A/41/PV.13 General Assembly

9.  GENERAL DEBATE Mr. KUSUMAATMADJA (Indonesia): It is with genuine pleasure, Sir, that I extend my delegation's heartfelt congratulations to you on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. To see such an eminent representative of a brotherly Asian country preside over our session is a sO~Ice of particular satisfaction to us. Your election to this high office is well-deserved recognition of your personal qualities and accomplishments, as well as a fitting tribute to the role and stature of Bangladesh in world affairs. May I also extend a word of praise to your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, for the impeccable manner in which he chaired the fortieth session, as well as the thirteenth special session, on the critical economic situation in Africa. His firm and enlightened leadership gained him the admiration of the entire Assembly. The highlight of the past year was, without question, the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the united Nations and the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Declaration on decolonization, which provided the international community with reason for some optimism and hope. The anniversary session appropriately focused the heightened attention of the world on our Organization, as representatives of Member State~ at the highest level converged to rededicate themselves to the purposes and principles of the Charter and to the strengthening of the United Nations for a better world. Since that historic event, the special session of the General Assembly, convened to address the critical economic situation in Africa, has dramatically demonstrated what can be achieved through the multilateral approach. It sharpened world-wide awareness of the awesome dimensions of the prolonged crisis. It also succeeded in injecting new urgency in addressing its underlying root causes and placed the firm support of the international community behind the African Priority programme for Economic Recovery. Efforts to eliminate the last remnants of colonialism on our globe were further intensified by the successes achieved at the various international conferences sponsore~ by the United Nations ard th~ holding of the fourteenth special session, on the question of Namibia, thus paving the way for the final triumph of the historical forces of justice ar~ liberation. Efforts towards universal peace, peaceful coexistence and international co-operation were reinforced as representatives at the highest level from 101 non-aligned countries assembled early this month in Harare, Zimbabwe. They came away from the meeting with enhanced unity of purpose and strengthened resolve to continue to make their contributions to the central issues of disarmament, development and decolonization. (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) Similarly, the summit meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev last November and the resumed negotiations on various aspects of nuclear disarmament between the two most heavily armed nations in the world were a source of renewed hope that rationality and global responsibility may yet prevail and succeed in stemming the ever upward spiralling arms race. Despite those major events and developments, however, the world community at all levels continues to experience a disquieting sense of uncertainty and generalized insecurity. The resolution of fundamental global issues remains bogged down by approaches that are tainted by mutual mistrust and narrow self-interest, which give rise to unilateralism and the politics of power and short-sighted expediency. The intractability of many problems has been compounded by a resurgence of great-Power contention and competition in the efforts to maintain or expand spheres of influence and domination. There has been no substantial progress in extinguishing the many regional hotbeds of conflict, which instead are being increasingly assigned East-West dimensions, thus widening the risk of enlarged conflagrations. Persistent resort to the threat or use of force in the settlement of disputes, aggression and racist oppression, intervention and eco~omic coercion, have kept international tensions at undiminished levels, while posing a constant threat to the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States. And, overhanging all these disturbing trends is the dark cloud of the escalating arms race, especially in nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, spurred on by strategic doctrines that purport to justify their existence and even their use. Crippling slow-downs in the development process and the steady erosion of multilaterialism and the multilateral framework of co-operation continue to be distinguishing features of the world economy and of international economic relations. In an increasingly integrated global economy, international development co-operation based on equity and genuine interdependence is eschewed in favour of a (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) selective kind of bilateralism and sheer opportunism. As a direct consequence, the developing countries are plagued by economic stagnation and even regression. Their dire plight poses a real threat to the political stability and social cohesion of their societies, which in turn threatens the stability of the world at large. Of acute concern to the Assembly is the propensity of some Members to question the Organization's functions and programmes and to reduce or withhold their assessed financial cO~1itments, thereby seriously und~rcutting its role. At a time when so many pressing issues demand reaffirmation and reinvigoration of the multilateral process, we are, paradoxically, being confronted by attempts to weaken and curtail the role of the united Nations as the most appropriate universal forum for negotiations on and the solution of those issues. Indeed, the Organization is at present being SUbjected to an unprecedented challenge, not only to its solvency, but to its very viability. In brief, the world today is confronted by the incalculable risk of nuclear war and by continuing political turbulence and economic dislocation, especially in the developing regions of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. Our collective determination should therefore be directed towards the progressive establishment of a new world order based not on the competitive use of power but on the sovereign equality and genuine independence of all States. To act otherwise is to abdicate our collective responsibility and resolve to avert the irrational drift towards self-destruction through either self-inflicted nuclear annihilation or regression into international chaos and anarchy. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the field of disarmament and security, which remains the central preoccupation of our times. The excessive accumulation and refinement of weapons of mass destruction, both nuclear and conventional, on land and sea have continued unabated and may now be extended to outer space as (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indon@sia) is facing. The averting of nuclear catastrophe is the essential pre-condition of our endeavours to solve all other problems. As the largest coalition for peace in history, the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, at their eighth summit meeting, held in Barare early this month, issued an urgent appeal to the major Powers reflecting the con~ern and anxiety of mankind about the possible outbreak of nuclear war and its attendant conseQvences. While the nuclear-weapon States must assume primary responsibility, every State has the right and duty to make its contribution to the adoption of effective measures to remove for all time the danger of nuclear war. Pending nuclear disarmament, the major Powers should heed the global demand that they forswear the use of nuclear weapons by international convention, ban all testing in all environments, halt and reverse the arms race and affirm the objective of common security through disarmament. Of growing concern to Indonesia is the fact that progress in the multilateral disarmament forums continues to be painfully slow and that too often stalemate in bilateral efforts has become a major impediment to such progress. Although some incremental gains have been made in the Conference on Disarmament, it has yet to fulfil its role as the sole negotiating machinery on all disarmament issues. The Conference on Disarmament should be allowed to initiate substantive negotiations in order to address the priority issues in a meaningful way. We have followed with close attention and measured hope the ongoing negotiations between the two major Powers. Despite faint indications of some movement, we have unfortunately seen little in the way of tangible progress so far. It is therefore necessary for the Assembly to call upon the United States and the Soviet union to break the log-jam and translate their oft-repeated commitments into binding and durable agreements. (Mr. Rusumaatmadja, Indonesia) The denial of justice, independenc~ and human dignity continues to be a principal source of conflict and strife in many regions of the world. It is a matter of great urgency to ensure the speedy decolonization of Namibia and the eradication of apartheid. It is truly scandalous that, two decades after the United Nations assumed of direct responsibility over Namibia, racist South Africa continues its illegal occupation of the Te~ritory. Despite concerted international efforts, prosPeCts for the faithful implementation of the United Naitons plan for Namibian independence seem no better today than they did during last year's session. This is particularly deplorable in the light of the Secretary-General's conclusion that all issues relevant to the united Nations plan have been resolved and that, but for South Africa's insistence on injecting extraneous issues, it would have been possible to commence implementation. After waiting eight long years for the realization of the United Nations plan, the time for deliberation and persuasion is over. The Security Council must now demonstrate the political courage to act and to move forward with the implementation of its resolution 435 (1978), without entertaining any modification or any further delaying tactics by South Africa. Namibia's decolonization cannot and should not any longer be held hostage to issues outside the terms of the United Nations plan, such as linkage with the presence of Cuban troops in Angola. We also reject all attempts to distort the question of Namibia by portraying it as an issue of East-West contention. (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) As a member of the COuncil for Namibia since its inception, my Government has always attached the utmost ~rtance to the Council's unique responsibilities of protecting and promoting the inalienable rights of the Namibian people and of ensuring the emergence of an independent Namibia with its territorial integrity and national unity intact. Indonesia also remains unswervingly committed to support the South West Africa People's Organization (S~), the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people, in the intensification of its just struggle, including armed struggle, for the liberation of Namibia. Indonesia views the deepening crisis in South Africa itself with utmost concern and anguish. hll indications show that after two years of unprecedented brutality and repression against the oppressed black majority, the racist regime has neither the inclination nor the ability to reduce the ever more violent polarization and, instead, continues to rely on th~ indiscriminate application of brute force. Indeed, blinded by its frantic efforts to perpetuate the abhorrent system of apartheid, Pretoria is seemingly oblivious to the disastrous consequences of its self-destructive course which, has brought the situation in South Africa to the brink of an all-out civil war. My Government is convinced that the opportunity to avert a racial conflagration and to arrive at a peaceful end to apartheid may soon be lost unless the Security Council decides to act and to act decisively. It has long been abundantly clear to my delegation that the enforcement of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter may yet be our last option towards non-violent change in South Africa. While welcoming the recent decision of c~rtain States to impose additional limited sanctions against South Africa, Indonesia views those piecemeal measures as still falling far short of coming to grips with the critical situation. We (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) therefore call on those States urgently to reassess their stand and acknowledge the dismal failure of the policy of ·constructive engagement-. Only through the complete isolation of apartheid South Africa can the principal objective of dismantling tbat inhuman system be assured and a non-racial, egalitarian and democratic society be built in its place. Peace and stability cannot coexist with apartheid and colonialism, not only in South Africa and Namibia, but indeed in the entire region of southern Africa. For the repeated acts of aggression, destabilization, subversion and terrorism perpetrated by Pretoria against the front-line and other neighbouring African States reveal the ult~ate hegemaaistic designs of the racist regime on the region as a whole. Those States deserve increased assistance to overcome their vulnerability and economic dependence on South Africa. For the past three decades, Israel's aggressive and expansionist policies, its brutal record of repression of the Palestinian Arabs in the occupied territories and its desperate but vain attempts to destroy the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), both politically and physically, have been and continue to be the fundamental source of unabated violence and tensions in the Middle East. It is also most disturbing to observe that the major Powers continue to view the conflict primarily from the perspective of their own strategic designs on the region. The Indonesian Government and people remain steadfast in their firm support and solidarity with the just struggle of the Arab nation to regain its usurped rights and territories occupied since 1967. The Question of Palestine lies at the core of the Middle East problem. A comprehensive, just and lasting solution, therefore, can be achieved only through the restoration of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, inclUding the rights to self-determination and to establish their own independent and sovereign State in Palestine. Moreover, no (Mr. KusUIlaatmadja, Indonesia) solution can be regarded as either co~rehensive or just unless the PLO, the sole and legit~ate repreeentative of the Palestinian people, fully participates in its elaboration and inplementation. Last but not least, stable peace and security can be based only on Israel's total withdrawal from all occupied Arab and Palestinian territoriea, including Jerusalem. We strongly believe that the most viable avenue towards resolving the various aSPects of the conflict is through the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East. It is clear, however, that such a conference can be convened and succeed only with the support of the major Powers which must be prevailed upon to see its urgency and compelling logic. The alternative can only be further violence, bloodshed and suffering. Israel also continues to occupy sovereign Lebanese territory. The illegal presence of Israeli occupation troops in southern Lebanon is the principal cause of the worsening circumstances surrounding the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and has prevented UNIFIL from discharging the task assigned to it by the Security Council. Indonesia fully supports Lebanon's demand for the total withdrawal of all Israeli forces from its territory and for resPect of its national sovereignty and territorial integrity. In the same region, we yearn for an end to the fratricidal conflict between Iran and Iraq and to the grievous human and material losses incurred by both sides. My delegation again apPeals to our two brother nations to seek to resolve their differences in accordance with Charter principles so as to achieve a just and honourable settlement. Let me now turn to our own region's political and security concerns. Eight years after the outbreak of the conflict in Kampuchea, the tragic situation in that country continues to be the singular source of tension and instability in our part (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) of the world. It also constitutes a major obstacle to our larger objective of transforming South-East Asia into an area of peace, regional harmony and prosperity. Our Organization has been rightly concerned over a conflict involving the violation of the cardinal principles of non-use of force and non-intervention in the internal affairs and the pol_cical and economic system of an lndependent State. Consequently, it has repeatedly reaffirmed the right of the people of Kampuchea to determine their own destiny free from fo~eign interference, subversion and coercion and has sought to promote negotiations and mutual understanding whereby a climate conducive to the exercise of that right would be created. For its part, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has engaged in painstaking efforts to contribute to a settlement that would restore to the people of Kampuchea their rights, in accordance with internationally recognized principles. The Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea has also shown its readiness to consider any viable approach to a just and peaceful settlement. In this context, we welcome the eight-point proposal recently advanced by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea as it contains positive elements that can serve as a constructive framewotk for meaningful negotiations. The proposal is also consistent with ASEAN's long-held view that essentially the Kampuchean problem has to be resolv~d by the Rampuchean people themselves. In our view, a genuinely independent and non-aligned Kampuchea, friendly to its neighbours and posing no threat to them remains an essential prerequisite of peace, stability and co-operation in the region. Despite the continuing impasse, ASEAN will not cease to explore all possible avenues and modalities for the restoration of the fundamental rights and interests of the Kampuchean people, while at the same time ensuring the legitimate interests of all countries to live in peace with one another, free from extra-regional threats and pressures. (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) Yet another issue which calls for a political solution based on the withdrawal of foreign forces is the situation in Afghanistan. In the interest of rest~ring regional harmony and stability, Afghanistan should be allowed to resume its historic non-aligned role. (Mr~ Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) In the South Pacific region, the Kanak people, under the leadership of the FLNKS, are engaged in a just struggle to attain independence for their country. Indonesia reiterates its support for self-determination and ~he early transiti~n to an independent New Caledonia, in accordance with the rights and aspira~ ~~s of the indigenous people and in a manner which guarantees the rights and the interests of all its inhabitants. It is encouraging that the process initiated and sustained by the Contadora Group, with the backin~ of its Support Group, has made steady progress in efforts to resolve, comprehensively and peacefully, the tensions and strife that besec Central America. We welcome the substantive agreements already reached on the Final Version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation. It is our si~cere hope that the resolution of the remaining procedural and operational aspects will achieve early results. However, we cannot but express our concern over the increasing militarization of the region, the continuing external pressures and the interjection of ideological overtones and East-West rivalries into the conflict. Indonesia has always opposed external interference, whether through political destabilization, economic coercion or outright military intervention, in the struggle of developing countries to consolidate their national independence and to establish their own political, economic and social systems. Hence we have consistently supported Nicaragua in the defence of its right to self-determination, sovereign independence and territorial integrity. On the question of the Malvinas, my delegation appreciates the flexible and statesmanlike approach of Argentina in reaffirming its intention to comply with relevant General Assembly resolutions. We hope that negotiations will soon resume leading to a peaceful and definitive settlement of the sovereignty dispute. It is undeniable that peace and stability cannot be ensured in isolation from the state of the world economy and global economic relations. Neither can (Hr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) sustained development or an equitable economic system be secured in the absence of a stable and peaceful environment. Both are inextricably linked. As succinctly pointed out by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization: -The common well-being of the world's population will depend heavily in the remaining years of this century on the success achieved in global development and in the reduction of the disparity in the conditions of life within tha international community·. (A/4l/l, p. 6) Yet, in reviewing the current conditions in the world economy and in international economic relations, we see little grounds fer optimism. On the contrary, the gap between the rich and the poor countries continues to widen, the global development crIsis persists and the erosion in multilateral co-operation for development has not abated. Thus, for millions in the developing countries, grinding poverty is still a daily reality and the dream of a better future has turned into a nightmare of mere survival. Nor can we discern tetter prospects for the near future. To seek to understand and collectively resolve those reversals is the challenge and the responSibility of this General Assembly. The grim state of the world economy gives us no respite. The economic output of most developing countries has stagnated, trapping them in low levels of growth with little room for manoeuvre. The collapse of commodity prices and the disarray in commodity markets have delivered a damaging blow to their already depressed terms of trade. International trade, which has been a major instrument for development in the past and an effective channel for ensuring the mutual benefit of all nations has been blocked substantially by the rising tide of protectionism. These adverse factors, coupled with the severe contraction in both official and private financial flows, the alarming increase in debt-service burden and monetary instability, have resulted in the ironic phenomenon cl a reverse transfer of resources, from developing to developed countries. (Mr. Kus~atmadja, Indonesia) I The international economic system is still characterized by structural maladjustments. In consequence, it is the economically weak t~~t sustain the brunt of the world economic reversals and thus suffer the most. Downward adjustments are forced on their vulnerable economies critically disrupting their development process. The ASEAN subregion, to which Indonesia belongs, represents a pertinent example. Despite Gtrong economic resilience until recently, the pace of their development has now markedly declined. Nor has the Indonesian economy escaped the onslaughts of the adverse external environment. Its overall gross national product (GNP) growth has slowed severely in the last two years, while at the same time its debt-service ratio rose substantially. Indonesia was thus compelled to take a series of painful corrective measures, inclUding the lowering of its development targets, drastic restraints in pUblic investment, budgetary and import cut-backs, fiscal reforms and currency devaluation. Despite those measures the impact of the external environment has been such that economic growth remains tenuous. Caught in the vice of fiscal austerity and declining economic growth rates, Indonesia's ability to channel the internal pressures of almost 2 million annual entrants into its work-force and to absorb further external shocks has been greatly eroded. In this era of increasing interdependence, economic reversals cannot remain the preoccupation of the developing eountries alone. While the adverse effects of inadequate development clearly translate into a reduced capacity of the developing countries to tackle their domestic difficulties and to participate beneficially in international economic activities, these effects will not for long be limited to the poorer countries. Inevitably, they will have an impact on the developed economies as well. Consequently, it is in the interest of all that the (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) international community should work collectively and resolutely to transform the present and future challenges into successful opportunities. It is in this spirit that Indonesia views the launching of the new round of multilateral trade negotiations at Punta del Este. As the beginning of a new concerted effort to halt and reverse the erosion of the international trading system, the new round should also provide us with an opportun ~y further to liberalize international trade. A mainstay of such liberalization should be the interests of the Jeveloping countries, including the paramount principle of preferential treatment for them on a non-reciprocal basis. Likewise, we consider it most important that the present Assembly address the issue of external debt crisis and development. It is our hope that our discussions on this issue will be guided by the recognized principle of shared responsibility and the accepted policy of adjustment with growth and will effectively contribute to solving this problem. A timely opportunity is provided by the forthcoming seventh session of the united Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VII) to address key international issues in the fields of money, finance, trade and development and their interrelatedness. More important, we trust that UNCTAD VII will purposefully address the alarming commodity situation. What is critically needed are measures for properly managing commodity markets, stabilizing commodity prices and ensuring remunerative commodity earnings. As we move through the remaining years of this century there is no doubt that multiple economic challenges will continue to present a profound test of our collective will. There will be no ready answers nor easy solutionE. Hence, there is no alternative for the international community but to marshal its collective determination and to work resolutely to reverse economic disparity and to ensure ~he success of global development. (Mr. Kusumaatmadja, Indonesia) The in ternational community is today faced wi th an alarming rise in drug addiction and illicit narcotics trafficking, which p)ses a threat to the moral and ethical fOWldations of society and indeed the very security of many countries. Through the relentless efforts of this Organization, a consensus on the need for greater co-operation and co-ordination at the internatimal and regional levels has been forged. The recent meeting of heads of national drug enforcement agencies in Vienna agreed on several important recommendations in this regard, thus providing valuable input for the International Conference in 1987. In preparation for that Conference, and within the context of regional co-operation, the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASFAN) is formulating a strategy to address substantive issues and achieve c~crete results. Indonesia, as a transit cowtry for illicit narcotics trafficking, is acutely aware of the social and political implications of this problem. Through our national efforts and our work wi thin ASEAN, as well as our str ict adherence to the international conventions on narcotics, we have clearly demonstrated our resolve in conbating this scourge. The proclamation of 1986 as the International Year of Peace, with its theme -to safeguard peace and the future of humanity-, is clearly reflective of the most fundamental aspirations of men and women throughout the world, and the United Nations remains the principal multilateral framework devoted to its achievement. In this oontext Indonesia reaffirms its dedication and comnitment to the primary objectives of the International Year of Peace, which are, inter alia, the promotion of universal peace, peaceful exiexistence and co-operation and the prevention of war and CCX'lflict among nations. As we strive towards realization of those noble goals, let us also continue working towards improvement of the quality of life through the achievement of equality for women, increased respect for human rights and the right of peoples to developnent, and an end to racial discr imination and oppression. (Kr. Kusumaatlladja, Indonesia) As these pr inciples and objectives are enbodied in the Indones ian Consti tution and fully conform with the Inoollcsian national philosophy, our adherence is not only a moral obligation but a constitutional mandate. The United Nations is at present being COilfrooted by a financial crisis of unprecedented proportions. Having temporarily averted the emergency aspects of the financial er is is at its resumed fortieth session, the General Assembly has now to address the longer-term problems by reviewing the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the United Nations. Indonesia recognizes that there is indeed room for improvements and greater ecooomy in the work ings of our Organization. we therefore welcome the reIDrt of the High-Level Group of 18 and stand ready to consider its valuable recommendations in a most positive spirit. At the same time, however, Indones ia believes that the er is is, which is essentia lly of a poli tical na ture, has reached a point where efficiency and ra tional iza tion measures alooe will not suffice to provide a comprehensive and durable solution. This effort must be accanpanied by a renewed commitment of explicit support to the United Nations by all Memb;L!!:, States in accordance with their treaty obligations. No one can any longer envisage a world wi thout the United Nations. We must sustain its many achievements and build uIDn them rather than engage in action that will only undermine its credibility and efficacy. In this the secretary-General has demonstrated his astute understanding of the difficulties now besetting the Organization and has brought to bear his keen insight, consummate skills and persooal dedication in seeking to overcome them. We hope that he will be enabled to continue his laudable efforts to strengthen the United Nations for a better world. On its part, Indonesia pledges its unstinting support and full co-operation in the realization of this paramount objective. (Mr. Kus umaatmadja, I ndones ia) Mr. 'ID'lU (Romania): May I begin by warmly congratulating you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assenbly at its forty-first session. It is indeed ~ great pleasure to greet in that high office the representative of Bangladesh, a country with which we are linked by batds of traditional friendship and co 'Operation. I am sure that your well known qualities and long-standing experience of political and diplomatic activity will make a decisive contribution to the success of this session. Being empowered by the President. of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu, I have the honour to put forward his and Romania's position, assessments and considerations on the main problems of international life, which are to be discussed at this Assenbly session. The proceedings of the General Assembly are tak5ng place at a time when the international situation continues to be particularly canplex and serious o\dng to the escalation of the arms race, in particular the nuclear arms race, the aggravation of some military conflicts and the emergence of new hotbeds of tension, the use and threat of force and interference in the internal affairs of other States. These are all increasing even fur ther the danger of a new wor Id wa:.:, which under present conditions would inevitably turn into a nuclear catastrophe, without victor or vanquished, leading to the destruction of the very conditions of life on our planet. That is why, according to the outlook of President Nicolae Ceausescu, the fundamental problem of our time is that of changing the dangerous course of events, which is now heading towards a nuclear ca tastrophe, in the direction of a new policy of detente, disarmament, collaboration and peace in the world. Although ale would have expected that, in the year proclaimed by the United Nations as the International Year of Peace, cuncrete measure would be taken in order to revert from a policy of cmfrmtatim to a policy of solving the mjC)[ problems facing mankind through negotiatims, unfortunately we are witnessing the intensification of tension in wa:ld relations. Under the present international circumstances, Romania and its President consider it imperative to pass from mere prmouncements to deeds and to do everything to step up the efforts of the United Natims, in oonjunction with those of all peoples and peace-lOlling forces, in order to ensure the adoption of tangible, real actims and agreements for the halting of the arms race and for disarmament on earth and in space. Only such a policy is liable to ensure real secur ity for all States, to gua.cantee that peoples enjoy the proper cmdi tions for crea ting new nater ial and spiritual values, so that they can oontinue making their oontribution to the progress and civilization of all mankind. That is why we consider it the sacred right and duty c~ every State large, medium or small, to act in a constructive spirit of co-operation and to cmtribute effectiVely to the radical imprOl7ement of the international climate. (Mr. '!btu, Roman ia) In this spirit, Romania and Vl'e6id8'lt Nicolae Ceausescu are prOllOting an anple p:>licy of dialogue in international l'elatioos and taking part in world activity as a whole, toward finding solutions to the caaplex problems of our epoch, in the interest of co-operation and peace. Romania has worked and continues to work consistently to base its relations with all States on the principles of full equality of rights, respect for national independence and sOl1ereignty, nm-interference in internal affairs, mutual advantage, complete renunciation of force and the threat of force, and to affirm widely these pr inciples in the internatimal arena. Life itself, and the prevailing realities, have demonstrated the urgent need for these principles to be unanimously recognized and implemented as they represent the sole solid founda tim for rela tions of collaboration and peace among all sta tes. It is an axianatic truth that the strategy of peace cannot be separated from the strategy of the future. Mankind yearns for a future of progress and prosperity, safe from the danger of nuclear weapons, indeed of any weapons. That is why Romania places the problems of peace and disarmament at the centre of its external policy, starting from the conviction that its economic and social development plans - indeed, like the progress of all peoples - can be achieved successfully ooly under conditims of peace and collaboration with all States of the world. Working firmly in concert with all peace-lOl1ing forces in order to help reach appropriate agreements at an early stage, 00 the halting of the arms race and the adoption of tangible disarmament measures, Romania declares itself in support of the implementa Hon of a canplex disarmament programme, cen tred on nuclear disarmament, leading to the phased liquidation of all nuclear weapons by the end of (Mr. Totu, Romania) this century and, in parallel, f'or a 25 ~r cent reduction of cOINElntioncsl weapons iVl th~next five years, as well as of troops and military eXp!nditur~, 'to be followed by further efforts in order to reach a reduction of at least 50 per cent by ~e year 2000. The adoptiCl'l by this sessim of the United NatiCl'lS General Assembiy of the decision to proceed effectively tow~d the preparation of the third special session on disarmament, designed to adopt a global disarmament prograJDDe, would represent without any doubt an important step fcxward, in cooformity with the interests of peace of the entire international mmnunity. Romania considers that it would be of the utmost significance if a nunber of States were to unilaterally recilce their troops, weapons and military expenditures. In this respect, President Nicolae Ceausescu recently called on all States in Europe to recilce, by at least 5 per cent, their weapons, troops and military expenditures, even before an appropriate agreement is reached. As far as Romania is mncerned, it is ready to proceed to a 5 per cent reduction of its arms, troops and military expenditures by the end of this year. If an agreement with other States to proceed together to such a recilctioo is not reached, this proposal will be submitted, in a referendllD, to the will of the people, to decide on this unilateral recilction. we express our hope that other countries will show their willingn(!ss to go aloo9 with us in implementing this measure. It is Romania's steadfast convictioo that the adoptioo by European States of measures toward the unilateral reduction of troops, weapons and military expenditur es would pose no danger whatsoever to the secur i ty of any State. On the cootrary, such measures will open the way to serious negotiations, as they will express the will of European States to act for disarmament and peace. This would be fully consonant wi th the demands of European and world public opinion. (Kr. 'lbtu, Romania) According to our cau:eption, the huge human, na ter ial, financial and scientific resources being wasted each year to produce deadly weapons must be used to accelerate ecmOllic and social progress. With this aim in view, Romania has initiated, within the tbited Natioos framework, a process aimed at determining the principles called upon to govern the activities of States in negotiating measures to freeze and reci1ce military expenditures. Finalizing and adopting the principles in question in their entirety, as of this sessiCX'l, would give new impetus to internatimal activities aimed at br inging about a freeze and redlction of military budgets. In the light of these considerations, Romania believes that the bodies and cooferences dealing with disarmament questions must, more than ever before, step up their activities~ indeed, all negotiating forums must be used with maximum efficiency so that they may proceed wi thout delay to the preparation and adoption of appropriate agreements and understandings, with the participatioo and in the interest of all States. In this respect, Romania has made its contribution to the conclusion, following appropriate agreements of the Stockholm Cmference on Confidence and Secur ity Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. We appreciate the fact that at the Vienna negotiations on the reduction of armaments and armed forces in Central Europe, the two sides will be able to reach an agreement at an early date. At the same time, we declare ourselves in favour of the achievement of adequate agreements at the Geneva Cooference on Disarmament. To this end, the successful cooclusion of negotiations designed to bring about an internatiooal agreement on the prohibition and destruction of chemical weap:>ns, would be of special importance. The urgency of this matter should ooce again be stressed by the General Assembly. (Mr. '!btu, Roman ia) The establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zmes in various regions of the continent would greatly contribute to military disengagement, to building up coofidence and security in Europe. In that spirit, Romania hilS taken a position and acted consistently to promote the developaent of confidence and co-operatioo amoog all Balkan comtries and to hel~ turn that region into a Zale free of nuclear and chemie:.1l weapons and foreign military bases. Similarly, we support the establishment of Zales free of nuclear and chemical weapons in the northern and central parts of Europe, as well as on other continents. The liihole evolution of internatiooal life indicates ooce again that there can be no justification for continuing the arms race, especially the nuclear arms race, for increasing military expenditurec, which have by now soared to the huge amount of Sl,OOO billioo. That is why oUr country welcomes and fully supports the prograDlDe of nuclear disarmament advanced by the SOI7iet U1ion in three stages, to be carried out by the year 2000, and declares itself in favour of the immediate cessatioo of nuclear tests and for the prevention of the militarization of outer space. Welcoming the mSR decisioo on the extensioo of the unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests, Rom.:mia and President Nicolae Ceausescu on this occasion too, renew, their appeal to the United States of America and to all other nuclear-weapon States to put an end to such tests as soon as possible. At the same time, Romania considers that a series of proposals put forward by the United States of America and other States represent a real basis for reaching disarroament agr eements • (Mr. Tom, Romania) In our view, the time has come for the other nuclear-weapon States to participate in nuclear arms talks, even if they proceed to their own arms cuts only after the United States of America and the USS~ carry out a substantive reduction ~;f their nuclear weaponry. Similarly, we believe that the European States, as well as the other States of the world, are directly interested and should take an active part in achieving agreements on the cessation of nuclear tests, nuclear arms reductions and halting the militarization of outer space. An especially dangerous situation has arisen in Europe, where new nuclear weapons have been and continue to be deployed, thus endangering the existence of every nation and international peace. In view of this, Romania declares its support for the early achievement of agreements on cessation of the deployment of new intermediate-range nuclear missiles on the European continent and the destruction of existing ones, and on the elimination of all chemical weapons. My country firmly declares its opposition to measures designed to bring about the militarization of outer space and supports the use of outer space by all nations for peaceful purposes only. In this connection, we support the idea of convening a world conference on the question of the peaceful uses of outer space to work out a global programme for the use of outer space and space technology to further the economic and social development of all countries, particularly the developing countries, to adopt a treaty in this field and to set up a special United Nations body dealing with outer space. In order to improve the international political climate, strengthen confidence and security and revive the process of detente, everything possible must be done to stop all military conflicts and solve all outstanding issues solely by peaceful means, through direct negotiations between the countries concerned and by making use of international organizations. Experience and reality demonstrate that, (Mr. Totu, Romania) however tedious it may be, the path of negotiation is the only one capable of leading to viable solutions in the interests of the peoples and of peace. It must be well understood that any other means - sgch as force or interference in the internal affairs of States - is incompatible with the interests of peoples and with their aspirations to freedom and independence. That is why we must firmly oppose any form of terrorism, which has always been contrary to the interests of the peoples. We attach special importance to the implementation of provisions contained in the very timely solemn appeal for the cessation of all existing military conflicts, proposed by Romania and adopted by consensus at the fortieth session of the General Assembly of the united Nations. Romania is deeply concerned about the situation in the Middle East. In the spirit of the initiatives undertaken by the President of Romania as early as 1978, we resolutely declare our support for the convening of an international ~onference sponsored by the united Nations and with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and Is~~~l, the Soviet union and the united states of America, the other permanent members of the Security Council and any other States that could contribute constructively to the settlement of the situation in that region. We appreciate that a just and lasting peace in the region must be based on the withdrawal of Israeli troops from the territories occupied in the 1967 war, recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to establish a Palestinian State and guarantees of the independence and sovereignty of all States in the region. We consider it necessary to do everything possible to put an early end to the war between Iran and Iraq, which is causing both peoples immense human and material (Mr. Totu, Romania) losses. All military hostilities should be renounced and negotiations initiated with the aim of settling all outstanding issues between the two countries, in a spirit of full equality and mutual respect for independence and sovereignty. We strongly condemn the south Afr.ican authorities' racist policy of apartheid and the repressive measures taken b~· them against the majority population in that country, as well as the acts of aggression perpetrated by South Africa agains~ neighbouring independent, sovereign States. WG demand the cessation of all such actions prompted by the policy of apartheid. Romania resolutely supports the struggle of the Na~ibian people, under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), for the independence of Namibia. In general, Romania actively supports the struggle for (~t~ complete elimination of any form of colonialism and consolidation of the freeci(~' ~nd independence of all the peoples and nations of the world. We believe that issues of conflict in Central America must be solved through negotiation on the basis of the proposals put forward by the Contadora Group and with full respect for the right of every people in that region to free and independent development without outside interference of any kind. I should also like to reaffirm Romania's solidarity with the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and our active suppo~t for its position, initiatives, efforts and political and diplomatic actions aimed at the peaceful, democratic and independent unification of the country. The elimination of Underdevelopment, the bridging of the gaps between rich and poor countries and the establishment of a new international economic order are essential prerequisites ~or the peace and security of all peoples and the very future of mankind. It is well known that in past years the world economy has (Mr. Totu, Romania) continued to be marked by instability and a series of negative phenomena engendered by the world economic crisis, which have an impact, to a gteater or lesser extent, on all countries. The economic situation of the developing countries has been particularly affected. The overwhelming majority of those countries are being prevented from developing their economies and from advancing along the road of economic and social progress because of their external indebtedness and the high interest rates they are faced with, as well as the growing protectionism practised in various forms by developed countries. There is an increasingly obvious tendency to block negotiations in all forums concerned with economic problems and to sidestep the framework provided by the United Nations for examining and solving those problems. Romania, as the Assembly knows, has already presented a series of proposals in this respect. My country is in favour of an international conference, to be convened under United Nations auspices and to be attended by all developing and developed countries participating on an equal footing, with a view to bringing about a global solution to the problems of underdevelopment, the establishment of a new international economic order and the achievement of co-operative relations based on understanding and equality. (Mr. Totu, Romania) Such a conference should be conducive to an agreement and to understandings designed to facilitate faster progress for all countries, in particular those that are lagging behind. The objective here is to achieve the harmonious development of all States and of the world economy. Romania considers also that the problem of foreign debt requires a comprehensive solution involving the following elements: cancellation of the entire debt of the poorest countries, those with a per capita national income of $500 to $600) reduction by a sizeable percentage of the debt of developing countries with a per capita national income of up to $1,000 or $1,200; general "reduction by between SO and 70 per cent of the debt of other developing countries, grouped by level of national income and by potential; rescheduling for a 15 to 20 year period of the remainder of the debt at 3 to 4 per cent interest, or with no interest at all, and with a grace period of three to five years; establishment of a ceiling for annual payments of foreign debt, not to exceed 10 per cent of the annual export earnings of the developing country in question; establishment of a maximum interest rate on old credits, not to exceed 3 to 4 per cent, with amounts paid in excess of that limit to be deducted from the volume of foreign debt; and provision of new credits to developing countries on favourable terms and conditions and with reasonable interest rates of a maximum of 5 per cent. To achieve such a global solution to the problem of the foreign debt, the United Nations must play an active part. In this respect, Romania holds the view that concrete action and measures must be t~ken within the United Nations framework to bring about the proper solutions. My country is in favour also of restructuring the international monetary and financial system, and of convening an international conference to that end. (Mr. Totu, Romania) We consider that at this hour, when a major scientific and technological revolution is in full swing, more efforts should be made to ensure broad and unhampered access by developing countries to the achievements of modern science and technology and a substantial transfer of technology to those countries in keeping with their specific development needs. In this respect, Romania joins other countries in supporting the convening of a second United Nations conference on science and technology for development. On the occasion of the commemorative session of the General Assembly to mark the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, an assessment was made of the world Organization's activities and its role. This once again brought to the fore the need for the Organization faithfully to reflect international realities, to serve as a genuine forum for the entire international community, to fulfil the mission entrusted to it by the Charter and to serve more efficiently the cause of peace and progress, thus responding to the legitimate aspirations of PeOples. Taking into account the complexity of the international situation, the persistence of old conflicts and the emergence of new ones, and the contribution the United Nations must make to the resolution of those conflicts, Romania has put forward during past sessions the proposal that a commission for good offices, mediation and conciliation be set up within the United Nations system.· Such a commission is conceived as a mechanism permanently available to Member States for the peaceful settlement of their disputes. We consider that the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Rol~ of the Organization should step up its examination and finalization of this proposal. To strengthen peace and co-operation with a view to improving the international political climate, it would be highly important and timely to build . (Hr. Totu, Romania) an all-round international security system, an it~m that has been included on the agenda for this session. That system would be based on firm respect for the fundamental principles of relations among States, on the absolute exclusion of the use or threat of use or force; on the peaceful settleme,-~ of disputes, on the growth of the role of the United Nations in dealing with problems of peace and security and the democratization of international life. As part of the process of strengthening peace, security and co-operation among n~tions, it is particularly important to develop and consolidate good-neighbourliness among States, a subject figuring on the agenda of the present session as a result of a Romanian initiative. We consider it necessary to proceed within the present institutional framework to the identification and clarification of the components of good-neighbourliness with a view to drafting an international United Nations document in that field. Romania was a promoter of the united Nations International Youth Year: Participation, Development Peace, which was an event of deep significance for the present and future of the younger generation and which had a wide and profound response throughout t~e world. We consider that the problems of youth must be kept under the constant scrutiny of the United Nations, of all Member States and of other international organizations. We realize that the guidelines for future programmes devoted to youth, which were adopted at the 1985 United Nations World Conference for the International Youth Year, must be implemented in order to unite young people the world over in an effort to protect and exercise their fundamental right to forge a free and worthy life for themselves in a world of peace and co-operation. (Mr. Totu, Romania) Romania holds the view that the United Nations can and must play a vital role in the settlement of the major problems facing mankind, through the effective use of its capabilities. The financial difficulties confronting the Organization at present can and must be resolved through the improvement and simplification of the Organization's activities, without negatively affecting its democratic priorities and structures, based on the participation of all Member States in conditions of equality, and on the powers of the General Assembly as the most representative United Nations body. In the spirit of the foreign policy of Romania, my delegation will act firmly, by working together with the delegations of other States, to contribute to the constructive work of the present session of the General Assembly, so that the Assembly may adopt decisions which will open the prospect of real progress towards disarmament and the strengthening of confidence and security in the world. Having entrusted me with the task of putting before this Assembly Romania's position and proposals on the main items on the agenda of the Assembly for its forty-first session, the President of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Nicolae Ceausescu, ardently appeals that we join our efforts and act in a high spirit of responsibility for the destiny of our peoples and for the destiny of our planet, so that we may ensure the triumph of reason and the building of a world of peace, free of weapons and of wars. (Mr. '1'otu, Romania) Prince AL-FAISAL (Saudi Arabia) (interpretation from Arabic): I take pleasure at the outset of my statement in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-first session. The Assembly's decision to entrust that high responsibility to you reflects international appreciation of you personally and is an expression of the eminent international position that the People's Republic of Bangladesh commands. I must not fail to mention the strong brotherly relations that exist between our two countries. We are certain that your wide experience, wisdom and ability will be of great assistance to the General Assembly in fulfilling its responsibilities in the best possible way. I also wish to take this opportunity to express our appreciation to Mr. Jaime de Pinies, President of the fortieth session, for the effective way he carried out his functions during his presidency. The wisdom and capability which characterized his direction of the proceedings of the previous session earned the gratitude and appreciation of the world community for both him and his friendly country, Spain. I must mention also the consistent efforts made by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, in the field of international relations, and his role in connection with the many responsibilities of the United Nations, one result of which during the previous session, was the success of the arrangements for and the attainment of the objectives of the programme for the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations, which reminded the international community of the importance of the Organization and its effective role. The establishment of the United Nations was from the beginning an expression of the urgent desire and strong determination of the peoples of the world to avoid a repetition of the tragedies caused by the Second World War. That desire and determination reflected a deep and fundamental awareness of the importance of peace and security and the need for them to prevail all over the world and for putting an end to all acts of violence and aggression, all military threats and all forms of interventionism, hegemonism and colonialism. Such considerations have linked the name of the united Nations with lofty concepts and noble values, making of it the meeting point of all expectations of and aspirations to peace and the rule of law, as well as the starting point for all efforts to replace disruption and war by understanding and solidarity. From the ttme that it was founded, when the late King Abdul-Aziz established the basis of his rule, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has adhered to the principle of international peace and made the establishment of a sound basis of justice in dealings between nations in the political, economic and social fields one of the objectives of its foreign policy. Consequently, Saudia Arabia was one of the original signatories of the San Francisco Charter, on the basis of which this international Organization was established. Ever since then its belief in the fundamental importance of the Organization and its basic principles and objectives has never wavered. That belief is further confirmed and strengthened by the fact that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which adheres to the religion of Islam, plays an outstanding international role which stems from a foreign policy based on the convinction that the basic principles of the Organization and the lofty purposes and principles of its Charter embody a reaffirmation of the tenets of Islamic law which regulate inter-State relations. Thus the Kingdom has repeatedly reaffirmed its commitment and adherence to the principles of the Charter and its noble objectives, which constitute a firm guarantee of the achievement of international peace and security and a sound basis for the establishment of normal, just and balanced relations between nations. (Prince Al-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) In that context, His Majesty King Fahd bin Abdul-Aziz pointed out on one occasion that we in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia wwork in the global field within the framework of the United Nations and its affiliates and agencies. We adhere to its Charter and support its efforts, and oppose any aberrant action aimed at weakening it and diminishing the rule of international law in order to replace it by the force of arms and coercion. Our actions have always reflected and continue to reflect our sense of belonging to an international community that is one family, irrespective of the diversity of its interests, and demonstrate our faith in a peace based on justice and righteousness." Although the United Nations has been able to achieve many results in various fields, it is capable of achieving more and of redoubling its efforts in the interest of international peace and security to secure justice, and enable peoples to regain their usurped rights. It is also capable of providing safeguards and guarantees that would ensure respect for the resolutions it adopts and a commitment to implement them, as well as of overcoming the obstacles that face those resolutions. Such obstacles have become a real challenge, which Member States must face, if they want the Organization to be a real instrument for establishing the foundations of peace and the consolidation of the basis of justice that they seek. While current international relations are still strained by conflicts, disturbances and quarrels, while complex political problems are still not being solved and severe economic crises are still threatening peace and stability, it would be unfair to put the blame for all this upon the shoulders of the United Nations alone, because the success or failure of this international Organization is tied to the positions taken by Member States and the extent of their commitment to . the implemen~ation of its resolutions and the fulfilment of its principles and objectives, and to their efforts in discharging their obligations. (Prince Al-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) One of the biggest challenges that the united Nations faces is undoubtedly that of the existence of a wide gulf between the commitments to the Charter and its objectives and the actual conduct of nations in their international relations, especially those nations that persist in aggression, usurpation, terrorism and discrimination, such as Israel and South Africa. A cursory glance at the current international situation shows that world political, economic and social problems, have not diminished but increased in depth and gravity. It also confirms that the role of the united Nations grows in importance as the possibilities and opportunities for interaction and co-operation between nations increase. If peace based on right and justice, not on a balance of terror, is the objective of this international Organization - and it is the only sure means of ensuring security and stability - the feeling of injustice among the peoples deprived of self-determination in Palestine, Afghanistan and Namibia is the most dangerous time bomb threatening the strength and cohesion of this OrganizationJ indeed, it threatens the peace and security of the entire world. The problems that the Middle East is now experiencing and the complexities that emerge from these, are in reality and in the final analysis consequences'of zionist aggression against Palestine and a result of the cumulative effects of the problem of Palestine. The wars and political and military conflicts that the region has known over the past 39 years are but one of the consequences of the failure to solve the basic problem and of the Israeli aggression in the region. The continued Israeli occupation of Arab lands is living proof of Israel's expansionist intentions, its blatent defiance of the resolutions of the united Nations and its consistent contempt for world public opinion and every law and convention. The tragic situation in Lebanon is one of the grave consequences of this problem. (Prince AI-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) It is clear from all I have said that the establishment of pe8~e in our region cannot be achieved without the solution of the main problem, the p~oblem of Palestine, and that can be achieved only through recognition of the legitimate and inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. Israel's defiance and its persistent attempts to frustrate peace efforts in order to gain time to achieve its purposes and designs will only lead to more turmoil and to complications that will increase the difficulties involved in solving the problem, with all the dangers and perils that would entail. It is unnecessary to reaffirm the fact that no solution is likely to succeed if it does not include the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, as one of the elements of the quest and a party to the dialogue. If peace is intended to be permanent th~n it must come from the area of the conflict and be based on justice, so that rights will be restored to their legitimate owners. The Arab countries have shouldered their historic responsibility and offered to do all they can for the sake of peace and stability in the region. They articulated their understanding of the peace process in the "Fez resolutions"q which emphasized the Arab consensus on a peace based on justice, in accordance with international law and in concurrence with the international will represented by the resolutions of the United Nations. The war between Iraq and Iran, which we follow with grave concern and sadness, adds another dimension to the tense situation in the Middle East, over and above the bloodshed, destruction and devastation to which two brotherly peoples, who have the closest of links and the strongest of ties with each other as well as with us, are being exposed. This destructive war, which serves no purposes and brings no benefit to either of the parties to the dispute, has threatened and continues to threaten the peace and security of the region and indeed the peace and security of the whole world. (Prince AI-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) His Majesty King Fahd bin Abdul-Aziz has on numerous occasions expressed his grave concern at the continuation of the war between those two brotherly and neighbouring countries. His Majesty's Government has also participated in all efforts to put an end to that war and to help Iraq and Iran reach a peaceful solution to their conflict, in accordance with international law and the Charter of the united Nations and in harmony with the spirit of Islamic brotherhood and good-neighbourly relations. In this context, His Majesty's Government has supported the mediation efforts made by the States of the Gulf Co-operation Council, the Good Offices Committee of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the united Nations, as represented by its Secretary-General. It has endeavoured to mobilize international support for those mediation efforts, in the hope of ending that war. While we express full appreciation to Iraq for its responsiveness to the peace efforts, we sincerely hope that Iran also will respond to those efforts. We also hope that the united Nations, being responsible for international peace and security, will take the necessary measures and steps to ensure the implementation of the decisions it has already adopted in this respect, in order to put an end to this destructive war. The problem of Afghanistan and the continued Soviet military occupation of that country is one of the most serious problems facing the international community today and one which requires a quick and decisive solution. The Soviet presence in Afghanistan has entered its seventh year and the Afghan Mujahideen are still waging a fierce war in defence of their religion, their country and their rights. The Organization of the Islamic Conference has made extensive efforts to remove the manifestations of oppression and occupation that the Afghan people are being exposed to, in order to enable them to liberate their country and secure their rights to freedom and independence. (Prince AI-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) The United Nations also has made appreciable efforts to solve this problem. While the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia supports them, it reaffirms that any such efforts should take into consid~ration the right of the Afghan Mujahideen and their demands. While the KingdQm salutes the Mujahideen, it renders full support to the demands made by the Afghan people for the withdrawal of foreign troops from their land and the establishment of a government that is acceptable to them and can preserve their neutrality and beliefs. It also salutes the Islamic Republic of Pakistan for its noble humanitarian stand in shouldering the burden of more than three and a half million Afghan refugees on its soil and the heavy economic and social burden which that stand entails. What is taking place on the African continent falls within the purview of the main interests of the Arab world. Historic, cultural and geographic links unify the two sides and make their solidarity inevitable in the face of the common challenges embodied in colonialism, zionism and racial discrimination. The valiant struggle of the black majority against the repagnant apartheid policies practised by the Government of South Africa fills our hearts with the hope that that policy has collapsed and demonstrated its failure. The Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has consistently supported the imposition of comprehensive sanctions against that racist Government in order to force it to implement the resolutions adopted by the united Nations. I should likg to take this opportunity to reiterate the support of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia for the imposition of economic sanctions against South Africa and for the refusal to establish any form of ties with the South African regime. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia also reaffirms its complete support for the people of Namibia in their struggle for self-determination and independence, for the resolutior; adopted by the General Assembly at its special session on Namibia held here at United Nations Headquarters in September 1986 and for the resolutions of the eighth summit conference of the non-aligned countries held at Harare, Zimbabwe, earlier this month, as well as for the ~esolutions of the Organization of African unity. The aim of all those Iasolutions is to put an end to raciat practices and to the foreign occupation of Namibia. Economic problems today represent one of the most important obstacles to international reconciliation, which might otherwise have served as one of the most important reasons for co-operation between nations, for despite the indications of economic recovery in a number of the major industrialized countries, the world is still faced with a deterioration in the performance of international commerce, particularly in the trade of developing countries. The indications of limited recovery in some industrialized countries are weak and unbalanced and are not really helping to reactivate the demand for the basic raw materials exported by developing countries. Thus it becomes clear that unless this recovery is accompanied by definite measures to regain confidence in the international economic system, actual recovery will remain a dream hard to achieve or realize. Moreover, the global situation of the petroleum industry is still enveloped in obscurities and fluctuations, following a drop in prices which is having a negative effect on that industry and on the economies of petroleum-exporting countries and on their ability to resume their development, and to continue to transfer wealth to developing nations and provide the necessary liquidity to finance the process of development in those countries. (~e AI-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, being itself a developing country, recognizes from its own experience the extent of the difficulties that face the peoples of the developing countries in achieving the standard of living to which they aspire. The Kingdom believes it has re~ponsibilitiesas a member of the international community, and through its concern to strengthen the ties of co-operation and solidarity between peoples, and its desire to participate effectively in solving the development problems which face most developing countries, took the initiative, when resources became available to it, of investing a substantial amount of those resources in supporting efforts designed to promote the developmental process in the least privileged countries. It has even made the fulfilment of its commitments in this respect a permanent policy. The obvious disparity between the countries of the world, in terms of the quantities and types of natural and material resources they possess, makes co-operation between developing and developed countries an urgent requirement. Moreover, this disparity should lead to the promotion of understanding between peoples, the encouragement of dialogue, and the strengthening of solidarity between the nations of the world, rather than becoming a cause for preserving imbalances and widening the gap between rich and poor countries. In this context, the Kingdom is convinced of the need to realize the objective of comprehensive development, because that is the only way to achieve l'lcal growth for all the peoples of the world. To secure this aim, development assistance must continue and increase, which in turn requires concerted and sincere efforts to support the existing developmental institutions and establishments and to strengthen their resources and their ability to play a more effective and realistic role in addressing the requirements of this critical stage. Comprehensive development is of the essence, for without it we cannot expect a viable world of continuous growth, whose peoples exchange benefits and complement one another. (Prince Al-Faisal,Saudi Arabia) The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia believes that it will only be possible to provide the financial resources required during this decade to bring about the requisite economic change and to achieve a reasonable rate of comprehensive development in the developing countries as a whole when the industrialized. countries in both the Eastern and western blocs begin to bear their full responsibility by providing the financial contributions to which they are committed in accordance with the strategy of international development and the objectives of official development assistance. It is no longer possible to accept the excuses that the industrialized nations advance, either in terms of the quantity and type of that assistance, or in terms of international responsibility regarding the economic difficulties that the developing countries are experiencing. We should like to take this opportunity to appeal to the industrialized countries not to waste the opportunity for thEm to establish R basis for useful co-operation with the developing countries. We call upon them to resume, without further delay, ~he serious dialogue required to begin a new era of comprehensive international negotiations in a spirit of mutual confidence and sincere co-operation in the best interests of the international community. At the same time, we appeal for a continuation of the trend in the developing nations towards greater realism, objectivity, and flexibility. We reaffirm our full conviction that the difficulties obstructing our present efforts to revitalize international economic co-operation and to build a new international economic order based on justice, should not, under any circumstances, be a cause of despair. On the contrary, it should be an incentive for us to continue our efforts for the good of humanity. (Prince Al-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) Finally, we must cone1ude by expressing the hope of our peoples - or rather the hope of all peace-loving peoples - for the success of the efforts aimed at defusing the threat posed by the weapons of war that fill the world, and our hopes for the limitation of such weapons. We all know that in a new world war victor and vanquished will suffer the same fatei both will be destroyed and modern civilization will be wipea out. So we hope that the countries most directly concerned with this matter will realize that their commitment in this respect is a historic responsibility, and that they will live up to it in accordance with the standards demanded by the United Nations Charter, which enshrines a principle of commitment and a means of action commensurate with the level of responsibility that we hope all will respect. Mr. O'FLYNN (New zealand): Mr. President, I congratulate you on your election. We have a great deal of work to get through at this session. I know from my meeting with you yesterday that you will guide us skilfully through the rough water we will inevitably meet. Let me say, too, how good it is to see the Secretary-Genera1 restored to full health. We need his wisdom and courage at this time. I appear here today as the representative of a small country from tha southern reaches of the vast Pacific OCean. Forty years ago my country was amongst those which pledged their commitment to the objectives of this world Organization. How much nearer are we, today, to achieving those ideals? Enormous problems confront us. Technology has expanded humanity's horizons into outec space. But here on earth we have not yet succeeded in providing basic human needs - food, shelter, and at least a minimum degree of security - for all. Under the Charter we have all abjured the use or threat of force. Yet the most powerful nations among us seem unwilling to take the decisive step of rejecting the weapons of mass destruction that threaten us all. (Prince AI-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) Today, more than ever before, small States need the protection that the Charter and this Organization were intended to give. The United Nations was intended to represent our interests, ~);' the powerful are better able to look after themselves. If we who are small are not to be ignored by those who are mighty, then we must work together here to ensure the survival of this planet. New Zealanders know from recent experience that this Organization can respond quickly and fairly to the needs of small States which call for its help. In 1985 my country was suddenly embroiled in a dispute with France. It concerned the detonation of bombs fixed to a ship at a wharf in one of our harbours. A crewman of Dutch extraction lost his life. The circumstances were widely blazoned across the world press and need not be further recapitulated. Despite lengthy bilateral negotiations we were not able to solve the problem. with France, we then turned to the United Nations for help in finding an acceptable solution. Both countries undertook to abide unconditionally by the United Nations arbitration. The Secretary-General took on the task himself. He made a ruling which both Governments accepted without reservation. It has been carried out by both of us. I want to record my Government's profound gratitude to the Secretary-General for the commendable way he carried out that task. Through his mediatory efforts we have been able to bring to an end that unhappy episode.* *Mr. Knipping Victoria (Dominican Republic), Vice-President, took the Chair. (Mr. O'Flynn, New Zealand) Our experience in the field of decolooization has also shown us, once again, how this Organization can help us in fulfilling our obligations to bring dignity and self-respect to all people. My country is responsible for helping bring to nationhood a tiny territory in the South Pacific: Tokelau; remote, beautiful, but with few resources other than the fish in the sea around the three small atolls and the determination of its peoples. OUr Government invited a United Naticns visiting missioo there in July to see the unique development issues confronting that atoll oommunity. I am pleased to see members of the mission here today. we have found, as in the case of other island nations whose histories have been entwined wi th oars, that the United Nations oould indeed make a useful and innOl1ative cootribution to the process leading to self-determination. That is an exanple that could well be follC7fled aga in in another case in the South Paci fic; and I shall return to that later. It is clear that the United Nations can help if small nations shOtl that they want it to do so. Nobody believes that problems that have bedevilled us for years will be solved OI1ernight. But ooe thing is clear: whatever the issue - international security, the right to live in freedom and peace, or freeing the shackles on international trade - the small and the vulnerable have much more in common with one another than with the big Powers. separately, we may achieve a little~ together we may yet move mountains, perhaps even the Rockies and the Urals. Today there is no greater incentive for us all to wor k together than the need to bring under control the fast-quickening nuclear-arms race. Arms control and disarmament are not pious goalsJ they are immediate and desperate imperatives. Nuclear weapons have become the subject of a monstrous exercise in self-perpetuation. We know now that none of us, even those in as remote a place as (Hr. O'Flynn, New zealand) New Zealand, or more remote still, could escape the consequences of their use. All too graphically the scientists have sha_m us that. The central point, surely, must be that, when you have arsenals that can destroy humanity, you can have no secur ity. By their very nature, nuclear weapons subvert and distort the intention of Governments to prOYide security for their people. SO-called nuclear logic always seems to require the next terrible step: the production of a new weapon to prevent the last from being used. The ceaseless search for balance is really endless escalation; security, like a desert mirage, is never reached. we sink further into insecurity and fear. The balance of terror has been raised one more notch. It is well named. And despi te the truly awesome consllllption of resources, it seems we are edging towards yet another new and uncontrolled level of arms technology and spending. An arms race in outer space must not be permitted. Where one nuclear giant leads, the other will surely follow. Of course, the arms race does not exist in a vacuum. It is a reflection of deep-seated distrust and scarcely concealed hostility. Only earnest diplomatic action aimed at sincere detente will remove the distrust. Only decisive political action can end the arms race itself. No one underestimates the difficulty of managing the transition to a world without nuclear weapons, which must be the ultimate goal - but the nuclear "logic" that equates more nuclear weapons with greater secur ity cannot be allowed to go on sabotaging the process of arms control and disarmament negotiations. Nlat security is there, I ask, in a system under which mischance, malevolence or madness may entorOO not only the nuclear Powers, but all of us? Wi th the fate of the wor ld in their hands, how can the two major nuclear Powers cootinue to refuse to respond promptly and positively to the oyertures each has made to the other? The leaders of the united States of America and the Soviet (Mr. O'Flynn, New zealand) union, separately and together, have given indications that progress can be made. The tentative steps they have taken seem to shOill that there is ool1ll1on ground. They agree on the need for deep cuts in nuclear weapons. Their proposals now lie on the negotiating table. They must not just lie there. The political will of the major Powers to end the arms race will be judged by what they do now to narrow the negotiating gap between them. An old adage says: "Procrastination is the thief of time." Time is fast running out. The nations of the world, all but a handful of them non-nuclear, cannot wait much longer; they have waited too long already. Nor can we, the small countries, simply cooclude that it is a problem only for the nuclear PCMers to solve. We must take a hand, together. New zealand weloomes the successful conclusion earlier this week of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence-Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. As earlier speakers from both East and West have noted, the agreement should make a significant contribution towards reducing tensioos in Europe. That benefits not only Europe, but the wider international community. The agreement is most welcome after a long period of stalemate on arms oontrol and disarmament negotiations. But it is only a beginning. We urge the larger Powers to get on wi th resolving their wider differences. Meanwhile there are things which the small can do, steps which we can take in co-operation wi th one another to encourage disarmament. Among practicable arms oontrol measures, the most urgent is a comprehensive test-ban treaty; one that would ban all testing by all nations, in all environments and for all time. No other single step would do so much to slow the remorseless advance of nuclear-weapon production and experimentation, or to establish oonfidence in the will of the nuclear Power s to el iminate nuclear weapons from the world IS arsenals. It would be a truly universal arms control measure. There may be more than one route to a comprehensive test-ban treaty. The ending of tes ting r)y any Sta te, even tempor ar ily, is a step for ward and should be (Mr. OIFlynn, New zealand) welcomed. A mtual moratoriU1'll by two or more would be better still, even if a temporary me. All such steps give time for talk and delay disastrous escalation. There may be other prOl7isional measures involving all the nuclear-weapon States which would help establish confidence and encourage a comitment to negotiate a permanent ban on testing. But none of these can be a sOOsti tute for a comprehensive test ban. The New zealand Government will again join with others in calling on the Conference on Disarmament to start immediately wi th the wO£k of drawing up a comprehensive test-ban treaty. New zealand, too, is ready to take part in an international system £0£ mooitoring a test ban. We have some facilities in place for monitor ing testing in our Oolin region and are prepar in9 to improve them. There is room for smaller powers to act in the regional sphere, too, in practical ways that the Uni ted Nations has recogn ized as valuable. PO[' its part, New zealand will not permit nuclear weapons in our country, even temporarily, as on visi ting ships or aircraft. we intend to keep our land, our waters and our ports, and our air space nuclear-free. With the members of the South Pacific Forum, an annual gathering of 13 independent States, we have moved to establish a nuclear-free zone in the South Pacific. The Rarotonga Treaty was adopted over a year ago now. It prohibits the a<XIuisition, statiooing or testing of nuclear weapons by any of its parties. This year's forum at Suva adopted three Protocols to the Treaty. These call on the major nuclear Powers to respect the zone. I am glad to be able to tell you that some have already indicated their willingness to sign these Protocols. The New Zealand Government, along with others in the region, hopes they will soon be endorsed by all those countries eligible to sign. (Mr. O'Flynn, New zealand) But, the South Pacific will not be free of the scourge of nuclear testing until France accepts that the security concerns of a distant European Government should not thwart the legitimate desire of the nations of the South Pacific to live in peace and safety in a nuclear-free environment. For too long, far too long, the Pacific has been used as a testing-ground by the nuclear Powers. Two of them stopped testing there long ago. It is time for France to follow their example. I would note also, in passing, that contrary to what has been said earlier in this debate, the report of the Scientific Mission that visited the French testing site at Mururoa Atoll in 1983 does not provide a basis for asserting that those tests Rare being carried out in unquestionably safe conditions,· (A/4l/PV.8, p. 71). That report specifically refused to rule out the possibility of serious damage to the Atoll and its surrounding environment in the longer-term future. The South Pacific countries are increasingly confident of their place in the international community, certain of what binds them together, determined to preserve their cultures, committed to the principles of democracy and consensus and willing to work closely with those nations that genuinely pursue co-operation. The micro-States in the vast ocean region that I come from present unique development challenges. New Zealand makeR a major contribution, and we welcome the assistance of other countries in the region's development. Such assistance, however, is only one contribution towards economic growth. Eaua11y important are fair and equitable returns for the region's limited resources, the produce of its land, its slowly expanding manufacturing exports and, most important, its fish. All that c~lls for international co-operation. The United Nations was involved earlier this year in another major step forward in the development of the Pacific. On 28 May the Trusteeship Co~nci1 recommended that the Trusteeship Agreement over the Federated States of Micronesia, the Marsha1l Islands, Pa1au and the Northern Marianas should be terminated. At its (Mr. O'Flynn, New Zealand) meeting at Suva, the SOuth Pacific Forum welcomed that development. New Zealand was a party to the Forum's consensus. The peoples of those 'l'erritor ies have said ~at they want. That is decis ive. The Uni ted Na tions has discharged its responsibilities, and the process of decolooization is coming nearer to completion in the SOuth Pacific. There is a lessoo here for New Caledonia. OUr exper ience of decolooization has shown us '.:hat the united Nations can help br ing about peaceful evolution. The South Pacific Forum has always regarded New Caledonia as a neighbour that should take its place as an independent menber of the SOu th Paci fic community. It is, by history as well as by unchangeable geography, an integral part of the region. Unless its stability is preserved, the stability of the whole region and all its member States will be seriously affected. Forum members are concerned that the Territory 's move to independence should take place Peacefully. That means by negotiation. France clearly has the power to br ing about change peacefully. It is deeply disappointing to us and to our South Pacific neighbours, therer·ore, that in the approach recently outlined by the present French Government it seems that independence is no longer its goal for New Caledooia. I noted this morning the statement of the French Minister for OVerseas Departments and Territories, reported in today IS Herald Tr ibune. He said: "When Australia and New Zealand are advocating independence for New Caledonia, they are advoca ting independence for a territory that would be under Libyan control. " Such a claim is farcical. We are not supporting any faction of the independence movement in New Caledonia. We support true self-determination for all real New Caledonians. The SOuth Pacific Forum leaders have made it clear that they want to maintain a dialogue with all the parties to see if a more promising situation can be brought about. The Heads of Government of the countries members of the South (Mr. O'Flynn, New zealand) Pacific Forum decided last mcnth to seek the reinscription of New Caledooia on the United Natioos list of Non-Self-Governing Territories. That move was strongly endorsed by the Heads of State or Government of the countries of the Non-Aligned fwbvement at their meeting at Harare. My delegation, with other SOuth Pacific countries, welcomes that support. we look forward to a positive decision by the Assembly and to a constructive solution to New Caledonia's travail.* We all know that ecooomic stability and prosperity are a necessary coodition for real secur ity. The need for international action by the vulnerable is as pressing here as it is in any other field. New Zealand, like many developing countries that are reliant on commodity exp:>rts, depends for loog-term economic growth on its ability to trade fairly in those areas in wich it has a canparative advantage. Yet we are being prevented from doing so by the absurdities of a distorted world trading system. Agricultural trade has generally been excluded from the international trade rules and disciplines. It is the first area to be hit by new protectiooist measures, especially non-tariff barriers; it is the main victim of domestic production subsidies which, in the large developed countr ies have reached a level that even they now recognize as unsustainable. But it is the rest of us, the efficient producers, who have to deal with the massive ewer-production dumped on world markets and that brings down returns for everyone. The problems of agr iculture are a time-bout> tick ing away under the wor ld trading system. An explosion would threaten not just the prosperity of individual countries but global economic and political stability. That is why New zealand attaches great importance to progress in a particular united Nations forwn, that of the General Agreement on Tar iffs and Trade (GATT). The new round of negotiatials recently launched at Punta del Este offers a vital opportunity for the * The President returned to the -:=hair. (Hr. O'Flynn, New zealand) international community to establish just and equitable rules for the cooduct of agricultural trade. That will be the measure of the new round's success. It has to succeed. It will not succeed without pain, as New Zealand well knows. But if it fails, the credibility of the whole multilateral system will be thrown into questiat. There is a need for international actioo on Africa, too. New zealanders have been deeply moved by the plight of the sub-Saharan people, who continue to be afflicted by drought and famine. New Zealanders continue to work alongside the Government in supporting churches and other organizations undertaking rehabilitation projects. In the week before the special session on the cr l.tical ecooomic si tuation in Africa they coou ibuted substantially yet again to an internatiooal appeal, in this case Sport Aid. The outcome of the special session was welcomed as a starting point for planning strategies for the future. The endeavours to work out practical measures to bring about an end to Africa's economic and developmental problems are encouraging. The co-operatioo and cormnitment with which the special sessioo's deliberations were cooducted must be sustained if its sound recommendations are to be pu t in to effect. New Zealanders have also been shocked by events in southern Africa - the violence in SOuth Africa's black townships, the SOuth African Government's further repression of rights and freedoms, the attacks on defenceless targets in neighbouring countries, carried out simply to give a political message, and SOUth Africa's obstruction of Namibian independence. For a while, it looked as though the entirely reasonable approach adopted by the Commonweal th Eminen t Persons Group might be successful in bringing all parties in SOuth Africa together to negotiate a new political dispensation. The SOUth African Government's rejection of those efforts, signalled as it was by the contemporaneous and wanton bombing of (Mr. O'Flynn, New zealand) neighbouring capitals, is to be deplClCed. Negotiation is alWi!lYs the pceferable way to br mg about necessary and lasting changes acceptable to the maj>:»r ity. The chances of a negotiated end to SOUth Africa's tro~les now look slim indeed. SUch as they are, ~ey must be grasped, or a holocaust will surely £0110lIl. (Ni:. O'Flynn, New zealand) The common theme in each issue I have raised is the need for united action. And in each case it is clear that the United Nations can play a crucial part, provided it has the support of those - the overwhelming majority of its Members ~ who are small, whose individual power is slight. It is disturbing, therefore, to see a weakening - even a conscious undermining - of the commitment to multilateral action. It is long-standing political indifference or, in some cases, hostility, which is the cause of the United Nations financial crisis. The selective withholding of contributions - a practice in which one major contributor has recently joined ano~her - cannot be condoned. Nor can the action of those who allow dues to fall into arrears. But we have all contributed to the current crisis. We have pretended to believe that political problems could be solved simply by calling for more financial resources, more studies, more staff. Well, we were wrong. Entirely new measures are necessary, at once more drastic and more constructive. The Secretary-General took prompt and decisive action earlier this year to avert the immediate cash crisis. His package of measures was designed to contain the wrisis this year. This Assembly must look at the longer term. It must be resolute. For we are in no better shape financially now than we were in April. We must recognize this in looking at the proposals before us both for economies and for reform. By a positive approach we emphasize to those owing funds that, while we cannot accept their disregard of binding Charter obligations, we are prepared to help ourselves. We smal~ States have the most to lose - so we must find a way forward. We in New Zealand welcome the report of the High Level Group. We strongly endorse its consensus findings. We commend them to the membership. We must go on to develop quickly an agreed approach to the reform of the programme and budget (Mr. O'Flynn, New Zealand) process~ We must begin to run this important Organization like any self-respecting business - in the interests, that is, of its shareholders, the Member States. In the process, all of us are going to have to accept some curtailment of our favourite programmes. We accept that. Compromise from all will be required. Reform of our finances, management and administration is the first requirement, for it is the prerequisite to efficiency. More important in the end, though, is the way this Organization goes about fulfilling the objectives of its Charter. I found myself in complete agreement with some observations two days ago of the Foreign Minister of the Netherlands and I· cannot do better, in conclusion, than to refer to them. He said: ·Differences in ideologies and cultures are a fact of life. But polarization and mutual recrimination are not thei~ inevitable corollary." (A/4l/PV.9, p. 46) I would add that although they are a possible and, as things stand, all too likely corollary, they a~e the very things this Organization was founded to dispel and to avoid for the future. They can only lead to ever deepening mistrust and hostility. It is no use pretending we are not going to disagree and from time to time disagree bitterly. What we must do is face that reality and instead of papering over differences by what the Netherlands Minister rightly called "the practice of false consensus·, we must seek in a real spirit of reconciliation, and friendship, to find constructive and hopefully permanent solutions to the great and serious questions ~hat today threaten to divide much of the world into two hostile camps. We must not risk being seen by future generations as having spent our brief and precious time here preparing for war, rather than working for peace. (Mr. O'Flyn~, New Zealand) Mr. UPADBYAYA (Nepal): I have the honour to convey to you, and through you to the members of this Assembly, greetings from my Sovereign, His Majesty King Birendra Bir Bikran Shah Dev, and his best wishes for the success of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. On behalf of my delegation, and on my own, I have great pleasure in extending warm and cordial felicitations to you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the General Assembly. It is as much a tribute to your country, Bangladesh, which is deeply committed to the principles of the United Nations and with which Nepal enjoys excellent neighbourly relations, as it is recognition of your own personal qualities and contributions for which we in Ne~al have high regard. My delegation is convinced that under your able and wise stewardship the Assembly will achieve all desired results. We take particular pride in the fact that such an eminent representative of South Asia should be called upon to preside over a session of the General Assembly so soon after the formal establishment of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC). At this time, I should also like to place on record the deep appreciation of my delegation to Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain, who presided over the memorable fortieth session of the General Assembly with such impartiality and distinction. I take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his continuing contribution to the cause of international peace and co-operation. We gratefully acknowledge his tireless efforts to strengthen and rejuvenate the United Nations in the past, confident that they will continue into the future as well. Only last year we observed with due solemnity the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the united Nations. we then collectively reviewed the achievements and I shortcomings of the United Nations in the four decades of its existence. We were elated at the many successes of the United Nations but dismayed that more could not be achieved. And the sense of disappointment was nowhere perhaps more palpable than in the all-important sphere relating to international peace and security. A significant and positive outcome of the fortieth session of the General Assembly was the proclamation to designate 1986 as the International Year of Peace. This has provided not only an opportunity for all of us to recommit ourselves to the cause of the promotion of peace - the principal purpose of the United Nations - but also to focus on its problems and pJ';)Spects. Thus, though none of us present here can confidently declare the world is more secure in 1986 than in any preceding year because of the activities spurred, world-wide, by observance of the International Year of Peace, it must be acknowledged that there is now perhaps a better appreciation of the fact that global peace must be defined and nurtured in its totality. It is with considerable pleasure, therefore, that I can convey to this Assembly the fact that, in keeping with the United Nations resolution, the International Year of Peace is being observed in Nepal in a variety of ways designed not only to stimulate practical and concerted actions for peace but also to provide opportunities for serious reflection on its nature and condition. Among them are plans for lighting an eternal peace flame in Lumbini - the birthplace of that great apostle of peace and goodwill, Lord Gautam Buddah - from the peace torch that, at this time, is going around the globe as part of ~he First Earth Run which was inaugurated by the Secretary-General earlier this month. (Mr. upadhyaya, Nepal) Mention has already b~~n ~de of the fact that real prospects for global peace and securit;y were not enhanced in 1986 as they ought to have or could have been. The reasons for this are not far to seek. Primarily, of course, they can be traced to the fact that where the all-important question of nuclear war and the arms race is calcerned no headway has been _de in 1986. Indeed, though the process of dialogue initiated between the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in Geneva last Noveuber was encouraging and was welcomed as such, it has still to lead to another sUIllDit where concrete measures designed to promote the cause of peace can be agreed upon between the two super-Powers. As it is, there has been no forward motion on scaling down the nuclear arms race, though this is not due to want of worth-1IIhile proposals. Indeed, bold and attractive offers for reducing long-range nuclear weapons, freezing nuclear arsenals at pre-determined levels and baM ing their deployment outside na tional borders and eliminating them altogether before the end of the century have been made. However, not ooly have they all been rejected on ale or another ground, but the four-times unilaterally extended moratorium on nuclear testing by the Soviet union has not been reciprocated by the United States either. Thus, even as the glow from the United States-Soviet sUllllli t meeting in Geneva last November rapidly faded, uncanpromising endeavours to hurtle the nuclear arms canpetition into the arena of outer space - a COIllllOJl her itage of mankind - continued unabated. It is no canfort, in the meantime, to have to be reminded how vulnerable peoples everywhere are to the dangers of nuclear radiation, even in peacetime. The tragedy is that, even in the year designated by the United Nations the Internatiooal Year of Peace, there is no universal acceptance that in a nuclear age natiooal security caMot be secured by lnilateral means~ that the I1Utual vulnerability of the super-POIiers is an essential characteristic of our times~ or (Mr. tJpacl\yaya, Nepa1) even that the most effective first step in arresting the nuclear arms race is a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. The Nepalese delegation is convinced that a comprehensive nuclear-teat-ban treaty would represent a turning point in the history of arms centrol by making such negotiaticns free from the pressure of constant technological develo\pnents. Also, apart from the fact that a specific commitment by the major nucleaJ; powers has been enshr ined in various internatiooal agreements, int:luding the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, it is now technically possible to verify nuclear-weapon testing. Yet, while it is clear that the very first priority on the global agenda must be to halt, then reverse and Ultimately end nuclear armament, my delegation is also deeply concerned about theextensien of super-PC1tler confrontation in various parts of the world, including the Indian OCean region. No less disturbing is it to my delegation to note that a great many developing coW'ltries are themselves indUlging in expensive and unbridled arms canpeti tion in conven tional weaponry, with some even assuming the sta tue of major a!'ms suppl ier s or exporters. To its great distress, my delegation notes that, despite the pledges and spirit of the International Year of Peace, 1986, what was expected to be a historic International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Developnent had to be postponed despite the great interest the Conference had naturally sparked and the convening in the united Nations of a number of preparatory meetings for the Conference. My delegation had been looking forward to the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development with much anticipation. Qui te apart from the fact that Nepal has always championed the cause of general and complete disarmament, what bears particular recollection in this context is that it was precisely because of the close and intimate cOMection between peace and (Mr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) a Zale of peace, a proposal that I feel much gratified to state has received the support of 79 countries thus far, for which I take the opportunity to express our gratitude. I wish also to reiterate that Nepal's peace initiative, rooted as it is in the idea of institutiooalizing Peace in what is a geostrategic part of the Indian OCean hinterland, is in conformity with the ideals of the United Nations and the pr incipIes emodied in its Char ter, as well as those of the Non-Ali gned Movement, of which Nepal is a proud founding member. We also bel ieve that it will act as a canplement to, and fiot detract fran, other worthy peace initiatives, whether they relate to the South Pacific, the South Atlantic, South or SOuth-East Asia, the Mediterranean, the Indian OCean or even the African cootinent as a whole. As we survey the wor Id political situatioo we are naturally dismayed that no progress has been recorded as far as resolving the familiar and haemorrhaging, conflicts of yesteryear is concerned. Indeed, pernicious tendencies for the stroog to dominate the weak continue. It is the altogether depressing reflex of some to settle scores, real or imagined, by actual resort to arms or to erude threa ts to do so. The sacrosanct doctrine of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of sovereign States is trampled underfoot. Decades-old injustices and tyrannies, created by myths and prejUdices of racial superiority, continue with impunity. Terrorism shows its ugly visage every now and then, too often accompanied by outbursts of horrific deeds and the spilling of innocent blood. And East-West rivalry exacerbates regional tensions and cooflicts. A sense of hopelessness and futility pervades west Asia, where the cycle of death, destruction and despair cootinues its grim progression. In other words, the (Mr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) Year of Peace than at any time in the past few turbulent decades. As far as my delegation is cmcerned, we remain firm in our belief that a lasting soluUm to the problems besetting West Asia will continue to elude the international community unless the right of the Palestinian people to self-determinatim and a homeland of their own in that region is universally accepted. Nepal is also convinced that a just, canprehensive and lasting peace in west Asia cannot be achieved unless it is recognized that all States of the region, including Israel, have the inalienable right to exist wi thin secure and well-defined boundaries - that is to say, the right to independent sOlTereign existence free from threats and acts of force. Finally, the third vital element in any comprehensive peace settlement for west Asia, in Nepal's view, is the wi thdrawal of all I sraeli forces from terri tories occupied since 1967. The situatim in Lebanoo exemplifies to a very great degree the tragedy and dilemmas of West Asia, prOlTiding as it does an ongoing stage for invasion, civil strife and the clash of competing foreign interests. NE!pal has long viewed with CQlcern the challenges to the sOlTereignty of that small and independent country, especially the suggestion that a part of that sOlTereign and proud country should be considered as falling within the defence perimete!: of an adjacent neighbour. As a small, independent and peace-loving country that desires to be a zone of peace, Nepal is proud to be cmtr ibuting, in however modest a way, to the cause of peace in southern Lebanon through participation in united Natioos Interim Force in Lebanoo (UNIFIL) operations. Nepal will cQltinue to support any peace initiative that restores full and legitimate Lebanese sovereignty over the whole of Lebanon and secures the wi thdrawal of all foreign forces and the acceptance by all ooncerned of the need for n<m-interference in the internal affairs of Lebanon. (Hr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) I take this opportunity to reiterate Nepal's appeal to Iran and Iraq, fellow • members of the Non-Aligned M:>vement, to forsake armed conflict and seek a peaceful settlement of their dispute. Similarly, Nepal renews its call for a peaceful settlement of the Cyprus problem and rei tera tes its support for the territor ial integri ty, independence, sovereignty and noo-aligned character of Qlprus. It is the view of my dele~tion that intercommunal talks under the auspices of the secretary-General offer the best hope of achieving a satisfactory an( lasting solution. The situation in Afghanistan, despite the best efforts of the Secretary-General's special envoy, Mr. Diego Cordovez, continues to be a source of tension in the region and a cause of deep anxiety for PeOple everywhere, involving as it does the potential for a super-Power confrontation e It is distressing that all norms of inter-State behaviour are being violated in Afghanistan through a, continued and prolonged foreign military presence. This Assenbly has more than once in the past unequivocally pointed out what the essentials of a satisfactory political solution of the problem in Afghanistan are. These entail the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan, the return of Afghan refugees to their homeland in dignity and honour and their participation along wi th others in determining their own political destiny free from outside interference or intervention. Similarly, Nepal is deeply concerned about the situation in Kanp,lchea. Nepal notes wi th regret that, despite the cootinuing concern of the intE'.rnational conrnunity regarding the Kampuchean issue, as reflected in the relevant General Assenbly resolutions and the Declaration on Kampuchea adopted by the International Conference, the prospects for peace and tranquillity in the land of Ankgor wa t have not improved appreciably. (Hr. wadlyaya, Nepa1) While taking positive note of the recent diplomatic initiatives and contacts in this context, Nepal calls for a just and lasting resolution of the Kampuchean problem. We reiterate our demand for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Karnpuchea, the restoration and preservation of its independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity and respect for the inalienable right of the Kampuchean people to determine their own destiny without outside interference. Such an approach, we are convinced, would not only contribute to the establishment of peace in Kampuchea but also greatly assist in making South East Asia a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality, a concept which Nepal heartily endorses. North East Asia too has for many years remained a source of considerable anxiety, in particular the politically divided Korean peninsula. Once the arena of an awesome global conflict, the Korean peninsula still retains ~ts highly explosive potential. It is imperative in the interests of regional and international peace and security, therefore, that the tense situation in the Korean peninsula be defused. This, we are convinced, can best be achieved by the peaceful national reunification of Korea without any outside interference. My delegation has just expressed its concern regarding the situation obtaining in several parts of the Asian continent, which is conditioned by Nepal's well known commitment to peace and its conviction that the doctrine of non-interference and non-intervention must remain inviolable if the principles and ideals of the united Nations Charter are to continue to have any meaning or relevance. It is therefore only logical that my delegation should view with alarm and distress recent developments in Central America. We consider it essential that outside Powers should refrain from actions aimed at setting in motion forces of instability and tension in that region. I therefore take this opportunity to reiterate Nepal's endorsement of Security Council resolution 530 (1983), which (Mr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) reaffi!'!!!! the dght of all the Sh!l.te~ of tit. r~9ion to live in peace and freedaa, as well as its support for the admirable efforts of the Contadora Group to bring about a peaceful resolution of the prClblelll of scwereignty, independence and honour for all the States of Central AIIer ica. Turning now to the African continent, ray delegation is outraged by the manner in which the racist regime in South Africa cootinues to suppress, exploit and dehumanize its black majority mder the socially mjust, morally indefensible and brazenly racist policy of apartheid. Nepal is fully convinced that the unmitigated evil of apartheid, the source of acute suffering, deprivation and violence in South Africa and mch of southern Africa, must be wiped once and for all from the face of the earth. We are fully convinced that the application of colI;)rehensive mandatory ecooomic sanctions against south Africa represents the best and last chance that remains for peaceful change towards denlOCratic major ity rule in South Africa. we therefore join others, including fellow memers of the Non-Aligned MOI1ement, in urging the inVoking of such sanctions against South Africa under chapter VII of the Charter, and are encouraged that public opinion in some Western countries that oppose sanctions is increasingly supporting the need for them and their effectiveness in expediting the 1009 OI1erdue political transformation in South Afr iea. Is it any surpr ise that a stubborn racist regime such as South Afr ica 's should cootinue, wi th virtual impunity, to de fy the will of the interna tional commlD'lity by continuing to delay the granting of immediate independence to Namibia, for which the United Nations has the sole responsibility? Nepal reaffirms its unwavering support for the struggle of the Namibian people for independence and salutes the SOuth west Africa People's organizatioo for its heroic endeavours to achieve that laudable end. My delegation renews its eall on the international community to (Mr. Upa~yaya, Nepal) speed endeavours to bring about the early iut>lementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions as well as the Programme of Action outlined by the Vienna International Conference on Immediate Independence for Namibia, which was endorsed by the General Assembly at its special session only last week. Nepal is seriously concerned about the problems of drug abuse and illicit trafficking, which require for their resolution the urgent collective attention of the international community. We therefore look forward eagerly to participating in the International Conference on D~ug Abuse and Drug Trafficking, to be held in June next year in Vienna under the presidency of the Prime Minister of Malaysia, Hr. Mahatir bin Mohamad. Another serious problem of our times is the menace of terrorism, which appears of late to have taken a particularly virulent form and has involved the taking of innocent human lives. Since terrorism, in all or any of its manifestations, depends on spreading terror by the seeming randomness or senselessness of its incidence, it is a particularly vile and dangerous form of organized violence, especially in an age of easy access to weapons of mass destruction. My country would therefore join in any concerted international effort to help eradicate this scourge, including the effort sponsored by the United Nations. We were particUlarly gratified during the fortieth session of the General Assembly that the Security Council unanimously and unequivocally condemned all acts of hostage taking and abduction as well as terrorism in all its forms. We believe efforts in that direction must continue at both the international and the regional levels. (Hr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) It is for this reason that Nepal is encouraged that terrorism - which has yet to be defined by the united Nations - is also receiving due attention in regional forums, such as the recently launched South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC), which, at its meeting last month in Dhaka, deliberated in depth on the problem. However, efforts to curb the menace of terrorism in South Asia are, as the Assembly is well aware, only one of the many areas that have been identified for co-operation among members of SAARC. Though the scope and significance of regional co-operation among the nations of South Asia is immense and a beginning only has been made in regional co-operation for the socio-economic development of the teeming millions of people in South Asia, I am pleased to say that the idea has, despite some early adverse predictions, very definitely, and happily, struck root. We believe that, apart from providing an effective instrument for co-operation in our region, the creation of SAARC comes at a time when the weakening of global economic independence and difficulties in the restructuring of the international economic order mean that there are greater responsibilities than ever before on South-South co-operation. Mr. President, my delegation shares your view, expressed in your eloquent opening address to the forty-first session of the General Assembly, that for some time now the world economy has presented a sombre picture. This is due, as was underscored at the recent summit meeting of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries in Barare earlier this month, to a crisis in the international economic situation itself. As all developing countries are only too painfully aware, this is manifested in imbalances and inequities that work against their economic well-being. (Mr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) As was also noted in Harare, this gloomy situation has been further aggravated by the myopic, self-centred policies of some developed countries which favour neither the growth of the world economy nor structural reforms in the international economic system. My delegation is concerned about the effects of the continuing instability of the world economy and is conscious of the clear nexus that exists between trade, money, finance and development. It is only natural, therefore, that Nepal should view with dismay and frustration the sp~ctacle of steeply falling commodity prices triggering a further deterioration in the terms of trade of developing countries, a proliferation of protectionist trends and a general increase in discriminatory practices. All this has led not merely to disregard of the principles and practices of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) but also to other trade restrictions that have been specially severe as far as the exports of the developing countries are concerned. At the same time, it has spurred high interest rates, monetary and financial instability, ur~anageable and mounting external debt repayment burdens, a misalignment of exchange rates and, to top it all, a reverse transfer of scarce resources from the developing to the developed countries. The impact of these sombre developments on the international political and social climate is obvious and, indeed, awesome. Indeed, in this interdependent world of ours it reauires no great prescience to realize that instability thus caused could not merely easily lead to domestic upheavals but ultimately constitute a threat to regional and international peace. As it is, it is most disconcerting to note that the harsh economic uncertainties facing the developing world, particularly the least developed countries, come at a time when there has been a decline in concessional flows. This being so, we cannot but regret that the official development aid target of 0.7 per cent of the gross national prc~uct (Mr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) called for under the Third united Nations Development Decade, continues to remain unfulfilled. Similarly, we cannot remain indifferent to the fact that despite strong international commitment official development assistance flows to the least developed countries have remained less than half the target of 0.15 per cent agreed to in the Substantial New Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries for the 198 s. As last year's mid-term review meeting on the implementation of that Substantial New Programme of Action demonstrated, there is a regrettable gap between the p~omises and the performance of the donors. While earnestly hoping for the attainment of the target of 0.15 per cent of their gross national product, or the doubling of their current official development assistance for the least developed countries, I take this opportunity to renew our appeal for effective implementation of the special measures adopted by the united Nations for land-locked developing countries. My delegation looks forward with considerable hope to both the forty-first session of the General Assembly and the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) resulting in constructive dialogue between the developed and the developing nations towards identifying a common approach to the all-important interrelated problems regarding money, external debt, trade and development. I have already referred to the Harare summit of non-aligned countries in the context of its concern with regard to the world economic situation. As a founding member of the Non-Aligned Movement, Nepal takes great pride in the advances which the Movement has recorded in its 25 years of existence in the worthy pursuit of peace and social and economic justice, based on the ideals and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. (Mr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) Nepal was not only honoured to celebrate this peace movementis silver jubilee in Harare but particularly happy that the prestige and weight of the IOl-member Movement could be brought to bear on a multitude of crucial political issues of our times, including especially those pertaining to the arms race and disarmament and to the situation in South Africa and Namibia. Nepal, I know, is not alone in belieVing that the Non-Ali~n~d Movement continues to be as relevant today as when it was first founded at the height of the cold war. As usual, the agenda of the General Assembly is a full and wide-ranging one. Given the responsibilities of the unit~~ Nations, it could hardly be otherwise. In a sense, however, this year it will have an additional task: that of examining how the financial and administrative effectiveness of the Organization can be improved, as it must be, especially against the background of the financial crisis of the United Nations. We shall as usual lend our unstinting support to any endeavour that aims at preserving and strengthening the united Nations, for in Nepal's oft-stated view the alternative to the present United Nations can only be a stronger and more effective United Natio~s. Mr. AKINYEMI (Nigeria): On behalf of the Nigerian delegation, I take this opportunity, Sir, to extend to you my congratulations on your unanimous and well-deserved election as President of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. My delegation shares fully the warm sentiments expressed by previous speakers on your personal outstanding merits. I am confident that under your wise guidance this session will achieve significant success. (Mr. Upadhyaya, Nepal) It is therefore with great pleasure that I pledge the full support and co-operation of ray delegation to you in the discharge of your difficult task, particularly at this tiJle, when, more than ever,Member States need to act in concert to attain an era of peace that will give a new direction to the course of human destiny. May I also extend my congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Jaime Pinies, your predecessor, for the able manner in which he handled the affairs of the fortieth session and thirteenth special session. I should also like to salute our Secretary-General, Mr. Javi~r Perez de Cuellar, who, I am happy to see, has been restored to health. There can be no gainsaying that the best assurance of support we can give the S~.~retary-General is a revitalized United Nations. The relevance of the United Nations to the solution of urgent global problems is certainly not in contention. The devotion of the Organization to the maintenance of international peace and security has been balanced by an appreciation of the need to promote the economic and social well-being of mankind. In its 4l-ye~~ history, the United Nations has gone beyond pious statements delivered with great solemnity in this Hall to the endorsement and implementation of action-oriented measures. Its achievements are legion. From successful peace-keeping operations in conflict areas around the world to the decolonization of Africa and Asia and the various activities and projects of its specialized agencies, the United Nations has become an effective instrument of international co-operation and development. Yet this cherished Organization is currently undergoing the gravest crisis in its history. some call it a crisis of multilateralism. Others define it as a financial crisis. Fundamentally, it is a political crisis inflicted on the United Nations by its membership. Disagreements about the management and control of the (Mr. Akinyemi, Nigeria) Organization's budget and the determination of its programmes are mere symptoms of a deeper difference in perceptions of the role and capability of the united Nations. Paradoxically, the present crisis is a welcarte development to the extent that it provides us an opportunity to re-evaluate the activities and procedures of the United Nations. It is true that the gradual but significant expansion in the scope, range and volume of the work of the united Nations has been a function of changing international circumstances and new challenges that have confronted the Organization. Nevertheless, there can be no denying the fact that the United Nations could be ~ore cost effective and efficient. -The necessary processes of reform and change have already begun. The Group of High-Level Intergovernmental Experts set up to review the efficiency of the financial and administrative functioning of the United Nations has already submitted its report. Since that report will be presented to the Assembly later on, under the appropriate agenda item, I shall refrain from commenting on it now. Suffice it to say that the Nigerian delegation attaches the greatest importance to the recommendations contained in that report. We believe that they provide a basis for revitalizing the u r ~d Nations and creating an organization better able to respond creditably and effectively to the collective needs of Member States, at reasonable and affordable cost. In any process of reform, difficult choices have to be made. New priorities will have to be set. COst-saving measures must be instituted. Indeed, readjustments in assessed contributions may even become necessary. However, such measures should not be dictated or imposed by any Member State or group of States. Instead, they should derive from negotiated agreement among all. Member States. . To do this successfully, we will all have to be tolerant and to appreciate each (Hr. Akinyemi, Nigeri6.j other's legitimate interests and concerns. Let us move away from apportioning blame and accept that the United Nations can only function on the basis of a consensus that adequately respects the concerns of each and all. Thus, as a sign of good faith, those countries that have resorted to financial withholding as a means of registering their disapproval of the United Nations budget and programmes should proceed to honour their obligations. The point has been made that the Organization is in need of reform, and the first steps towards that process of reform have already been taken. Those reforms should not be taken under duress. Surely, a United Nations that grinds to a halt as the result of financial constraints cannot even engage in reform. One thing we all agree upon is that the United Nations is worth preserving. If it were not, we would not all be present here. A testament to the continued validity of the United Nations lies in the fact that the very countries that have been most vocal in calling attention to its shortcomings continue to exploit the forum it offers to address the world community on major issues of concern to them. Clearly, it is better to talk at the united Nations than to fight on the battlefield. In addition, it is the view of the Nigerian delgation that the necessary reforms should be carried out in full accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter. The principle of sovereign equality of all Member States should not be derogated directly or indirectly, and essential programmes and activities of high priority should continue to attract the lion's share of available resources. In other words, we must ~nsure that we do not end up cutting the bone while we trim the fat. The present international situation is characterized by growing tension in both the political and the economic spheres. Confrontation, conflict and (Mr. Akinyemi, Nigeria) instability plague many regions of the world, and the economies of many Membe:r States continue to deteriorate, while the politics of domination and great-Power rivalries are on the increase. In that situation, the role of the Organization has more than ever before, become vital. for the promotion of international peace, development and prosperity for all. All too often, we tend to forget that the Charter of the United Nations devotes two Chapters to the question of international economic and social co-operation. Indeed, in Article 55, the United Nations pledges itself to the promotion of Whigher standards of living, full employment· and ·solutions of inter~ational economic, social, health, and related problems·, ·with a view to the creation of the conditions of stability and well-being necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nationsw• Therefore, if the inequities in the world economic system have persisted for so long, the fault is not with the Charter~ Rather, it derives from the lack of political will by Member States to discharge their obligations. Within the framework of the current global economic crisis, the widening gap between developed and developing countries and the persistence of an unjust and inequitable international economic system constitute major impediments to the development process of most Member States, thus posing a serious threat to international peace and security. For their part, the industrialized countries have refused to address the problems of structural imbalance and inequality that characterize the international economic and trading system. Those imbalances have continued to prolong the severe set-backs afflicting our economic goals and objectives. It is clear that we must once again consider seriously the problem of structural imbalance and inequality with a view to formUlating concrete and (Mr. Akinyemi, Nigeria) effective solutions to the question of the huge external debt of developing countries, the probleJlS of debt-servicing, high interest rates, inflation, declining ~ity prices, stiff conditions set by the International Monetary Fund, and protectionist measures and unfair trade teras continually imposed by the developed countries.. Commodity trade is currently the primary source of foreign-exchange earnings for a majority of developi.:ng countries. It is regrettable that specific measures to control cOJlllOdity trade to the advantage of the developed market-economy countries should be embarked upon without sympathy or consideration for the repercussions on the current balance-of-payments position of developing countries .. Commodity prices are currently fluctuating and are therefore unstable. There is a continuous decline in capital resource flows as the result of lower export earnings, and this is a great hindrance to reinvestment in commodities.. Financing through the facilities of the Common Fund for commodities has not materialized owing to the refusal by some major countries to ratify the instrument. This state of affairs has created complex cash-flow problems, ~ich have further aggravat~d the debt problem. (Mr .. Akinyemi, Nigeria) The high hopes of the developing countries for a new international economic order have foundered owing to a deeply rooted reluctance on the part of the developed countries to engage in an honest and meaningful NOrth-South dialogue. My delegation wishes to stress the need for a fundamental structural readjustment in the international economic system that would promote rapid and sustained world economic growth and development. In this context, we reaffirm our commitment to the continued validity and relevance of the Declaration and Programme of Action on the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. While developed countries have emerged from recession, the economic outlook for the developing nations in general, and Africa in particular, remains bleak. Attempts were made to draw the world's attention to Africa's special situation during last May's special session of the General Assembly on the critical economic situation in Africa. That special session succeeded at least in deepeniHg global awareness of the dfmensions of the current economic crisis in Africa. Given good intentions and strong will, that endeavour could well provide a basis for concerted efforts by the international community to enhance and support the tremendous efforts of African States to surmount their devastating crisis. My delegation therefore appeals to the international community and to financial institutions to make available without delay sufficient resources for the full and effective implementation of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, 1986-1990. We do not, of course, ignore or lose sight of the need for developing countries themselves to co-operate effectively in improJing their economic conditions. To that end a greater degree of collaboration on economic projects has to be developed. We are happy to note the activities of the Group of 77, in particular at the last meeting of the Group's Intergovernmental Follow-up and Co-ordination Committee (IFCC), which took place at (Mr. Akinyemi, Nigeria) cairo and which focused attention on vital areas of high priority in co-operation among developing countries that needed greater emphasis. Simila.:ly, we are gratified that the eighth summit meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement, which took place earlier this month at Harare, devoted considerable attention to economic co-operation. An tmportant and appropriate backdrop to our debate at this session is the declaration of 1986 as the International Year of Peace. As demanded in the solemn declaration, Member States of the united Nations have been focusing attention throughout the year on the requirements for the promotion of international peace and security. We in Nigeria have organized, at both the governmental and the non-governmental levels, various programmes aimed at sensitizing the Nigerian PeOple to the elements of genuine peace and to the role nf the individual, of the State, of non-governmental organizations and of the United Nations in the promotion of peace. On 16 September, International Peace Day, Nigeria joined several other countries, when President Ibrahim Babangida personally launched the first Earth Run, the global torch relay which originated on the steps of the Headquarters of our Organization. Unfortunately, peace remains elusive in many parts of the world. The situation in southern Africa, for instance, continues to be a source of concern to this Organization. In the past two years the world has witnessed the most aggressive phase of Pretoria's policies of mindless oppression and intimidation of the blacks, who have been subjected to the persistent and systematic violation of their fundamental human rights. Apartheid has meant violence and terror for the struggling people of South Africa. The apartheid regime is still undeterred in its implementation of policies which are repressive and are offensive to the laws of natural justice. Indeed, apartheid is a crime against humanity and against the (Mr. Akinyemi, Nigeria) dignity and conscience of mankind, and it continues to pose a threat to international peace and security~ There can be no peace and stability in southern Africa without the elimination of apartheid, which is the root cause of the grave crisis in the entire region. Since, in the wake of the Sharpeville massacres, the world was rudely awakened to the brutality and horrors of apartheid, there has been unanimous and repeated condemnation of that evil system. The crushing weight of apartheid has grown to the point where it has forced all segments of the oppressed to rebel in a spontaneous manner. The Soweto uprising demonstrated the fact that despite all the brutal machinery sustaining apartheid the black people of South Africa have had enough and cannot suffer in silence any more. Thousands of blacks, inclUding mourners, have been gunned down by trigger-happy racist police~ many more have been wounded or have suffered untold hardship. The response of the racist clique in Pretoria has been to resort to panic measures and to the declaration of a state of emergency, with a total clamp-down on news reports. This notwithstanding, workers have initiated strike actions, and an ever-growing number of school children, working independently, have periodically boycotted classes to show their revulsion at the political powerlessness, economic deprivation, inferior education and dehumanizing segregation laws imposed on them by the racist regime. The countdown to the collapse of apartheid has at last started. As the cycle of violence and brutal repression grows in scale and intensity, the blacks have now resolved to make the supreme sacrifice. The racist regime, instead of moving towards open negotiations with black leaders and reconciling anxious whites to inescapable change, persists in pretending that South Africa's problems at home and its already painful economic losses abroad can be chased away with a night-stick. Clearly, the apartheid regime (Mr. Akinyemi, Nigeria) has shown that it is no mood to seek in peace the establishment of a democratic society in South Africa built on the equality of all races. The fight against apartheid and racism is one facet of the liberation struggle in Africa. Another facet is the struggle for the liberation of Namibia, where the situation is equally explosive. The racist Pretoria regime persists in its illegal occupation of the Territory by ruthlessly suppressing the legitimate aspiration of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence. In spite of United Nations resolutions, culminating in Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which established moda1ities by which the people of Namibia would detQrmine their future through free and fair elections, the racist regime has continued its policies of dehumanizing and brutalizing the overwhelming majority of Namibians. Contacts between the Secretary-Genera1 and the apartheid regime aimed at finding an honourable way for the withdrawal of the South African administration have been frustrated through devious machinations by the racist regime. In fact, the posture of the regime constitutes a total rebuff of any meaningful discussion. The sad position now is that the illegal regime has gone ahead with the implementation of its so-called homelands policy aimed at destroying the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. My delegation recognizes that peace cannot be achieved in southern Africa in an environment characterized by criminal acts of aggression, racial discrimination and the systematic violation of human rights. The apartheid regime in South Africa is still undeterred in its implementation of policies that are repressive and offensive to human dignity. The international community, if it is not to be accused of complicity or impotence, must assume a more decisive role in the liquidation of the abhorrent and totally despicable system of apartheid. We must without fail put an end to it. Indeed, if a bloodbath of unspeakable proportions is to be avoided the international community will have to exert such pressure as (Mr. Akinyemi, Nigeria) will make the apartheid regime abandon its criminal policy. s~rely, coq>rehensive mandatory sanctions applied faithfully by all Member States offer the last hope for a peaceful solution. Happily, there is now much international enthusiasm for the campaign against apartheid. A vast majority of States, such as the members of the Non-Aligned Movement, the socialist States, the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, the Nordic States and a few Western countries, have taken steps to combat apartheid. The United States Congress too has joined in this great movement to guarantee to the South African black people, 23 million of them, the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Apartheid is not an internal affair of South Africa, but a universal affair. Witness the amount of time, energy and resources the international community devotes to it. Legitimately, therefore, this Assembly can and should miss no opportunity to advance the universal effort to achieve the peaceful dismantling of apartheid. (Mr. AkinyeJli, Nigeria) In that context, I propose that you, Mr. President, address o~ our behalf an urgent appeal, today, to the President of the United States to endorse the congressional action on sanctions against South Africa.