co-operation, were frustrated by the emergence of new antagonisms immediately after the war. Neither the division of the world into lIilitary and ideological blocs nor the fierce competition for spheres of influence were anticipated, and the Organization, instead of serving as a ·centre for harmonizing the actions of nations·, became an arena for the contending forces of the cold war. Confronted by the darkening clouds of great-Power rivalry and a profoundly disturbing international situation, the leaders of the newly emergent States moved to consolidate their unity and solidadty in order to address the plethora of problems before the international coIllllunity. Nurtured by their conmon colonial legacy and the shared experience of the s i:ru991e ffif independence, they met in Bandung in 1955, at the historic Asian-African Conference, to define together their concept of a just world order and the relationships that would flow from it. First and foremost was their genuine desire to promote the Charter objectives of eradicating colonialiSl'il, ensuring respect for fundamental human rights, el~inating racial diacr~ination, encouraging the peaceful settlement of disputes, halting the arms race and promoting economic development through international co-operation. Indeed, of the Ten Principles enunciated by the Conference, the very first reiterated respect for the purposes and principles of hhe Charter. And at the observance of the thirtieth anniversary of the Asian-African Conference that my Govermnent had the honour to host in Bandung last April, the participants reaffirmed their conviction that "the Uni ted Nations is the unique and indispensable forum for resolving the major world issues". The Bandung Declaration found concrete expression in the birth of the Non-A~igned Movement, in Belgrade in 1961, where its founding members undertook to revise fundamentally the dangerous simplicities of the cold war. Their objective was and still is to free the world from the l:-'Olicies of force, bloc rivalry, domination, hegemony and exploitation. The Non-Aligned Movement has sought to achieve a peaceful progression towards a democratized, international system of peaceful co-existence and co-operation among nations and to strengthen the vital role of equitably conceived international institutions in the attainment of this objective. The positive contributions of the Non-Aligned Movement to the further growth and direction of the United Nations are a matter of record, especially so in accelerating the process of world-wide decolonization, a process in which our organization has played a central role. Since the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Co:Lcrdal Countries and Peoples, the twenty-fifth anniversary of which we are also COIiDellorating this year, there has been a profound transformation in the q...antitativle as well as qualitative nature and workings of the United Nations. As a result, at its fortieth anniversary, the Organization has come ever closer to its goal of true universality. The constraints of time inhibit me from elaborating on the other achievements and the multitude of other activities on the positive ledger of our Organization's record dur ing the past four decades. They a:. a to be found in. the numerous progranmes and measures that are continuously being formulated and implemented by its various organs, specialized agencies and rela ted insti tu tions. They cover international co-operation in such diverse fields as economic and social development; monetary and trade arrangements; the codification of basic concepts of international law; the prouot1on of fundamental human rights; education and scientific development; the peacefUl uses of outer space; the exploitation of the sea-bed and oceWl floor; the safeguarding of the environment, and many more. Can we any longer envisage a world wi thout the Uni ted Na tions and its specialized.agencies to provide assistance and relief to the many thOUSIDlds of refugees, to the millions of undernourished children and mothers, to those afflicted by hunger, poverty, disease and illiteracy? Can we deny such landmarks as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the Convention on the Law of the Sea and the outer space Treaty, to name but a few? Of course, in all these activities and programmes success has not always been forthcoming; but what has been achieved and what continues to be done indeed touch on the essential purposes for which the United Nations as our collective insti:'~ei'it was created: that of bUilding peace, of working on the essential conditions for lasting peace wi tll justice in the world. Even in the field of keeping the peace, the other basic function of the United Nations, which through the years has been the object of such seathing public criticism because of its real or perceived failures, the record is not as poor as is sometimes suggested. It is true that the united Nations has failed to halt and reverse the global arms race, which has assumed such dangerous and irrational proportions as to threaten the very survival of mankind. It cannot be denied that the united Nations has not been able to prevent the 130 er more armed conflicts which since its founding have erupted in various regions of the world. BUt, to the extent that blame for this state of affairs can at all be attributed to the Organization, the pertinent fact to remember is that the united Nations can do only whal its coIIpOnent Members want it to do and can succeed only if its Members are committed to make it succeed. Thus in assessing its performance in the maintenance of international peace and security the inherent limitations of its role must be taken into account. It can then be seen that in several conflict situations between Member States the United Nations has actually succeeded in finding a peaceful settlement. In mChlY more instances, where a comprehensive solution could not be found immediately, the united Nations has been able to restrict the scope and intensity of conflict, by substituting dialogue for armed hostilities and by providing an acceptable framework within which the search for a solution could proceed in a peacefUl way. In this context, United Naxions peace-keeping operations have proved to be an important, innovative instrument in conflict control and in preventing the escalation of disputes into larger conflagrations. While admittedly the collective security system has not been able to function as envisaged by the Charter, even this limited role of the United Nations, as a channel for constructive dialogue between contending parties: i8 shown to have been of iIlT,i';';~Se value. Hence, in looking back at both its successes and its failures and, more importantly, in looking towards the future, we should not indulge in either lamentation or self-congrabJlation but rather try to draw positive lessons from them. We should acknowledge that the challenges the Uni ted Nations has faced throughout these years and the advaneea it has made towards a world of greater peace, larger freedom and well-being for mankind make a compelling case for the further strengthening of multilateral co-operation. Such co-operation should be seen as the inescapable expression of the concept of shared responsibility inherent in the Charter, of the sense of human solidarity that lies at the heart of multilateralism. But neither should we fail to act with even greater purpose and determination to rectify the obvious inadequacies and shortcomings of our Organization in addressing the central issues of our time. The underlying causes of existing conflicts persist, and new conflicts continue to emerge. There has been a precipitous decline in mutual trust and confidence among States, accompanied by an alarming recourse to armed force in the settling of disputes. The marked increase in tensions between the 9reat Powers has led to a heightened polarization and to the revival of power poll ties. The rule of law, essential for a stable international order, is all too often being flouted. The world economy is plagued by stagnation, inequity and dislocation - and all this is occurring against the background of the most perilous arms race the world has ever known. In the past 40 years the United Nations and the international cotmlunity at large have faced no greater challenge than the growing risk of nuclear war, (Kr. K\.\sumaatmadja, Indonesia) propelled by an ever-escalating ar1llal1lent race and the excesslve accuJlUlation and qualitative refinement of weapons of mass destruction. At present the nuclear arsenals in the possession of the two major Powers have reached such levels as to be wholly disproportionate to any possible national security requirement. Indeed, they have acquired the capability to obliterate all life on earth many times. over. Thus, while the nuclear-weapon States must assume primary responsibility for this state of affairs, the imperatives of disarmament and international security cannot be left to their exclusive concern, for what is at stake is the most fundaraental right of humans and of nations, which is the right to their ver-y survival and existence. It is a matter of deep concern to note, therefore, that, while disarmament negotiations under United Nations auspices have yet to yield meaningfUl reSUlts, those conducted outside it have equally remained stalemated. We regret t.hat this can be the only possible characterization of the recently resumed Geneva negotiations between the two major Powers, whose avowed objective is the termination of the arms ~ace on earth and its prevention in outer space. Meanwhile new technologies and new generations of weapon systems are continually being devised and deployed and new strategic doctrines formulated to rationalize their use. Consequently the threat of nuclear war has become more menacing than ever before. We con~inue to believe, therefore, that an innediate halt to all testing, production and deployment of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems, as a necessary first step, would greatly facilitate negotiations between the nuclear-weapon States. We also hope that the forthcoming sUlllDi t meeting between President Reagan and General secretary Gorbachev will at least generate the necessary momentum to break the log-jam in all negotiating forums on disarmament. Indonesia has always s~~rted the concept of nuclear-weapon-free zones in the context of a regionalist approach to disarmament. In Soutb-East Asia the member States of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) are at present engaged in working out principles and modalities in order to arrive at a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the region. As a ~4cific-dm country: we welcome the recent establishment of a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific. Likewise we support the stand taken by the South Pacific Forum countries against continued nuclear testing in the region. As a maritime natiorl and a non-ntlclear-weapon State, Indonesia has viewed with mounting concern the proliferation and geographical dispersion of nuclear weapons on the world's oceans and seas. By resolution 38/188 G, of 20 December 1983, the General Assembly requested the Secretary-General to carry out, with the assistance of a group of governmental experts, a conprehensive study on all aspects of this particular dimension of the overall arms race. The group of experts has now finalized that study, and, having actively participated in its work, my delegation looks forward to the Secretary-General's report on the subject, which will be submitted for consideration by the Assembly at this session. It is our sincere hope that the study will generate concerted and concrete follow-up Clct'on by Member States, first, through the negotiation of effective measures of nuclear disarmament and confidence-building at sea and, secondly, by identifying possible ways in which naval organization and capabilities may contribute to the establishment of enhanced ocean management policies fo~ the peaceful uses of the sea and its resourc~s, to the benefit of all mankind. Another task of great urgency facing our Organization is to ensure the speedy decolonization of Namibia, for the situation in that Territory not only epitomizes all the odious features of classical colonialism but also contains the added dimensions of racist oppression and illegal plunder of natural resources, thus posing a unique challenge to our collective sense of justice and morality. (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) It is long been self-evident that SOuth AfriQa has never had any intention whatsoever of co-operating in good faith in the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibian independence, as contained in security Council resolution 435 (1978). Indeed, after blocking the realization of that plan, inter alia, by linking extraneous and irrelevant issues to Namibian independence, the racist Pretoria regime has most recently perpetrated a new act of wilful obstruction by establishing yet another so-called winterim governmentW in the Territory in arrogant defiance of world censure and rejection. At the same time, it has not ceased to use Namibia as a launching pad for attacks against the front-line States, as evidenced by the renewed aggression against Angola unleashed just a week ago, in yet another futile attempt to crush the freedom fighters of the SOuth West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). s()uth Africa's stubborn flouting of all accepted norms of international law and civilized behaviour and the dismal failure of the policy of so-called constructive engagement have loog since convinced my Government that nothing short of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter can bring South Africa to its senses. But while the Security Council has yet to overcome its inability to adopt effective enforcement measures, we cannot afford to wait. We should keep up the pressure·by Widening international ostracism and the scope of mandatory and voluntary embargoes and boycotts. We should step up concrete support of the Namibian people's struggle, under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and authentic representative. Increased aid should be extended to the front-line States, which are fulfilling a crucial role in the liberation struggle. Preto~ia's policies of ruthless oppression and illegal occupation in Namibia are in fact reflective of the inherent nature of the regime itself, which in South Africa has implanted and perfected the obnoxious system of apartheid, a system of institutionalized raciSJI pronounced by the united Nations as a crime against huaanity. Indonesia views the latest developments in South Africa with the utmost gravity and concern. The imposition of a state of emergency by the racist regime has unleashed a further escalation of violence, repression and terror. Indeed, the state of eaergency - or, more precisely, martial law - has been used by Pretoria as a pretext for its security forces to perpetrate indiscriminate killings and to drag innocent men, women and children from their homes into arbitrary and indefinite detention. Their plight is of serious concern to us, as is t;pe continued incarceration of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, who personify the courageous struggle of black South Africa under the leadership of their national liberation movements. The immediate and unconditional release of all detainees must continue to be our unyielding demand. South Africa's black majority today is under virtual siege. The racist regime has shown itself to possess nei ther the policy nor the capability for progressive change and that, short of brute force, it is politically bankrupt. Any lingering hopes for a peaceful, evolutionary end to apartheid were dashed by the statement of Prime Minister Botha last month in which he categoric~l1y rejected the basic and just demands of the oppressed majority while at the same time demonstrating an ar rogant disregard for the legi tiraate concerns of the international CODliluni ty. Bu t then we knew all along that apartheid cannot be reformed or improved by -incremental measures. It must be dismantled in its entirety. In its place, a non-racial, democratic society based on majority rule should be established as a guarantee ~or lasting peace. The Arab-Israel conflict has also been a major preoccupation of the United Nations for most of the 40 years of its e:Kistence. Encouraged by the almost unquestioning support extended to it by its friends and protectors, Israel has habitually flouted the cardinal pi: inciples and rUlings of our Organization. As events over the past years show, Israel persists in its efforts to impose by force of arms its own aggressive and expansionist designs on the region, in complete disregard of world censure. It is the unwavering conviction of my Gover~nt that the three core issues of the conflict cannot under any circumstances be s~. '~tracked. They are the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people and its right to sovereign and independent stateha)d in Palestine, Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied si.nce 1967, including Jerusalem, and the need for the States in the region to live in peace within secure borders. In order to attain these fundamental goals as well as to deal wi th the multiplicity of contending interests inher ~nt in them, the General Assembly has called for the convening of an internationa\. peace conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations. Il'donesia's support for the peace conference is based on the assumption that such a conference would launch a comprehensive negotiating process and provide a forum in which all the parties concerned would participate on an equal footing, inclUding the Palestine Liberation Organization (Poo), the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. There is no question that ~e convening and success of the peace conference will inevitably depend on the political will and the support of the major Powers, who must eschew their strategic designs on the re~/ion and co-operate wi th the Secretary-General in his continuing efforts to achieve agreement on the modalities for the conference, for surely th~ alternative can only be an inexorable slide towards yet another and even more destructive cycle of war and violence, with disastrous consequences, not only for the region, but for the world as a whole. barrier to regional peace and stability. In addressing the Kampuchean question, Indonesia and the other members of Association of SOuth-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) have consistently maintained a position based on internationally recognized pr inciples rather than on animosity or confrontatlon. Thus the wi thdrawal of all foreign forces from KaJ!IIUchean soil and the establishment of a government of the people's own choosing must necessarily form the basis for any $olution, as this would reflect the essential vindication of those principles. At the same time ASEAN has repea tedly demons tra ted its flexibility as regards the modalities for a comprehensive and peaceful settlement which would take into account the legitimate interests of all parties involved. We were dismayed, therefore, by events earlier this year when renewed armed clashes involving the massive use of military force resulted in numerous deaths and widespread destruction and led to the influx of thousands of Kaq>uchean refugees into Thailand in search of safety and shelter. These developments not only have rendered a solution to the conflict infinitely more difficult but also underscore the tragic dimensions of the current crisis in Kampuchea. In the face of the incessant military operations against its resistance forces, the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDKj has maintained its effectiveness, as well as the continued support of the Kanpuchean people. Moreover, the international community's ever-increasing support of the CGOK, under the presidency of Samdech Norodom Sihanouk, is another factor of encouragement. During the past year, it was Indonesia's hope that, as the designated interloc'Jtor of ASFAN vis-a-vis Viet Nam, its efforts to pronDte a genuine dialogue (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) and a viable approach to a solution could bring positive results. While the ongoing discussions between Indc.lnesia and VietnCUI have brought mutual clarification on- ,l\ nulllber of aspects of the problem, differences still exist on some important points and these. will have to be resolved if the process towards genuine dialogue is to be sustained. In yet another reflection of ASFAN, s continuing sincere desire to explore all possible avenues that could lead to the restoration of peace in Kampuchea, the Foreign Ministers meeting in Kuala Lurapur last July proposed proxi!lli ty talks between the parties directly concerned. As in the past, our initiative has been proIlpted by a genuine concern for the fundamental rights and interests of the Kampuchean people and their survival as a nation, at peace within its borders and with its neighbours. We continue to hope that Viet Ham will respond positively to international efforts to achieve a COIIprehensive settlement of the Kampuchean problem leading to an independent, neutral and non-aligned Kampuchea. Similarly it is our sincere hope that a comprehensiove solution will soon be found to the problem in Afghanistan, where the continued presence of foreign forces has prevented the restoration of regional peace and stability. With so many regions beset by numerous conflicts and disputes, the progress made by the Contadora group in building a new structure for regional ha.::mony and co-=operation in Central America is most heartening. At this juncture, we note with great satisfaction that the Contadora peace process has reached the stage where a meeting of plenipotentiaries could be convened to work out the final modalities wi th a view to signing the act on peace and co-operation. The culmination of the long and arduous process to establish a framework for regional reconciliation that the act represents will also be a source of emulation for other regions beset wi th similar problems of conflict and strife. In 1945, freedom from war and economic want were among the central objectives of mankind. Now, four decades later, the issues of international security and development are inextricably linked and in their absence, peace and prosperity cannot be guaranteed. The persistent neglect of pervasive poverty and gross inequalities will gravely endanger the social and political fabric not only of the developing countries but of the world at large. And, as in 1945, their resolution can only be effectively sought through international co-operation. There can be no viable or lasting alternative. Since we assembled here one year ago, the distinguishing features of the global economy and of international economic relations have remained essentially unchanged and are perhaps even more apparent. The halting economic,recovery after a devastating global recession, the erosion of multilateralism amidst increasing interdependence, are still our major preoccupations. In addition, the progressive breakdown of the international trading and monetary systems, the stark implications of the international debt problem and the magni tude of the er i tical economic situation in the most distressed countries, dominate our agenda at this Assembly and challenge our collective wisdom and resolve. Rather than the promise of imminent growth and progress, the failure of the recovery's expansion throughout the world has been translated into a frustratingly poor performance in most of the developing coun tries. Even those whose economies were considered to be doing well have experienced setbacks compared to past performance. Escalating protectionism which impedes access to markets, plummeting commodity prices, reduced flows of financial resources and the accumulation of staggering debt burdens are but some of the damaging implications of this failure. Likewise, acute payment imbalances, exchange rate volatility and the imposition of a disproportionate share of the global adjustment process have also inhibited their best efforts. Thus, for many developing countries severe contractions in their development growth and an ominous decline in the living standards of their people have become a harsh reality. For others, especially in Africa, crippling stagnation, if not in fact negative growth, has taken hold and poses a criti~al threat not only to their social and political stability but often to their very survival. These multiple difficulties attest to the structural inadequacies and inherent imbalances that underlie the current world economic system. There can be no sustained or lasting recovery, nor can there be any acceleration of development in . the developing countries, without. the promotion of genuine interdependence and a thorough restructuring of the international economic order. It is in the profound awareness of these challenges that we view the urgency of a new vision in international economic co-operation which recognizes that the world economic recovery will be durable only if it is accompanied by comprehensive measures to reactivate the development of th~ developing countries. The promotion of genuine interdependence among nations and the reinvigoration of multilateral co-operation for development are therefore required. It is precisely in this context that we should like to state again our collUllitment to the global negotiations. We also believe that the International Developlent Strategy for the third United Nations Development Decade remains absolutely valid. The interrelated issues of trade, money and finance demand our immediate attention. International trade, long J:ecognized as a classic instrument for promoting mutual economic gain, is increasingly being stifled. Indonesia is fully committed to an open international trading system based on the p~inciple of differential and favourable treatment for the developing countries and supports all efforts aimed at the progressive dismantling of protectionism. In commodity trade, we strongly support the implementation of the Integrated Programme for COltlllOdities and the full operation of the Common Fund. The decreased flow of development finance has exacerbated the loss of income due to diminishing export earnings and deteriorating ternu; of trade. The resultant havoc is Vividly manifested by the current debt cl'isis and its many ramifications. A significant increase in the transfer of real r.~l:iour~es, oc..:h official and private, is therefore imperative. A creative and comprehensive response, such as an international conference on money and finance for development, as called for by the New Delhi Seventh Summit Meeting of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries should be pursued with urgency. The continuing crisis in Africa as a consequence of the relentless onslaughts of a prolonged drought and famine is not unrelated. While the international response has been remarkable, there is still a tremendous need, beyond eme~gency relief and crisis management, in this follow-up period of readjustment. Medium and long-term development support are required if the crisis is to be effectively overcome and if fu ture calami ties are to be aver ted. * *Mr. Marinescu (Romania), Vice-President, took the Chair. In an international economic situation where disillusionment increasingly reigns, South-South co-operation is not only welcoae but indispensable and its intensification is of paramount importance. In this regard the deliberations of the fourth meeting of the Inter-Governmental Follow-Up and Co-ordination CORIlli ttee of the Group of 77, held in Jakarta a few weeks ago, testified to the enduring relevance and significant importance of the Caracas Programe of Action on Economic Co-operation among i.')eveloping Countries. The strong endorsement for the purposeful implementation of f:h&t Prograame of Action registered at the meeting is encouraging for the future role of collective self-reliance in the acceleration of davelopment. We should not allow this rene\ied spirit emd refreshed momentum to dissipate. Another cause for encouragement is the successful outcome of the WOrld Conference to Review a.."1d Appraise the Achievements of the united Nations Decade for Women, held in Nairobi last July. Given the crucial role of women in developnent, we fully support the objectiv~s contained in the document on Forward-looking Strategies and trust that they can be successfully fostered and implemented during the Decade for women and for the balance of this century • As a country whose youth comprise over 60 per cent of its population, Indonesiaattaches great importance to the Uni ted Nations World Conference for the International ~outh Year. The general condi tion of youth, which reflects the deteriorating world economic situation, in particular job opportunities, has continued to worsen. However, we are fully confident that the forthcoming World Conferenco will effectively address this question and thus promote the universal hopes and aspirations of youth. The alarming pr~itions to which illicit drug trafficking and drug abuse have grown :In many parts of the world is a serious danger to the stability and even the security of aany countries. Indonesia welcomes the current efforts in combating international conference on narcotic drugs at the ministerial level in 1981. . As the General Assembly has grown in membership, its expanded activities have led the Assembly to beoorae a deposi tory of ever Blore i tellS for deliberation and debate. Clearly there is a need for strealllining the Assembly's agenda through the removal of items which have ceased to be relevant, the deferral of those that are in the process of negotiation and the grouping of related issues under the same i tea. Through such an approach the General Assembly could more clearly define its work prograllll1e and impart greater importance and authority to its decisions. With regard to the security Council, it is hardly necessary for my delegation to well on its shortcomings in the discharge of its primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The superimposit:ion of East-West rivalries on the deliberati.ons of the Council has rendered even unanimously adopted resolu tions unimplementable. Moreover, in the process of eliciting support of the permanent members, resolutions become diluted to the point of being mere declaratory exhortations. (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) In order to stem this erosion of the authority and effectiveness of the Security Council, it is essential for the permanent members to recognize their wi~er international responsibilities inherent in their status and in their acceptance of the Charter. An effective Security Council is essential if we are to avoid the kind of confrontations which in this nuclear age can only mean IWtual annihilation. The uncertaintly and discord concerning the composition, financing and mandate of peace-keeping operations ':lave often impeded their effectivenesss. It is important to search for ways in which consensus could be built to assure global support for such activities. To this end, the roles of the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Secretary-General will require careful reassessment. In the context of restricting and resolv~.ng conflict situations, my delegation endorses the various initiatives and actions taken by the Secretary-General in encouraging dialogue and negotiations between the parties concerned. While, admittedly, the Secretary-General's untiring efforts have ;et to bear fruit in resolving such problems as those of Afghanistan, Cyprus and the Malvinas, he has nonetheless established a framework to facilitate peaceful settlements in accordance with relevant resolutions. It is our sincere hope that the parties to these and other conflicts will extend their w.stinted co-operation to the Secretary-General's endeavours to achieve comprehensive and just solutions. Forty years aftet' we establishment of the UnitEd Nations, the quest for an effective, peaceful and more equitable international order has slowed and the incentive to develop international institutions commensurate with the realities and risks of our times has wea~ened. In a world characterized by growing insecurity, regional conflicts, economic dislocation, exploding populations and deteriorating ecosystelllS and overshadowed by the pervasive threat of nuclear war, the development:: of a strong and effeQtive United Nations system is a vital imperative. In today's world of intensifying interactions, interlinkages and interdependence, mUltilateral co-opo!ration should be the dominant theme. Regrettably, however, b ilateral and even utitaleral policies in pursuit of short-term expediency have made major incursions into multilateralism. Such unpredictable and arbitrary use of power will not only result in greater instability and uncertainty but could precipitate the breakdown even of the existing structures and institutions of international co-operation. Indonesia remains fully convinced that multilateralism is the only viable and responsible approach to the global realities of our time. The United Nations as the embodimant of multilateralism, with all its weaknesses and shortcomings, represents the best available structure for this purpose. It mus:t be supported and strengthened, not undercut and derided. Only then will interdependence become a constructive rather than a negative force in the affairs of mankind. At this critical juncture in the life of the United Nations, the overriding l~eed is for all Member States t;.) rededicate themselves to the principles and purposes of the Char ter and to renew their fa i th in the capaci ty of the Uni ted Na tions to fulfil its func tions and to meet its aims and objec tives. For only then will the Organization be able to assume once more the role for which it was established. Mr. TIND~~ (Belgium) (interpretation from French): Allow me first of all to offer my warlllest congratulations to Kt. de Pinies on his accession to the presidency of the fortieth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. His remarkably broad experience - it is indeed the twenty-eighth time he has attended the proceedings of our Assembly - as well as the prestige and authority he has thus acquired constitute the best guarantee of success in our work. My country is delighted at the election of a representative o~ Spain, a country it holds I particularly dear and whieh is about tu join the European Community. (Mr. Tindemans, Belgium) Befg!'4! ~tuttng JI.ly st.atement~ I wish to express to the Govermaent and people of Mexico ffrJ deepest sympathy for the terrible tragedy which they have just: suffered. In the troubled world in which we live, our Organization has been fulfilling for 40 years now the essential task of helping to relJ.,)lv~ world problems and <to ensure that harmonious international relations prevail. This session, wbich is meant to celebrate this event, instills in many of us the hope for renewed energy and for a renewed awareness of the need to acco~lish the tasks set out by the founders of our Organization. I have no doubt that under the wise guidance of Mr. de Pinies the Assembly will go down in the annals of the United Nations as haVing contributed effectively to the fulfilmen t of the ideals and purposes of our Char ter • I should also like to reiterate here the expression of our deep appreciation for the devotion and effectiveness shown by Mr. de Pinies' eminent predecessor, Ambassador Lusaka, in discharging his high functions. As always, I took keen note of this year's report submi tted by the secretary-General. How can we not share his conc~rns with respect to multilateralism in this anniversary year? How can we fail to heed his insistent appeals for greater solidarity and for the establishment of a system of international relations which takes fully into account the Obligations and. responsibilities which have fallen to us as Members of the United Nations? How can we fail to respond to his request for profo\Jnd reflection. at a high level on the objectives, accomplishments and shortcomings of our OJ.~9anization, which is about to celebrate its fortieth anniversary? Hcr~, finally, can we remain indifferent to the assaults on the universal character of our Organization or ignore its historic deficiencies? Suffice it for I (Mr. Tindeaans, Belgium) the lIOIIent to refcr to the exuple of the Korean Peninsula. Ita reunification presupposes a peeceful and dellOcratic solution to the problesls that separate the two para. My country shares the view of the Republic of Korea that direct talks bebteen the two parts must first aa at restoring the climate of confidence which has been lacking for so long. While we wait for this dIalogue, wbich we strongly encourage, lead to reunification, BelgiulI fa\~ours the sbaultaneous entry of the two Koreas to the United Nations. My colleague from Luxembourg, Mr. Poos, the current President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, has fa! thfully reflec ted from this ros trUl'D the views of the ten member States, including Belgium, on the whole range of international questions which now IlOre than ever are of cMcern to the world cotrlDunity • I wish to th~nk ~ colleague for his statement, because it allows me to focus my comments on a few subjects which seem of particular interest to me. Whether we wish it or not, the international situation remains strongly marked by the state of relations between the United states and the Soviet Union and their respective allies. Last year I had the opportunity to point out from this rostrum how bleak the outlook was with regard to East-West relations. Since then, the situation has not really iuproved. Distrust is prevalent eVl.!rywhere and paralyzes attempts to resolve the many problems of the wotld. (Kr. Tindeaans, Belgium) This climate of incaaprehenBion and ..tual fear has deep roots. The uninterrupted large-scale deployaent of nuclear tissiles aimed at Western Europe has led ay country, together with others, to accept deployment on its territory of cruise missiles. This difficult political decision does not reflect any bellicose sentiment or aggressive intentionsJ it is the inevitable consequence of legitimate fear due to sustained military pressure by which the balance of forces had been undone. It is this dangerous spiral of threats, distrust and fear which we have tried to slow down and, if possible, to break. The proposals we _de at the Conference on Confidenceand security-Building Measures and Disaraament in EurOPe in Stockholm went in that direction. They were ambi tious in scope - which was to make disarllaJlent possible by rebuilding confidence - but lIOdest and perfectly workable as far as their implementation was concerned. They did not tend to put obstacles in the path of security agreements but, on the contrary, to favour small steps towards the lessening of tensions. Accordingly, Belgium attaches great importance to two. elements of the rather glOOJllY picture of East-West relations, which in the course of the last months have given rise to some glimmer of hope. On 12 March 1985 the United States and the Soviet Union resumed in Geneva negotiations on strategic arms, int~rmediate nuclear forces and space weapons. Belgium considers these negotiations as being of the greatest importance. It seeks as sweeping a reduction as possible of the nuJllber of existing systems, with due consideration, however, of the balance and stability oS: the strategic relationship between the two parties. New technologies, particularly in outer space, cannot be implemented unless they strengthen that st~bilit:y. Also in Geneva, the President of the United Stat:es of America and the General Secretary of the COIIIIlunist Party of the Soviet Union will meet in November. Belgium, like all other nations, exPeCts this summit meeting to contribute to (Mr. Tindemans, Belgium) breaking the barrier of distrust, the ill effects of which I denounced earlier. It also expects it to lead to a constructive dialogue of which the whole world and not only the participants is in great need. It is in Geneva as well that the negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament take place. In this context, and without wanting to minimize the importance of other points of discussion, I should like to broach the question of chemical weapons. We were horrified ~ the use of chemical agents in recent conflicts. we will never forget that Belgium was the first battlefield where such weapons were u~ed. One of the agents is called Yperi te after the name of the flemish city of Ypres, which since 1916 has become falOOus throughout the world. My country is, therefore, in a very good position to request: full and unconditional compliance wi th the Geneva Protocol of 1925 which bans the use of chemical weapons~ the conclusion of a new international convention which totally prohibits not just solely the use but also the production, stockpiling and transfer of chemical weapons. In 1984, a draft to that effect was submitted at the Conference on Disarmament by the Vice-President of the united states. It is urgent that the conference reach an agreement on this point. Belgium, for its part, has already decided to put stricter controls on the export of ·key precursors·, that is to say, the basic elements in the composition of toxic weapons. But here, as elsewhere, the crucial problem underlying disar~~ent agreements remains the setting up of an adequate verification system. Verification is the indispensable element of any security and disarmament agreement. He who rejects verification bears the responsibility for failure. Only openness and transparency will allow us to lessen the distrust, to relax the atmosphere and to move on to a more secure climate. (Hr. Tindemans, Belgium) In the a=e spi~iti ! shauld like Mo ~9~al fQ~ scrupulous compliance with the agreements already concluded in the field of disarmament and security. Nothing fosters distrust more than the suspicion that commitments already undertaken are not, or not fully, couplied with. This is not a question of accusations or polemics. Let us simply acknowledge that if existing agreements are not implemented in good faith, it will become more difficult to conclude new ones. At the end of July, in Helsinki, I said that I felt some disappointment wi th regard to the manner in which certain pr017isions of the Final Act had been implemented. Frankness compels me to repeat that, in my view, the great expectations which had been placed in that Act have not been fully met. The outcome of the Ottawa Conference on Human Rights is but an illustration of the pi tfalls we find in our path. I persist, however, in believing that the Conference on security and Co-operation in Europe process may still be improved and supplemented. Belgium, for its part, will prove itself to be persevering and determined with regard to the further development of this process. We cannot allow ourselves to be pessimistic on this point. If on the multilateral level we did not spare any effort in favour of disarmament and peace, on the bilateral level also we have translated our principles into action. Belgium has always declared itself ready to enter into a dialogue with countries wishing to do so and has not failed to play to the full its role in the concert of nations. This role involves establishing contacts, using restraint and establishing credibility and reliability with respect to our existing commitments. East......>tlest rivalry and the confrontation be~.:l'een the nuclear P~er6 ar.e not the only threats to international life. Because of tradition and historical bonds, my country is particularly interested in the African continent, whose severe crisis is still a source of concern. (Mr. Tindemans, Belgium) Today, econ~ic difficulties, drou9ht~ agricultural cti$e~ and foeXl shQttages are in many places complicated and their consequences multiplied by armed conflicts, internal disturbances and international confrontations. The combination of these situations h~s Ultimately given overwhelming dimensions to these evils. ~ many African countries experience poverty, which carries in its wake suffering, death and displacement of populations fleeing natural calamities and the disasters of wal'. In the face of this situation, the international community did not remain in~ifferent. Under the momentum given to us by our Secreta~-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, measures have been taken, and continue to be taken, to meet the most urgent needs of the African peoples. In order to achieve greater effectiveness, the co-ordination of the aid has been strengthened at the levels of the various organs of the United Nations as well as of the donor countries. This effort must be continued and supplemented through longer-term actions geared towards the development of the populations. Among these long-term ac tions my country gives the highest priority to integrated rural development, the only lasting solution to the problems of hunger and malnutrition, the only means of fighting rural exodus and anarchic urban growth. It is at.this goal of development of rural areas that Belgium aimed when it established the SurV'ival Fund for the Third WarId to help the famine-str icken countr ies to recover and to improve their food production in order to achieve self-SUfficiency. In October 1983, with the help of four united Nations agencies, we selected the countries of the Horn of Africa as beneficiaries because it is one of the regions of the world where u due t.o star.vation$ the mortal.:iq rate is one of the highest. (Hr. Tindell8ns, Belgium) organizations, is also engaged in a series of eaergency aid operations in sever~l drought:-stricken African countries. This aid, in equipment: or cereals, is tod~y indispensable, but: is obviously not: enough. We consider developaent: aid to developing countries as the first dUty of industrialized countries. (Mr. Tindemans" Belgi~) At this time, when the international crisis is hitting all countries, but more se~erely the developing countries, international solidarity together with a sense of responsibility is necessary now aore than ever before. The decade of the seventies has favoured infrastructural development which was an indispensable phase. However, some reforms of another kind are just as necessary. It is in this context that I wish to call to mind the tragic events which in recent months have taken place in South Africa. Racial discrimination leads to violent confrontation, with the number of iMocent victims running into the hundreds. The threat of civil war looms larger with it its train of SUffering and misery leading to the economic collapse of half the continent. Like so many others, I, too" should like to appeal" from this rostrum" to the Government of the Republic of South Africa to undertake forthwith the dismantling of apartheid which Belgium condemns unreservedly. My country appeals to all South Africans to move towards constructive dialogue. My Government ventures to hope ttiat in each community, r~:s.ponsible leaders will be found who, leaving aside violence and slogans, will seek original solutions to complex problems. No citizen of South Africa, regardless of the colour of his skin, stands to gain from a bloodbath or economic chaos. As Mr. Poos stated, on behalf of the Ten, I believe that the only solution lies in granting equal rights to all ci tizens of South Africa, within a system of protection of minorities and the dialogue that I have ju~t mentioned. Through its clear action, Belgium, together with the Ten, hopes to convince the South Africans to adopt such a policy. (Kr. Tindell&ns, BelgiulI) It is in this spirit that Belgium; ~gether with its partners in the European CODl1lunity, decided to take restrictive as well as positive measures vis-lt-vis Sou~ Africa. Belgium, as a member of the united Nations Counc,il for Nmibia, insists that the Namibian question be resolved as soon as possible on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). It is convinced that the settleJllent of this problem will lessen tensions in the region, thus initiating an Civerall evolution in the situation in southern Africa. This makes us insist on the need for an urgent solution to that problem. Finally, I should like to tackle the issue of terrorism, an evil which today encompasses the whole world. At his press conference of 21 June 1985, the secretary-General stated the -following at the time of the taking of hostages on the 'lWA plane: (spoke in English) -As a human being, I have a feeling of shame. I think that what the terrorists are d~lng all over the world is n~t only, a crime but also an act of cowardice. I believe that you all share wi t1i lie this feeling of shame. It is not a matter of ideologies; it is not a matter of religious beliefs. I think it is a matte~ that affects our conscience as human beings.- (continued in French) I should like to join with the Secretary-General and respond to the appeal he I am not unaware of the difficulty of the response to be given and of the efforts already undertaken by our Organization. As early as 1972, on the occasion of the twenty-se:venth session of the General Assembly, the Secretary-General of the United Nations took the initiative to submit this problem for discussion by the General Assembly and requested the Member States ..ha ~o!r ., "''''' ..h';n. a.t1h';~" _ .....-- ......, ....... --.- _......1---. to inform him of (fer. Tindemans, Belgium) Resolutions were adopted Md a special CO!Uiittee was set up to study the question and to IRake proposals in order to find effective solutions to the problem of terror ism. . However, we were unable to reach consensus. The discussions were not cclfined to principle and law, but led to a political confrontation between countries favouring total suppression of terrorism and countries which considered that they would rather look into its causes. Of course, international terroriS13 cannot be eradicated completely without an inproveaent in the political, economic and social situations which encourage it. Nevertheless, terrorism cannot be a means that is justified by the goals it pursues. There are acts which He so barbaric, so heinous, and so contrary to society that nothing can justify them. Unless we ackn<7llledge these, the fight against international terrorism will be completely paralysed. Given the aggravation of internationalt~rrorismwhich thr(!atens the lives and the security of innocent people all over the world, the time has come to determine the er iteria for acts which cannot be justified or excused, notwl thstanding the symPathy and understanding which some political, cultural, social or economic situa i:1ons may arouse. It seems urgent to us to establisb, ever and beyond all ideological confrontation, a series of universally recognized measures against those criminal acts. The view that assaults, the taking of h~stages and other such cr''''!!''.al be..l'1aviour i are ac ts ~ich cell for leniency because of theit' poli tical nature and may be cOll1llitted with iDl»unity by their perpetrators, can no locQer be tolerated. It is, no doubt, encouraging to see that various measures and regulations have already been agreed 91'l at the regional and the sectoral levels. At the regional lev~l, I should like to aention in particular the 1977 European Co.,vention on the Suppression of 'Ierrorisa which, after thorough di-scussions, has just been adopted by the' Belgium Parliament. Consequently, this Convention will be in f(;;rce among the 15 aember States of the Council of Europe united in their struggle against that scourge. The so-~calle;3 partial approach has, furtheraore, allowed the international COIIlmunity to legislate on various kinds of' terrorisa. 'I all referring to the Tokyo, Montreal and The Hague Conventions concluded within the International Ci.vil Aviation Organization (ICAO) framework. They have all been ratified by Be1giWD as well as the International Convention against the Taking of Hosta~~s adopted in 1979 by ~,~, United Nations General Assembly. That Conventiorll will soon be submitt..ed for apprcnal to tha Belgium PaJ:liament~ Thus, Belgium has already adopted the approach recommended in the r~golution un terrorism adopted unanimously by the Seventh United Nations ,Congress on the Prever.tion of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders which was held reelently in Milan. Exper ience has shown that no country is safe from terrorism. The drafting of a general convention on ir.ternationa1 terl'urbm is doubtless a goal wtiich is too ambitious, which probably cannot be reached in the near future. It would be bet ter, I think, to try to resolve the p1:oblem by consider ing i.ts various aspects succesoively. Any system of terror runa counter to the principles of the united Nations Charter a.'1d it is therefore incumbent upon Member States to hell) to eradicate it. The efforts to be made at the multi1a~ral level, wU.hin the United Nations, must also be supplemented by bilateral agreements. Discrepancies between legislations and the sensitiveness (,f national sovereignty should not allaw terrorists to escape punishment. Among the reCOlllllendations of the Ad Hoc Cc:amittee on International Terrorism were certain proposals which meet our concerns and which I should like to bring to the attention of the General Assembly: the reCODl1llendations to the appropriate speciali~ed agencies and to ~e regional organizations, to consider qeasures likely to prevent and to combat international terrorism wi thin their fields of competence and in their region; an invitation to all Member States to co-operate more closely, especially by exchanging relevant informaticm on preventive measures and on the struggle against international terrorism, by entering into special treaties or: by incorpor:ating in the appropriate bilateral treaties special provisions, in particular with regard to the application of the principle of Wextradition or prosecutionW to international terrorists; and the conside!:8tion by the General Assembly of the need to work out one or raore additional international conventions based on the principle of Bextradition or prosecutionB to combat acts of international terrorism which are not yet covered by other international Conventions of a similar nature. I have already mentioned the European Convention on Suppression of Terrorism. In Article I this Convention a'!umerates a certain number of acts which are not to be considered as political offences. Among them are, in partiCUlar, woffences involving the use of a bomb, grenade, rocket, automatic firearm or letter or parcel bomb if this use endangers petsonsB• Would it, for instance, not be conceivable to give special attention to the use of booby-trapped devices, as was already done to the taking of hostages. It is certain that the use of such devices is a partiCUlarly heinous act when it is prone to endanger the life and physical integrity of innocent people. (!!!:-Tindemans, Belgium) The raison d'etre of our Organization is to preserve, in apite of rivalries and confrontations, a climate of peace in the world. It seemed to me that at this . time the preservatioa of this climate is particularly linked to the resumption of the East-West dialogue g to action against hunger and poverty in the world, particularly in Africa, and to pzactical measures against international terrorism. This was the message I wished to br ing to this Assembly. Mr. IAOOVOU (Cyprus): It is wi th particular pleasure that I extend to Ambassador de Pinias our warm congratulations on his well-deserved election to the high office of the presid~cy of the fortieth session of the General Assembly. We consider his personality, his reputation as an experienced and skilled diplomat, and his long-standing commitment to the cause of the united Nations as the best guarantees for the successful accomplishment of his difficult task. His far-sighted opening statement has been most reassuring and has confitmed our ,belief in the wise guidance he will provide us during the current session. Furthermore, it is a source of great satisfaction for my Government and for the people of cyprus that the presidency of this lofty body is in the hands of a representative of a fr iendly country, wi th which we share close rela tions and which rightfully enjoys great esteem and reputation internationally. At the same time, I wish to extend our appreciation to his predecessor, Ambassador Paul Lusaka of Zambia, a country with which we have excellent relations, for the most competent way in which he guided the work of the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I should like from the outset to place on record our grati tude for the Secretary-General's efforts to promote international peace and security. We also thank him for his untiring efforts with regard to the Cyprus problem, which has been the concern of the United Nations and his own personal concern. I should be (Hr • Iacovou, Cyprus) remiss if I did not stress how .uch we value his efforts towards achieving a just and viable solution to the problea in accordance witb the United Nations principles and· resolutions. The disaster inflicted upon Mexico ~ the recent catastrophic earthquakes has shocked us all. We express.o~r deep sympathy and solidarity with the friendly people and Government of Mexico .and call upon this body immediately to implement an eaergency programme for the alleviation of the plight of the victims of this devastating calamity. ~~~ico is ~ufferlng from a catastrophe of unprecedented proportions, and we strongly believe that an urgent international response is essential to assist this nation to recover as soon as possible. In this respect we fully appreciate the urgency with whioh the General Assembly responded to this critical situation ~ adopting resolution 40/1 of 24 September 1985, which we fully support. As we celebrate this Organization's fortieth anniversary, we cannot but think of our fo~nding fathers who sought to transform into action the deeply felt and widespread desire for concrete and effective action ~ establishing an Organization ~sed on universality, with the aim of protecting and maintaining international peace and security, the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms, the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples, the development of friendly relations among nations and the achievement of international co-op~ration in solving international problems. In evaluating the progress achieved so far in international relations, we should ask ourselves if we may claim that we are well on our way to realizing the dreams and aspirations of the founding fathers of this Organization. We must admit, with regret, that the record gives little cause for satisfaction, as we enter the fortieth year of the life of this Organization. (Hr .. Iacovou, Cyprus) This does not aean that the past was devoi~ of ,successes, since reference c&n be ude to aany achieveaents of this Organization.. We could _ntion progress aade in various fields: decolonization, peaC';.e-keeping, sunda'rd setting in the field of human rights and the huunitarian progra.es. That we have 80 far escaped the scourge of another world war, despite local conflicts, is no ainor achieveaent. A1though we all sbare the same as.pirations for peace, security and justice, it is a sad co_entary on the 40 years that have just elapsed that the international po1itica1 and economic sitoation is again critical. The threat or actual use of force, military aggression and interference, the intensified arms race, gross violations of human rights, poverty and famine paint a gloomy picture of today'S world. Yet, however frustrating our experience has been so far, we have not abandoned hope that the dream of a peaceful and economically secure future can yet become a reality. The cOJll1lemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations affords us the opportunity to take stock of progress, concentrate on shortcomings, draw appropriate conclusions and chart the correct course to ensure peace and survival. Renewed confidence in the Uni ted Na tions can be enhanced only H all Member States adhere str ictly to the purposes and pr incip1es of the Charter, thus rendering the Organization more effective. The provisions and mechanisms !)fthe Charter, if appropriately, effectively and resolutely applied, could deter lawlessness and secure peace and justice. The Security Council should live up to the expectations of mankind, employing all means at its disposal, and it should also take such other measures as those referred to by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization, which we welcome and support. Particular reference should be made to the Secretary-General's idea that the Security Council should "make a deliberate and concerted effort to solve one or two of the major problems before it by making funer use of the measures available to it under the Charter" (A/40/1, p. 7). The single most important issue affecting the international ee-aunity is ,Usu__nt. The continued build-up of ar_Enta, particularly nuclear ar_Ents, creates potentially dangerous ccndltions, holding unkind hcetage to the balan~ of terror and the threat of nuclear war. Moreover, the increasing ai1itary expenditures are diverting valuable resources froa development which could close the wi~ning gap between the developed and developing countries. It is earnestly hoped that this year will be marked by real progress towards disarmament. Closely and directly tied to disarmaEnt is international security. The ultill2lte goal of COIlplete and total disarllDent is unachievable ·unless the collective security provisions of the Charter are fully implemented. Let us hope that during the fortieth anniversary the Mellber States, particularly the permanent members of the Security Council, take up this issue as a question ot urgency. It has always been our firli belief that irapleaentation of the security ptovis-ions of the Charter, along with actions to ll1Pl_ent United Nations resolutions, in particular security Council resolutions, would lead to an improved world situation by eliainating critical issues that threaten the maintenance of international peace and security. Of equal concern is the world economic situation. Though there was a certain iaproveJllent in the case of industrialized countries earlier this year, the developing countries' plight continues unabated. They are burdened with a mltitude of probleM, both structural and developaental, often COiipounded by natural disasters. Commodities prices, trade, financing and debt servicing are _tters requiring urgent attention and even 1Iore urgent remedial action. The international co_unity must act decisively in soving without delay towards the establishraent of a new international eCa)OIIic orderJ otherwise the increasingly divergent world economic and social conditions and difficulties will exert severe presaures on the developing countries' BOc1al and political fabric, with unforeseen consequences, includinQ possible underll1ning of their democratic insti tutiORS. The grave econOlBic crisia facing African countries gives cause for concern and requires the u~gent adoption of special and concrete actions for resolving that crisis. While the Declaration on the Critical EconOll1c Situation in Africa which was adopted last year at the thirty-ninth session of the General Assembly provided a framework for international action, there is still much to be done, particularly in the field of assistance in the developllent efforts of the ~frican States themselves. In dealing with tb°is problem, the Non-Aligned Movement formulated a Plan of Action which was a~pted at the Extraordinary Ministerial Meeting of the Co-ordinating Bure&u of the Non-AlignecJ Movellent held in New Delhi from 19 to 21 April 1985. Since t.~e ac!opticn of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a number of standard-setting insuUIlents in the field of human rights and fundamental freedollS have been prOllUlgated. More recently a welcolIe trend towards the establishment of iIlplementation lIechanisllS has been observed. Cyprus is a party to many of these insuumentBJ the two International Covenants on civil and political rights and social, economic and cultural rights, the Convention against racial discrimination and, most recently, the Convention on the EliJIination of All Forlls of DiscriiiiinatiOli against WOiien, to name some ex_ples. Notwi thstanding progress in the field of huaan rights and fundamental ; .. freedollS, there is continuing concern for the massive, flagrant and persistent violations of hwaan rights that are taking place in various parts of the world, especially when they come in the wake of oceupation and aggression or threaten democracy. In world affairs the Hon-Aligned Moveaent increasingly plays a positive and constructive role in working for a just world order based on ita lofty principles, pronounced at the Bandung Conference and further elaborated at subBequent meetings. Cypruo, a founding IleGer of the Movellent, will continue its role in the Movement, as it bas done before, underlining the priRcip1e. of the non-use of force in international relations and of non-interferen:e in the internal affairs of States. Tbe people of Cyprus are particularly grateful for the MOV8llent's principled stand and s~rt on the Cyprus prob1m. H1gb app.reelation 1s given to the non-aligned countries' contact group on the Cyprus probl., which tllas always rendered valuable assistance and support. Tbe Conference on Security and Co-operation 1n Burope is an iaportant and dynaaic ongoing process. Cyprus actively participates in that Conference and CO-ope~ates particularly with the other neutral and non-aligned States that are tak1ng .part 1n an effort to prollOte security in Europe mld hence 1n the whole wOlld. The non-implementation of united Nations resolutions not only illpairs the effectiveness of the Organization but also erodes its credibility and its image as an 1nstrUEnt for peace and justice. It will be recalled that at the thirty-seventh session of the General Assembly, the President of the Republic of Cyprus in his address ~ the Assembly, requested the ini3cr1ption of an item entitled -Implementation of the resolutions of the united Nationsw• It should also be recalled that the Non-Aligned Movement has repeatedly welcomed and supported the consideration of the question of the i1Iple~entationof united Nations resolutions at the 'United Nations General Assembly. we are happy that, as a result of the inclusion oftbi8 itea in the agenda and of the support it received frOll the llellbenhip of the United Nations, infor_1 consultations were beld by aeJlbers of ~e security Council on the strengthening of the authority and the effectiveness of the United Nations. It is the intention of the delegation .of Cyprus to work with other interested delegations for the achievement of this goal. A. we bave stated on n~roU8 occasions, the Middle East problem, at the core of which is the question of Palestine, gives rise to grave concern. Cyprus, along with other non-aligned countries, fully supports the legitillate and inalienable rigbts of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish an independent state pursuant to General Asseably resolution 3236 (XXIX). We again stress the inadaissibillty of the acquisition of territory by force and call for full respect of the bURn rights of the Palestinian and Arab population in the occupied Arab lands. Tbe persistence of the probl_ poses a serious threat not only to peace in the region but also to international peace and security. Higb in our: priorities must be the intensification of the efforts for the total and unconditional withdrawal of Israel frOll all Arab lands occupied since 1967. we shall continue to support the just struggle of the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PID) 1 their sole and legiti_te representative. C-1p1'U8, a clese neighbour of fr iencUy Lebanon, shares the agony of that country and "'ill continue to prcwlc1e any belp necessary, as we bave been doing O'Jer the last few years. We fervently hope that the factional strife "'ill end and that national reconciliation will be achieved so that the people of that nation will be able to prosper again in peace and tranquillity. I '•• _ Once again we express our full support for the scwereignty, independen~, territorial integrity and unity of . ~ : Lebanon and call for the total withdrawal of all Israeli forces from its territory• .-, (Mr. Iacovou, S'prus) The Iran-Iraq conflic~ con~inues unabated. we are deeply grieved tha~ two non-aligned countries are involved in such a confrontaUon, wbich bas brougb~ abcu~ M8sive destruction and grea~ loss of life. we are deeply di8~urbed that a jU8~ and honourable solution has no~ yet been found. We ear.De8Uy hope tha~ every effor~ will be exerted with a view to reaching such a solution for the noraaU,zat:ion of the situation in the region and the restoration of peace.. Recent developaent8 in South Africa, and in particular· the illpoeiUon of a state of eaergency in a large nUJlber of districts, wbich was accompanied by an escalation in violence and repression by the SOUth African forces against the oppressed majority, have once again attracted attention and widespread condeanaUon of the apartheid regime. We fully support all Un~.ted NaUon8 and non-aligned resolutions on this issue, particularly the reoent security Council resoluUon 569 (1985), which condeaned the apartheid regille and the SOuth African iJlpcsiUop of a state of emergency; as well as the II&SS arrests and detentions recenUy carried out by the Pretoria Governaent and the aurders which have been COiiSitted. The resolution fUlly acknowledged once again the legiUute a..spiraUons of the people of South Africa to benefit frar, all civil and poliUcal rights and to establish a united, non-racial and democra~ic society. We fUlly endorse this resolution. We call upon the security Council to proceed urgenUy to consider action under Chapter VII of the Charter, so that an end aay be put as soon as possible to the abborrent system of apartheid. I While we afe gravely concerned about the situation in South Africa itself, we are equally concerned over developaents in NaJlibia, including the recent .. incursions, and over the lack of progress in the iJIIpl_entation of Security COUncil :. 'i resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of NaJlibia. This year marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and peoples and at the SMe t1lle the fortieth year of intensive efforts by the United Nations to bring about the independence of Nallibia. Deapi te these sol_n declarations and the efforts of the international CCIIUlunity to put an end to colonialiSll and to ensure genuine independence for Nall1bia, SOuth Africa's intransigence has blocked all progres~. In its latest attellpt to circulIVent the implementation of the United Nations plan for Na.ibia, the SOuth Afr lcan regi1le proceeded vith its plans for a so-called int.ernal settleJIent in Naaibia by pr08lOting puppet political institutions. The refusal of South Africa·to cOlllply with the wish of the international CCDIIunity, as expressed in the 'relevant resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, has been condeaned by the Security Co~ncil and prolllpted the Hon-Aligned Movement to convene an extraordinary plenary meeting of its Co-ordinating Bureau on the question of Nambie in New Delhi in ~ril 1985. Cyprus fully suppor ts the heroit' struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of the SOuth West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), their sole authentic representative. We shall continue to provide every possible assistance to the efforts ade to achieve Namibia's genuine independence. The position of Cyprus on the question of Western Sahara is fully in line with that of the Non-Aligned Movement, as exressed in its various declarations, including that of the seventh sWlJlit .eeting, held in March 1983. We express the hope that a solution will be found along these lines. The Central American region remains a hotbed of tension. The situation reaains volatile and poses serious threats to regional and international peace. The need for dialogue instead of ar:med conflict cannot be overstressed. Respect for the sOV'ereignty and territorial integrity of all. States in the region, as well as non-interference' in their internal affairs, are principles from which there can be no deviation. The situation concerning Nicaragua has been of deep concern to the international co_unity and the Non-Aligned Mov..nt over the last few years. Tbe Hon-Aligned MoV'eaent has considered deve10p11ents there ~epeatac11Y and bas expressed its solidarity and support to the Governaent of Nicar~Q, while actions ahled against the Government ana people of Nicaragua have been strongly condellfted. The efforts of the Cantadora Group, which we fUlly support, have not yet come to fruition. We hope that all concer~ed will co-operate constructively with the Group and will continue to work towards a negotiated peaceful solution to the problems of Central America. While celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations we are bound to focus our attention on our own country, the s1l&11, historic island of Cyprus, where the Charter of the United Nations, its purposes and principles, and indeed the whole concept and effectiveness of this Organization are being tested. , . . There can be no excuse and no justification for the continuous ailitary occupation of a significant part of Cyprus for 11 years now in COIIlplete defiance of the Charter of the united Nations and of Security Council and General Assembly , resolu't1ons, an oCcupation which constitutes a sad reainder of flagrant violations not only of human rights but of almost everything that this Organization stands for and, at the same Ume, poses a di.stinct challenge to its authority. In this fortieth annb'!l)if;'!iary year ~ our people are bewildered and wonder how, despi te the principles cf t.ha Charter, the occupation of 37 per cent of our territory is allowed to continue: why they were expelled frOll their h08es and to this day are denied voluntary return in conditions of safety, as required by United Nations resolutions) why 50,000 settlers from Turkey were transplated into their hOlleSi why an occupation aray is still all~d to remain on our soil. Likewise, they know that there exists no justification for the destruction of the cultural heritage being atte!!pted in the occupied area, no justification whatsoever for the divieionist acts which have taken place in the occupied areas and which eulllinated in the proclaution of a so-called state 6nd subsequent illegal acts in COIIplete disregard and de:fiance of United Nations security Council resolutions 541 (1938) and 550 (1984), vbicb declared such acts null and void. I reiterate once again our fir. support for the mission of good offices of the United Nations Secretary-General and his initiative aimed at finding a just and viable solution to the proble1l. we co-operate fully and constructively with the Secretary-General and have all along helped him in his difficult task. This co=operaticn will continue wita'l sincerity and good will. we call on all to do likewise and assist him in his efforts to find a solution of the problem. OUr response to his latest initiative was positive and unequivocal and our reply was in the affirmative. This has already been referred to by the Secret.ary-General in bis latest report to the security Council, dated .:.1 June 1985. The solution of the Cyprus problea must confoJ:1l fully to the principles of the Charter, the relevant United Nations resolutions and the High Level Agreements. Turkey must abandon its partionist designs and any other plans to control or dominate Cyprus, dir.ectly or incUrectly. I would like to reiterate what I have st4ted recently, that to strive for a solution of the problem is a duty we owe to ourselves, but, furtherrnoi:e, to strive to rever~e the effects of aggression is a duty that is owed to the world at large. The ,¥RESIDEWi' (interpretation from French): lie have heard the last speaker for this meeting. The representative of El Salvador has asked to speak in exercise of the right of reply. I remind him that, in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statements made in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by representatives from their seats. I call on the representative of El Salvador. Mr. MARTINEZ GUTIERREZ (El Salvador) (interpretation from Spanish): Once again, Cuba is committing an act of aggression against El Salvador. This time it is verbal aggression which is added to acts of aggression of other kinds under taker; directly and through others, in violation of the rights of the people of El Salvador. Its continued behaviour over the last few years, in particular from 1980 to this date, is eloquent proof of its responsibility in the Salvadorian conflict and for the high dagree of sUfferinr among the Salvadorian population. The suppo:r:t giv2~) by' C'.Aba to the Tiolent radical left of my country is highly significant. For that r.eason, anl~ because it represents a strident and unqualified voice, it does not deserve a lengthy response in this exercise of ~~e right of reply. Furthermore, because of the many political prisoners rotting in Cuba's gaols through conscience demands tilat we repudiate the hypocritical and ill-intentioned criticism leveled b~' the representa.ives of that regime. The meeting rose at:_ -p.m. I..