General Assembly — Session 41

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• (cmtinued) GENERAL DEBATE Mr. SAIDlVAR (Paraguay) (interpretation from Spanishh I wish first, on behalf of the GoITernment of the Republic of Paraguay, to offer a cordial greeting to the President of the fo~t.y-first session of the General A3sembly of the United Nations, the Minister for Foreign Affairs for Bangiadesh, Hunayun Rashid Chouc:llury, and to express our most sincere hopea that the Assembly's debates will result in fruitful resolutions in the icnterest of internatimal peace and security. We also wish to extend greetings to the secretary-General of the Organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to wan we express our whole-hearted gratitude for his cOlllnitment to the tasks of the Organization, which he serves faithfully as a man of international $tature and the highest official of the tbited Nations. Paraguay is present in the Assembly in the spirit it has always shO'tin, in the firm belief that the role \d1ic:h the Uti ted Nations is cal:led upon to play in the worid should be one of most effective, pra9I\atic leadership, in the interest of the maintenance of international peace and security, in an environment of order and compliance with international law. We cannot lnlder stand the equivocal conduct of some countr ies l large and small, which oppose the participation of the united Nations in cmflicts, relegating the lnliversal Organization to the positioo of a passive onlooker in the interplay of world or regiooal interests. (Kr. Saldivar, Paraguay) The Republic of Paraguay notes with growing cmcern the incorrect position of those that, ignoring the counsels of reasm and internaticn.al practice, are against the direct participation of the tbited Nations in the various cmf1icts throughout ':..~e world. Paraguay has confidence in the Organization and vrcmts to see it become more active every day for the benefit of man in all regions of the wodd. The Paraguayan people are celebrating this InternatiCl'lal Year of Peace with festivals and other commemorative events. we enjoy peace and live in peace wi th our neighbours and brother countries. we enjoy peace, and the Government and people wexk toge ther to achieve ecooomic, social and political development, seek ing to ensure the continuous imprcwement of our democratic institutions and of the living standards of our people. The Paraguayan people, which freely and democratically elected the constitutional President of the Republic, General of the Army Alfredo Stroessner, know that they have a strong, stable Government which, within a framework of loyalty to the Constituticn and the law, is working for peace and the continued developnent of the country, without allowing any adver se forces to stand in its way. There have been no insurrections or fighting between brothers and fellow 00untr y!!Ian 0 The black legend about paraguay' spread in international circles has been laid to rest and even the most fanatical oppaumts of the GoI1ernment of President Stroessner have to admit that under his leadership peace is a reality and that the CO\mtry mOlTes forward every day towards ~dle goa;l. of permanent well-being for the Paraguayan people. The international press, in the past incorrectly or only partially informed, has now ascertained that there are periodic elections in Paraguay, in accordance (Kt. sal~var~ Paraguax) with the Constitution, and that the legislative Ixanch of Government canprises two . houses, which include representatives of three .p:>litieal parties" legally registered, within a system of denocratic pluralism and participation. The jUdiciary acts independently in accordance with the Constitution and within the system of the independence of the bt'andles of Gcwernment. The rep:>rt of the Seeretary-General on the work of the Organization for the current year, apart from being a valuable cbcument outlining the most important aspects of present world problems, is also a rigorous introspective analysis of the Organization itself, its accanplishments, its frustrations and, above all, its prospects for the future, which are viewed with quiet confidence. The treatment of the various issues that rela te to the primary objective of peace in all the regioos of our troubled wor ld, which are increasingly interdependent, reflects a valuable effort of abjectlvi ty and balance and honesty of purp:>se and method that puts that effort above all interests that do not coincide wi th or could prejudice the posi tive fu ture of mank ind. We comnend the imp:>rtant wor k cbne by the Secretary-General and enclose his wise comments and conclusions, which carry for all nations ill message of faith and hope. We follow with particular attention the work and negotiations in the sphere of disarmament. we believe that it is an offence against the world to cootinue wi th the arms race, which involves many countr ies - not only those with high levels of ecooomic development, but also those with limi ted resources • This is ooe of the most urgent p.~oblems on our agenda, because while hunger and malnutr ition cause the death of thousands of innocent children, all over the world multi-million dollar sums are spent to purchase weapons of death and destruction. The Republic of Paraguay devotes a large share of its income from the n~tional budget to development in all areas, wi th the valuable co-operation of friendly countries and international organizat~ "'nS, such as the United Natioos Development Programme, the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank. Much has been said, both within and outside the United Natioos, on limiting nuclear and conventional weapons and on disarmament in generaL We fervently appeal to all the countr ies represented here to end the arms race so that peace wi th justice may serve as a bas is for international life, in accordance wi th the hopes of all the people on earth. There are some questions that seem to have heen left completely outside the work programme of our Organization. It is time that the interests of certain oountr ies and the ideologies of certain Governments did not prevent us from determining, for exanple, a precise definition of ~at is Raggression" in the field of international law. It seems paradoxical that while we continue to witness armed conflicts in various parts of the world, it has not been possible for United Nations bodies to arrive at an objective definition of the word Raggression R• Paraguay hopes that the united Nations will maintain and increase its effective role in the maintenance of international peace and security. To this end we agree that it must strengthen its negotiating capacity in areas where there are disputes. This must be the heart of the Organization's work if there is to be an effective peace in which men of good will can find a haven from war and destruction. We continue: as in the past, to condemn the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Unioo. We also coodemn the invasion of Kanpuchea by Viet Nam wi th the help (Mr. Saldivar, Paraguay) of a super-Power. In both cases our comtry has supported all the resolutions adopted by the United Nations calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops and supporting all the efforts undertaken in a spirit of good will to find a peaceful and rational solution to these contentious disputes. 'l'he Republic of paraguay is amazed to see that the war between Iraq and Iran, virtually undeclared as far as international law is ooncerned, is (xmtinuing the cruel coofrootation between two nations which desire nothing but peace. we hope that the Uni~d Nations will be able to find a solution sa~isfactory t.Q both sides. Similarly, we trust that there will be a just solution of the Cyprus proolem, in accordance with the rules of law, a proolem which remains on the list of serious unresolved proolerns. We consider that the proolems of the war in the Persian Gulf and tbe question of Cyprus must be settled through direct negotations between the parties involved wi t:h the help of the Organization. 'l'he question of the Middle Fast deserves special attention. 'l'he existing si tua tion in tha t region is truly a cause for coocern for the peoples of the wor ld. The time has come for the Sta te of Isr ael to live in peace and harmony with the Arab countries of the regioo. 'l'o that end the thited Nations must intervene effectively and to practical effect, first of all eliminating the outside influences involved in this conflict. Resolution 242 (1967) remains the keystooe of any solution to the conflict~ it represents the only viable, humane and worthy course for all negotiation between the parties. Paraguay desires a harmonious coexistence for all the peoples of the region. we' have fai th in the work of decolooiza tion ",*,ich the thi ted Nations has long been carrying out. Faithful to our stand for freedom and for respect for the self-determina tion of peoples, we support its policy, abays provided that it does not seek any interests other than those of upholding the free expression of the (Hr. Sa1divar, Paraguay) will of the communities involved within the framework of respect foe internatiooal law and the ps=inciples of nen-interference in the internal affairs of States and the integrity of nations. Consequently we maintain that in accordance with the Charter and the relevant resolutioos of the seCUI: ity Council, Namibia has a tight to self-determination and independence. The universality of the United Natioos is one of its most important attributes. It is h~d to see how the work of the Organizatioo could have practical effect outside the context of univer sa1ity. We therefore believe that the Republic of Korea has every right to be a Hemer of the Organization. This positioo is based 00 the peace-lO'ling and progressive spir it of its people and Government and the respect tIlhich the Republic of Korea has always shown for the mandates of the United Natioos in a volatile area of the world. We advocate the reunification of Korea through the peacefUl means of dialogue and negotiation, and we regard as oonstructive steps towards the attainment of this final objective both the ccntinuation of direct talks between both parties and their admission to membership of the United Nations. This is also the case of the Malvinas Islands, tIlhere two fr iends of ours, the Republic of Argentina and the United Kingdom are confronting each other. ~re we have naintained the urgent need for a negotiated and friendly solution, in accordance with the ps= inciples of international law, on the bas is of acceptance that this is a dispute about sO'lereignty. In line with this spirit we support all steps which may be taken to find, through negotiation between the parties, a just and lasting solu tion to this problem. (Mr co 5aldivar g Paragl!aYl The Central. lunerican problem is of coocern to the :Republic of Paraguay and to the American continent as a whole. ~ must state here that that problem has roots outside the region and that the expansiooist interests of a super-Power that has no business in this part of the world are playing a decisive role and prcwoking a logical reaction on the part of the other super-Power, which cannot allow the defence of the western and Christian world to be endangered. In that regard we coode11l1, in the name of the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs ef States, the intrusioo of the SOviet unioo into the Caribbean and Central America, directly ex indirectly. Meanwhile, time passes by and matters become entangled and confused, resulting in the intrusion into the very heart of Central. America, where North and SOUth Amer ica are linked: of a country with a stroog ideological and logistical commitment to the expansiooist interests of a super-Power from another cootinent. It is with legitimate concern that we must state that the chapter 00 the wor Id ecooomic situation is an increasingly disturbing ooe and portentous of a serious situation capable of leading the world to a collapse of the financial and commercial order. To the classic dilemma of the problem of North-South relations, rooted in the permanent decline in raw lIB ter ial prices and increase in those of manufactured goods, with the staggering result of a permanent deterioratioo in the balance-of-payment ratio of the developing countries, we are now faced with the burning question of foreign indebtedness. That problem is not only economic or financial in nature. The renewal or renogiation of foreign debt are not the only things at stake. It is not merely a matter of playing with figures, increasing or decreasing interest rates or amortization ins tallments. The OU'er-all problem of foreign debt has political and social implications of such far-reaching consequences for the third world that the highly industrialized and ridl comtries have the unavoidable obligation to solve it as soon as· possible in order t-.o avoid a more severe economic recessioo that could lead us to the brink of the abyss that already yawns in our path. What can be done by countr ies whose expor ts do not enjoy stable pr ices on the international market, that have cootracted debts to develop such exports and that, owing to lack of resources, are unable to amortize those debts? The problem challenges the right of all peoples to theiI very existence and calls int.> question the position of the rich and wealthy nations confronted with such poverty, such despair and such real hunger. As in the past, the Republic of Paraguay continues to be concerned by a scourge that affects every continent and that, instead of gradually abating, is steadily on the increase. We refer to international terrorism, a tragic plague of the nodern world, ~ich criminally and without pity strikes at innocent lives anywhere in the world on the most futile pretexts and with goals that cannot be achieved. We cannot agree that terrorism is justified by some underlying causes, even though we recognize the reality of some of them. It is time, however, that nations represented here unite to condemn the wave of ter ror ism from wherever it may come, without concessions to anyone, to any group or COlK'ltry. There is no action or phe.'lomenon that can justify terrorism for its own sake, much less allow certain territories serve as training-grounds for terrorists or allow some countries to help such barbarians by selling or donating weapons and explosives. In this area the prestige of the Ulited Nations is at stake for, if this question is not solved once and for all, the Organization runs the risk of being left without legal or moral grounds for its existence and for the role it is called upon to play in alleViating the problems of the world. The Republic of Paraguay, a land-locked State, recently ratified the Ulited Nations Convention on the law of the sea. It did so in the context of its (Mr. Saldivar, Paraguay) cmfidence in the just cause of land-locked nations, since the Convention ensures th~t important group access to and participatial in the resources of the oceClns. It has also ratified its legitiJlBte right to uansit to and from the seas through the territories of neighbouring maritime States. we believe in the moral and legal values of our organization and its work to achieve codificatioo of internatiooal law, a matter that would have seemed utopian a few years ago. we support the work of the tbH:ed Nations and its ocgans, such as the E::onomic and Social Council, in the field of the advancement of women, the protection of children and all questions to safeguard the dignity of man at all levels, without distinction as to sex, religioo or race. Paraguay has always co-opera ted wi th all agencies of the Dli ted Nations system, including the united Nations Comnission on Human Rights, in a spir it of understanding and commitment to the cause of human rights. This year the Government of Paraguay received the visit of an independent expert 00 human rights, a representative of the aforementiooed Commissioo. That expert worked freely and held talks with· persons he wished to see, travelling throughout the country without interference of any kind. He saw wi th his own eyes the freedom of speech and press that prevail in our country, freedoms that the biased, whose motives are unavowable, try to deny 1.1 international forums. I wish to note our reoognitioo of the co-operatioo we receive from the United Nations Developm(nt Programme. Unfortunately, that co-operation has been curtailed because of bUdgetary constraints that have their or igin in the cuts in contribu·tions made by the wealthiest industrialized countries. we urge the more developed nations to increase their generous oontr ibution to that Programne to enable it to work towards its important objectives, which benefit the less-developed peoples. (Mr. Saldivar, Paraguay) liJclear-weapon-free zcnes and denuclearized zooes continue to be of essential importance for the fublre. We reaffirm th'E! principles embodied in the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which stipulates that rati.n 1lmerica will be a region free from such dangerous weapons. On the basis of the recent disquieting exper ience that threatened not only Europe but the entire world, the united Nations must establish standards to regulate the compulsory maintenance of safeguards against the expansion of erwirOlUDental pollution around thermoouclear stations ur nuclear plants. All that can be done in t.'is field will be pr3C4lutionary and ~ill avoid serious problems in the future. We view with pleasure the proposal of the Government of Brazil on the setting up of a zooe of peace and co~peration in the South Atlantic. It is a plausible initiative for all neighbouring coWltries of the region, whidl are continuously in search of peace and which view wi th apprehension the events that took place in the region not too long ago. That initiative deserves comprehensive analysis by the AsseIIbly. The Republic of Paraguay, whidl lives in peace and co-operation with its neighbours, as proved by the joint cons truction wi th the Federative Republic of Brazil of the Itaipu Dam, the wo~Id's largest hydroele<:tr ic plant, which is already producing electric energy for development, and the Yacyreta Dam, lDldertaken jointly with the Argentine Republic and whidl is currently under construction, hopes that the United Nations will be the mos~ fruitful means of bringing about peace and international security throughout the world and aIOOng all peoples of the Farth. we hope that the task of the Organization and of all its system and agencies will br ing about the effective solidar ity of those nations that can do the most to aid the developing and least developed countries economically. Only in this way and within that spirit of co~peratioo, disinterest and altruism for the development of everyone will we be able to cOll:Juer the obstacles (Hr. ~aldivar, Paraguay) that today still exist a1 the way to our goal - mankind living in peace, with SOCial and economic justice and without any lesting danger to international peace and security. Hr. KRAVETS (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russic:m): The United Nations has entered its fifth decade at an extremely troubled time, when mankind is faced with a histoa;ic'choice - either to accept the inexorable drift to nuclear self-annihilation or to avert the catastrophe through our cont>ined efforts before it is too late and to choose the path leading to a lasting and guaranteed peace. The refinement of nuclear weapons and the desire to extend the arms race to outer space through the implementation of the adventuristic ·star wars· programme being stubbornly pursued by aggressive imperialist cii:'cles, first and foremost by the United states, increase the danger of war many times OI1er and pose a genuine threat to destroy civilization aL-d. life on Earth. The world has reached a point where it is imperative fully to realize the disastrous nature of the course of a further build-Up of armaments. Governments must demonstrate a heightened sense of responsibility for- the fate of mankind. The.authors of the Mexico Declaration were perfectly right to state that saving the world from war by building up ever greater arms arsenals is as impossible as trying to cure a drug addict by giving him ever greater doses of drugs. The most important of all problems - that of survival - can be resolved only by mak ing a fundamental about-turn towards a truly safe world. It cannot be resolved by way of militarization, by undermining the security of others or by setting international security against national or regional security. In the modern nuclear and space age, no State, howeveL' powerfUl, can ensure .its own securi ty through mili tary and technical means alone. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) Genuine security can only be universal, 1JUtual and equal for all. To that end, it is essential to rise abO'l7e narrOlrl national interests and differences in ideology or world outlook. This can only be a,....i.eved through coIlbined efforts and through broad and constructive co-operaticm by all States irrespective of their political or social systems. SUch were the incontrOl7ertible conclusions reached by the Communist Party uf the SOviet Unicm at its twenty-seventh Congress. The foreign policy programme aoopted by the Congress represents .. fusion of new political thinking with a platform \')f concrete actioos aimed at imprOl7ing the international situation, eliminating the threat of nuclear war and creating a oomprehensive system of security in the world. The socialist States, including the Ukrainian SSR, have submitted for consideration at this session of the General Assembly an item entitled "Establishment of a canprehensive system of international peace and security". There was some speculation that this collective proposal by the socialist countries was a mere repetition of the provisions of the United Nation3 Charter and of other documents previously adopted at the United Nations. Peace and international security are, indeed, the primary goal that this Organization is called upon to {;Alrsue. However, the truth and higher meaning of our proposal is the idea that wile proclaiming peace and'security, we should initiate specific effective actions towards their practical implementation. We believe that our proposal is extremely timely. It is dicta ted by the imperative need to take immediate and urgent measures to prevent nuclea.r catastrophe. The socialist countries are ready to <x>~perate actively with all States to achieve that goal. We are convinced that the time has oome to adopt a new approach to the problem of universal security and to bring both actions and political thinking into line with the realities of the nuclear and space age. (Kr. Kravets, U1crainian SSR) In his speech in VladivOS\~ok on 28 July of this year, the General secretaryof the Central Committee of the Communist party of the SOviet union, Mikhail Gorbachev, emphasized that -thE"1 present generations have inher ited numerous difficult and pa inful problems. In order to advance towards solving those problems it is necessary to jettisc:n the dead weight of the past and to seek new approaches, guided by a sense of responsibility to the present and to the future.... 'lbday more than every before, it is important to mobilize the potential of OOillllon sense that exists 1.."'1 the world and the partnership of reason to stop the drift towards disaster.- The thited Nations must do its utmost to ensure that the peoples of the w«lcl enter the third mil1.enium as truly united nations. The delegatim of the Ukrainian SSR calls on all States Meabers of the thited Nations to join actively in the establishment of a comprehensive system of internatimal peace and security and to mark the International Year of Peace by taking vigorous action in this area. The comprehensive system of international peace and security that we propose would encanpass the mUitary, political, eccnomic and humanitarian fields. It presupposes unconditional renunciation of war, both nuclear and conventional, and of the use or threat of the use of force as a means to. resolve political, eccnomic, ideological or other disputes between States. It was with great ~tisfaction that we welcomed the agreement on a meeting between the leaders of the mSR and the United States of America - the General secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist party of the SOI1iet union, MikhaU sergeiyevich Gorbachev, and the President of the United States of America, Rcnald Reagan - at Beykjavik, Iceland, on 11 and 12 october this year. All those who cherish world peace and tranquillity expect that meeting to yield concrete results that will serve to imprOl1e SOI1iet-thited States relations and the international situation as a whole. It is important for people everywhere in the world to realize that the buildup and refinement of nuclear and comentional arsenals and attempts to extend the arms race to outer space cannot strengthen the security of anyone, but will rather lead directly to the destruction of civilization. The misfortune we experienced last April - the accident at the Chernoby1 nuclear power-plant, were cnly a small portion of the accumulated nuclear power went out of control - served as one more gr im warning of the unfor seeable danger s inherent in the nuclear age. This calls for a great sense of respons ibility and a new approach to the scientific, technological and pol itical realities of today's world. (Mr. Kt cwets, Ukrain!an SSR) The accident resulted in loss of life and caused enormous Bater ial and moral damage. All the necessary resources and the scientific and technical potential of the entire SO\'iet Union were mooilized to deal with its consequences. That enabled us within a short space of time to limit the scope of the accident and to minimize its severe consequences. The lessoos of Chernobyl compel all of us to treat the problem of nuclear safety with the utmost seriousness and responsib1ity. we welcome and support the measures and action taken in this respect by the Internatiooal Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) • aJt securi ty becomes mean ingless if the ma in danger is not el iminated: the possib1ity of the deliberate, intentional use of the catastrophically destructive power of the atom for nuclear purposes. i'ilat happened at Chernobyl is but a pale shad::lw of the threat posed by thermonuclear weapons. Nuclear safety on earth is inconceivable without a cessation of the ccncrete preparations for nuclear war and without the total elimination of the means of waging nuclear war. To that end, the collltries of the socialist commlllity have undertaken a nuuber of major pr incipled foreign policy actions. Here, the progranme proposed by the Soviet unicn for the total elimina tion of nuclear and other types of weapons of mass destruction everywhere before the end of the century constitutes a real milestone. The noble purpose of that programme is to remove the nuclear threat without shifting the burden of resolving this key issue onto the shoulders of our children. But the prospect of overcoming the negative, confrontatiooal tendencies which have been on the rise in recent years is not to the liking of certain quarters in the West. The military mach ine of the North Atlantic Treaty Organizatioo alliance, far fron showing any signs of slowing down, is actually accelerating in all areas of the arms build-up. (Mr. Kravets, Okrain!an SSR) The ·star wars· progra.Illme is going full sPeed ahead. The creation and developnent. of newer and newer systems of weapons for strategic offense is being steppe~ up. In order to clear the way for those weapons, existing treaty constraints are being brushed aside without hesitation. That is particularly obvious fran Washington's attitude towards the second Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (SALT 11). The newest United States missiles have reached the Treaty ceilings, and that is why the tklited States is renouncing both SALT I and SALT II. That kind of political ·logic· opens the floodgates for an uncm trolled arms race. The General Assembly is duty-bound to take a stand of principle on those . actions and to affirm unalIbiguously the importance of preserving and expanding the existing system of agreements in the field of arms limitation and disarmanent. The outcome of the Stockholm Conference on Cmfidence and security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe is compelling proof that, given the political will and the desire, it is possible and feasible to cmclude military and political agreements between States with differ ing social systems. That is an example of how detente can and must be restored and how a new, stable structure of internatiooal relations can be organized. There are political decisims that play a decisive role by giving rise to new tendencies which open entirely new \lBYS for the development of the international situation. The Soviet Unial's decision concerning the moratorium on nuclear tests is undoubtedly ale of these. The SOl/iet {hion ~s unilateral cessation of nuclear tests, which has been in force for CHer a year now, is a pr actical example of a foreign policy of peace and international security. We favour not merely the cessation of tests, but a treaty-controlled ban on nuclear testing~ of all steps toward arms limitation now feasible, such a ban would be the most rapid and most radical. The cessation of tests wouJ~ in fact halt the arms race in its most (Hr. Kravets, Ukrain tan SSR) dangerous area.: the developaent and ia~oveJlent of new types of nuclear weapons. Al- that would reaain would be to deal with the quantitativE> aras race, which seems to be a less difficult task. The cessation of nuclear tests muld lead to a radical change in the public and political cliEte in the wocld, Md could do so aore effectively than a..iY one-time measures. An atmosphere of greater confidence aJDOng States would be cr~ted, which would be of paramount importance foe the resolution of other outstanding problems and conflicts, particularly since compliance with an agreement banning nuclear tests can be guaranteed by absolutely l:eliable means of verification and monitoring. Today even the smallest nuclear explosion can be detected. The most convincing indication of hew seriously each of the nuclear Powers views the question of disarmament, international security and the cause of peace as a whole is their respective atti tudes towards halting nuclear tests and towards the early formulation of a treaty banning them caapletely. The United States of America categorically opposes the cessation of nuclear tests. Since the introdlction of the Soviet moratorium it has set off 21 explcsioos. Three additional tests - the aonneville, Budy and Belmont tests - are scheduled for October, and in ~ceJIber the llli ted States intends to carry out a nuclear test code-named ~idd1e tbte-. What is the purpose of all this? The answer is clear~ the development of a nuclear-pllDped laser for the notorious system of the strategic defence initiative requires about 100 nuclear explosions. The re fusal of the Uni ted States to s top nuclear-weaPOn tests despi te the resolute demands of the world public mnvincingly refutes the Administration's assurances that the United States is seeking to save mankind from nuclear weapons, (Mr. Kravets, Ukrain ian SSR) which is ooe of the argumen.ts it also uses in its attempt to justify the implementation of the sCH::alled strategic defence initiative, which is actually aimed at the aCXIuisition of a nuclear first-strike- capability. The time has come to make use of all existing leverage and possibilities, including the tremendous potential of the Uni ted Na tions, to prevent the introcilction of weapons to oliter space. A basis for finding a mutually acceptable solution to the problem of preventing an arms race in space exists. The USSR favours a ban on the developnent, testing and deployment of space str ike arms, under effective verificatioo, and it has proposed that important partial steps be t'lken in that direction, such as agreement not to withdraw dur 10g the coming 15 years from t.'le anti-ballistic missile Treaty, the cooclusion of an international agreement on the immunity of artificial Earth satellites, agreement not to develop new anti-satellite systems, and the elimination of existing anti-satellite systems. Specific ideas on the subject have been presented both at the bilateral SOI/iet-United States negotiations and at the Conference 00 Disarmament. (~r. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) In response to the appeal by the General Assembly, the Soviet union proposed in a letter of 12 June 1986 addressed to the U~ited Nations Secretary-General that immediate action be taken to achieve a twofold objective: to stop the preparations for ·star wars·, which would lead to nuclear suicide, and adopt instead the alternative of exploring outer space through the joint efforts of States for the benefit of mankind. Questions pertaining to the practical implementation of that initiative should be considered at a special international conference and resolved by an international agency to be established for that purpose. In that case appropriations running into trillions of dollars would be put to proper use. We urge the current session to make an important contribution to preventing an arms race in outer space and establishing eQUitable co-operation in the peaceful exploration of outer space. The cause of saving mankind from the threat of nuclear war would be significantly served by resolving such urgent problems as the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in all parts of the world. Specific proposals made by socialist, non-aligned and neutral countries on these subjects are well known. The socialist States believe in a comprehensive approach to the disarmament problem and ensuring that the elimination of weapons of mass destruction is backed up by significant reductions in armed forces and conventional armaments. This QUestion is becoming a matter of increasing urg~ncy for the present and future of the European continent. Ways of resolving this problem can be found in the large-scale programme for reducing armed forces and conventional armaments from the Atlantic to the urals, put forward in Budapest last June by the Warsaw Treaty member States. Those proposals take into account the position of Western European States which believe (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) that nuclear disarmament in Europe should go hand in hand with reduction of conventional armaments. Making the world safe is inconceivable without chemical disarmament. The Ukrainian SSR takes a favourable view of the efforts of the Conference on Disarmament to work out an international convention on the sUbject. It is to be hoped that the convention will be completed by 1987. We support progosals fo~ establishing chemical-weapon-free zones in Central Europe and the Balkans, which is the objective of the well-known initiatives of the German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia, BUlgaria and Romania. It is imperative for the General Assembly to call upon all States to refrain from any action which could impede negotiations on banning chemical weapons. A substantial contribution to curbing the arms race and to disarmament would be made by implementing the proposals of the socialist countries on the mutual non-increase in military spending, non-use of armed force, and the maintenance of peaceful relations between Warsaw Treaty member States and the countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The countries of the socialist community attach great importance to holding in 1987 an international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development. It is to be regretted that such a conference could not be held this year. The militaristic principle of armaments instead of development should be replaced by the normal state of affairs - disarmament for development. In the current difficult and dangerous situation in the wo~ld all the resources of the United Nations should be mobilized to take specific action to defuse conflict situations and settle contentious issues by political means through collective efforts, with unconditional respect for the independence and the right of peoples to determine their own destiny. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) Tensions still exist in the Middle East, cr~ated by the aggressive designs of Israel and the anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian policies of its protectors. Recent events have amply demonstrated the untenable nature of separatist and defeatist deals towards which the Arabs are being nudged by the United States and Israel. A just settlement in the area can be achieved only through joint efforts, with equal participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). The overwhelming majority of the States Members of the United Nations support the idea of convening an international conference on the Middle East. An appropriate preparatory committee within the framework of the Security Council could immediately start work on preparing for such a conference. We must also note a further exacerbation of the situation in the Mediterranean as a result of militaristic actions designed to implement the doctrine of -neo-globalism-. It was manifested in acts of aggression against sovereign Libya, which provoked protests and indignation throughout the world, in the blackmail campaign against Syria, and in the continuing aggression against Lebanon. The Ukrainian SSR strongly advocates turning the Mediterranean from an area of military and political confrontation into a zone of stable peace and security, and supports the steps that are being taken by peace-loving States to improve the situation in the region. We want to see a just solution to the Cyprus auestion, on the basis of the ~elevant United Nations resolutions, without outside interference and with due regard for the legitimate inter~sts of the two communities. We believe that the convening of a representative international conference is a realistic means of achieving that goal. Holding such a conference would help to resolve such aspects of the problem as the establishment of a system of effective international guarantees, withdrawal of foreign troops, and the elimination of all foreign military bases and facilities. (Mr. rrravets, Ukrainian SSR) In the guise of hypocritical arguments about -freedom-, -democracy- and -humanism-, a policy of State-sponsored terrorism is being pursued against the countries and peoples of Central America, and the material base is being expanded for unleashing a major armed conflict in ttaa area. Subversive activities by the united States have particularly increased in recent times when there have appeared hopes for success in the Contadora process. The Ukrainian SSR expresses its total solidarity with the just struggle of the Nicaraguan people to defend the independence of their country and strongly condemns the escalation of aggressive actions against Nicaragua. The resolution of the crisis in Central America is possible only within the framework of a peaceful political settlement and on the basis of generally recognized rules of international law. The Ukrainian SSR supports the proposal by Nicaragua to turn Central America into a zone of peace and oo-operatic~, free from foreign military presence. The representative international conferences held this year have more than ever before focused attention on the need for an immediate political settlement in southern Africa. The racist Pretoria regime is defying the whole world by stepping up repression of the civilian population, refusing to grant independence to Namibia, which it occupies, and committing acts of aggression against its African neighbours. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR shares the conclusion reached at the non-aligned summit at Barare that it is only through the most resolute action, including the imposition of mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, that it is possible to eliminate the shameful system of apartheid and implement United Nations decisions concerning independence for Namibia and the establishment of peace and stability in the interests of the peoples of the region. The forty-first session of the united Nation General Assembly should (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) become a new phase in mobilizing the efforts of the world community in the struggle for the speedy eltmination of apartheid. Serious concern has been caused by United States actions aimed at annexing the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands - Micronesia - and turning it into one of its military and political strongholds in the Pacific OCean. By depriving the Micronesian people of their right to genuine freedom and independence, the administering Power has grossly abused the mandate entrusted to it by the Security Council and failed to mget the objectives of trusteeship. We strongly support the demand by non-aligned countries for the immediate implementation of the Declaration on decolonization in the case of Micronesia. The Ukrainian SSR supports the realistic proposals of Viet Nam, Laos, and Kampuchea for the establishment of a zone of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia. We support the peace efforts of the Democratic People's RepUblic of Korea to secure the withdrawal of united States troops from South Korea, the development of peaceful dialogue between the two parts of the country, and the turning of the Korean peninSUla into a nuclear-free zone of peace. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrain ian SSR) Of great importance in improving the international situation is the programme for secur ity and peaceful co-operation in the Asian and Pacific region proposed by the Soviet union last July. 'By creating favourable ccnditions for the solution of a whole range of problems, including the problem of a political settlement of the situation arQund Afghanistan, that programme is a manifestation of good will and a responsible approach to dealing with the main problems of today. The series of measures set forth in that programme, including the prevention of the proliferation and build-up of nuclear weapons, the reduction of naval activities and cuts in armed forces and conventional weapons, not only constitutes a basis for regional sec:ur ity in Asia and the Pacific but can also become an integral part of the global system of security for all. The normalization of international economic relations has become a trUly urgent task. The plight of developing nations and the neo-colonialist exploitation of their natural and human resources are fundamental and root causes of the political tensions and conflicts in various parts of the world. Imperialist PCMers, taking advantage of the predicament of the developing countries and their huge foreign debt, interfere high-handedly in the internal affairs of countries and block the process of their economic liberation. In these circumstances the struggle for international economic security as an integral part of a comprehensive system of international secur ity has come to the fore. The Ukrainian SSR takes an active part in united Nations efforts to encourage and promote basic freedoms and human rights and conscientiously fulfils its obligations under relevant international agreements. We cannot at the same time fail to note the hypocr isy of some Governments, prepared to pay endless lip-service to the sanctity of the rights of the individual while shamelessly violating the rights of .;lntire peoples in the Middle East, in southern Africa, in Central America and in Asia. To that end, they are resorting to undeclared wars, subversive acts, (Mr" Krave.ts, Ukrain!an SSR) acts of State-sponsored terrorism, slanderous propaganda ~cmpaigns, economic pr:essure and blackmail. In order to increase the effectiveness of the wor le of protecting the peoples of the world from outside encroachments, the General Asseltbly should, we believe, begin to work on the concept of the rights of peoples, which constitute the basis fex implementing human rights. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR has outlined its approaches to the solution of urgent international problems in the sincere hope that progress can be achieved, even at this current session, in defusing some of the existing conflicts. In view of the world situation the wo'Ck of the United Nations General Assembly must be conducted in a constructive spirit and the businesslike deliberations at this session should cootribute to mercoming the barriers of enmity and mistrust and promote the improvement of the international climate. In the words of Vladimir Shcherbitsky, merrber of the Poli tburo of the Central COIIUDittee of the COimlunist Party of the Soviet Union and First secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of tr,. j~aine: -In a nuclear age there is simply no reasonable alternative to peaceful coexis tence... While calling upon representatives of other States to treat our initiatives wi th the utmost seriousness, we, for our part, are prepared to lend our support t.O a.IlY proposals that would contr ibute to the strengthening of peace and the development of international co-operaHon. The experience of the Ooi ted Na Hons in its work of more than 40 years has shOwin that what is needed to improve the international situation is the conbined efforts of States, tolerance and a willingness to adopt compromise decisions. In a nuclear age, mankind can survive only together, moving forward step by step fr:om today's mer-armed and exceedingly dangerous wor ld towards a minimally armed and safe wor ld of the twenty-fir st (Mr. Kravets, Ukrain ian SSR) we can take the first step along tbat road here and now, at the century. forty-first sessioo of the united Nations General Assembly. Mr. BARO !Niger.} (interpretaUoo fran French): On 24 october 1985, the colllllunity of nations celebrated the fortieth anniversary of the united Nations. In a world suf"t:ing from countless problems and frustrations, that event gave rise to oomfort and hope because it served as an occasioo for ;:::.1 of our oountr ies, through their representatives et';. the highest levels, to reaffirm unequivocally their oolIUDitment to the principles and ideals of the united Natioos Charter and to renew their commitment to usher in a new era in which today's serious and canplex problems can be faced collectively in a new spir it and with a new awareness of our interdependence ano. vt.u: shared responsibility. That furnisheo vs with a just assessment of the challe..,ges we must face, challenges that, by their very nature, make isolated approaches inoperative and suicidal. In particular, I am thinking of the crucial questions of peace and development. Prese..'lt and future generations will judge our actions on the basis of what we do today and will do tomorrow, and especially at this forty-first session of the General Assenbly, to preserve peace in the world and to find answers to the pressing questions of hunger, pover ty and underdevelopnent. I wish to stress the importance of the task the Assenbly has unanimously entrusted to you its President. His talents as a skilful and exper ienced diplomat, a representative of a country, Bangladesh, whose commitment to the ideals of our Organization is well knCMn, will certainly contribute to the success of our work. I should like, therefore, to convey to him the pleasure felt by my country, which shares with him a community of Islamic culture and destiny, at his election to the pr.esidency of the fOtty-first session of the United Nations General AsseIIbly. My delegation will fully support him in the accomplishment of his task. (Mr. Rako, Niger) His predecessor, Aubassador Jaime de Pinias of Spain, was a deserving President of our Assembly. To him, we extend the compliments and highest esteem of the delegation of the Niger for the important cootribution he made to the work of our Organization. Our preceding seSsion laid the groundwork for a solid platform of collec:ive actioo for the commcn gooO, thereby arousing hopes with regard to man's determination to face adversity, to master and control his own baser nature and to work resolutely towards the building of the safer and more united world for which we all long. The proclamation of 1986 as the International Year of Peace is a further mark of our Organization's determination to harmonize the efforts of the international COImlunity in establishing an atmosphere that can ensure the maintenance of universal peace. More than 40 years after the end of the last world conflict, that universal peace continues to exist, notwithstanding the breaches and threatened breaches that still occur in many places in the world. If we truly want to succeed in this work of peace for the benefit of the whole of the world community, we must ensure the strict implementation of the fundamental pr inciples of our Organization. In th is connection, refraining from the use or threat of the use of force, the peaceful settlement of displtes, respect for the sovereignty and territor ial integr ity of States, respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and independence, are moral and cul tural values to which each of our nations is coImlitted. At the same time, they are imperative norms of international law to which our Governments have fully subscribed. As the lasting expression of the deep and legitimate aspirations of mankind, such values and norms enbody our common fate. More than a code of corlduct, they are a solid foundation upon which relations between peoples and nations must be based. (Mr. Bakor Niger) It would appear that all the conflicts and dangerous situations in the world today arise from deliberate violations of those principlesr but also from the serious and dangerous decline in the duty to co-operate and work together for the establishment of a new international economic order that would guarantee every people more harmonious and lasting developmentr as set forth in the United Nations Charter. We must therefore work together to adopt the measures needed to deal with the many situations the persistence of which seriously threatens international peace and security and reflects badly upon the credibility of our Organization. The policy of apartheid of the minority regime in Pretoria, its illegal occupation of Namibia and its repeated acts of aggression against the front-line states have created an explosive environment in the southern part of the African continent thus endangering peace and security not only in the region but in the world as well. In occupied Namibia, we see a continuation of delaying tactics intended to thwart the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of that Territory. This allows for the continuationr among other things, of the systematic plundering of that country's vast natural resources, which are then sold cheaply on the world market by the South African regime. In regard to its neighbours, South Africa is also pursuing, and has long done so, a policy of aggressionr destabi1ization and intimidation. Never before have arrests, torture, mass murder and systematic v~olations of the law and morality that govern the external conduct of States been practised with such cynicism and on such a vast scale as has been done by the South African regime. In the face of the infernal cycle of violence that today characterizes the situation in that part of the African continent and in the face of the serious dangers this poses to international peace and security, the time has come to go (Mr. Bako, Niger) beyood the usual jeremiads, verbal coodemations and resolutions that are not in fact resolutions. The minor ity racist regime of Pretor ia has today finally provided the community of nations with proof of its blinChess, its intransigence and its total disregard for law and universal morality. More effective means of pressure must necessar ily be adopted urgently to support the struggle of the oppressed peoples of SOllth Africa and Namibia, as well as the froot-line States. Niger's position is perfectly clear 00 this matter. His Excellency General seyni Kountche, President of the SUpreme Military Council and Bead of State of Niger, reaffirmed this at the last sunmit meeting of the Organization of African Unity (OAU): "We must lend effective, appropriate and constant assistance to the liberation movements, as well as to the froot-line States, in their struggle against oppressioo and aggressioo. Indeed, the time has oome for the adoption of coocrete and immediate measures to make the apartheid regime consider the situation and give way. Those measures must undoubtedly include eoonomic sanctions, t«lich the international community and, partiCUlarly, the industrialized countries, must issue and apply in order finally to isolate those men who would deny man." The immediate and effective application of the reoonmendations of the i'brld Conference on Sanctions against Racist SOUth Africa held in Paris in June 1986 and of the International Cooference for the Immedia te Independence to Namibia held in Vienna the following mooth, as well as those of the eighth Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Countr ies in Harare in september and the recent special session of the General Assenbly on the question of Namibia, would no doubt canpel the Pretoria regime to respect the decisioos and resolutions of our Organization and finally to grant independence to Namibia and to proIOOte within South Africa a deIOOcratic multiracial society where the freedom, equality, dignity and well-being of all would be recogn ized and guaranteed. The great tragedy of our time that is taking place in southern Africa has not, however, nade us forget other situations of ccnflict that still pre9ail on our oontinent. As neighbours of Chad, a country with which we have ties of all sorts, we cannot renain indifferent to the situation of prolcnged war and instability that has affected that country for several years na-r. As neighbours, we have come to know Chad, its people and its problems. The people of Chad has deep aspira tions to peace. Like all other African peoples, it hopes to build a viable State and to set down the basis for its ecooomic and social development. Rich in history, proud of its past, it is today fighting with the strength of despair against the demons of disooity and dislocatim. These are legitimate aspirations. From its neighbours, with which it has cultivated friendship, from Africa, to which it firmly belmgs, and from the in ternatimal ccmmmity, usually so ready to help, Chad expects understanding, support and assistance. It expects to be understoOd in its fierce will to renain itself and to be supported and assisted in its fervent hope to live in peace and to advance its developnent. Peace and developnent are also relevant matters in North-West Africa and, more generally, in the Maghreb, that rich and promising part of our cmtinent, the natural evolutioo, course towalCds unity and progress of which have been sla-red down, impeded and even handicapped by the cmflict arising from the decolmization of the former Spanish sahara. Closely tied to the peoples of the Maghreb by history, geography and culture, Niger cherishes the profound hope that the joint efforts of the secretary-General of the united Natioos and of the current President of the Organization of African Unity to organize a referendum 00 the question of self-determination will succeed in the near future. (!~.r. Bako, Niger) Africa, already facing the challenge of racism and besieged by so many problems inherent in its level of development, can only hope for the establishment of a climate of peace in its midst and of an atmosphere of confidence, tolerance and good neighbourliness among all - a cOndition without which it cannot victoriously confront the pressing needs of building a better future. Other hotbeds of tension are giving rise to anguish and distress elsewhere and are also rightly of concern to the Assembly. The Middle East, that region near the African continent whose stability undeniably has a strong effect on world peace, has for several decades been the theatre of ceaseless confrontation arising from a situation of injustice that has been created and maintained and for which the united Nations has a responsiblity to which it remains fUlly committed. In this region of the world, so already battered by several conflicts, Israel has established a permanent climate of instability by developing a sustained policy of expansion, the major objective of which is to prevent the realization of the fundamental and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and to finalize the illegal annexation of the Golan and the occupation of Al Quds Al Sharif. Loyal to its consistent policy in that regard, Niger for its part will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people and to militate for the total withdrawal of Israel from all of the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, inclUding Jerusalem. In that connection, Niger is pleased to see that chances for the convening of an international conference on the Middle East are beginning to appear and are increasing. The continuation of the fratricidal conflict that has set Iran and Iraq against each other for six years now is a source of serious concern. The United Nations, through its secretary-General, has repeatedly taken action to end that devastating and deadly conflict. Those efforts deserve to be continued and supported by us all. The bcutal intrusion of fcxeign forces into Demeratic Kaapucbea and Afghanistan and the continued occupation of the territories of those two non-aligned countries have consistently been fomd repr~ensible and condeuned by the General Assembly as serious challenges to the principles governing friendly r elations between States. We continue to support that point of view, to call for the total evacuatioo of occupatioo troops from the territories of those two comtries and to call for scrupulous respect for their sO'1ereignty, territorial integrity and status as non-aligned States. We similarly remain vigilant with regard to the tensioo in the Korean peninsula. we encourage ccntinued efforts to bring about the reunification of this prestigious nation through peaceful means. Whether it be in Africa, Asia or Latin America - that other region of the world subject to serious utileavals - the true peace that we seek cannot be fully attained as lcng as divisicn and discord exist among natioos and as loog as the profoiuod aspirations of peoples to justice and to social progress cootinue to be disregarded and flouted. (Mr. Bako, Niger) In addition to these numerous conflicts which bring sUffering and grief all over the world, there are other challenges to the future of mankind. If we do not decisively meet those challenges there can be no genuine lasting peace on earth. Among those challenges is the serious, deep-seated and long-standing crisis in the world economy. Its root causes lie in the persistence of an unjust and ineauitable international economic system marked by a continuous fall in commodity prices, by protectionism and restrictive trading practices, by monetary and financial instability and by the growing indebtedness of third-world countries. The situation is particularly critical for the African countries whose economies, already structurally fragile and vulnerable, have been further shaken and dislocated. In recent years some of these countries have experienced considerable slowing of their already low growth rates. The critical economic situation in Africa reflects both the scope and the effects of the crisis: the inability of the continent which was the cradle of mankind to achieve self-sufficiency in feeding its peoples, a situation inherent in the difficulty of rebuilding our agriculture~ to build the infrastructure needed to irrigate our dry regions~ to make our regions more accessible in order to permit a better flow of products~ and to establish a true African policy of complementarity and co-operation among Sta~es in such areas as the fight against desertification and the important field of water management. To all those difficulties we add others no less burdensome, concerning the education, health and housing of our peoples, whom we wish to enable to lead healthy lives in order to participate more actively and with greater honour in the development of our continent and of the world. Africa is in the pitiless clutches of a drought, which has greatly reduced available water and arable land, destroying plant and animal life in vast areas, and killing thousands of men, women and children by hunge~ and thirst. (Mr. Bako, Niger) In connection with agriculture, the most recent report on Africa of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) states that pe~ capita pr~uction has fallen nearly 20 per cent since 196n, while the rate of growth of the population has increasea by 3 per cent per year. That report states also that if things remain as they are, per capita production will fall another 30 per cent in the coming 25 years. The report further predicts that eventually the African states will, with few exceptions, will be forever condemned to dependency in satisfying their food reQUirements. That situation is of grave concern to African Governments, which have attempted to deal with the situation at the national, SUb-regional and continental levels. At the national level, African leaders are redefining agricultural strategies and are working to maintain, diversity and rebuild vegetation, to protect the soil, to develop water resources, and to provide security in crop by promoting and developing crop production and animal husbandry. Considerable efforts to co-ordinate these national initiatives are being undertaken at the SUb-regional and continental levels. In the Inter-State Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel, nine countries have formulated a concerted rehabilitation programme which gives priority to water management, to the campaign against desertification by means of reafforestation, to the development of agriculture and livestock raising, and to building up of buffer stocks of grain. At the continental level, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has devoted much consideration to ways and means of dealing.with the situation. Thi~ has led to the establishment of the Special Emergency Assistance Fund for the Struggle against Drought and Famine in Africa, which is in operation now, and to the adoption of the Priority Programme for Economic Recovery in Africa. (Mr. Baka, Niger) Clearly, Africa should not rely solely on outside assistance, but must make use of its own resources and intelligence, which will be its weapons in a victorious war to secure freedom from hunger. Only a pragmatic strategy based on basic requirements and the political will to undertake the needed reorientation of social and economic systems through revised agrarian methods and policies can lead to a solution to the problem of food. But Africa, which contains the majority of the world's poorest countries, cannot by itself meet this enormous, serious challenge posed by Nature. In that connection, Niger welcomes the great step forward taken at the special session of the General Assembly on the critical economic situation in Africa. It was possible at that special session to formulate and adopt a Programme of Action giving high priority to agriculture and related sectors. Its implementation will promote the rapid recovery of the African economy. Africa has conveyed its great appreciation for that initiative and for the solidarity of the international community i~ committing itself to stand by Africa and sUPF')rt it in its search for development by Africans and for Africaus. As an expression of our joint political will, the United Nations Programme of Action for the Economic Recovery of Africa, 1986-1990, is a contract of solidarity. Meetlng the terms of that contract requires the same political will, fostered by a clear awareness that the future of Africa is indissolubly linked with the progress of the world. I wish now to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his effective and diligent work towards the success of that special session and towards its positive result. His interest in Africa and its problems and the attention he has devoted to them are nothing new, We of the Sahel know of his commitment, because on his own initiative he (Mr. Bako, Niger) undertook a cClq)aign to mobilize the assistt;;,,~e of the international community during the terrible drought of 1984. We are grateful to him for having always worked in favour of a just and peaceful world, and for his vision of a future based on mutual assistance and interdependence. We must pursue this action for Africa and broaden it to encompass other priority areas. I think here especially of the worrying problem of indebtedness. Niger joins the many other anguished voices calling for a joint solution to this problem, the ruinous effects of which are jeopardizing economic and social achievement in many countries. Through his intelligence and thanks to extraordinary scientific and technological progress, mankind has moved somewhat further into areas of the universe. But we must recognize today that there is one technology the development of which can only lead to the downfall of mankind: the manufacture of weapons of mass destruction, which become more sophisticated every year. We cannot but be shocked that the two super-Powers alone possess a nuclear arsenal sufficient to destroy our world several times over. Even more inadmissible is the fact that every year colossal sums are devoted to the development of n~~lear weapons. Once that sum was $800 billion; today more than $1 trillion is devoted to the production of these deadly machines, at a time when so many people languish in horrific poverty and destitution. It cannot be over-emphasized that the arms race can never serve the interests of stability, peace and security. On the contcary, it is a source of tension between the super-Powers and even of confrontation which would be fatal for mankind. The nuclear-weapon Powers, especially the two super-Powers, therefore bear an important responsibility in this regard, and must do everything possible to avert the risk of nuclear confrontation. The only way to do this is to engage in sincere (Hr. Bako, Niger) dialogue with a view to formulating urgent disarmament measures leading to a gradual reduction in nuclear weapons until th~ir complete elimination. In this connection, the Government and the people of Niger welcome the initiation in March 1985 of negotiations between the two super-Powers on intermediate-range and stategic nuclear and space weapons. A seal of approval was affixed to that dialogue at the meeting between the leaders of the two countries, held at Geneva in November 1985. We hope that dialogue will continue shortly at Reykjavik, and that it will lead to effective agreements aimed at general and complete disarmament. (Hr. Bako, Niqer) Those, in our view, are the mjor cballenqes of our time, daunting cballenges in view of their nature and scope, but their solutions are vital for the future of mankind, and fOie internationa1 peace and security.- 'rhe thited Nations must deal with those challenges if it is not to founder and bring the wllole world down with it. This is a categorical iJl.perative. Millioos of people throughout the world are increasingly expr:essing their firm opposition to the arms race and their unfailing abhorrence of; !£artheid and racial discr imination. Millions of voices are continuously heard denouncing the cootinuation of sources of tension and calling for a more stable and fraternal world. . In 'view of all those situations, and in view of the tidal Wave of t;he brl!tal, savage and vile force of terroriSll, the noble attitude o{ millions of men and women who voice every day their lOl7e of peace, justice and freedom, constitutes for our Governments and for our Organizatioo, a source of inspiration and an encouraging reassurance of the value of our work here. we are cominced that we must not resign ourselves to the -many serious diffiOJlties that are endangering universal peace. This is our world and we, together, bear the responsibility to preserve and imprOl1e it, for present and future generatioos. Hr. HILAIRE (Haiti) (interpretation from French); I would fir st like to express my de1egaticn's warm ccngratulations to AriDassadorChoucl1ury on his election to the presidency of the forty-first s~sicn of the United Naticns General Assen:bly. This great hooour paid to him is tmdoubtedly also a well-deserved tr ibute to the Republic of Bangladesh, which has oonstantly endor sed and actively prom::>ted the thi~ Nations aims of peace and co~peration. I also wish to convey to Mr. Jame de Pinies, his predecessa:, our ccngratulations on his brilliant performance as Presid€nt of the last session. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) It is a great hcnour fee me to speak in th is august AsseDbly on behalf of a people which, with exemplary courage and at enQrlDOUS sacrifice, has just brought to an end the 100g night of oppression that descended upon Haiti almost 30 years ago. l'oday, the freedom won by rebel1ioo is being consolidated through dialogue. The people, too loog Cll7erlooked, fully intends to take charge of its destiny and, under the leadership of the Natiooal Governing Council, which wishes to act as the executor of the will of the people, the normalization of life is continuing. we have undertaken a coherent, realistic programne of actioo, aimed primarily at establishing democracy on a solid foundatioo that will preclude any attempt to bring back tyranny. It provides for reforms to pcomote and guarantee the functiming of authentic deIIDcracy based 00 the participation and consent of the governed and str ict respect for their fundamentaJ. rights in full accordance with the purposes and principles of the thited Nations Charter. In pursuit of this programne, a poltical time-table has been drawn up with specific dates for the different stages that should lead, in Novenber 1987, to free and fair elections and, in February 1988, to the establishment of a democratic GCII7ernment in keeping wi th the aspirations of the Hai tian people. Political prisooers, without exception, have been freed~ there has been a mass return of exiles of all poll tical persuasions~ and the many decrees which in the past had unjustly robbed many of our countrymen of their nationality and goods have been repealed. At the same time, new legislation has been enacted on the formation of political parties, freedom of the press, and the establishment of a Constituent Assembly with the task of prepar ing a new, fundamentally democratic consti tutim by the end of 1986. (Hr. Hilaire, Haiti) Also, an electioo, for the first time, of rural administrative comcils has pi:avided an essen"tial stage in the p;:ogr~ of action designed to encourage t..tle rural masses to participate actively in the natioo.ls life from henceforth. Furthermore, the Haitian Government is keenly aware of the need for large-scale actioo to deal with the grave ecooomic and social problems inherited from the former regime and to promote the structural changes that will make it possible to meet the expectations of the people. In this regard, the President of the National Governing Council, Lieutenant-General Benri NaD'{)hy, recently made the follow ing statement: "What \'Je must do is lay the foundations of healthy politi ~l democracy and bring about a significant and lasting transforllBtion of the living conditions of 6 millioo Haitians, 75 per cent of whom live belCM the absolute poverty threshold.· Thus, the Government has resolutely embarked 00 the task of bringing about the necessary changes for the sound and effective management of the natiooal ecooany and public finances and to create the conditioos peeded for sustained developnent. Of course the 1lBin effort must be a na tiooal effort, a1 though we must not underestimate the assistance that the internatiooal conmunity is giving us in one form or another. Indeed, we attam the greatest possible importance to the praiseworthy and persevering efforts of Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Ulited Nations secretary-General, in terms of the mandate entr.usted to him by the General Assembly to mobilize and co-ord ina te for the benefit of the Republic of Haiti a substantial flCM of aid which will make it possible for Haiti to overcome the:! structural obstacles and adverse ccndi tions that stand in the way of its social and ecooomic developnent. My delegation wishes to take this occasion to pay him a special tr ibu te for those efforts. BG/ll A/41/PV.23 49-50 (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) The Haitian Government is also pleased to note the understanding ~at has been shown in various organs and institutions of the united NatiCXls system and the constructive atti tude of Meut-er States t which have spmtaneously come forward to co-operate with us in a spirit of solidarity with Haiti and its people. This co-operation will certainly hasten the advent of the just and demcra tic society we so earnestly desire. * *The President returned to the Chair. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) It is in a context of violence and disturbing decline in the level of international the forty-first session of the General Assemhly is meeting. The Organization's repeated appeals to Member States to refrain from the threat or use of force in international relations have gone largely unheeded. Today, no part of the world is untouched by the crisis situation created by evermore numerous sources of conflict. Reaffirming its faith in our Organization, the Republic of Haiti, in the light of the ideals and principles of the Charter, wishes to clarify its position on the principal problems of international peace and security. The situation in southern Africa is marked by the persistence of two major challenges: the sorry question of apartheid and the 20-year-long illegal occupation of Namibia. Resorting to unprecedented oppression that has already caused more than 2,000 deaths over the past 18 months, the white majority persists in imposing its will on the black majority, the Coloureds and front-line countries, in addition, it refuses to leave Namibia, notwithstanding the demands of the United Nations. Nothing, therefore, could be more natural than for our Organization to take the lead and in using law, logic and common sense to oppose brute force in the service of blind passion, selfish interests and unwholesome prejudice. If, in the case of this conflict as in the case of so many others, its efforts have not yet met with success, that is due in large part to the collusion between South Africa and certain Governments that claim to oppose apartheid but at the same time refuse to match their words by deeds. The magnitude of that undisguised complicity is evidenced by their actions in the SecuI'ity Council, which have resulted in protecting Pretoria so far from comprehensive mandatory sanctions, which are the only means of facilitating a peaceful negotiated solution. (Hr. Hilaire. Haiti) None the less, we have been encouraged by the determination of the Namibian and South African peoples, which, under the le~dership, respectively, of the South West Africa P~~ple's organization (SWAPO) and the South African liberation movements, are struggling by all possible means to put an end to what could be described as the scandal of this last part of the century. Nearer home, in Central America, the situation remains critical. For Haiti, which has made non-intervention, non-interference and the right of peoples to self-determination the bases of its foreign policy, the efforts of the Contadora Group provide the best chance of a comprehensive peaceful solution. They deserve our whole-hearted support. with regard to the conflict over the Malvinas, as we call them, we remain concerned at the absence of practical results. Our position is that reflected in resolution 40/21, adopted at the last session of the General Assembly, of which we were a sponsor. In essence, that resolution called for the resumption of negotiations between Argentina and the United Kingdom, without pre-conditions. Equally alarming for the international community are the situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, where the presence of foreign forces of occupati.on poses a threat to regional peace and stability, damages efforts towards co-operation and compromises opportunities for development. Notwithstanding the opinion of the vast majority of the international community and the unflagging efforts of the Secretary-General, no progress has been made towards political settlements that would end the indescribable sufferings of the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples. Jealous of its independence, Haiti has always opposed and will continue to oppose foreign intervention and occupation of any kind. We reaffirm our opposition to the presence of occupation forces, the withdrawal of which is the essential factor in creating conditions conducive to negotiated solutions that recognize the sovereignty, independence and non-aligned status of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) Still with regard to Asia, the Government of the RepUblic of Haiti is following with attention the moves to~ard~ th~ r~unificatio" of the Ko£ean flation. It is pleased at the results already achieved and we unreservedly support the idea of the admission of the two Koreas as Members of the united Nations, in the hope that that integration would not only make it possible to hear at last the voice of the Korean pecpl~, but, fUi:thei:, facilitate the effective rapprochemen:'~ of those two States by leading to a relaxation of the tensions in that part of the world. In the case of Cyprus, the Republic of Haiti, which has always recognized the virtues of dialogue and working together to solve problems, believes that that country's situation is not irremediable. While reaffirming our full support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus, we appeal to the parties concerned to support the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring about a constructive dialogue aiming at a just and lasting solution to the problem of Cyprus. As for the conflict between Iran and Iraq, we remain greatly concerned by the enormous loss of human life, the squandering of tremendous economic resources and the threats to regional peace and security involved. In this connection, all parties in a position to exert any positive influence on the bel1igerents should pool their efforts to prevail upon them to end the hostilities. Those and other confrontations, in addition to acts of terrorism, are only prolonging the sufferings of the peoples of the region. We reaffirm our solidarity with martyred Lebanon, the innocent victim of a situation that appea~$ to be beyond its control. In the same context, there is the question of Palestine, which remains at the core of the Middle East conflict. We reaffirm our support for Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which recognizes as an essential element for the esablishrnent of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East the withdrawal of RM/12 A/41/PV.23 54-55 (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) Israel from the occupied territories and acknowledgement of the right of every State in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. We also support the legitimate demands of the Palestinian people, which, like all other peoples in the world, is entitled to its homeland. The picture wo~ld be incomplete were it confined solely to situations of armed confrontation withnut taking into account potential sources of tension or friction that could degenerate into conflict. As we know, the economic noose that is tightening around so many peoples is creating a flow of large numbers of emigrants to other shores and countries in search of a better life. Haiti has not escaped that situation. We are well aware of the difficulties created by this flood of emigrants without resources and of the problems it can cause the host countries. We are determined to continue to take steps to stop it. However, we vigorously protest against their maltreatment, harsh exploitation of their labour and the utter contempt with which they are all too often treated wherever they happen to end up. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) We appeal to the humanitar ian s entiments of the peoples of the O1i ted Ha tions to respect the dignity of those starving castaways. Here, again, we should like to be able to count on the experience and assistance of the canpetent agencies of the United Nations. Aloogside those focal points of tension and conflict that it is possible to localize geographically, there exists another form of violence, wich strikes all parts of the planet just when it is the least expected and the victims of which can be women, children, the elderly and the ailing. The ~public of Haiti vigorously oondemnsthat unrestrained and blind violence which oonstitutes international terror ism and we oall upon the international community to c:o~perate in fighting it and el iminating the causes likely to engender it. As we consider terror ism here, surely we should also consider the folly of the arms race. The world1s arsenals are daily filling with terrifying weapons - chemical, biological and nuclear, as if conventional weapons were not enough. Mankind has imperceptibly beoome accustomed to the idea of an armed peace, of the balance of terror - there is even talk of invulnerable security - without realizing that the human race is being forced daily to live aloogside means that are more than sufficient to wipe it off the face of the Earth. Space as well seems to be scheduled to become a theatre for that operatioo of extermina Hoo, for terror must henceforth affect the wole world. We urgently appeal to the super-Power s to renounce th is nuclear madness and to heed the voice of reason in order to stop this side of the point of no return that they are approaching at dizzying speed. We are gratified by the overtures recently made on both sides and we view with satisfaction and hope the manifestation of that willingness to talk which is undoubtedly the first step towards ooncerted action and solidarity. What is at stake is vital for humanity, for it is nothing less than the survival of us all. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) We eaU upon the super-Powers, under the aegis of the Organizatioo, to come up with a realistic plan for balanced disarmament in order to make peace possible. The wocld. needs to devote all its resources - both human and naterial - to solving the economic crisis which also is world wide. It affects all nations, the most highly developed as well as the least developed. 8Jt· for the latter, its effects are devastating. In a market which they do not control, the prices of the developing countr ies I exports have been steadily falling. At the same time, those of their imports have steadily increased. Despite a significant drop, the oil bill remains pt"ohibitive foe the developing countries that do not promce oil. The result of this situation can be seen in an increasing balance of trade defici t which alooe is capable of upsetting the fragile ecooomy of the least advanced coUltries. If, with the sustained and noo-inflatiooary growth recorded over the past four years in most of the industrialized colmtries, the risk of an aggravation of the crisis may seem to have been averted, the present situatioo nooe the less proves that it would be illusory to hope that the recovery in the North would alooe be enough to create the fundamental conditioos for accelera~d developnent for the third woeld. Despi te the undoubted improvements that can be seen notably in the perceptible progress in world trade and the drop in interest rates and inflation rates, statistics clearly show that apart from certain rai:e successes, there has in fact been no serious reduction in the degree of the cr is is affecting the developing nations.' MoreOll'er, real per capita income remains at a standstill or has dropped, as is the case on the African cootinent, where it remains on the average at its 1970 level. In regard to La tin AlDer ica, a recent report put out by the EConomic Commissioo for La tin America (ECLA) in Apt il 1986 notes that the per capi ta gross domestic proCbct in 1985 'WS no higher than in 1977. (Hr. Hilaire, Haiti) At the same title, with an average of 3 per cent of gross domestic product devoted to annual interest payments on its external debt, the third world has gradually entered into a true vicious circle, against wich the weak measures adopted so far have prOl1ed ineffective. In brief, the developnent of scores of countries throucj1out the world has slowed down for the past 10 years, as is stressed in the 1985 Report 00 World Developnent put out by the ii>rld Bank. In this regard, the Haitian delegation must refer to the particularly alarming situation of the least developed countr ies which, because of their structural handicapS, resin the most vulnerable and are ultimately the most seriously affected by this state of affairs. The recent SUbstantial New Progranme of ktioo for the 1980s has, at the halfway stage, drawn up a report of bitter failure - two thirds of the least developed countr ies today have an income lower than that at the beginning of the decade. That Programme clearly demonstrated that if the international conmunity did not urgently adopt the necessary measures to put the Programme fully into effect, that tendency towardE decline in the ecooomic situation of the least developed countr ies would become even wor se and would hO\Te the most serious consequences for their people. It is time to call into question the structures of inequality, the failures of the mchinery of international solidarity and the lack of political will, sometimes verging on indifference, as the result of which such setbacks have become poss ible. This leads us to wooder what the final record of the Th ird tlli ted Na tioos Developnent Decade will be if fundamental changes and the appropr iate and essential transfers of resources capable of infusing the third world countries with a new growth dynamic are not rapidly effected. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) In ~at measure will the international commlX\ity be able to respond to these expeuta tiOiiS? "' .... _.L .:_ .L.'O" .L;:Ji ta'ie crucial quasticn i,., the convict!m that any true solution lies in a new vision of interdependence, wich would bring the developing COuntr ies into full association with the economic expans ioo and prosper! ty of the affluent colX\tries and would in that regard proIOOte a better balance at all levels of the North-South relationship. Finally, we cannot fail to mentioo the growing ravages of the international drug trade, to which there should be a rapid and effective response. The Government of the Republic of Haiti, for its part, is taking the necessary measures to combat this problem and is ready to take an active part in any internatiooal action aimed at eradica ting it. These are all question which the united Natioos is working tirelessly to solve and which would themselves alooe justi fy an increase in its resources and the unreserved support of its Members. (Mr. Hilaire, Huiti) Of course, the limitation of its means can result only in the limitation of its action. For us, the small countries that benefit most from the Organization's ass istance programmes, the budgetary constraints imposed upon it are a source of grave concern, even alarm. The United Nations makes up for so many deficiencies - those that come from us ourselves and those that come from OIl tside - and its role as an agent of progress and international co~peration is so well known that there is no need for me to dwell on it. In t.'le final analysis, the Organization cannot respond effectively if we in the community of States lower the prestige of its organs by failures, by making excuses, by simply ignoring their recommendations and decisions, and by encroaching on their powers and canpetence, or if procedural subtleties or cleverness reduce the Organization's budget and thus its role in wor ld affair s. No~e of us, large or small, stand to gain from that. Without a stroog and effective tbited Nations, the situation in the world can only get worse. Let us rally round and revitalize the tbited Nations and restore to it the means to act so that it nay realize its ideals of peace, justice, solidar ity and progress. That is the challenge we must all help it to meet. That is the wish of my delega tion. ADDRESS BY MR. DESIRE D. BOUTERSE, HEAD OF OOVERmENT OF THE REEUBLIC OF SURINAME
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• (continu~d) REVIEW OF THE EFFICIENCY OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND FINANCIAL FUNCTIONING OF THE UNITED NATIONS (a) REPORT OF THE GROUP OF HIGH-LEVEL INTERGOVERNMENTAL EXPERTS TO REVIEW THE EFFICIENCY OF THE ADMINISTRATIVE AtID FINANCIAL FUNCTIONING OF THE UNITED NATIONS (A/4l/49) (b) NOTE BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (A/4l/663) Mr. NOWORYTA (Poland) (interpretation from Spanish): I should like to express to the delegation of El Salvador our profound sympathy with regard to the disastrous earthquake, which has caused so much material damage, loss of life and suffering for so many victims in his country. Let me also convey the most cordial congratulations to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar on his unanimous re-election to the high post of Secretary-General of the United Nations, an event that aroused great satisfaction in Poland. (continued in English) Our Organization is going through a very difficult period. All of us are fully aware of the fact that the financial crisis has deep political roots and is a reflection of the current international climate. We consider as inadmissible any financial pressure on the Organization as well as any attempts to undermine the principles set forth in the Charter. It is in our interest to overcome current difficulties and to confirm our willingness to co-operate more harmoniously for the benefit of the united Nations and its Members. Poland has always adhered, and continues to adhere, strictly to the purposes and principles of the Charter. We have always been interested in the proper functioning of the Organization and for this reason we attach great importance to the good management and efficient use of the financial res~~rces made available to (Mr. Noworyta, Poland) the united Nations by Member States. por years we have been advocating budgetary restraint and our position of principle in that respect has proceeded frem the paramount consideraHon that the Organization's expenditure had to be commensurate with the overall financial situation of its Member States, especially at a time when many countries were facing the grave consequences of the economic crisis. It is our considered view that the current financial crisis of the United Nations should be placed in the proper perspective. While striving to make the necessary economies we should not lose sight of the essential objective, namely, that of enhancing the effectiveness of the Organization in cartying out its substantive programmes and activities. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Polish People's Republic, Marian Orzechowski, stated in the general debate: "Poland is aware of the financial difficulties of the Organization. We are in favour of reducing the operating costs of the United Nations, but the extent of that reduction has to be determined by the need to maintain the ability of the United Nations to fulfil its statutory functions under the Charter". (A/4l/PV.lO, p. 76 ) In keeping with the position held by the Polish delegation in the General Assembly and in the Fifth Committee for a number of years we consider th~t, inter alia, the following specific measures, if consistently implemented, are capable of improving the work of and strengthening the Organization: elimination of overlapping and duplication of the work programmes within the United Nations; concentration on selected priorities, and elimination of activities that are obsolete, marginally useful and ineffective; ~o-ordination of activities throughout the United Nations system; reduction of redundant posts and limitation of the policies of reclassification; limitation or elimination of the so-called supplementary estimates. (Mr. Noworyta, Poland) With this in mind we welcomed the process of decelerating the rate of growth in consecutive programme budgets as well as economy measures undertaken by the Secretary-General in response to the impending financial crisis. We highly commend the policy of financial restraint initiated by Mr. Perez de Cuellar in his capacity as chief administrator of the Organization. We welcome the outcome of the deliberations of the Group of High-level Intergovernmental Experts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations contained in their report (A/4l/49). At this point we would like to thank the members of the Group for their efforts in preparing the report, the main thrust and orientation of which meets with our general approval. Although the report is less than comprehensive in view of the fact that the Group of Experts has deliberately put aside the very pertinent question of the review of intergovernmental machinery and as it lacks the agreed conclusions on the important QUestions of programme planning and programme budgeting, it contains a number of recommendations which can serve as a basis for decisions at this session of the General Assembly. As to the substance of the recommendations I should like to make some comments of a general nature, as we expect that a detailed discussion will take place in the Fifth Committee. First, we regret that the Group has not been able to reach a consensus on the whole content of the report. We are of the opinion that all the recommendations should be adopted by consensus, which would create the necessary conditions for the implementation of recommendations and would enhance their impact. (Hr. Noworyta, Poland) secondly, as far as the review of intergovern.ental aachinery and its functi~,in9 is concerned, this la a =atter - as the report rightly indicates - falling within the ca.petence of Governaents. We consider that a nuaber of subsidiary bodies can be .erged or disposed of. But special care should be taken in reviewing the United Nations activities concerning peace and international security. (Hr. Noworyta, Poland) we should also bear in mind that in the eccnomic and social fields a nuuber of badies, especially regicnal economic COElissicns, play an iJIportant role as platforms foe dialogue and co-oPeratioo, as is the case with the Eccnomic Ca-issioo for Europe. Any measures aiming at improving the financial efficiency of the Uti ted Nations should not mdermine the scope and level of internatiooal co-operatioo ach ieved so far. Thirdly, we consider chapter VI to be the most fundamental part of the report. Its ccntent will have a lcng-standing impact 00 the functicning of the Organizatioo. The Polish delegatioo supports the necessity of ensuring that the resources available to the Organization are used most effectively, and thus, in the spirit of good co-operatioo, is ready for further discussiat in order to achieve a decisioo based on the IX inciple of consensus. Fourthly, we agree with the IXoposal that some subsidiary bodies, such as, for example, the Committee on Cooferences, should be given broader responsibilities in order to strengthen the efficiency of the Organization. However, we are of the opinion that no subsidiary body should have broader responsibilities than the General Assembly itself. Such a body cannot be transformed into the policy-making body. Fifthly, Poland has always attached great importance to the problem of personnel" We consider the human factor an ;.:.nportant tool in improving the efficiency and effectiveness of the Organization. It is with deep regret and concern, therefore, that we note that the Group of High-level IntergOl1ernmental Eltperts has demonstrated a lack of sensibility to the interests, needs and policies of, especially, smaller States. we might even say that some recommendations are directed against them. We have in mind reconmendations 55 and 57, concerning the problem of permanent versus iixed-term ccntracts. Likewise we are concerned lest the redJctioo of petscnnel by attrition should bring about further deterioraticn (Kt. Noworyta, Poland) of the regional representation in the tbited Nations secretariat of Eastern Ectope as a whule and of its indiviwal memers. we consider that it is the sOI1erei91 right of every State to decide on the type of each appointment. Parts of recaamendations 55 and 57 concerning the ratio of permanent to fixed-term contracts run counter to the principle of equitable geographical distribution. The secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, in his acceptance speech on 10 OCtober 1986 spoke about the -moral duty towards the tbited Nations- and -the creative opportunity for renEHal and reform wich the pcesent crisis may provide- (A/41/PV. 33, p. 7). I th ink we should all assume th is mora1 doty towards the United Nations and use the pcesent crisis as a p:>int of departure for renewal and reform of the tbited Nations, wich we all need badly, and mace at the present IllOment than ever before. I should like to assure you, Kt. president, and the MeIlbers of the General Asseooly that the Polish delegation will wack unrelentively towards this goal with a view to achieving concrete results in the imp:>rtant matter of improving the efficiency of the administrative and financial functiming of the tbited Nations. Mr. OUOOVENKO (Ukrainian soviet SOcialist Bepublic) (intarpretation from Russian): The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR wishes to express its sympathy with the people of El 53lvador in the natural disaster which has struck their country. The results of the general debate held in the past few weeks constitute, in our view, a further affirmation of the fact that the peoples r)f the world are looking to the tklited Nations with great hope. They believe in the possibility of the achievement of its lofty objectives, the most important of Which, in this (Hr. OUdovenko, Ukrain!an SSR) nuclear-miss Ue age, is to pce'1ent mank ind frOll dri fting towards nuclear disaster. The fact t-Itat this is a complex objective involving many difficulties which must be overcome if there is to be a successful outcome was demons tra ted by the recent Jlleeting in Iceland between the General secretary of the Central CODIDittee of the Camnunist Party of the SoIriet thiQ'l, MikhaU Sergeivich Gcxbachev, and the President of the O1ited States, 9:)nald Reagan. We cannot but regret that, despite the fact that the Soviet tbion made substantive coocessions and showed maximum flexibility and a constructive spir it, the positioo of the washington Administration 00 fundamental issues of war and peace, the cessation of the nuclear arms race and the PCOllOtion of disa1;'mament made the ac:hievement of tangible results in :Reykjavik impossible. At the same time, we wish to emJ;basize that it was an interesting, important and very promising meeting whic:h showed that agreement is possible. That meeting was further pcoof of the usefulness of Soviet-American dialogue, above all on the major issue of concern today to the peoples of all countries, the question of the maintenance of peace. Today it is more obvious than ever before that the struggle to normalize the internatiooal situation and find Wl!lys out of the present situation of deadlock must involve all States and peoples. As was stated at a press oonference in Reykjavik by Mr. C',ocbachev: BAll of us, whether we live in the socialist world, the capitalist world or the developing wodd, today have a waique opportwaity finally to achieve the cessatioo of the arms race and the banning and destruction of nuclear weapons, and to rid mankind of the nuclear threat.· An ever greater role in adlieving these objectives is being played by forums of IlIl1tilateral diplomcy. During the past few mooths alooe we have seen that multilateral diplomacy has soored a number of successes. These include the (Hr. Oudovenko, tltrain!an SSR) successful catC'lusion of the Stockholm Ccnference CI'ld the drafting and si9'ling in the International Atomic Energy J,qency of conventions establishing the basis for an internaticnal regime for the safe dselopment of nuclear energy. They also include progress in the negotiaticns on the banning of cbeaieal weapons and the reaffirEtion of the effectiveness of the Convention baming bacteriologioal weapons at the Ccnferences in Geneva. A special role among those Jlultilateral forums is pla~d by the United Nations. It is a mique centre ,,*,ic:h can not cnly assist individual States to reach agreements in keeplng with universal goals but also serve as a guarantee of a ccmpcehensive security system in a future non-nuclear world. we are convinced that, despite all its drawbacks and weaknesses, the United Nations can make a worthy cmtribution to the cause of preventing nuclear war and curbing the arms race, and can prOJlX)te constructive dialogue among States. Of course, if its possibilities are to be fully realized in the interest of miversal peace, steadfast co~liance by Member States with the provisicns of the United Naticns Charter and purposeful efforts to increase the efficiency of its functiming are essential. (Hr. OUdovenko, Ukrain!an SSR) Unfortunately, the United Nations has entered upon its fifth decade in a difficult financial p)sition. There can be no doubt that the situation is having extremely negative effects on the abUity of the Olited Nations to solve effectively the complex problems placed before it by the world coumunity. The resumed session of the General AsseJlbly, wich took place this Spring, as well as the events of the last few days, have clearly demonstrated who is responsible for the financial crisis of the United Nations, and at its basis naturally we find political considerations. It has made it clear who is \3'ldermining its foundations and who is ready to carry out commitments in accocdance with the Charter. The actions of the United States administration openly aimed at undermining the tlli ted Na tions cannot be masked by rhetodc, regardless of the high level on which this rhetoric may be uttered. This time, the major weapon in the arsenal of subvers ive means used against the United Nations is financial IXessure. This is the means nat selected by the Uni ted States. Everyooe is well aware of the dedication of the tlli ted states to the ideals of private enterprise. Hatever - and this also should be particularly stressed - the idea of transforming the General AsseJtbly into something like a meeting of bank stockholders, in which the decisive voice is held by the richest of them, a man wose views and behaviour are not open to discussion and are dacisive, runs counter to the very principles of the universal international Organizatioo and to the fundamental pcOl7isions of its Charter. The ser ies of actions undertaken by the United Sta tes with regard to the tlli ted Nations and a nuJtber 0 f representa tives of MeJtber States, including the Permanent Mission of the Ukrainian SOviet SOcialist Republic to the United Nations, give grounds for the cooclusioo that authorities of the host country are violating the obligation they have undertaken to ensure the conditions needed for the normal (Hr. OUdovenko, Ukr3inian SSR) activities of the O1ited Nations Md the unhanpered participltion of its Menber States in the wt>r k. Using false assulllPtions and truqJed-up assertions the authorities of the host countries Sgt up numerical limitations on the staff of the missions, and have carried out harassment of individual workers in the secretariat. nesp! te pcessure and attacks at the O1ited Nations, the intecnaticnal conmunity and all those Who ...-herish the achievements, ideals and principles of the O1ited Nations must vigocously c.~ttoe to the defence of this ooique organizatioo, whose role in today's world is irreplacable. We have before us for our consideration the report of the Group of High-level IntergOlTernmental EKperts, which was entrusted wi th carrying out a detailed survey of the administrative and financial as~cts of united Nations activities. OUr delegation is fully aware of the incredibly canpIex task that fa~d the Group. Wi thin a very sha:t per iOO of time it had to carry out a study of a great nwrber of extremely canplex problems, and al though many of the recommendati\:lns of the Group are too general in nature and repeat and reaffirm existing resolutions of the General Assenbly, while othecs require careful study and explanatioo, the delegation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Rep.1blic would like to expcess to the Group its gratitude for the wcxk it has date. Here I should like to limit myself to general conments on the report. During 40 years a great nUnDer of fcxums have been held lnlder the tllited Nations. Many of them have marked significant events in today's historn many of them up to now still serve as reference points fa: inter-State co-operation in internatiatal relations. HCMever, in recent times MenDer States have expressed their concern regarding a lack of efficiency in the use of conference resources. 1'I1at deserves s~.r ious consideration in this respect are the recoIllllendations of the Group of 18 regarding a restructuring of the intergOlTernmental machinery, the need to eliminate (Hr. OUdovenko, Ukrainiar. S~R) obvious duplication in conference agendas, the programmes of the week of various bodies, cut-backs in the nUJli)er: of Jleetings and remction of the volume of Cbcumentatioo. A specific role in this restruct.uring must be played by the Comittee on Cooferences. However, to maintain its effectivenesc, the COltlDittee must carry out its activities in strict canpliance with the decisions of the General AsseJlbly and in so doing must be guided by the priorities laid down at the intergovernmental level. In the difficult machinery of the Organizatioo the Secretariat is the pI imary link: it is on the accurate and harmonious work of the Secretariat that the functicning of the tbited Nations depends. Therefoce the Group of 18 was quite justified in dedicating the greatest nUJli:)er - namely 27 - of its 70 recomnendatioos to this mtter. Here I should like in particular to em};ilasize that implementation of the recomnendatioos of the Group dealing with the organizational structure of the Secretariat and also ",i::r. the organization and reduction of staff must be carried out in full compliance with the priorities of progralllDes in the political, eccnomic and social spheres. No one has any doubts regarding the truth of the statement made by the Group in paragraph 45 of its report: -The efficiency of the United Nations depends to a large extent on the performance of its Secretariat and other organs; the quality and usefulness of the Secretariat are, in turn, dependent upon the quality anl./ dedication of its staff. - I think that on the whole there is no basis for casting any doubt on the present level of skills and the dedication of the majority of the tbited Nations Secretariat staff members. What is of the greatest importance here is a carefully thought out, canpr ehens ive, balanced selection of personnel based on broad geographical representatioo. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR believes that the entire section of the Group's reoomendations on perscnnel matters should be studied and considered in the IlOSt serious way possible befcxe the General Assenbly takes a final decisioo on it. The most L~ :::opriate and competent body for such wcxk is the Int~natiooalCivil Service Commissioo. SUch careful consideration is necessary because this section contains a nUJlber of recoumendatioos which were not agreed upon and Which, in our view, are totally unacceptable. First and foremost here, I am referring to recoJBllE!ndations 55 and 57. As regards chapter IV of th~; repoct, as we "ee it the Group did not define clearly enough the objectives and purpose of the maChinery for control and assessment within the thited Nations system. In the view of the Group, which we share, it should promote a strengthening of confidence in the Orqanizatioo and serve as testimooy to the fact that resources are being used in the most effective and best way possible. Recomnendations 63 to 67 adequately specify the functioos and objectives of an important element of thited Nations cmtrol, namely, the Joint Inspectim tl'lit. The section dedicated to the procedlre for planning and prepar ing the budget, al though it was included by the Group at the end of the report, deserves particular attention because of its significance. The fact that the Group was unable to prodlce unanimous recommenda Hons on these extremely important questions testifies to the fact that the problem of planning and of making up the budget is one which must be considered once again, taking into accomt the views of as many Menber States as possible. (Mr. OUdovenko, Ukrainian SSR) In conclusicn, our delegation would like to emphasize that we share the view eX);Eessed here that the rep:n:t of the Group of 18 is only a beginning in the reform process. The implementation of this process must be ccntinued by other intergovernmental bodies and by the secretary-General of the Organization, with the active participation of the Mellber States. Foe its part, the Ukrainian SSR is ready to promote actively the search for mutually acceptable decisions in the area of restructuring the activities of the Organization and will support any decisions which are really aimed at enhancing the efficiency of the work of the O1ited Nations. Mr. PERM (Sweden): Allow rue first of all to convey to the delegation and people of El Salvador the sincere condolences of the Swedish delegation and of the Swedish Government on the tragic disaster that has recently occurred in that country. Sweden was a co-sponsor of the draft resolution that led to the establishment, less than a year ago, of the Group of High-Level Intergovernmental Experts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the united Nations. The review has been undertaken during a period in which the united Nations is facing a severe financial crisis, and it has been carried out in response to a generally recognized need for reforms in the financial and administrative areas of the Organization. My delegation recognizes the urgency of now finding solutions to the problems confronting the Organization, solutions that will ensure the structural and administrative efficiency of our Organization and safeguard its financial stability. My country has, for a long time, supported measures to improve the functioning of the Organization. From time to time, Sweden has put forward proposals to this effect. In 1983, for instance, the Nordic countries together pres~nted a report on the strengthening of the United Nations, in which a greater role for the Organization was also advocated. The High-Level Group has made a tremendous effort and should be congratulated for work well done. In a brief period, a little more than six months, under the energetic chairmanship of Mr. Vraalsen of Norway, it has addressed a multitude of complicated issues of great importance and relevance to the United Nations. The Swedish Government is pleased to support the general thrust of the report of the Group (A/4l/49), as well as the general direction of most of the recommendations. As I understand the thrust of the report, it contains a clear signal to the Secretary-General to go ahead with rationalization and streamlining of his (Mr. Perm, Sweden) secretariat. The Swedish Government is particularly gratified that the High-Level Group underlines the responsibilities of the Secretary-Gen~ralfor managing the Organization. The report clearly spells out the need for management skills. These aspects appear primarily in chapter IV of the report which deals with personnel. My delegation is of the view that the authority and responsibility of the Secretary-General as chief admir~strative officer should be equally exercised in all parts of the Secretariat. In the years ahead, a high degree of professionalism will be ~eauired for the successful management, on all levels, of the medium-sized bureaucracy that is the United Nations Secretariat. In his note (A/4l/663), the Secretary-General has made some initial observations of a broader nature on the report of the High-Level Group. My delegation shares several of the views expressed in the secretary-General's note. with regard to the intergovernmentol machinery, the Group has recommended that an intergovernmental body undertakes a careful and in-depth stud~ of the entire economic and social sector. InclUding this larger, far-reaching study, my delegation has counted more than ten re91ews of varying scope to be conducted under the different chapters of the report. The Swedish delegation agrees with the Secretary-General that there is a significant interrelationship between some of the measures proposed. The Secretary-General rightly points to the need of an orderly, sequential process that will permit rational implementation. A few recommendations contain elements that are perhaps not fully in harmony with traditional Swedish policy in international organizations. Some of the Secretary-General's observations on staff entitlements and related issues seem particularly pertinent to my delegation. I do not wish to go into details, but one such recommendation is recommendation 61. We are all aware that agreement on chapter VI entitled -Planning and budget procedure- remains to be achieved. I wish to emphasize the importance of (Mr. Perm, Sweden) reaching a solution on this key tssue. My delegation is prepared to participate in open-ended consultations to this effect. It believes that the consultations should not be limited to the three options contained in the report. Also, combinations of elaments in those three options, as well as perhaps other ideas, could be discussed. I regret that the High-Level Group has not addressed the sharing of the expenses of the Organization. The Swedish Government believes that a revision of the present method of assessing contributinns is an essential reform that should be included in a comprehensive solution of the problems facing the united Nations. Tha idea of distributing the financial burden more evenly among Member States was highlighted by several speakers at the fortieth commemorative session of the General Assembly last year. The late Swedish Prime Minister, Olof Palme, was one of them. This idea is not new. Various thoughts have circulated for many years, informally in the united Nations, and among interested individuals and institutions outside. It remains the conviction of my Government that a more even apportionment of assessments would reflect, better than at p:esent o the fact that the United Nations is the instrument of all nations. The Organization would be less dependent on contributions from any single Member State. This, in turn, would be likely to improve the balance and coherence in the functioning of the world body, thereby enhancing its efficiency and effectiveness. It is the clear impression of the Swedish Government that the idea of a different and more even distribution of assessments is receiving favourable rp-sponses in principle from a number of countries. The main reason that neither the High-Level Group nor the Committee on Contributions have been able to address this issue seems to be, in my jUdgement, a basic reluctance on the part of delegations and individual experts to recommend that their Governments assume, together with others, a somewhat greater financial responsibility. Another reason (Mr. Ferm, Sweden) could be the formal objection that the apportionment so far is based broadly on '"'lpacity to pay. A different scale based on evenness as one major criterion would perhaps depart from the traditional interpretation of the concept of capacity to pay. Therefore, what would be required is a new interpretation, whereas the concept itself, in my opinion, need not necessarily be revised. How then do we overcome these difficulties which seem to stand in the way of an idea that many Governments find attractive in principle? I cannot but believe that given the political will, the technical problems could also be resolved. SWeden, for its part, intends to keep the idea alive. The present crisis of the United Nations is sometimes said to originate in an imbalance between the irresponsibility of the many who pay little to the Organization and the obligations of the few who pay the lion's share of the expenses. (Mr. Ferm, Sweden) In the light of the purposes and principles of the United Nations, I should like to ask the following guestions. What example have some of the big and powerful Member States set for the small nations with regard to fulfilling their financial responsibility? Do the financial obligations to the united Nations weigh so heavily on the major contributors that we cannot tolerate criticism from the high organs of the world Organization? Have these high organs always been used for unselfish and constructive purposes in pursuit of the lofty goals of the united Nations by those that now accuse entire continents of financial irresponsibility in the united Nations? Perhaps these questions are worth pondering. On the procedure for dealing with the report of the Group of High-level Governmental Experts in the next few days and weeks, I would like to say the following. If the report truly provides the basis for reform on which the future of the united Nations as we know it rests, tnen who am I to specify that the discussion and examination should reauire exactly X number of days or no more than Y number of days? The report before us deals with the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the united Nations. No Member State could be, or is, against Unprovements in the administrative and financial functioning. Reform means change for the better. Let us welcome reform. with others, the Swedish Government shares the vision of a more efficient and effective united Nations. Together with others, my Government is equally anxious that the reform process that has been initiated does not compromise fundamental features of the structure and functioning of the Organization as laid down in the Charter. The Swedish delegation will work for an agteement on the issues before us. We are hopeful and confident that a consensus solution will emerge after Member States have had a chance to debate and examine the report. Sweden will join in that consensus. Mr. KOS'lOV (Bulgariah May I first of all express our sympathy with the people of El salvada: in connection with the tragic loss of life as a consequence of the recent <!arthquake in that country. Just a year ago we commemcxated the fortieth amiversary of the O1ited NatiCXls. This was an appropriate oocasim to review the record of the world Organization, as well as its role and importance in tackling the global problems of the pcesent time. '!belay we can confidently say that in spi te of all difficulties the O1i ted Nations has established itself as an integral and indispensable part of the system of contemporary international relations. The wor ld would indeed have been quite different if the countries on our planet had not had the opportunity, in spi te of their differ ences, to ga ther and ta1k to each other as equals and seek common language and tmderstanding for building a better world. Throughout its existence the United Nations has demonstrated that it can cmtr ibute effectively to strengthening wot'ld peace and securi ty, averting nuclear war, eliminating colmialism and racial diser imination, establishing an equitable and just system of internatimal ecooomic relations and solving important humanitarian and internatimal legal pcoblems. As has been underlined by the uajority of delegations at this session, the role of the world Organization is growing at the present momentous historical stage at which the internatimal community is confrmted wi th the question of establishing a reliable system of international peace and security. At the same time, we cannot but note that attempts have been made recently to question and denigrate the role and significance of the {hi ted Nations and to br ing political and financial pressure to bear upon the Organization in order to stDordinate its activities to selfish natiooal aims and interests. We consider this approach to be incompatible with the principles of the United Nations (Mr. Kostov, Bulgaria) Charter. In order to be able to function normally and successfully, the world Organization needs universal support and respect, especially now that it is confronted with serious financial difficulties and ways to surmount them are being sought. As the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic c~ Bulgaria said in the plenary meeting of the General Assembly: -Today we are all responsible for keeping alive and consolidating trt:st in the united Nations, which like a living organism develops and breathes i~ a changing POlitical climate.- (A!4ltpV.19, p. 28) Proceeding from this position, the People's Republic of Bulgaria, which has repeatedly declared its respect and support for the united Nations, in response to the appeal of the Secretary-General, paid its assessed contribution almost in full early in the year and made a voluntary contribution of $US 150,000 to the Special Fund established to overcome the financial difficulties of the Organization. Undoubtedly, in order to be able to pursue its highly noble goals, the Organization needs a stable financial basis and organizational structure. It is also beyond any doubt that the improvement of the efficiency of the work of the united Nations is ever more dependent upon the proper planning of its activities and the most effective utilization of available resources. We cannot but admit that there is a lot to be done in this respect and that the QUestion of improving efficiency was justifiably put on our agenda. It was for this reason that the People's Republic of Bulgaria endorsed the idea of establishing the Group of High-level Intergovernmental Experts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations. A study of its report shows that the Group has performed very substantial work and we take this opportunity to commend the members of the Group and its Chairman, Ambassador Tom Vraalsen, for their tireless efforts. The report contains a number (Kr. Kostov, Bulgar ia) of specific proposals ailled at ratialalbing and improving the administrl1tive and financial functiooing of the united Nations which could serve as a sound basis for mdertaking pcactical steps in the right direction. we support the reCODlTilendations aimed at remcing the number of conferences and meetings and shortening their dura time We view as accepteble the recanmendadon to merge the O1i ted Na tions departments and offices dealing with questions of a similar or related character. we also support the recommendations to recilce the nunber of staff menbers at all levels, particularly in the higher echeloos, which in our view should be done in accordance with tht! principle of equitable geographical distributiooo The recoDlllendation that the staff unions or associations finance all their activities fran their own flUlds also seems fairly reasooable to us. Other positive recolllllendations are those proposing the reduction of expenses for outside consultants and Official travel. Due attention should also be given to the recomnendaticn concerning an in-depth study of the intergovernmental structure of the O1ited Nations in the eccnomic and social fields. Slch a study could contribute to simplifying and rationalizing many activities in which at present numerous committees, commissions, sub-committees and working groups are involved. (Mr. Kosto", Bu19arfa) As can be seen from the report, the Group has not reached Cl consensus en certain important issues. One of these is the question of reorganizing the planning and budget mechanisE. We consider this question to be of the utmost importance, as it is well-knOrln that efficiency starts with sound bUdgeting and good plaming. The Group of High-level IntergO'lernmental E1tperts rightly points out that a major weakness of the current bUdgeting and prograllllling process is the lack of a clear linkage between pciority setting and resource requirements either in the medium-term plan or in the programe budget. It seems to us that a sound approach for prcwiding such linkage would be to merge the budgeting and prograume planning process, as suggested in reoolllllendatial 68, option C, and to entrust those two f\D'lctions to a single intergcwernmental body. Similarly, recomendation 68 B also proposes the establishment of such a body and specifically suggests that this body be renamed the Committee for Programne Budget and Co-ordination, which should take part in the planning and budget procedure throughout the process. The Bu19ar ian delegatial suppor ts the appr oach offered in these proposals. In our view, decision-making in the new body should retain the principle of consensus, and it should discharge its obligations in close co-<)peratial with the secretary-General and the Advisory Committee al Mmin is tra tive and Il1dgetary Questioos. As can be seen from the report, there have been certain disagreements anxmg the Group's mellbers calcerning some questions of personnel. An area of particular concern to us is those parts of the report that deal with the question of permanent caltracts. The Group has not reached consensus al this mtter, and we walder why the report includes reo:>nmendations of a questionable nablre in this respect. Becommendation 57, in particular, infringes upal the scwereign right of Men:ber States to determine themselves the mode of employment of their nationals in the (Mr. !fOstov, Bulgaria) tbited Nations secretariat. Furthermore, many MeDber States have been of the view over the years that renewable fixed-term appointments offer certain advantages in terlllS of efficiency by Ixinging new talent and experience, as well as fresh ideas and energy, to the secretariat. We would also recall that widespread rescxt to permanent contracts has ccntributed to the present lack of equitable geographical distribution of posts in the secretariat. In our view, it would therefore be premature to consider these reccmmendations now, befoce they have been carefully studied by other relevant bodies such as the International Civil service Comnissicn. I should also like to note that a nullber of other important issues related to imprOl1ing the efficiency of the United Nations have not been dealt with in the report of the Group. My delegatioo is of the opinioo that the recomnendations aoopted should be implemented under the cootrol of the General AsseDbly, taking into consideration the interests of Member States. The report is now to go to the Fifth Comnittee, where it will be given close consideratioo u The Bulgar ian delega tion is ready to coo tr ibute to the best of its ability to reaching a generally acceptable agreement on the reconmendations of the Group of High-level IntergCNernmental Experts. In spite of some shortcomings in the report, we share the view expressed by the secretary~neral in his note of 1 OCtooer 1986 that the Group's report ptOl1ides a basis for a process of change that could effect improvements in the administrative and financial functioning of the organizatioo. In this connection, I shall avail myself of this opportunity to extend to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar the coogratulations of the Bulgarian delegation on his re-appointment to the high and responsible post of Secretary-General of the United (Hr. Rostov, Bu19ar ia) Nations and to COIIDIend his valuable persmal ccntributicn to the joint effcxts _de to iaprOl7e the efficiency of the Qrganizatim. In conclusicn, I should like cnce again to declare that the People's Republic of B1lgar ia will oontinQJe actively to contr ibute to strengthening the United Hations, to imprO'ling its efficiency in all fields and to enhancing fur ther its role as the most important international forum of our time. Mr .. IDPEZ (Philippines): The rather bland and innocuous title of the present agenda item masks the brutal reality - nanely, the grave and possibly terminal financial ccndition of the thi ted Ha tions today, barely a year after a procession of Heads of State and Q:)vernment took to this podium to sing hosannas to it on its fortieth birthday amiversay. By a stroke of its legislative pen, one Member State, which is a financial minstay of the tllited Nations, has repldiated cne-fifth of its assessed thited Natioos oontr ibuticn. These are legal debt obligations of the sane character as that MetIber State's callable capital ccntributioo to the Wcxld Bank and regiooal developnent banks and its own Treasury securities, lcng considered in world security markets as at mce the safest investnlent and the safest store of value available. Coming from a country with a huge public debt, estimated at Sl.612 tr illicn - of l«1ich 13.31 per cent, a: $214.6 billioo, has been financed through bo:o:rowing from other Governments and the international pr ivate sector - its decisim del ibera tely to walk away, even if ooly partially, from a financial treaty obligatim to other Governments assembled in the United Naticns body corporate is a very strange me, indeed. Some rather inoongruous situations have emerged from all this. Thus, one MeIlber State wi th an annual per capita income of $9,104 is able to exercise full rights of membership in th::.s body despite a debt to thg United Nations of (Hr. IDpez, Philippines) $247,003,532, tlhUe Cl severely disadvantaged c:omtry with a meagre per capita income of S142 momentarily loses its voting rights in this Assembly for falling to pay a mere $58,500. The former is defaulting on an assessment which, because of the contributials ceiling, is less than its capacity to pay, while others, through the loss of travelling expenses for tw'o of their reiXesentatives to the Assemly, are in effect assessed an extra sum which depends on the distanea of their capitals from the O1ited Natioos and not al their capacity to pay. (Mr. Lopez, Philippines) In an effort to lay a basis for a solution to the grim problem before us, the General Assembly called on a group of high-level intergovernmental experts to undertake a review of the Organization's administrative and financial functioning. MY delegation has read its report in document A/4l/49 carefully, and congratulates this l8-member Group on a job well done. That it was able to accomplish so much in a very snort period reflects the expertise of its ~embers as well as their commitment to a better and mor~ enduring Organization. In just a few months they have ranged through major areas of United Nations activity and confronted problems some of which were 40 years in the making. They have cut through thickets of organizational and ~dministrative confusion to lay bare the basic problems besetting the Orr~nization in those areas. They have analysed those problems candidly anG ';'1r bively and proposed solutions for the most part responsive to the needs of the moment. They have produced a body of recommendations which could lead, if not to an instant solution to the debt crisis, then to a leaner and more rational organ12ation, truly cost-effective and bound to command the confidence of most Member states. For the latter the Group's recommendations, if adopted, could yield economies and reduce the work-load of delegations and home offices. Although my delegation would have liked more elaboration on several points in the report and has reservations on a few others, ~~ feel we can support it as a whole. My delegation has also studied carefully the secretary-General's Note on this subject in document A/41/663, and can say that we fully understand his concerns as chief administrative officer. They will, we trust, be kept in mind at all times by any other group or organ which might be called upon to implement the report of the Group of 18. My delegation supports recommendations 1 to 40 but would like to p~opose some modifications. (Mr. Lopez, Philippines) First, with regard to recommendation 6, concerning the reimbursement of travel costs, we feel that travel costs for all representatives of Member states should be borne by the Governments concerned. My Government is currehtly operating under financial strain, but if we must we shall bear the additional burden. It is in that spirit that we urge this body to consider the financial implications of the pr~posal contained in recommendation 10, which suggests the holding of an annual one-week session of the executive heads of the United Nations ~gencies to discuss major policy questions in the economic and social fields and to improve the co-ordination of their programmes. Since such a session will surely result in additional expenses, it is suggested that it be held at such a time and in such a venue as would limit or reduce unavoidable expenses. with regard to recommendation 13, my delegation notes with interest the determined effort to harmonize the format of the programme budgets of the organizations of the United Nations system and wishes to stress its desire to see this accomplished. That would not only expedite budget preparation but facilitate budget analysis as well. My delegation notes from recommendation 35 that the United Nations is spending over $8 million for outside consultants. We consider this amount excessive, and my delegation believes that we can reduce it even further than the proposed 30 per cent cut. We believe the united Nations could make more constructive use of the expertise of the members of its own staff and thereby minimize to a great extent the use of outside consultants. The Secretariat is supposed to be composed of highly qualified personnel specialized in different fields and disciplines. My delegation sees little justification for hiring so ~ny consultants unless the required expertise is not available within the existing staff of the Organization. The Philippine delegation strongly endorses recommendation 38, proposing the reduction of the present level of official travel by 20 per cent. This could be cut further without prejudicing the efficiency of the Organization. We recall the proposal of my delegation at the thirty-seventh session on the reduction of travel of the staff and we hope to see it carried out. Recommendation 38 concerns fact-finding missions, inspection of offices, and the number of staff personnel attending conferences. Sometimes, inspection of premises of United Nations regional headauarters is duplicated by officials of different offices and oftentimes the inspectors have similar comments and recommendations. It is not the intention of my delegation to hamper the work of the United Nations, especially in relation to fact-finding missions, but, whenever possible, duplication should be avoided. For meetings and conferences, particularly those held outside Headquarters, the Department of Conference Services should, as a rule, maintain a minimal Secretariat staff. My delegation reaffirms its support for the principle of eauitable geographical distribution in the recruitment of Secretariat staff. It believes, however, that the second part of recommendation 55, which states that •••• no more than 50 per cent of the nationals of anyone Member State employed by the united Nations should be appointed on a fixed-term basis· (A/4l/49, para. 5~), violates that principle. My delegation does not believe that the principle of eauitable geographical distribution can be ensured by reauiring that -at least 50 per cent of the nationals of any Member State working in the Secretariat should be employed on a permanent basis· (A/4l/49, para. 50), as proposed in recommendation 57. In fact, that will create unnecessary inflexibility which will adversely affect the efficiency of the Organization. It (Mr. Lopez, Philippines) conteltf?lates the appointment of personnel on the basis of the need to fill up permanent and fixed-term QUotas rather than performance or the needs of the Organization for specific expertise. A qualified and deserving national of any country should not be deprived of the opportunity to receive a permanent appointment simply because that appointment would be in excess of the quota allotted to his country. My delegation Cherefore urges the Assembly to look more closely into the implica~ions of this proposal in our quest for a more efficient united Nations. Another matter that the Philippine delegation would like to delve into concerns the observations and recommendations on planning and budgetary procedure. While we find these to be in order, we are particularly concerned about the intention to have all the Member States take part in the whole budgetary process. While this may be philosophically ideal, it is not practical. It would be cumbersome, time-consuming and ,,=ostly because of the sheer number of Member States. We would have on our hands a very unwieldy situation which could delay the whole process and defeat our very purpose. (Mr. Lopez, Philippines) AS for the planning and budget mechanism, we reqister our support for the third proposal, which is to merge consideration of the financial and administrative aspects of the bUdget and review of the content of the programmes within a single intergovernmental expert bodV. We believe that by doing this we could minimize costs to a great extent, since we should be able to save on time as well as resources. Furthermore, the budgeting and programme planning processes are so closely related that they require the highest degree of co-ordination and harmony, which could better be achieved if the Committee for Programme and Co-ordination and the Advisory Committee on Administrative and BUdgetary Questions were merged into one intergovernmental expert body. A single body would be more coherent, do away with duplication of effort and simplify the review and evaluation of the programme budget, both as to its content and the administrative and financial implications. By a not so curious coincidence, the two most powerful Member States of our Organization, which are also the largest contributors to its annual budget, have decided to repudiate a substantial portion of their assessments. The grave conseauences of such a decision cannot be overestimated. The united Nations has been plunged into the vortex of a crisis which not only puts in jeopardy the Organization's very existence, but calls into auestion the principles and purposes upon which it was founded 41 years ago. It is not enough that the super-Powers should frighten us by playing a game of nuclear stalemate which imperils the very survival of humanity; they also seem to enjoy a game of penny-pinching over the United Nations budget, as if to remind us that the Organi~ation itself, which is the only viable alternative to nuclear war, is utterly dependent upon their problematic generosity and dubious goodwill. That is the situation which emboldens us to remind them, in turn, that they would not be where they are today if it were not for us, the small ones, and that that is the (Mr. Lopez, Philippines) real reason for the one-nation, one-voto, rule in the General Assembly, where 811 Member Statem stand on an equal footing, regardless of size, wealth or power. Let us, therefore, by our united voices in this body show that we utterly reject the tactics of penny-pinching by which the rich and mighty among us are attempt~ng to strangle and destroy the united Nations. We must try to persuade them that they need the Organization as much as we do - perhaps even more. When the super-Powers decide to stop talking to each other, as they have just done in Iceland, it 1s good to have a place where they can continue talking - right here in the united Nations. Mr. ~LTERS (United States of America): The United Nations is at a critical juncture. It is facing a crisis of reform, the root causes of which are political and bureaucratic. We have made it clear that United States concern about the united Nations and resulting criticisms of some of its actions reflect our deep-seated attachment to the ideals of the Organization. The founders of the united Nations foresaw a true international community in which Governments would join together to serve the rights, needs and aspirations of their peoples. There must be no doubt that the United States remains committed to the original goals and ideal. of the United Nations. During this forty-first session of the General Assembly we Member States of the united Nations have a unique opportunity to contribute to the founders' dream. President Reag8n said in his 22 September speech that if we at this seBsion of the General Assembly could take advantage of this opportunity and achieve the reforms required, the United States, "which has always given the united Nations generous support, will continue to play a leading role in the eff~rt to achieve it~ noble purposes". (A/4llPY.4, p. 17) (Hr. WaIters, United States) The reform crisis was uppermost in the minds of Member States last year when the General Assembly adopted, without a vote, the resolution which established the Group of 18 to review the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the United Nations. The Group's report and its recommendations represent the culmination of a year of extensive discussion and consideration of alternatives in order to work out a common position on what needs to be done to revitalize the United Nations. Like other Member States, the United States entered the search for reform with major objectives in mind. Most clearly, our domestic law called for voting rights on budgetary matters proportionate to Member States' contributions to correct the current gross imbalance between those that dominate the decision-making process in determining budget levels and programme priorities and those that bear the heaviest financial responsibility for the Organization. We wanted a means to instil control and discipline into the General Assembly's practice of approving unending add-ons to the budget, which denigrates the role of the Secretary-General and makes a mockery of the overall programme planning and budgeting process. We wanted major staff reductions to eliminate waste and ensure a reordering of priorities within the Organization. These, we believe, are required to achieve efficiency and effectiveness. We wanted a major streamlining and simplification of the Secretariat structure in order to overcome duplication and fragmentation of effort. It is both a tribute to the spirit of co-operation that prevailed in the Group of 18 and an indication of the obvious nature of the problems confronting the Organization that the Group was able to agree on so many specific recommendations for change. Those recommendations cover all major aspects of the United Nations work and structure: the intergovernmental bodies, the Secretariat, the conditions of employment of the staff and the means of evaluating the Organization's (Mr. Walters, united States) programmes. They reflect the widespread belief among Member States that this house can and should be run more efficiently and more economically. In so wide a variety of recommendations it is inevitable that some will be more significant than others, and some will be very general while others will be quite SPeCific. It is also inevitable that if~ividual delegations will support some recommendations more enthusiastically than others. That was the case within the Group of 18 and it will be no less the case here in the General Assembly. The United States believes that in the same way as the members of the Group were able to put aside their individual preferences and endorse the full range of proposals in the interest of improving the functioning of the United Nations, Member States must put aside their differences on minor aspects of the recommendations in the first five chapters of the report and concentrate on implementing them in the most effective manner. The agreed recommendations of the Group of 18 could eliminate a great deal of the waste, mismanagement and irresponsibility which now drain so much of the united Nations limited resources and erode donor confidence in the institution. Of critical importance to us among the agreed recommendations is the call for staff reductions. We believe still greater reductions would have better assured the necessary reordering of programme priorities, but we can accept the reductions recommended by the Group of 18 as a good start. (Mr. WaIters, United States) Unfortunately, the Group of 18 was not able to reach agreement on the recommendations in chapter VI on the programme and bUdget decision-making process. The recommendations in this chapter are at the heart of the reform effort: indeed, it is these recommendations that are reQUired to assure the fulfilment and long-term effectiveness of the recommendations upon which the Group of 18 was able to reach agreement. If we are to find a solution to the key question of the programme budget procedures, we must first understand clearly the different viewpoints and the reasons why they exist. For a number of years the Member States which contribute the bulk of the Organization's budget have, as the Secretary-General has pointed out, opposed or abstained in the voting approving the biennial budgets. There is a belief among those Member States that the majority has not adequately considered their views when deciding how much the Organization should spend and on what it should be spent. On the other hand there is concern among a number of Member States that a new decision-making process which requires agreement by all Member States could bring the operation of the United Nations to a standstill. In plain terms, there is a lack of understanding and a lack of confidence among different groups of Member States concerning the motives of other groups. It is my view that the United Nations cannot continue to function in this fashion: rather we must seek a solution in which the interests of all - I repeat all - Me~er States can be protected. It is my delegation's strong belief that the solution lies in establishing a process that will include agreement on the level and content of the organization's programme budget at the very beginning of the cycle and an ability on the part of Member states to make sure that that agreement has been taken into account in the bUdget. We recall that both of the committees currently involved in the programme budget process - the Committee for programme and Co-ordination and the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions - have traditionally taken their decisions by consensus, and we believe that consensus decision-making is the only appropriate approach to the key decisions to be entrusted to the new mechanism. The united states supports, at an absolute minimum, the establishment of a programme and budget decision-making mechanism which would operate on the basis of consensus in establishing both an agreed bUdget level and clear-cut priorities for the Organization within that level. The United States is prepared, in the spirit of compromise, to accept the Chairman's version of chapter VI, since it does establish such a programme and bUdget committee based on consensus. There should, however, be no misunderstanding on this point by the membership. Chairman Vraalsen's proposal represents a major compromise for the United States, as it does for other Member States. We are reassured to see that support for the Chairman's version of chapter VI reaches well beyond the usual North-South division on such issues. In my time at the United Nations I have found that this Organization of Member States is also an organization of individuals - of representives and Secretariat personnel. We have the ability to discuss issues of great Lmportance and complexity with one another. We are now facing a set of critical decisions at a critical time in the life of the United Nations. It will take all our political and technical skills and abilities to find the solution, but I believe the solution is there if we are willing to work for it. If the agreed recommendations contained in the report of the Group of 18 are implemented, hand-in-hand with the establishment of a programme and budget decision-making mechanism operating on the basis of consensus, the Organization's ability to live up to the goals set forth in the Charter - to fulfil the hopes of the peoples of the Unitea Nations, particularly the poorest and most defenceless - will be measurably increased. We must not sacrifice the possibilities of the (Mr. Waiters, United States) future to the narrow, vested interests of the JnOment. What some fear as an instance of threatening change we can a~~ must convert into a period of practical improvement and structural renovation. dhat some see only as a time of crisis we can and must make into an era of renewal. Our efforts at promoting reform are devoted to restoring and strengthening the important contributions that the United Nations has to make to international peace, freedom and progress. The question before us, therefore, is how, at this session, to convert into action our commitment to reform. Mr. KITTANI (Iraq): At the outset I wish to add the congratulations of my delegation to the Secretary-General upon bis reappointment for a furtber five-year term as the leader of this Organization. We should like, not only to express our full confidence in him, but also to pledge that we shall do everything within our power to make his second term more effective, more successful and more fruitful. The Secretary-General has indeed presented some valuable observations on the item before the Assembly and I sball comment on them a little later, but before I turn to the report before us I should like to make two or three general remarks. First, the report of tbe Group of 18 - which on the whole we support - was more or less what we had expected. Tbat does not mean that we are delighted with it or that we are disappointed in it but, knowing the realities of this Organization, we did not expect more than the Group has presented to us: indeed we expected slightly less. We therefore congratulate the Group and its Chairman. We were aware of the strictures under which they were OPerating and when I deal with specific chapters of the report I shall comment, but our criticism should not be construed as meaning that we do not deeply appreciate the efforts the ~;roup put forth in this very important matter. (Mr. Kittani, Iraqi Secondly, my delegation had hoped that this debate would take place in a freer atmosphere and not under duress as the work on the item did last year and as the Secretary-General and the Group of 18 have indeed been operating for over a year. We deeply regret that this debate is taking place under duress. We all say that the task of the Group should not be related to the political, financial and administrative situation that the Organization is facing but, whether we like it or not, it is. Here I want to emphasize once again that no amount of administrative or financial reform is going to get ~s over the basic problem, the political problem, of deciding unilaterally that this or that should not be done and that unless it is done - or not done - country A or country B will not honour its contractual obligations under the Charter regarding the regular budget.* * Mr. Ferm (Sweden), Vice-President, took the Chair. (Mr. Kittani, Iraq) There is no justification, legal, political or even subjective, for withholding, and linking the withholding to certain actions that would be dictated. I shall have more to say about this when I come to chapter VI of the report. The first thing I wanted to say was that my delegation is, indeed, second to none in this Hall in wanting to see an effective, active and streamlined Organization at a minimum cost, and every remark I make, or that we ever make, should be seen in the light of this overall objective. At the outset, by way of introduction, I want to say that because the report before us, and the juncture at which we are discussing the future of the united Nations in this crucial area are so important, it calls for added frankness and bluntness. If ever there was a time where we should call a spade a spade and not an implement sometimes used to dig holes in the ground, this is tha time, and I think the contribution of my delegation should be not to repeat what everyone has said - and we agree with most of it - but to say the things that have not been said - perhaps more often than not - and to comment on the things that are not in the report of the Group of 18 that could have been if there had been a consensus. With those introductory remarks, I come to the report and I will comment on the first six chapters. I was surprised that no one - or hardly anyone that I have heard or read the statement of - has commented on the Introduction. I think the Introduction is good. I think the Introduction is probably one of the best parts of the report. As a matter of fact, if we have some comments and criticisms on the report, the main one is that the rest of the chapters are not commensurate with the picture painted in the In~roduction. In a succinct way the Group of 18 has told us - and with littlp differences we agree with them - what is wrong with the Organization. So if one considers it as a diagnosis, a short diagnosis, it is good. The auestion is, when it comes to the prescription, how much of the medicine prescribed is the patient willing to take? That is our problem. So the Introduction should not be overlooked as if it were just a wasted chapter. Chapter 11 deals with the intergovernmental machinery and its functioning. Here I must share with the representatives in this Hall my own personal skepticism when it comes to intergovernmental machinery. Ever since I can remember - and that is a very long time stretching through three decades - we have been trying to restructure and review the restructuring of the intergovernmental machinery in this house, especially in the economic and social fields, and almost invariably, at every turn, the net result has been to add yet another complexity and another layer of uncoordinated activity. Twenty-three years ago, when I was Secretary of the Economic and Social Council, until now, we have been discussing the role of the Economic and Social Council, how to reform it, how to control its proliferating subsidiary organs, and its co-ordination. And what has happened? My own humble experience, as a watcher of the parade, has been the following: it is very easy to create new intergovernmental organs. Incidentally, every intergovernmental organ immediately creates a vested interest in the Secretariat, which is self-perpetuating. As I was saying, it is very easy to create new intergovernmental organs. It is even easier to expand them, but it is well-nigh impossible to abolish any of them. The report of the Group of 18 is studded with the following terms - and many of its recommendations do not go beyond them: to study, to study in depth, to review, to streamline, to restructure, to rationalize, to co-ordinate. The representative of Singapore, one of the members of the Group of 18, said himself, that quite often, or most of the time, these are substitutes for inaction and for a lack of precision as to what needs to be done. Having said this much about intergovernmental machinery, I might add that it is not separate from the (Mr. Kittani, Iraq) intersecretariat machinery or the organi2ation of the Secretariat, which I shall be coming to shorUy. Why has the Group of 18 not commented on what should be done about the meetings of the Board of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), with the Conference itself meeting every three years, as compared with the Second Committee and the Economic and Social Council and the concomitant recomendations on them? We know why they did not do it. It was because they knew there would be no consensus, and even if there were a consensus, they would be unable to persuade representatives in this Hall to accept it. But to ask for yet another in-depth study - by whom, by us who have created this monster, if I want to call it that - is, as I have said, not very appealing. We will probably go through the exercise once again but I want to register here the opinion that the results are not likely to be much better than the last time. I shall have more to say almost immediately on the other side of the coin, and that is the structure of the Secretariat. Here again, the same thing applies. Every time we study, or study in depth, and we try to restructure the Secretariat, we simply make it more complex. I remember the 1968 Conference of the Committee on the Reorganization of the secretariat, whose net result - which has been lasting - was to split the top echelons between under-Secrstaries, to make them Under-Secr~taries-General and Assistant-Secretaries-General. Only nine were elevated to the rank of Under-Secretary-General but within 10 or 15 years it became very difficult to find anyone who was still an Assistant-Secretary-General. The gap was filled by D-2s who were raised to Assistant-Secretaries-General. That was the net result of the reform. And we all know what happened in the last round of the restructuring. I should have liked to have seen in the report of the Group of 18 - or in whatever other report - what has been the net result of reform, or the creation of (Mr. Kittani, Iraq) the post of the Director-General for Development and International Economic Co-operation. The one additional comment I want to make on the structure of the Secretariat is on Recommendation 24 concerning the Office of the United Nations Disaster Relief Co-ordinator (UNDRO). Again from personal experience, having been there and played a role in the creation of that Office, and in the rationalization and justification for it, and having watched it act - or not act - in the last 14 or 15 years, I think the recommendation that this function should be given to the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) could be improved upon. I would advocate that UNDRO should simply be abolished and that the post of Co-ordinator should be transferred to the office of the secretary-General. Disaster relief as we see now in El Salvador, as we saw last year in Spain, and as we have seen in the pa~~ has an enormous influence on public relations. It is a politically sensitive issue, and the post involves the co-ordination of relief from all over the world. An elaborate office is not needed. with the modern methods of communi~ation and information retrieval, I think it could be done within the existing resources, but the political aspects should be directly under the Secretary-General rather than UNDP. These are not man-made disasters. They are natural disasters, and there is hardly ever any controversy about what should be done. The question is how to do it quickly, effectively, and with the minimum of cost. (Mr. Kittani, Iraq) With regard to chapter rv, on the QUestion of personnel, having spent 11 years within the Secretariat in many fields, I could speak for the rest of morning and part of the afternoon, but I shall resist the temptation. I would simply say that, again for reasons that I well understand, the Group of 18 has not really gone to the heart of the matter. The recommendations do not get anywhere near what is really ailing the secretariat. I shall just give a few examples, in my blunt manner, which is the only way I know how to speak. In recommendation 54 the Group of 18 could only agree that no Under-Secretary-General or Assistant Secretary-General should serve more than la years, but it skirted what we have talking about for 20 year~: that, especially at the top, immediately under the Secretary-General, the reform should be begun by rotating those posts. There is no clear-cut recommendation on that or even an indication that it was discussed. There is no indication why it was rejected or why it was not recommended. Constitutionally, this is completely within the mandate of the secretary-General. It does not need any new legislation. Mr. President, the man who is seated on your left knows that probably there are very few persons I have more respect for and more friendship with, but why should the man on your left always be an American? Why should the man who is always seated on the left of the president of the Security Council be a citizen of the Soviet Union? Why should a Frenchman have been head of the Departments dealing with economic and social affairs at the united Nations for the last 35 years? The United Kingdom used to have administration, as Sir John knows, and then it moved to peace-keeping operations. That has been the one change by rotation, and it was actually an exchange, between the United states and the United Kingdom. Anyway, these are the kinds of administrative reforms within the existing legislation that we must address if we want a more effective Organization. Could we now make such a (Mr. Kittani, Iraq) recommendaticn? Do we dare to put this to the secretary-General? we would not be taking anything from the permanent menbers~ we \1Ould not be saying that no national of any c·f the five permanent meDbers should be an Assistant secretary-General or an Under-Secretary-General. But can we discuss it, even privately, and see whether we can agree on this? Perhaps a deal could be made so that the secretary-General could begin to take action. Many of the ~roblems, both reported and unreported, ensue from the fact, not that any P-3 or P-4 post is frozen, but that the important posts at the top are frozen. There is no rotation there, and these bailiwicks keep building up, with overlapping, perhaps with a lack of co-ordination and even with a lack of supervision from the top. The Group talks about permanent and nm-permanent contracts. Incidentally, there is nothing in the report about the so-called non-permanent permanents. I spent 11 years on secondment to the Secretariat under a temporary contract. When I resi9'1ed I still had two more years to go, but if I had wanted I could probably have gone on for another 30 years as a temporary staff member. Do we have statistics on this? Did the Group of 18 90 into it? How many people have three years, then another three years and perhaps three years multiplied by 10? As a natter of fact I know that the Administrative Tribtmal has had cases before it of people taking the Secretary-General to task because he did not renew their ccntracts, saying that they expected to be reappointed and were not. And some of them have won their cases. These are the administrative problems we see no explanatioo for or recommendations to alleviate, and there are many more. Wi th regard to recruitment, we beat about the bush~ we talk about examinations, and we talk about MeDber States putting pressure 00 the (Mr. Kittani, Iraq) secretary-General. Let us face it, in eight out of 10 cases - and that might be a conservative estimate - we find jobs for people~ we do not recruit the best people for the job. we are all guUty of that, every delegation is guUty. The secretary-General is under pressure, and we should face this. We say that, whether it is the top or the bottom 01: the middle, finding jobs is always legitimate, and IOOst of the per soos for ~om we find jobs are ptobably qualified, but that is putting the cart before the hase. There must be identification of the qualifications needed for a job, no matter what it is, before we start seeing to whan we should give the job. I think I have said enough, although there is mch more that could be said. I think that in this area the Group of 18 has been unusually timid, more timid than in some other areas. On chapter V I have one conment. RecolllDendations 63 to 67 are all about one \nit, the Joint Inspectioo {hit. We all had a debate when this was established and we were all told why it was being established and what it was supposed to do and how it was going to cootribute to the well-being of the Organization. All these years later, I understand that the Unit costs soma S4 million. I should like to ask this question and all of us should try to answer it~ is the Joint Inspection Unit worth S4 million on the basis of the results that it has achieved? Of course, statistics can be prodlced showing that it has dooe certain things and the Ot:ganizatioo has saved so much lOOney, but that is not the administrative way of reform. ltlatever good reports were implemented, with resultant savings or streamlining or better administrative methods, I would say - ;:ond I would challenge anyooe to disptove this - that this could have been dooe by other means, such as through top-notch consultants, for a fraction of the cost of the Joint Inspection {hit. This, again, has nothing to do with the Chairman or the memers of the Joint Inspection unit. We all know that the Group of 18 could not say that the (Hr. Rittani, Iraq) Joint Inspectial thit should be abolished, because it would have been strung up on the nearest tree to Head;(uarters. There are too many with vested interests - not ally these that have inspectcxs on the Joint Inspeticn thit but those that want to be on it cc suppoR:t those that are on it. we have not discussed whether the solution is to give more p:>wer to the Joint Inspectial thit, to streamline its methods or to ask Member States - a pious hope - to upgr ade the qualifications r~uired of their candidates for that thit. We have heard that mentialed unpteen times, and it has led us nGrlhere. It is not going to be the best qualified man from COU'ltry A that gets the job. We know that, and no amount of recommendations is going to change that. This is not meant to denigrate the work of the Joint Inspectioo thit, it is not directed against any menber of the thit or any inspector, but re-examination is necessary. I go back to what I said at the beginning. It is easy to create something and perpetuate it~ we never dare to say that we have made a mistake and that we should re-examine it and per haps abolish it. Now I come to the crux of the nattc1;, chapter VI. This ties in with my introdlction, and I am very glad that the previous speaker, the representative of the thited states, Hr. wal ters, said that the heart of the report is chapter VI, because that is indeed true. I want to spend a few minutes on that in ooncluding my remarks. Here we come back to the positioo~ -we will not pay unless A, B, C, D or E is done.· (Mr. Kittani, Iraa) We all know the United States position. I do not want to single out any Member State; that is not the purpose of my speaking today. I am concerned about the principle. We cannot operate in the way that some have suggested. We cannot say that, as Senator Kassebaum put it initially, we will withhold our contribution unless there is weighted voting, and then change our position and say that nobody wants weighted voting; the Group of 18 is against it; what we wah~ is consensus. What is consensus? Ultimately, it means abolishing all voting, weighted or unweighted. If every Member of the Assembly or of any group has to vote positively for everything, consensus means something much worse than weighted voting; it means transferring the veto of the five permanent members of the Security Council to others - going back to the League of Nations, where every member of the Council of the League of Nations had a veto. That is to go backwards, and it would set a very bad precedent if it were accepted. I do not want to go into some of its implications, but I would like every representative in this Hall to think about it. If the largest contributor, or the next largest contributor, or one of the two or three below that says it will not pay unless we do certa1n things, and we all discuss reforms under that kind of duress, we shall be setting the worst kind of precedent. I can think of horrible results that would perhaps strike at the heart of the Organization. We cannot accept that. We had hoped and prayed that this debate would take place when there was no duress, when the unconstitutionally withheld contributions were paid, but, as I have said, we have been disappointed. On the three options in chapter VI, (a), (b) and (c), I am glad that not much support r~s surfaced for recommendation (c), because that would indeed be catastrophic. We must all seek - as my delegation is ready to do, because we see the need - better programmes and budgets. But the purpose of this debate is to (Mr. Kittani, Irag) give general guidance and make general remarks and we will come to the detailed recommendations later, in the Fifth Committee and elsewhere. We talk about the Advisory Committee on Administrative and BUdgetary Questions (ACABQ) and the Committee for Programme and Co-ordination (CPC), and the gist of all three options is that they would deprive the Secretary-General of the limited ~uthority he now has to prepare programme and budget estimates. We would just recall how this came about. Until the days of programme and budget the Secretary-General's role was confined - as, indeed, it still is, under the guise of programming - to translating into dollars and cents the cost of decisions taken by Governments. There is not a single piece of the budget that is a proposal of the secretary-General. Everything in the budget was voted by Member States and we all agree that at least in this area the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions has had a very good record of scrutinizing, within that narrow definition, the cost estimated by the Secretary-General of carrying out ~~~ project and deciding whether it is as low as possible. The problem arises when one talks about programme budgeting in an organization such as this. I should like to offer three or four suggestions, one at least of which goes in the opposite direction to that taken by the Group of 18. We would agree that perhaps there should be consultations, indications and some kind of consensus on the overall ceiling of what the United Nations should do in the eco~omic and social sphere, before the Secretary-General presents the medium-term plan, certainly, and perhaps even the programme budgets for the biennium. But the Secretary-General is the nurr,~r one political animal in this house and he is not going to propose fantastically unacceptable levels of expenditure. We have the experience of the specialized agencies, in most of which the chief administrative officer has the authority constitutionally to prepare the programme budget. He does not pull it (Mr. Kittani, Iraq) out of thin airi he consults, gets indications from the executive board and then puts before the Member States what ~e thinks is the best programme budget. Ideally, in the economic and social area that would be the best way to do it, but we must first separate what is really the heart of the purposes of the United Nations, namely, the political area. I saw in the report of the Group of 18 an estimate that some 10 per cent is spent in the political area. This part of the budget has two characteristics. First, it is not subject to sudden changes unless there is a big crisis, and if there are such changes the Member States, because of the enormous political pressure, have no problem in voting the funds. So we are not talking about the part of the budget which is to service the political activities. If the Security Council decides to do something, even from the regular budget, the practice has been that Member states go along with it. It is in the economic and social areas that the real difficulties arise. Here I must admit one thing. I am absolutely convinced that in the area of establishing ~~iorities Member States would never agree. There would always be one or two countries or a group of countries, or certain vested interests in the Secretariat that - sometimes contrary to the wishes of the Secretary-General - would want to perpetuate one or other part of the budget. We are never going to get priorities; priorities must come and can only come from the man who knows most about it and from the principal body working full time on it, and that is the Secretariat. I would have preferred the Group of 18, whichever combination of proposals in chapter VI is accepted, to separate the two things. I think we need to remedy the situation with regard to the general availability of funds by some kind of general agreement, but priorities must first come from the Secretary-General. We may take those priorities and throw them in the East River, as we have done so often, but if we Were to leave it arbitrarily to any group of intergovernmental organs I do not think we should advance the caUSe of programme budgeting in the united Nations. (Mr. Kittani, Iraq) I do not want to belittle the contribution o~ other bodies, but the CPC is generally regarded as not having done its work while the ACABQ has. But the two are different animals. As I have said, the ACABQ - and I do not like to bring myself in, but I served on it for two terms many years ago - confines itself to deciding whether the dollar and cent estimates presented by the secretary-General are inflated or just right or rather low, and then recommends to the Assembly that they should be cut, accepted or, very rarely, increased. It has done a good job u~ that. The CPC has been pretending that there is a programme budget in the united Nations. There is no programme budgeting in the united Nations and none of the recommendations of the Group of 18 is going to create out of the blue a system of programme budgeting. How do we programme budget the work of the Security Council? First, we must separate, and I would be very willing to consider some ~eoommendations along the following lines. let us take as a bas is the eccnODlic and social activities of the O1ited Nations, whim constitute the bulk and by far the largest amount of the expenditore, ilihich are the mes tha t keep on increasing and which call for control. In that I would decide or indicate to the secretary-General what is the level of mcney available for the O1ited Nations, and then ask him to present, within the limits of that level, what he thinks should be abolish(!d, despite all the recommendations and the decisions of the intergcwernmental bodies, including this Assembly. I would encourage, I would push, I would pester the secretary-General to tell us wich parts of the secretariat, which parts of the expenditures are no lcnger really valid, which ales should be instituted, which cnes should be downgraded, which cnes should be put into category B and if additional funds are available in the next round, should be given priority. BIt, I want to say ally that my petscnal conviction is that, because of the facts of life, and because of what I have said about the Group of 18 knCMing very wisely how mm this Asseubly will accept, MeIIber States will never be able to tell the secretary-General from the outset what the pr ior ities should be. I think not ally that the first step in deciding priorities should be left to the secretary-General, but that we should insist that he should perform that task, and after that we will examine his proposal and see what we can do. I have said enoucjl, but may I just repeat that, despite everything we have said, my delegation believes that the Group of 18 has dale a good job. we wish they had been more specific. The four specific recomnendations - a 15 per cent remction in posts, 25 per cent in assistant secretaries-genetal and under-secretaries-general, 20 per cent in outside consultants, 20 per cent in official travel - these come to my mind as being perhaps the cnly cnes - with cne or two others - that are actually specific. we support them. But why 15 per cent? Why 20 per cent? Why not 20 per cent? Why not 12 per cent? we are (Hr. Kittani, Iraq) not told 'ikly, and we are not told where to cut. Still, they are arbi trary. Yes. But the secretary-General has indicated, at least indirectly in his report, that he can live with them, and he will do it. we would have preferred the Group of 18, at least in regard to the under-secretaries-general and the assistant secretaries-general, to indicate to the secretary-General which ales should be cut. In our own view, since we established all these posts, which ales are no looger valid? Hlere should the secretary-General go for cutting? Should he cut the p:»st of Hr ~ Boffum or Mr. smirnov? Or should he go somewhere else? There is no indication there. The point I want to make, in conclusioo, is that the Group of 18 has made a very good beginning. B.1t this process will be with us, and the problems will be with us. we should not tie what we will accept out of the Group's report to the ale overriding crisis in this Organization, namely, the withholding of 111<X1ey. A distinguished llmerican said a few weeks ago that this capacity to pay - incidentally there is nothing in the Charter about ·capacity to pay., and again incidentally, we are sorry that there is nothing about this, no recomnendatioos in the report of the Group of 18 about the scale of assessments. There is nothing in the Charter about the scale of assesS1l2nts. What is in the Charter is that the AsseiIDly is to apportion the budget of the Organizatioo. We have invented the ·capaci ty to pay". we have lived with it. But now, as this distinguished lliner ican said last summer, the capacity to p:ly nay be turned into the capacity to destroy. And that is that. That is bad for those who intentionally or W'lintentionally would des troy the tbi ted Na tions. The cap:lcity to p:ly should not be raised to the level of the cap:lcity to destroy throu~ bUdgetary manoeuvring. "JMr. Ri ttani, Iraq) Again, we have to come back to it. The Group of 18 could not help us, but we must address it at the hicj1est political level. The mandate of the Group of 18 was limited. It has dooe an excellent job within those small parameters. we would have wished that even with those parameters they could have been more specific~ but we have to pick up fcan where they left off, and see whether we can do better. Finally, in the last analysis, the organizatioo can make a compromise, and that is our business, and that is our method of wock, and there is no Substitute for compromise. In this connectim I should like to go back briefly to the question of consensus. Consensus is laudable~ consensus is the objective and should always be before our eyes. we should all - and my delegation certainly does this - try whenever possible to ream consensus. If I am not mistaken, the overwhelming majority of our decisims in this Assembly are t.aken by consensus or near-consensus. This is something that is overlooked by the detractocs and those who want to destroy this organization. But consensus as a veto for every Member State to prevent this Assenb1y from acting, would be the end of the Organization as we knoN it. Calsensus, as the only method of work, as a substitute for the deJOOcratic way of running this Organization - It). li1en me comes back to the question what should we do in the matter of taking decisions about the budget, I think we can all look for a canpromise by consensus. BIt the consensus-taking decisims of this Assembly by consensus are not acceptable. I am very glad that the overwhelming nunber of MeJIbers of this AsseJIbly who have taken part in the debate have rejected that. Mr. SLN:>UI (Morocco) (interpretation from French)~ Sir, allCM me first of all, on behalf of His Majesty King Hassan II and of the Moroccan GoITernment, to extend our sympa thy to the people and the Gaver nmen t of El. salvador as well as to the families of the victims of the earthquake which has struck this friendly (Mr. 8laoui, Morocco) country. We were deeply shocked and affected by the news of this natural disaster, and we should like to assure the Government and the people of El Salvador of our full and total solidarity. Last year, in putting a new item on its ~~enda entitled ·Review of the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the United Nations· the General Assembly was trying to cope with the immediate problem of financing its activities, and on the other hand, of rethinking its methods and procedures of work. This has made some speak not only of a financial crisis, but also of a crisis of multilateralism. The Secretary-General, for his part, has emphasized on numerous occasions, and rightly so, that this is first and foremost a political crisis. It is clear that present disagreements on the administration and control of the bUdget, in fact, reveal considerably more far-reaching differences, which can only be political. Such a view of the situation further emphasizes the importance which Member States and the Secretary-General attach to this question. (Hr. Slaoui, Morocco) Consideration of the financial crisis of the Organization means, in fact, 'tackling two tasks: on the one hand, obtaining payment of arrears and ~ontributions withheld by certain Member States and on the other studying the recommendations of the Group of 18 concerning the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the Organization. It is perfectly clear that these are two auestions which flow from the same concern to provide the Organization with the resources it needs to carry out effectively and beneficially the programmes jointly agreed upon. We are convinced that in order to strengthen the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of our Organization reauires we must make progress in responding positively in both spheres. Thus, in order to examine the measures proposed by the Group of 18 properly we must take into consideration a number of fundamental facts. Since the recommendations of the Group of 18 serve as a basis for discussion and negotiation, it is necessary to take duly into account the views of all the parties involved in the present discussion, whether Member States or the highest official of our Organization, the Secretary-General. Such an approach will enable us to take into consideration the interests of all concerned and will ensure the necessary respect for the prerogatives of all. In this context the Secretary-General, once again demonstrating his high sense of responsibility, has not failed to advise us of his concerns and make known his views regarding the present financial crisis. The comments which he has made both in his report on the work of the Organization and in his vote on the conclusions of the 18 experts, are usefu1 ~eference documents and a valuable contribution to an objective understanding of this auestion as a whole. (Mr. Sl&oui, Moroeco) We take this opportunity to reaffirm to the Secretary-General our support for the extremely wise precautionary measures which he took at the first sign of emerging difficulties, Which, if they did not diminish the intensity of the crisis at least softened its ~act. We believe that the Secretary-General has a vital role to play in any solution to this problem. To enable him to do this it is the duty of us 2111 to respect and strengthen his prerogatives as the highest official of our Organization, responsible for its administration and management. It is ~ause we greatly appreciate his qualities, inter alia those of an efficient manager, that the General Assembly the other day unanimously renewed for a further five years his mandate to continue to lead and guide our Organization. On behalf of the Kingdom of Morocco, we assure him of our appreciation, our confidence and our support in carrying out his high and ~rtant mission. We all have a duty to ensure the financial viability of the Organization. For this purpose these must be the broadest possible agreement among Member States regarding the use of resources, the budgetary process and the distribution of expenditures. For our part, we are open to dialogue and ~eady to make our contri~~tion to any process aimed at finding a real and lasting solution to the present difficulties. To enable the Organization to function effectively and to fulfil the mandates entrusted to it in virtue of the purposes and principles of the Charter, we must tackle the present stage of our deliberations in negotiations pragmatically and in a constructive spirit. In particular, the various regional groups must participate in working out the decisions to be adopted. They must try harder to reconcile their views and show a spirit of compromise and moderation, in order to achieve (Mr. Slaoui, Morocco) agreement on the bUdgetary procedure. In that way we can contribute to enhancing the credibility of our Organization. We shall continue to strive, in particular within the regional group to which we belon~. to make a positive contribution to a successful outcome of this debate. We believe that our regional group has so far taken a moderate, reasonable and responsible position. Leaving aside its negative aspects, the present financial crisis of the Organization has provided an opportunity for us all to reflect on the Organization's methods of wor~, so as to continue to improve them and thus achieve greater efficiency in achieving the purposes and giving effect to the principles of the Charter. The present crisis should also make it "easier to adopt reforms designed to revitalize and strengthen the Organization. We take this opportunity to reaffirm our sincere dedication to the purposes and principles of the Charter, as well as our faith and confidence in multilateralism. Mr. SINCLAIR (Guyana): It was with great sense of shock and much sadness that Guyana learned of the natural disaster that recently struck El Salvador. MY delegation extends sincere condolences to the Government aI~ people of that country on the loss of life and damage to property caused by the earthquake. I wish also to express my personal congratulations and those of the Government of Guyana to the secretary-General on his unanimous ~lection to another five-year term. During the past five years our Secretary-General has served this Organization with singular commitment and dedication to the cause of world peace and secu~ityc At a tL~e when not only the very foundations of multilateralism but also the very survival of mankind are being threatened, he has pledged to work to enhance our Organization's capacity to serve as an effective instrument for ensuring world peace and human survival. (Mr. Sinclair, Guyana) I am convinced that he will continue in his efforts to promote the interests of all peoples and to work towards the strengthening of the united Nations. I assure him that he can continue to count on the fullest co-operation and support of the Government of Guyana in carrying out his duties. After 40 years, the United Nations - for the first time in history - has achieved virtual universality. with all its manifest ~rfections, this Organization has provided a forum in which the different views of Member States can be harmonized, and where at the same ttme there can be open and frank debate on issues of interest to all States. This advantage is universally recognized. It is therefore all the more ~rtant that this Organization be preserved and strengthened. That consideration naturally gives a SPecial character to the task now bo!fore us. We heartily endorse the comments made by the Chairman of the Group of High-level Intergovernmental Experts, Mr. Tom Vraalsen of Norway, when he introduced the Group's report. The tasks entrusted to the Group were indeed both comprehensive and extremely cOl11?lex, and my delegation extends its sincere appreciation to the Group, and its Chairman, for their very valuable contribution to the review exercise which this Assembly agreed on last December. The Group has made some far-reaching recommendations for action in both the medium- and long-term, which deserve serious consideration by this Assembly. We certainly consider that the report provides the basis for a process of change that could bring about improvements in the adminstrative and financial functioning of the Organization which would help ensure its long-term viability. Some of the 71 recommendations in the report can find easy acceptance by Guyana, while others will require more careful and detailed consideration. My delegation will not anter into the substance of any of ~hose recommendations in plenary meeting, preferring to reserve such comments for the Fifth Committee. (Mr. Sinclair, Guyana) We would merely essay some cODlllent on what we think should be the approach to those recommendations. Implementation of those recommendations relating to the organizational structure of the Secretariat and the redeployment and reduction of personnel should be guided by legislative mandate and the rel~th'e importance amd objectives of programmes in the political, economic and social fields as approved by the various legislative bodies. In addition, it should take into account the principles laid down in the Charter relating to the staff of the Organization and the neec to maintain an efficient Secretariat. In this regard, the observations of the Secretary-General on the interrelationship between the intergovernmental machinery and the Secretariat are particularly valuable. It 90es without saying that chapter VI of the report, on planning and budget procedure, is of particular importance. Notwithstanding the Group's inability to agree on a planning and budget mechanism, the work done on this aSPeCt of the Organization's activity already shows a significant convergence of views and is certainly very helpful for future efforts in this regard. My delegation supports the view that the medi~~term plan and the programme budget should be given the necessary flexibility to enable priorities and resources to be adjusted to changing international circumstances and to new problems and challenges that might arise, always keeping in mind the provisions of the Chaeter and resolutions adopted from time to time by the General Assembly. There is a need to ensure participation by Member States at an earlier stage of the bUdget process than is at present the case. It is necessary to keep in mind that th~ current financial crisis was precipitated by witholdings by Member States resulting from disagreement on the content and level of the bUdget of the Organization due to political disagreement on parts of the substantive activities inclUded in the programme budget. It is therefore necessary to devise a mechanism (Mr. Sinc1air, Guyana) and practical procedures that ~~u1d facilitate and encourage broad agreement on the budget, notwithstanding political differences on substantive issues that may persist among Member States. As regards the structure and function of the Committee for Programme and Co-ordination (CPC) and the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions (ACABQ), these should be the subject of careful examination with a view to ensuring effective performance. We agree that one aim of the reform should be to improve the functioning of the CPC in the submission of recommendations on the medium-term plan and the programme budget. If there must be reform, then let it beJ but there must be no coq>romise of or encroachment on the authority of the General Assembly and the Fifth Committee to decide on the co~tent and level of the budget of the Organization, and all procedures must be in full compliance with the principles and provisions of the Charter. Bearing these principles in mind, Guyana will seek actively to participate in and contribute to all efforts directed towards the improvement of budgetary procedures in order to address current concerns. Let us not, however, lose sight of the fact stated by our Secretary-General, the significance of which we all recognize: -It is, in any event, clear that the crisis will not be satisfactorily overcome until we find ways to deal successfully with its root causes, which ••• are primarily political in nature.- (A/4l/663, para.ll) Guyana sincerely hopes that all States will see the United Nations as an organization of the peoples of the world and one which therefore, by definition, must serve the interests of all of us as a communityu We hope, too, that all States will accordingly commit themselves irrevocably to ensuring that this Organization functions, and functions effectively. Mrs. ASTORGA GADEA (Nicaragua) (interpretation fro. Spanish): I should like first of all to express the condolences of the people and Government of Nicaragua upon the natural disaster that struck the sister republic of El Salvador last Friday, while expressing our solidarity with the people of El Salvador. I shoUld also like to express the satisfaction of Nicaragua at the re-election of the Secretary-General to a second term of office. The United Nations was created 41 years ago, as a result of the painful lessons that the Second World War taught all peoples, for the purpose of preserving international peace and security, reaffirming the equality of rights between nations large and small, and promoting the economic and social progress of all peoples. Today, there is general agreement that the united Nations is facing the greatest financial crisis in its history. It is said that the reason for that crisis is the failure of certain Member States to comply with their obligations under Article 17 of the Charter, in particular the main contributor to this Organization. My delegation wishes to stress the fact that the crisis upon which we are focusing our attention today is really a crisis which, although it can be expressed in financial terms, has an originating cause that is undeniably political. In essence, what we are faced with is the deliberate intention, on the part of those who have always been accustomed to measure everything in terms of profit~ of Undermining the existing multilateral bodies as organizations for negotiation and co-operation. As they see it, there is no point in allocating financial resources to an Organization which they consider has ceased to be politically profitable for them.* (Mrs. Astorga Gadea, Nicaragua) In regard to this anti-raultilateralist trend, I express rtJ.':f full support for the following passage from the Secretary-General t s report on the work of the Organization: BThere is today a need for a more vigorous and determined defence by those who believe, as I firmly do, that the co~lex problems of an increasingly interdePendent world can only be solved with the help of effective multilateral action - that the safety net which the united Nations constitutes :.-or the world's security should not he allowed to become tattered. If the hopes and aspirations which the peoples of the united Nations enshrined in the Charter are to be fulfilled, multilateralism, as embodied in the United Nations, needs its champions~ they must speak more boldly and knowledgeablyB. (A/4l/l, p. 17) At its fortieth session, the General Assembly decided to conduct a review of Bthe efficiency of (the] administrative and financial functioning (of the united Nations]B (resolution 40/237, para. 2 (a», and decided also to establish a group of 18 intergovernmental experts to carry out that task. The Group of 18 experts carried out the functions assigned to it by the General Assembly and has submitted to us a report containing 71 recommendations designed to enhance the administrative and financial efficiency of the Organization. We take this opportunity to convey to the Group of Experts and its Chairman our gratitude for the ~~rk they did and the dedication they showed throughout many months. (Mrs. Astorga Gadea, Nicaragua) MY delegation wishes to .ake the following remarks on the report. It is to be expected that any organization whose responsibility is to carry out functions pertaining to the future of mankind will experience a process of growth over time because of its very importance and the increasing services demanded of it by its members. That process of growth, which has been accelerating, has led to an overlapping of programmes, a duplication of efforts, a reduction of management capacity, an increase in the bureaucracy, and a loss of efficiency. We do not believe, however, that all the shortcomings should be attributed to the phenomenon of the growth of the Organization. We must acknowledge boldly and in a spirit of self-criticism the share of responsibility that we bear as Member States. In the past, many recommendations have been made which in practice have yielded little or no results. That is why today, as is stated in the report of the Group of 18, the structure of the Organization is too complex, lacks cohesion and is difficult to co-ordinate. Therefore, what we must do is carry out an orderly reduction at all levels. However, economies and administrative efficiencY are not enough. The political will of the Member States is the decisive factor that will enable the united Nations to contribute effectively to the solution of today's problems, while reaffirming its nature as an irreplaceable instrument at the service of peace and development. Generally speaking, we have no substantive difficulty with the recommendations contained in part A of chapter IIJ those recommendations relate to the need to rationalize the number and duration of meetings and conferences, documentation and so forth. As for part e, concerning co-ordination, we would have wished to see more clear and precise recommendations. Nevertheless f we are sure that the relevant explanations will be given when the report is dealt with in the Fifth Committee. (Mrs. Astorga Gadea, Nicaragua) With respect to chapter III, and sPeCifically the recolllDendations on personnel, we believe that we should not loee sight of the observations made by the Secretary-General in paragraphs 8 and 9 of his Note in document A/41/663. Other recommendations contained in that chapter should be studied in greater detail, and there will be more time for that in the Fifth Committee. During this debate we have heard suggestions from some delegations to the effect that the General Assembly should adopt as a whole the report submitted by the Group of 18 experts. My delegation feels that that is not possible, since in regard to chapter VI - which in our view is the most important chapter from the political standpoint - even the Group was unable to reach a consensus. Three kinds of recommendations or alternatives are proposed, which in fact make it impossible to adopt the report as a whole. In view of the fact that the report we are considering proposes changes that will have a decisive impact on the future of the Organization, we believe that the active participation of all the Member states, on the basis of the principle of sovereign equality, must be guaranteed. We find it paradoxical that States that have always waved high the banner of domestic democracy should now seek to tmpose the concept of limited democracy and limited sovereignty on smaller States, merely because the latter make smaller contributions to the Organization's budget. ~o yield to such pressures would imply accepting the imposition of such concepts and violating the principles of the Charter. In such an event, my delegation considers that the correct decision would be to take at their word those who have threatened to reduce the level of their contributions. My delegation believes that we do not necessarily have to abide by a specific type of alternative in order to reach a consensus on chapter VI. We feel that there are certain elements on the basis of which consensus should be sought - inter alia, delimiting clearly the functions of the Committee on Programme and (Mrs. Astorga Gadea, Nicaragu~) Co-ordination and the Advisory COmmittee on Administrative and Budgetary Questions, and defining the mechanisms for participation by Member states in the drawing up of tbe medium-term plan and the programme budget, the priority criteria for programmes and the machinery for establishing the esttmated amount of resources available for the biennium. With regard to the decision-making process, we must express our opposition to any attempt to undermine the democratic decision-making system that has prevailed in this Organization and that is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all the Member States - a principle at the very root of the grandeur and strength of this Organization. If in the past 41 .years we have had sufficient creativity to ensure the prevalence of the United Nations system, I do not see why we cannot now find the necessary creativity to reach specific agreements on the planning and budgeting system. To that end, all that is required is the political will to do so and the abandonment of any attempt to ~se unilateral solutions on a multilateral organization. Constructive dialogue and a readiness to find solutions must prevail, so that the discussion of the report in the Fifth Committee will be productive and the Committee will be able to submit recommendations to the General Assembly for the adoption of final decisions - which would undoubtedly be beneficial to the Organization and its future. In the final analysis, the Organization will be what its Member States want it to be. In this connection we have no doubt that we all wish to ensure that the United Nations is preserved as the forum where the peoples of the world, with equal rights and obligations g will always find the paths to dialogue, negotiation, and co-operation: the indispensable bases for the establishment and pr€servation of peace~ which is the greatest desire of all our peoples. The meeting rose at I p.m.
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• (continueq) QUESTION OF CYPRUS
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• (continue~) MINUTE OF SILENT PRAYER OR MEDITATION
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• (continu~) REPORT OF THE INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY (a) NOTE BY THE SECRETARY-GENERAL TRANSMITTING THE REPORT OF THE AGENCY (A/41/5l7 and carr.l) (b) DRAFT RESOLUTION (A/41/L.32) Mr. MAKAREVITCH (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): The delegation of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic listened with great interest and attention to the comprehensive introduction given by the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Mr. Blix, of his annual report on the Agency's activities in the year 1985. That report testifies to the effective and comprehensive work done by the organization last year and quite rightly gave a sense of satisfaction to its members and to the world community. The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, as a member of the Agency - the only international body dealing with ,he peaceful uses of atomic energy - has always supported its activities and taken an active part in its work. During the almost 30 years of its existence, this authoritative international organization has achieved significant Auccesses. The broadest recognition has been given to its mUltifarious activities to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons in our world. The Agency is unique in its role as an international instrument engaged in the monitoring of activities in one of the ~~st important areae of limiting nuclear weapons. In this connection we would emphasize that the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime was and re'mains a priority task of the J:AEA in limiting the arms race. The reliable assurance of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons is a necessary pre-condition for broad international co-operation in the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. We believe that the experience accumulated by the IAEA in monitoring might be applied to nuclear weapons, primarily the banning of the production of fissionable materials used in the manufacture of nuclear weapons. The Ukrainian Soviet socialist Republic supports the activities of the Agency in establishing and developing international co-operation in the use of atomic energy for peaceful purposes and in lending technical assistance to its States members. We note with satisfaction that the programme of technical assistance ~overs a broad spectrum of areas of the use of atomic energy foe peaceful purposes, such as the use of atomi~ energy sources in the fuel cycle and the use of atomic energy methods in industry, agriculture, medicine and various spheres of science. The Ukrainian SOviet SOcialist Republic takes an active part in the activities of the Agency. Each year the GOvernment of our Republic, in addition to its regular contribution to the Agency's bUdget, allocates significant resources as a voluntary contribution to the Special Fund for Technical Assistance of the IAEA. As part of the activities undertaken in lending technical assistance to developing countries, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic regularly holds seminars and organizes scientific field trips for specialists from countries of Asia, Africa and tatin America. The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic takes a positive view of, and gives pride of place to, the efforts undertaken by the Agency in lending assistance in establishing international co-operation in such spheres as the peaceful uses of atomic energy where there are insufficient efforts being undertaken by i~dividual States in solving the most important problems - for example, the establishm~nt under the aegis of the lAEA of international machinery to study problems of controlled thermonuclear fusion. The interests of all States require increased efforts on the part of those tahing part in this project in its practical realization, because in th~ future this will lead to inexhaustible sources of energy. One of the most ~portant aspects of the activities of the Agency is the security of nuclear facilities and the drafting of recommen~ations and the lending of assistance to States members in thei~ application. The use of the energy relea!ied by tht!!t atOll is a reality of our times.. More than 30 years of experience of the use of atomic power facilities has convincingly shown their viability and cost eff~ctiveness as well as their ecological purity. There is really no equivalent alternative in thp- sphere of energy resources at the present time. Further~"re, we cannot fail to see that, in the exploitation of nuclear energy, we encounter the danger of losing control ()f terrifying forces, the Chernobyl accident was a sobering example of this danger. It is well known that as a result of the accider.t people died and a great amount of material and moral damage was caused. All the necessary resources and the scientific and technical potential of the entire SOviet "~ion were mobilized to eliminate its consequences. In this way the scope of the accident was rapidly circums~ribed and its grim consequences minimized. The first reactor has been started up again and work is proceeding on recommissioning the second. protective shielding has been built for the destroyed fourth block, and decontamination of the area is continuing. My Government is paying great attention to the housing and living conditions of the population that was evacuated. An All-Union Scientific Centre for Radiological Medicine and a major research and medical facility hsve been set up in Kiev. Immediately after the accident co-operation was established with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IARA). My country invitQd representatives of the Agency, headed by the Director General, Mr. Blix. They were given the opportunity of taking a look at the situation at the nuclear power plant and tbe steps taken to cope with the consequences of the accident. The fact that they made thp.ir objective appraisal of the situation available to the world was of great significance, for now the word wChernobylW is being uttered in many languages the world over. It is pronounced in the same way but it sounds differently. In the West even the human misery involved was used in the inevitable vicious anti-Soviet propaganda campaign. The reaction to that accident in a sense became a verification of the political morality of our times. We wish to express from this rostrum of the united Nations our deep and sincere ~ratitude to the socialist States, which showed their solidarity in connection with this accident. We are scientific organizations for the moral support and practical assistance that they provided. Accidents like that at Chernobyl and the other 152 accidents at nuclear facilities in various countries of the world call for speedy and responsible decisions and co-ordinated efforts to ensure the safe development of nuclear energy - efforts not only on the part of States but also on the part of international organizations and institutes, which can play a role as co-ordinating centres for ensuring nuclear safety. A leading role in this respect should be played by IABA. Indeed, the role and possibilities of that unique international organization should be increased, its sphere of action expanded and greate~ use made of its experience in dealing with various aspects of the problem of nuclear safety. 'l'tle Soviet Union has accordingly put forward in leA a broad progralllllft for the establishment of an international system for the aafe development of nuclear energy based on the proposals made by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the COmmunist Party of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gorbachev. It has received broad support from States members of IABA. The Ukrainian ssa welcomed with great satisfaction the measures adopted by the Agency and in particular. the results of the special session of the General Conference of IAEA. The elaboration within a short period of ttme of the conventions on early notification and on emergency assistance in the ev.nt of nuclear accidents, their signature by a large number of States, and the faet that one of them will enter into force within a month are developments indicating that, in Vienna, a new approach triumphed in the establishment of mutual understanding, trust and openness in relations among States. The Ukrainian SSR, together with other socialist countries, has signed these conventions. We bel!ev~ that they will offer a sound basis for the consistent and safe development of nuclear energy. If resolution before us to those States that had not yet signed the COnvention in Vienna or New York will help to make these important international legal documents BIOre UniVeltAl. The Chernobyl tragedy has not destroyed prospects for nucloar energy, on the contrary, by focusing attention on the need for greater security, it has served to highlight the importance of safety as the only wa~ of guaranteeing reliable energy resources in the future. It forces us all to view the problem of nuclear security in a very conscientious and responsible mann,u'., We regard it as yet another grim warning that there is incalculable danger for mankind in the atom if it escapee control. Nuclear safety in our world is inconceivable without putting an end to material preparations for nuclear warfare and without the complete eli.ination of the means for waging such wars. The timeliness of the Soviet peace-orientec1 initiative has therefore become even clearer - an initiative designed to completely eliminate nuclear weapons, ban nuclear explosion& and establish a comprehensive system of international security. In conclusion, the Ukrainian SSR wishes to express its gratitUde to Mr. Blix, Director General of IAZA, and his colleagues in the IABA secretariat for their efficient and fruitful work. We support the draft ~esolution submitted by the delegationD of Pakistan, Czechoslovakia and Canada, &nd express our satisfaction at the spirit of co-operation and mutual understanding shown in the preparatien of this draft resolution. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR expresses the hope that the activities of IABA, which provide an example of the best possible combination of the national interests of all States and the interests of all mankind, will continue to serve the cause of developing intarnational co-operation in the peacefUl u~es of atomic Mr. BADAWI (Egypt) (interpretation from Arabic)_ I should like to begin by expressing the appreciation of ~ delegation to Mr. Hans Blix, the Director General of the International Atomic Bnergy Agency (IAEA), for the detailed r~port presented to the General ASsembly on the work of the Agency that he heads with such ~istinction. I should like to congratulate him on the excellence that has been the hallmark of hie directorship of that important Agency. The nuclear factor became a part of the international scene in the 19400. It has great but divergent potential. Prom the first military use of the atom, the whole world has been warning of the grave negative aspects of such applications, especially the tremendous long-term destructive ca~ability of atomic fission when misused. At the same time, the world has become convinced that sound application ef atomic fission will resu:~ in great benefits for mankind in various peaceful areas such as energy, agriculture, medicine and other activities fundamentally relating to the development end prosperity of man. This awareness of the various facets of the nuclear factor r~8ulted in the emergence of the xnternational Atomic Bnelgy Agency (IAEA), whose Charter calls for the use of the atom for the good of mankind and prohibits its U98 for military purposes. That was the rea80n of Egypt's support of the establishment of the Agency and its development over the past several years. Throughout, Egypt adopted a constructive approach and made Qbjective proposals directed at consolidating the aims and p~rpose8 for which the Agency was established. We bave shared the international community'. awareneas of the differiag facets of the nuclear factor and its hope that the nuclear Statee w!ll work for the elimination of nuclear weapons Which, at that time, were limited in number and sophistication. We have hoped, together with the rest of the world that the work of the Agency would be di~ected towards the various peaceful applications of atomic energy and the gOOd use it can be put to in the economic and social development of our world. That has been and remains the position of Egypt. (Mr. Badawi, Egypt) In the light of all this, we can only state, in all honesty, that the international community is still faced with the dangers created by the presence and increase of nuclear weapons in the military arsenals. The benefits which the international community and in particular the developing countries have reaped from the peaceful application of nuclear energy have not been proportionate with the length of time and the scientific and practical devel~pment of this technology. Evidence of this is the tremendous vertical proliferation of nuclear weaponry and the great surge of the proliferation of military nuclear potential to new countries and regions in the world. We also find that, in spite of the varicJus programmes for the ~~aceful application of nuclear energy, organized by the IAEA with a large nUMber of countries many of which are developing nations, the greater and most important part of nuclear application is still the preserve of the industrially advanced countries, especially in the area of the nuclear generation of electricity. Egypt considers that this fact makes it necessary for us as Members of the united Nations and m~~bers of the IAEA and its institutions to stop and take stock of the situation in order for U8 to find the means of overcoming th~ obstacles thmt have impeded the realization of our goals. We have to develop and consolidate the role of the IAEA in the international arena in the light of the developing and changing kaleidoscope of international circumstances, the developments in the area of nuclear technology, its application and the experience we have gained over the years. We believe that the international community and the Agency are quite capable of facing u~. to this challenge and rising to the level of the responsibilities to which we all share under international law and the united Nations Charter. OUr first responsibility is the rejection of war and the use of force and the achievement of security and stability in a world where justice, equality in rights and obligations prevail. As a modest contribution on our part in the effort to achieve the purposes for which the Agency was established, Egypt calls for the following I first, the need to make ~XiIllWR use of the potential and capability of the lOA in the area of ,verification of adherence to disarmament agreements. We consider. that the Agency's success in the neutral monitoring of adherence by the non-nuclear states to the pledge not to move towards the military nuclear option through the operation of an international system of safeguards shQuld be an incentive to benefit further from the Agency's potential together with other interna~ional organizations in verifying the adherence of the countries to the various provisions of the disarmament agreements including the ban on nuclear testing and the setting up of nuclear-weapon-free zones in various parts of the world. This success on ~hich we should ca~italize was achieved by the Agancy in this field, through the su~rt and solidarity of a large number of Statee, including some nuclear Powers. We also call for the expansion of the safeguards system to include all peaceful nuclear facilities in both the nuclear and non-nuclear States. Egypt calls for the optimum use by the nuclear Powers of the Agency's potential in the area of verification and urges the Agency to highlight its capabilities in this respect. We also request the Agency to play a positive role in setting up nuclear-weapcn-free zones in different parts of the world. Though we believe that every region of the world has its own special circumstances we consider that there 18 real and concrete potential in an active role for the Agency as a catalyst in this vital area. This the Agency could do through a set of models for such agreements together with a concept of the procedure of negotiation and means of verification. I should like to state from this rostrum that the safeguards system of the Agency is the beat confidence-building measure available to the countries of the world in this vital area. We cannot but refer in this respect to the nuclear-arms rac~ which tbrows a dark shadow over the application of nuclear energy. Balting that race and the promotion of the Agency's role as outlined will lead to greater credib~lit, in the area of peaceful application of nuclear energy. Sacondly, the reactivation of the Agency's role in drafting, developing and codifying a number of international rules for the peaceful application of nuclear • energy in view of the extent emd .intensity of such application and in the li9ht of the experience gained by the world in dealing with this technology, and the prospects of its utilization to meet future challenges. I should like to mention here that Egypt put f~rward two proposals in September 1985 at the Third Review Conference on the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, one to organize the manner in Which the international community could face up to a situation where peaceful nuclear facilities under international safeguards were to come under attack. The proposal involves the provision of international assistance to the country which suffers such aggression, as we nave seen from experience that the consequences of such an attaek are too grave to be coped with by anyone country on its own. Several aspects of this proposal were adopted and included in the Pinal Declar,ltion of the COnference, after lengthy negotiations. Egypt welcomes the fact that the international ~ommunity, through the International Atomic Energy Agency (lAD) ~ was able to reach agreement cn two COnventions - one on the early notification of nuclear accidents, and the other on assistance in the case of nuclear acciden~ or radiation emergency. Egypt signed bot~ COnventions on the very day they were opened for signature. Thirdly, international efforts must be increased to overcome all the obstacles to the expansion of the peaceful use by developing countries of nuclear energy, particularly in the generation of electricity. In particular, we would refer to financing. In this connection, we welcome the conclusion by the group of experts set up by the Agency of its consideration of the obstacles as well as its suggested solutions, including the establishment of a special fund for such programmes in the developing countries. That was the subject of the second proposal that Egypt presented to the Thi~d Review COnference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Because of its experience with the nuclear-reactor accident at Chernobyl, the international community has at last begun to realize that we must deal ~ith the military and peaceful uses of nuclear energy as one and the same equation. We must all benefit from an increased awareness and understanding of the dangers inherent in this area, whatever differences there may be in our policies and no m~tter how great the distances between us may be. Let us all work together within the context of mutual international resPQnsibility to ensure that the International Atomic Ene~gy Agency is able to fulfil the objectives for which it was established. Mr. FISCHER (Austria): The International Atomic Ener~y Agen~y (IAEA) has for many years been the most technically and scientifically c~1ented ag2ncy within the United Nations system, perfr ning its ~esponsible and important work in a businesslike and efficient manner. The report about the Agency's work in 1985 which we have befo~e us testifies once again to that fact. And yet, after the most serious accident in the history of the civil use of nuclear energy - the accident which occurred in Apr~l this year - we ar~ all aware of the fact that thin~~ simply will not and cannot be the same as they used to be. Many of us were made painfully aware that the eff~cts of atomic radiation do not stop at national boundaries. Widespread fear and increased scepticism about the us~s of nuclear energy were the understandable reaction of the general public in many countries. In the field of energy policy, GOvernments and the international community as a whole are called upon to respond to the fact that what had up to now been unexpected actually occurred. Traditionally, the International Atomic Energy Agency's primary task has been to monitor nuclear installations with a view to preventing misuses of nuclear material for military purposes. Furthermore, the IAEA provides technical assistance, advice and training for Member States in the nuclear field. Today it is clear to a vast majority of Member States that the Agency must be mandated to carry out an additional and equally important task in the field of reactor safety, information exchange and emergency assistance in case of nuclear accidents. Austria strongly supported the convening of a special session of the IAEA General Conference to address itself to those urgent questions. Austria welcomes the preparation of the IAEA Convention on Early Notification of a Nuclear Accident and the Convention on Assistance in the Case of Nuclear Accident or Radiological Emergency. Austria has already signed both Conventions. we consider them to be a timely, nseful and helpful first step in t-be right direction.. However, further steps have to follow. My country wishes the international community to address itself to some fundamental concerns, such as the harmonization of safety standards. Regarding the Convention on early notification, we feel that the obligation of the State in which a nuclear accident occurs to notify other countries threatened by radioactive releases transgressing national boundaries should have been spelled out more clearly and objectively. As matters now stand, such notification depends on the subjective judgement of the country in which the accident occurred. We would have liked to see an automatic linkage between the putting into effect of national contingency measures and the international notification procedure. As regards the Convention on assistance in the case of nuclear accident, we recognize that the modalities for such assistance have been laid down in this Convention in a somewhat general manner) regional agreements will be required to supplement this framework agreement. What in Austria's view is obviously missing is a clear-cut obligation by the States parties to the Convention actually to render such assistance. Another question that has so far received too little attention pertains to international liability and compensation for damages suffered because of nuclear accidents that occurred on foreign territory. Here too Austria believes that binding agreements should be worked out. The effects of atomic radiation do not stop at national boundaries. The dangers of atomic energy threaten also those countries which, like Austria, have not introduced nuclear-energy production. Therefore, we feel that binding international safety standards for existing and new nuclear-power plants should be prepared. Their observance should be monitored by the specialized !AEA staff. As I mentioned earlier, the preparation of the two new Conventiona by the International AtoDdc Energy Agency was a timely and significant first step in response to the new situation we are confronted with•. But a huge task in developing the necessary international legal instruments still lies ahead of us. The International Atomic Energy Agency clearly is the primary multilateral forum for these endeavours. Its aClcumlated experience is an ass~t we cannot afford to overlook. Its future tasles will grow in number and in importance. The i Agency's proud record provides the best guarantee that it will, also master future challenges. In conclusion, I should like to assure all Member States that Austria will continue to support the Agency whole-heartedly. Austria is proud to serve as host to the headquarters of the International Atomic Energy Agency. We shall make sure that working conditions for the Agency in Vienna will, so far as we can have an influence on them, continue to be as good as they can possibly be. Mr. SRI Jlcheng (China) (interpretation from Chinese). I listened carefully to the statement by Mr. Bans Blix, Director General of the Inte~national Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). OVer the past year the IAEA has done a great deal of work, especially in ~romoting intornational ca~~ration for nuclear safety. Last July, on the Agency's initiative, a group of 'Governmental experts from all Member States held a special meeting to discuss the necessary co-operation between States in the event of a nuclea1 power station accident. The meeting yielded rich results, in the form of the drafting of two conventions - on early notification of a nuclear accident and on assistance in the case of a nuclear accident or radiological emergency. It took the experts only four weeks to achieve those results. That not only shows that the various States attach great importance to the question and have reached a common understanding on it, but also testifies to the Agency's efficiency. China is today developing nuclear power. Consequently we attach great importance to international co-operation for nucleD~-power safety. In the past year fresh progress has been made in co-operation between China and the Agency. Alongside the experts of other countries, Chinese experts made an active contribution to the formulation of the two conventions. China also attaches great imporatance to multil~teral co-operation within the framework of the United Nations. China recently applied to join the United Nations Scientific Committee on the Effects of Atomic Radiation, and has since been admitted. China is ready to contribute to the Committee's work and looks forward to benefiting from its co-operation with other Member States. In its bilateral co-operation with other States in the peaceful use of nuclear energy, China will continue to abide strictly by its established policy of not encouraging or assisting other countries to develop nuclear weaponry. This policy is serious and firm. It is embodied in a series of agreements on bilateral co··operation which China has concluded with other countries. At the same time, China is also fully awai:e of its own responsibility, as a nuclear-weapon state, for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Therefore, the Chinese GOvernment has already had preliminary talks with IAEA about China's request for some of its civiUan nuclear facilities to be placed under IAEA safeguards. In conclusion, the Chinese delegation highly appreciates lAEA's work and endorses its annual report and the draft resolution. Hr. S'l'RULAK (Poland): The item before the Assembly today is the annual report of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for 1985, in fact, however, we discuss matters pertaining to the Agency's activities during both the past and present year, the latter having been impressively presented to us today in the highly informative and indeed inspiring statement of Mr. Hans Blix, the Director General of the lAEA, whose untiring efforts and purposeful leadership we continue to value highly. Both these years have been of special ~ignificance for the Agency. The year 1985 brought strong, unanimous reaffirmation and support by the Third Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of the Agency's crucial role in ensuring compliance with the Treaty, through its safeguards system, an activity of vital importance to international peace and security. The Conference also provided new ideas for assisting developing countries in the promotion of nuclear power programmes, and we are glad to note that those ideas are being put into practice. The current year has brought a great challenge to the Agency's viability in the field of nucle~r safety, a challenge it has fully met, setting new records of efficiency, becoming a most useful inst~ument and focus of fruitful international • co-operation and acquiring yet greater strength and authority in the process. Indeed, 1986 certainly marks a turning point towards univers&l awareness of the realities of the nuclear age. On 15 January the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the SOviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, drawing definite conclusions from the ultimate folly of the nuclear-arms race, proposed the world-wide total elimin~tion of the destructive atom before the end of this century. The proposal is supported by the now l5-month-long unilateral Soviet moratorium on nuclear tests. The meeting in Reykjavik last month between General Secretary Gorbachev and President Reagan showed that the prospe~t of a nuclear-weApon-free world is attainable, given good will on the part of all concerned. While the exclusively peaceful atom is the ardent hope of all mankind and ever more a necessity for securing its well-being, it is also an awesome power, of which we all need to know more, and we all need to do more to guard again~t its dangers. More than ever before, this truth has become known through the tragic accident at the Chernobyl reactor. It has alao become clear, as Mr. Blix has put it, that "the question of nuclear safety has now acquired a much stronger international dimension than before". It has, therefore, been most heartening to note how Chernobyl resulted in a surge of meaningful international activities aimed at learning from it, drawing all the necessary conclusions and taking action so as to be better able to face and possibly prevent similar emergencies in the future. We believe we owe it, first of all, to those who suffered most from the accident, the people and the Government of the soviet Union, to their ~illingness ... in providing information, in seeking international ~o-operation, including that of the IABA and to the initiative shown for an international effort towards greater nuclear safety, with the Agency as its centre. We fully share the evaluation of the Director General that intern~tional nuclear co-operation in the months following the Chernobyl accident was at its best. We consider the unprecedented swift elaboration of int~rnational conventions on early notification of nuclear accidents and on assistance in the case of nuclear accident or radiological emergency under the aegis of the IAEA and their adoption by the special session of the General Conference in September to be a major international event which has positively influenced the international climate. Poland signed both conventions and accepted them innediately as binding. We were glad to learn about the entry inte force of the notification convention last month. Of g~eatest significance and topicality is the wide-ranging soviet initiative to establish an international regime for the safe development of nuclear energy, put forward at the same special session. I should like to reiterate Poland's full support for this programme and Poland's readiness to participate actively in its implementation. Of course, we are firmly of the view that the IAEA should have a leading role in the process of establishing a world-wide system of nuclear safety and radiological protection. We would welcome and look forward to closer co-operation of the Agency with other international organizations under this system. As a Central European country determined to develop nuclear power, Poland treats the problems of safety with all seriousness. This has been confirmed by the atomic law which was adopted by the Polish Parliament on 10 April 1986. Broad safety considerations also prompt our co-operation with the IAEA in the field of nuclear safety and radiological protection, as well 8S our insistence on the earliest possible entry into force of the Convention on the Physical Protection of ~uclear Materials. We deem it necessary to elaborate international recommendations on the heightening of the safety standards of nuclear facilities, to establish internationally acceptable intervention levels of radiation doses and derived intervention levels of radionuclides in the environment and in foodst~ffs, to articulate the responsibility of States for the damage caused by nuclear accidents, to construct a n~xt generation of safer reactors and to protect nuclear facilities from terrorism. Important as the safety problems naturally appeared in the latest months of the IAEA activities, we note with satisfaction that it has not de-emphasized other areas of its work, which it followed with the usual sense of purpose and diligence. It is hardly possible in a statement here to refer to all of them. I shall therefore point shortly to just some of these areas. An idea which we find to be of great interest and importance for Poland, and we believe for all mankind, is the use of various radiation and radioisotope techniaues to monitor, improve and protect the human environment. It is of particular si~nificance in tho densely populated and highly industrialized regions of the world of which Europe is one. We believe the IAEA can make an even greater contribution to the solution of these burning problems by the promotion of international, inclUding regional, co-operation, particularly in the application of the most advanced effective technologies in this field. We have in mind, in particular, the use of accelerators for removing toxic gases from coal and oil-burning power plants, decontamination of anim~l food, as well as food irradiation. I should like to recall in this context the initiative put forward last year by wojciech J3ruze1ski, the Read of the Polish delegation to the fortieth session of the General Assembly on the unrestricted flow of technologies related to the protection of the natural environment. Our review of the Agency's activities cannot omit the qtlestion of safeguards operations, to which we have already referred as most cr~cia1. We note with the greatest satisfaction the conclusion of the 1985 Annual Report that the nuclear material under Agency safeguards in 1985 remained in peaceful nuclear activities or was otherwise adequately accounted for, and that with th~ number of nuclear facilities under safeguards having grown to over 500. We welcome the full-scope safeguards agreement with Albania, a non-nuclear proliferation Treaty State and the working out of a voluntary offer agreement between the Agency and China on submitting to safeguards of certain peaceful nuclear activities in that country. It will be the fifth such agreement with a nuclear Power. We hope the Agency's discussion with Spain and EURATOM will also be successful. On the other hand, we cannot but feel concerned with the total lack of response on the part of South Africa to the Director General's requests for discussing full-scope safeguards application to all of its nuclear facilities. We support the highly commendable constant efforts by the Agency to maintain and improve the effectiveness of the safeguards system through development of new approaches so as to keep up with the technological developments of fuel cycle facilities. We also note the known difficulties the Agency has been facing in operating the safeguards system, among them those relating to the acceptance of designated inspectors. We believe there is need for correcting the situation through a more co-Operative 15'~Dd of the aellbot countries concerned, we iwpe that given the common awareness of safeguardse1gniEic$oce forfton-proliferation of nuclear weapons, this as well as other problems of their operation will be so1ved through ever-closer co-operation among the lAEA's membership. POland also notes with satisfaction the continuing growth of the technical co-operation and technical assistance activities of the Agency. While fully approving the aQCe~te~ principles of financing technical co-operation and assistance, as well as the agreed 12 per cent growth of the Pund for those activities over the period 1987-89, it intends to make a corresponding contribution of its own to this Pund. Motivated by the high considerat".ons of its national security, international peace, development needs and safety requirements, POlandis commitment to co-operation with the lAEA, is a profound one. This was reaffirmed earlier this month by its Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Marian Orzechowsid, when he met with Mr. Hans Blix at the IAEA Head'1U&rters in Vienna. He highly appreciated the Agency's activity in preventing the proliferation of nuclear weapons and expressed a desire for further expansion of our country's co-operation with the IAEA both in the nuclear-power industry and in other areas, such as agriCUlture, food preservation, medicine and environmental protection. OUr firm support for the whol~ gamut of the Agency's activities, and recognition of its central role in international co-operation for the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, will be duly reflected in our vote on draft resolution A/41/L.32. Mr. MARDOVICB (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist RepUblic) (intepretation from Russian): The report of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for the year 1985, and the statement of its Director General, ~. Bans Blix, when he introduced the report at this morning's plenary meeting, contained important information on the activities of that international organization and the tasks Which must be undertaken for the further and more effective performance of its duties. In this connection, we deem it necessary to state our unreserved support for the activities of the organization. There is a growing recognition in the world of the fact that atomic energy is the least expensive BOUtce of energy and of the need for joint, well co-ordinated efforts for the further strengt~ening of international co-operation to ensure reliable conditions for the safe and peacef~l use of the atom. Like other delegations addressing the Assembly, we highly value the results of t~~e first special session of the General Conference ~f IABA whioh considered a broad range of items pertaining to the safe development of atomic energy and the adoption of a number of important decisions. As is well known, there was broad support at the special session for the programme of action put forward by the Soviet Union to establish an international regime for the safe development of nuclear energy. This programme contains a system of major practical measures to strengthen the scientific and technological basis for nuclear energy, which is one of the pre-eonditions for its further development. The special session of the General Conference approved two important international conventions on early notification of nuclear accidents and on assistance in the event of such accidents or radiological emergency. It laid down an appropriate international legal framework for the further broadening of co-operation among States, the IAEA and other international organizations, in developing nuclear energy in conditions which would ensure maximum security for the population and the surrounding environment. The importance and timeliness of these conventions is borne out by the number of States - approximately 60 - which signed them. As regards the Byelorussian SSR, we signed these documents at the final stage of the special session. However, in ensuring a regime for the safe development of nu~lear energy, no less important is a broad range of practical measures which would exclude the possibility of an accident. As we see it, this should be the goal and focal point of the efforts made by the Agency to secure international co-operation• In thia context, our delegation would like to point out that the Agency's expanded programme of activities in nuclear energy safety is correctly reflected in ~he recommendations made and decisions taken on this important problem and also in the concrete recommendations drafted over a short period of time on a broad range of issues, in partic~lar on improving the operational reliability of nuclear energy facilities, their system of security, machinery for the prevention and abolition of ac~idents, the stabilization of a situation, control of radioactive waste, unification of standards for security and protection against radiation, among a number of others. We support the views expressed here on the appropriateness of close international co-operation, under the aegis of the IAEA, for the development of energy reactors from a new generation of nuclear facilities on the basis of the current world-wide accumulation of scientific knOWledge, practical experience and, primarily, current security requirements, as well as intensified efforts in controlled thermonuclear fusion, in partiCUlar under the International Tokamak Reactor (INTOR) project which was developed in the framework of the lAEA, since 1978, with the participation of a number of States. The implementation of this programme wo~ld allow for significant progress in solving the problem of ensuring the safe use of energy for mankind in the foreseeable future with a curtailment of its negative effects on the environment. As is well known, pride of place is given in lAEA activities to control over the peaceful uses of atomic energy and the strengthening of the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. In this connection, we note with satisfaction the positive quality of changes in the safeguards programme, the great effectiveness and overall reliability of the results of the Agency's inspeotion and safeguards system and the growing role and qualifications of staff and of technical and methodological facilities. We should also note our approval of the expan~ed use of standardized computerized methods of calculation and the davelopIRent of eomputerfacilities for inspection of safeguards. At the Sllme time, we trust that additional methods to raise the level of inspection activities, as well as the effectiveness of the safegusrda aytem in the nuclear threshold countries, will be taken, especially among those countries which have not signed the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Such measures are abs~lutely necessary. We ~Jst establish a long-lastin~ reliable barrier against the spread of nuclear weaponry in our world• ., An important aspect of ~ activities 1n accordance with its Statute is technical assistance to developing countries and the peaceful use of nuclear energy in areas of material production, science, health care, and training of highly aualified specialists. Wo find that more States are involved in those programmes and there is a constant increase in financing and broadening the Agency's technical possibilities for these purposes. All of this has convincingly shown growing support for the Agency's activities by States members and the effective active finance u~otem on the basis of voluntary contributions in national currencies - which supports the idea of retaining this system unchanged. In our mutually dependent world, along with problems of the peaceful atom there is the problem of atom for military purposes. Today's activities are such that ~~ue security has become unthinkable without the complete elimination of nuclemr weaponry, an end to its use, and the banning of material preparations for atomit' war. This desirable goal, the maintenance of peace and life on Earth, can be achieved in only one way - the complete elimination of weapons of mass destruction. It is precisely that approach that underlies the far-reaching programme for overall security through disarmament set out by Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev on 15 January of this year. Its major element was the step-by-step process for the complete e'}mination, jointly and for ever, of nuclear weapons and the effective banning forever of offensive space weaponry. The implementation of that programme would provide for a beginning of a new era in the history of mankind - a non-nuclear era, ensuring in a real way, in the international situation, the possibility of focusing efforts on creative activities, which would trUly be in keeping with the aspirations of peoples of all States. A new piece of tangible evidence of the serious intentions of the USSR in achieving practical results in campai~~ing against arms, and in banning and eliminating nuclear weaponry, was the high-level meeting in Reykjavik, convened on the initiative of the USSR. Nuclear energy and various types of high-yield radiation are being used in the Byelorussian SSR in agriculture, industry, medicine and scientific institutes. There is also a plan for nuclear energy to be used broadly in electrical and fuel energy. In conclusion, the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR once again praises the high effectiveness and fruitful work of IAEA and its secretariat and commends them for the work done for the further development of international co-operation for the peaceful and safe use of atomic energy. Mr. STACKHOUSE (Canada): Following the Chernobyl accident last April, global attention focused on the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as never before in its history. The Agency's secretariat, under the able guidance of its Director General, Mr. Bans Blix, who spoke to us so eloquently today, co-ordinated the timely and appropriate response to that nuclear tragedy. There has been extraordinary activity by the Agency in the aftermath of Chernobyl that has already resulted in the conclusion of two Conventions on early warning and emergency assistance in "the case of nuclear accidents to which Canada and more than SO other States have become signatories. In addition, a technical meeting of experts and a special session of the Agency's General Conference have taken place. The vast majority of States have reconfirmed their commitment to nuclear power and the importance of nuclear safety. Last week, internationally renowned nuclear safety experts met to consider an expanded programme in nuclear safety for implementation by the Agency. In the wake of Chernobyl the international community's concern for nuclear safety and those recent Agency activities are both understandable and commendable. None the less, we should not lose sight of the Agency's other crucial programmes, namely, safeguards, technical assistance and co-operation. I shall describe briefly Canada's range of interest in nuclear energy, as these activities explain Canada's commitment to the Agency and to international co-operation in nuclear activities. Canada is the world's leading producer and exporter of uranium and radioisotopes - the latter used in medicine, hydrology, industry and agriculture and will be increasingly applied to the preservation of food. CANDO reactors, with thejr proved technology for providing a secure source of electricity, regularly lead the world in performance, Canada also has an active programme in nuclear waste management. Since renouncing the acquisition and use of nuclear weapons over 40 years ago, Canada has advocated the use of nuclear energy strictly for peaceful, non-explosive purposes. Non-proliferation is a corner-stone of Canadian foreign policy, it is designed to meet two objectives: one is to promote the emergence of a more effective and comprehensive international non-proliferation regime, the second is to assure the Canadian people and the international community that Canadian nuclear exports will not be used for any nuclear-explosiv~ purpose. The first objective is achieved by emphasizing the role of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), by promoting reliance upon and improvements in the IAEA safeguards system, by treating nuclear and non-nuclear-weapon States alike in terms of Canadian nuclear exports, and by working for new approaches covering such sensitive phases of the nuclear fuel cycle as reprocessing. The second objective is served through the network of bilateral nuclear agreements that Canada has concluded with its nuclear partners. Those agreements provide assurance that Canada's nuclear exports are used solely for peaceful purposes. A clabn in Mr. Blix's remarks this morning showed how crucial all those provisions are, for he said: "Nuclear power through fission is a reality that we shall continue to live with.- All the facts bear him out. There are 370 nuclear power reactors in the world. On present trends, by the end of the century it is anticipated that over 20 per cent of the world's electricity will be generated by nuclear plants. Parts of the developing world rightly eee their future prosperity enhanced by the advent of safe nuclear power in Asia, Latin America and Afric8u as well as less developed parts of Europe. They want it, they need itJ they will most likely have it. In all this, Canada naturally hopes to be an active partner with them as an exporter. We shall play our part in the further development of peaceful nuclear energy in those areas. Therefore, we know how essential the Agency's work is. in the light of this, it follows that Cana~a is and will be a strong supporter of the Agency's safeguards operations. Canadian technical experts have participated in advisory groups, technical committees and other meetings convened by the Agency to improve those operations. Moreover, Canada established the Canadian Safeguards Research and Development Programme in 1978J its purpose was to assist the Agency in the development and enhancement of systems for safeguarding various types of nuclear facilities. The Agency's safeguards system affords the whole international community increased security from further proliferation of nuclear weapons and provides all nu~lear suppliers - not only Canada - with a framework within which peaceful nuclear commerce can take place. In addition to its active role in Agency safeguards operations, Canada has both contributed to and benefited from the Agency's safety programme. Beginning in 1958 with the first Safety Series pUblication on the safe handling of radioisotopes, Canada has shared the conviction of many member States that there is need for a vigorous international safety programme within the Agency. The tragic developments of 26 April at Chernobyl have underlined the fundamental importance of the nuclear safety and radiological protection activities of the Agency. As mentioned earlier, Canada believes also that the Agency's Technical Assistance and Co-operation programme is an important aspect of its mandate. AS a leader in the peaceful applications of nuclear energy, Canada has always actively supported the Agency's activities in this area and will continue to do so. Canada believes that the promotion of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy is inextricably lihked with assurances that nuclear energy is actually being used for peaceful purposes only. It is for this reason that Canada has been an active player in the Agency since its inception. It is for this reason that Canada will continue to support Agency activities in the future. Finally, let us see how the Agency, rightly appreciated, demonstrates the way that the United Nations system itself, recognized in its broadest dimensions, is vital to the world's hope for a better future. In April of this year, when Chernobyl revealed the urgent need for international agreements on safety standards and early notification, the Agency rose to the challenge and provided the world with the negotiating mechanism that made such agreements possible. Accordingly, my delegation is pleased to sponsor and to urge the adoption by consensus of the draft resolution before us today, which affirms the General Assembly's confidence in the Agency and in its work to promote the application of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. (Mr. Stackhouse, Canada) We applaud the Director General's emphasis on nuclear energy being used only for peace. In my country 11 November is 'known as Remembrance Day because on 11 November we reme~r all those who fell· in war. It is thus a day when we look back, but it is also a day when we look ahead, ahead to that time when war shall be no more and only the star of peace shall appear. To that end canada commits itself to the peaceful use of nuclear ene~gy. Mr. BIRCH (United Kingdom): On behalf of the European Community and its member states I should like to thank the Director General of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for his annual report on the work of the Agency during 1985. I should also like to express appreciation of the comments made by the Director General in his introductory statement on the main developments which have taken place in the Agency during 1986. There is no doubt that the tragic accident which brought about many of those developments will have established the Agency much more firmly in the public consciousness. It is thus with added vigour that we wish to reaffirm our full support for the Agency's objectives of encouraging and facilitating international co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy for peace, health and prosperity throughout the world and to reaffirm our full support for the prevention of nuclear pro1iferatione The Agency remains, in our view, the primary international organization for the promotion of the application of nuclear energy for peaceful purposese The annual report for 1985 records an increase of 13e7 per cent in total world installed nuclear power g~~erating capacitYe The 374 nuclear power plants in operation at the end of last year accounted for 15 per cent of the world's electricity generation, an increase of 2 per cent over the previous yeare Many countries now depend upon nuclear power as a major contributor to their energy (Mr. Birch, united Kingdom) requirements. within the European Community a third of our electricity is generated by nuclear power. It is thus clear that nuclear power is playing and will continue to play a substantial role as an energy source. Nuclear safety is recognized in the statute as a function of the IABA and since the Agency's formation in 1957 it has been an important integral programme. The Chernobyl accident demonstrated that the Agency is fUlfilling an essential role in the fields of nuclear safety and radiological protection, not only by contributing to the establishment of enhanced safety procedures and techniques but also in responding to public concerns. In this respect we wish to pay full tribute to the Director General and to his staff for their ttmely and professional response to the Chernobyl accident and to express our appreciation of the part the Agency has played in recent months in furthering understandings, prectices and broader international co-ope~ation in the field of nuclear safety. Chernobyl clearly illustrated that a major nuclear accident does not respect national boundaries, and it underlined the vital importance of international co-operation in the nuclear field. No country can afford to isolate itself from the international community in such cases. In this context we commend the Agency for the ~rtant role it played in draWing up and in the conclusion of the two Conventions on early notification of nuclear accidents and on emergency assistance in the event of nuclear accidents. The speed with which the negotiations were completed was proof of the commitment of the Agency and its member states to improving existing arrangements. The Agency must now ensure that all future work in these fields is carried forward with the same sense of urgency. The dialogue established following the accident must continue if the international community is to learn all the lessons of Chernobyl. The Agency has the central role in this dialogue and should continue (Mr. Birch, United Kingdom) to be the world focus for work on nuclear IJafety. Por our part we shall do all we can to contribute to wall-direoted programmes in the key areas of nuclear safety principles and standards development, operational safety and radiation protection. We note with s8tisfaction from the 1985 annual report the valuable work achieved by the Agency in the nuclear safety field during the course of last year with the completion of the nuclear safety standards progr&mme, the further development of radiation protection guidelines and the work of the International Nuclear Safety Advisory Group ,INSAG). In this context we believe that the recoJllllendations formulated by INSAG in its report on the post-accident review meeting on the Chernobyl accident could play an important role in the enhancement of nuclear safety. Another area which, in.recent years, has been attracting heightened public concern in the context of nuclear power development is that of radieactive waste management. We thus note with satisfaction the continued work af the Agency in the development of standards designed to assist in the formulation of national waste management regulations. We alao welcome the stimulating role of the Agency in promoting international co-operation in nuclear waste management. Turning to safeguard activities, allow me on behalf of the European Community and its member States first of all to reaffirm our confidence in the IAEA safeguards system. We repeat our appeal to those non-nuclear-weapon States having nuclear facilities which are not under IAEA safeguards to place those facilities under safeguards. In this connection, we welcome the Agency's conclusion of a full-scope safeguards agreement with Albania. The Agency's safeguards system has, over the years, become a corner-stone in international nuclear co-operation by providing, through its application, assurance to the international community that participating member States are complying with their non-proliferation commitments and on a wider scale by creating confidence on a global basis between member States. Furthermore, it is our view that international confidence in the Agency's safeguards system is a necessary precondition for the interchange of nuclear techniques and trade. It is thus with satisfaction that we note that again in 1985 the Agency considered it reasonable to conclude that all nuclear material under Agency safeguards remained in peacefUl nuclear activities. We recognize that continuous research and development activities involved in imprOVing safeguard techniques and the geographical extension of the safeguards inspection coverage are essential to further the efficiency and effectiveness of the system as a whole. We are prepared to play a full part to ensure its continuing success. The great importance we attach to the Agency's regulatory activities applies just as much to the Agency's promotional activities and especially to the technical co-operation and assistance programme. Despite real domestic budgetary constraints, European Community member states continue to demonstrate their support for this valuable programme by remaining among its major donors, both directly through contributions to the Technical Assistance and Co-operation Fund and through extrabudgetary and in-kind support. We note the progress made by the Agency in programme delivery in 1985 and the present efforts which are being made by the Agency to improve the effectiveness of its work and to achieve an enhanced utilization of its resources in this field. The Agency's technical assistance and co-operation programme is a useful reminder that, in addition to the power applications of nuclear energy, nuclear techniaues·are increasingly being used to combat disease and improve human welfare in many parts of the world. It is noteworthy that around 50 per cent of the Agency's technical assistance and co-operation projects involved the application of nuclear techniaues in agriculture, medicine and industry. We fully support the valuable research and nuclear physics activities provided for these projects by the Seibersdorf Laboratory, the.International Centre for Theoretical Physics at Trieste and the International Laboratory of Marine Radioactivity at Monaco. We hope that in time all the Agency's technical assistance and co-operation activities will have significant beneficial effects on the economies and living standards of recipient countries. Concerning the establishment of an internationally agreed effective system of international plutonium storage, in accordance with article XXII.A.5 of the Statute, we look forward to the Agency's analysis of the existing and foreseeable quantities of plutonium. The Committee on Assurances of Supply will have shortly completed its sixth year of work. An agreed set ~f mutually acceptable principles ensuring supply and guaranteeing non-proliferation has not yet been achieved. We are ready to co-operate to reach a solution to this important and difficult problem within the limits of our nuclear and non-proliferation policies'. The seventh session of the Preparatory Committee for the United Nations Conference for the Promotion of International Co-operation in the Peaceful uses of Nuclear Energy is at present taking place in Vienna. The SUbject matter of that Conference is, of course, of relevance to the work of the Agency. We take the view that the work of the Conference should be oriented to strengthen the objectives of IAEA and to further the implementation of its Statute. Finally, I should like to state that it is the firm wish of the European Community and of its member States that the close co-operation that exists between them and the Agency in all peaceful nuclear activity fields of common interest should continue to develop. It is our continued aim to maintain the Agency as an effective instrument for peaceful nuclear co-operation. Mr. SUMAIDA (Iraa) (interpretation from Arabic): MY delegation has great pleasure in extending its thanks to Mr. Blix, Director General of IAEA, and his colleagues in the secretariat of the Agency for the manner in which they have been carrying out the work of the Agency. We hope that the Agency will continue to benefit from the experience and efforts of Mr. Blix in the coming years. The Agency plays an important role in promoting the peaceful applications of atomic ene~gy in all fields, such as electric power supplies and the use of nuclear energy in medicine, agriculture and industry, through the technical assistance it provides directly or indirectly, as well as through advice, training and exchanges of information. Moreover, the Agency has carried out an active programme to assist (Mr. Sumaida, Iraq) its ~.bers to ensure nuclear safety. This programme has been considerably expanded by the implementation of the accident notification system and the activities of the advisory groups on radiation protection and international nuclear safety. I have some comments on the contents of the report of IAEA for 1985, which is now before the General Assembly. In making these comntents, I should like to draw attention to certain auestions mentioned in the report. Under the heading ·Matters of special interest to th~ ~gency discussed by the General Assembly of the united Nations·, the annual report deals with the most serious question faced by the Agency since its inception, namely, that of the Israeli military attack on Iraqi nuclear installations under IAEA safeguards. The manner in which the Agency has dealt with that question causes us surprise, since we are all aware that the gravity of that aggression is not confined to Iraq, since it was regarded by international organizations as an attack on the Agency itself and on its safeguards system, the concept of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and the credibility of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Yet the report has overlooked this fact. This serious question was dealt with through a procedural ploy hatched by the President of the twenty-ninth General Conference of the Agency when he rejected a resolution which commanded e majority of 41 votes and adopted instead another resolution which only commanded 31 votes. Thus the curtain was drawn with utter simplicity on the most serious question ever to face the Agency, without even obtaining a guarantee that such an aggression would not be repeated. If the competent organization treats this question in such a manner, in all likelihood the aggressor will repeat the aggression since the ineffective treatment will encourage him to do so in future. While speaking on this question, I am prompted to state that the annual report referred to the relevant resolutions con~erning the armed Israeli aggression against the Ira~i nuclear reactor, but the report, regrettably, has overlooked those measures taken by the International Atomic Energy Agency to implement those resolutions, most notably the resolution unanimously adopted by the Security Council, resolution 487 (1981) and the General Assembly resolutions, the most recent of which was resolution 40/6. In order for the annual report to reflect a true picture of the activities of the Agency, it should have included the questions to which I have referred in my statement. Mr. CESAR (Czechoslovakia): We shall soon observe the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). We feel gratified to note on this occasion that that organization of the United Nations system has developed into an institution of extrco~dinary significance, both in professional and in political terms. Its importance stems from the fact that it helps to deal successfully with such global tasks of the human race as the generation of power, the protection of health, food production and conse~~ation, making a notable contribution to environmental protection and to international co-operation in a number of theoretical as well as technologi~~l d]~~inlin~s. (Mr. Ce~~r, Czechoslovakia) Of particular significance is the Agency's political influence. Nobody will deny the ~rtance and effect of instruments such as the Non-Proliferation Treaty or the Agency'~ system of safeguards to prevent the transfer of nuclear materials from the field of power engineering to the military sphere. Its activities relating to the COnvention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material and to facilities are also undoubtedly valuable. Its work has become particularly meaningful this year, when two significant Conventions on nuclear safety have been signed. These two COnventions constitute an excellent example of the combination of the technological and political aspects in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy as well as in the co-operation of States with different secio-po1itical systems. The report of the International Atomic Energy Agency submitted to the forty-first session of the General Assembly reflects the extremely intensive and multifarious activities of the Agency in the recent period, especially on nuclear safety. In considering this question, we have to bear in mind that true nuclear safety on our planet is tied, first and foremost, to the halting of material preparations for a nuclear war and to the complete elimination of nuclear weapons. The nuclear and space age urgently requires a new approach to international relations, to thinking along the lines of new categories, because the safeguarding of security is a political task rather than a military one. Civilization is now facing a choice, urgent as never before, namely, whether it will learn to live in a truly human way and survive, or perish. The world is undergoing a period of radical review of the situation that has arisen, which is marked by the question of whether the policy of reason will prevail over the policy of force. To halt the arms race and proceed to disarmament, to create conditions enablinq mankind to enter the new century free of the menace of nuclear war - these are the only possible ways out of the present situation. (Mr. Cesar, Czechoslovakia) A fundamental step on this path could have been taken at Reykjavik, where the Soviet union put forward before the whole world bold, radical plans for substantial be.lanced limitations·of nuclear potential, to be followed soon by its elimination. Regrettably, for reasons that are known, this hope has remained unfulfilled. Czechoslovakia unreservedly welcomed Bnd fully supported the peace initiatives of the Soviet union and, together with the other States of the socialist community, has been actively participating in peace initiatives. We are convinced that the comprehensive programme of stage-by-stage elimination of nuclear weapons by the end of this century and repeated extensions of the Soviet unilateral moratorium on all nuclear explosions offer concrete proof of t~~ new mentality that corresponds with the nuclear and space age. At the present stage, one's attitude to the halting of nuclear-weapon tests, to the speedy formulation of a convention on their complete prohibition and to the prevention and deployment of strike systems in outer space is the most convincing indicator to reveal how each of the nuclear Powers approaches disarmament, international security and peace in concrete terms. A group of socialist States has submitted to the General Assembly a proposal to consider the question of establishing a comprehensive system of inte~national peace and security which has already met with genuine interest and a positive response. Such a system also includes the safe use of nuclear energy, both in ~~~r engineering and in applications in other spheres of national economy. We have, therefore, commended the fact that, pursuant to the proposals of the soviet Union put forward by Mikhail S. Gorbachev last May with a view to deepening international co-operation in the field of nuclear safety, the Agency organized expert meetings which have notably strengthened co-operation in this area. We have greatly appreciated the detailed analysis made by Soviet experts of the accident at Chernobyl and we are convinced that the conclusions arrived at from those deliberations will have an impact on the future activities of the Agency as well as of individual States operating nuclear power fac.ilities. (Mr. Cesar, Czechoslovakia) (Mr. Cesar, Czechoslovakia) Czechoslovakia participated actively in the drafting of the Convention on Early Notification of a Nuclear Accident and the Convention on Assistance in the Case of Nuclear Accident or Radiological Emergency, which were adopted ~ the special sesaion of the Agency·s General Conference last September. Czechoslovakia signed both Conventions immediately on the conclusion of that special session and is among the three countries that have not made the signing of the Convention on Early Notification of a Nuclear Accident subject to ratificationJ the Convention therefore entered into force on 27 OCtober 1986. We consider that the results of the special session of the !AEA General Conference are useful and that they deserve to be put into effect without delay. Since the very beginning of the development of this subject, Czechoslovakia has attached the utmost imPOrtance to the problem of nuclear safety, including its international aspects. As early as 1982 we concluded an agreement with Austria on questions relating to the operation of nuclear facilities located close to the border between our two countries. The beneficial effect of that agreement has been proved, and it can serve as an example that even such complex issues can be solved in spite of differences in the political and economic systems of the countries concerned. The problem of nuclear safety is also closely related to the effective application of the lAEA safeguards system, which constitutes at present a recognized, reliable and irreplaceable instrument of international control over the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. Moreover, the safeguards system also promotes the efforts to achieve the universality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, which forms the basis of the non-proliferation regime. We consider it important that the Agency implement the conclusions of the Third Review Conference of that Treaty, held in 1985. We are (Mr. Ceser, Czee~slovek!a) gratified to note that the inspection activities carried out by the Agency in the period under review have not revealed any material facts that would indicate misuse of nuclear materials. We advocate that those States which, for various reasons, have not so far acceded to the Non-Proliferation Treaty - especially those having developed nuclear programmes ~ should also place their entire nuclear programmes under Agency safeguards. We see a way, also, to the comprehensive solution of issues relating to international security in the nuclear field in the implementation of measures capable of effectively preventing various forms of nuclear terrorism. We therefore strongly emphasize the need for the immediate entry into force of the multilateral Convention on Physical Protection of Nuclear Materials, and we call upon the States that have not yet done so to adopt and ratify that Convention. The implementation of all measures in the spirit of the proposals for the establishment of a comprehensive system of international peace and security will, inter alia, create the most favourable conditions for broad international technical co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, and thus also for the further strengthening of the position of the Agency. Czechoslovakia is contributing to the technical assistance fund amounts that correspond to our contribution share. Moreover, we offer both long-term and short-term scholarships - primarily for specialists from the developing countries - for studies of nuclear-related subjects at higher educational institutions in Czechoslovakia. The International Atomic Energy Agency has proved throughout its history that it is very capable of playing its irreplaceable role in the development of international co-operation in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy and in the strengthening of the regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. As a founding member of that organization, Czechoslovakia has always striven for the (Mr. Cesar, Czechoslovakia) utilization of nuclear energy solely for the benefit of mankind and it intends to oontinue that effort. We are ready to partioipate, within our possibilities, also in Agency programmes for the future, such as the developaent of a new safe reactor or broader international oo-operation in managing controlled nuclear fusion. In oonolusion, I wisb, on behalf of the Czechoslovak delegation, to join other representatives in expressing appreciation of the results achieved by the International Atomic Energy Agency, as described in the report by the Agency's Director General, Hr. Bl1x. I commend hi. for his initiative and his constructive approach to the solution of a number of complex issues that faced the Agency in the period under review, and I thank him and through hill the Agency's secretariat for their work in that organization, which undoubtedly is among the most significant in the whole united Nations system. Czechoslovakia, together with Canada and Pakistan, is a sponsor of the draft resolution (A/4l/L.32) on the item entitled "Report of the International Atomic Energy Agency". The Czechoslovak delegation considers that the draft resolution gives ,a balanced assessment of the activities of the Agency so far and, at the same time, creates good oOnditions for its further work - provided that all its member States actively join in that endeavour. We therefore express our full support for the draft resolution and reoommend its adoption by consensus. Mr. HALACHEV (Bulgaria): The delegation of the People's Republic of BUlgaria has oarefully studied the 1985 report of the International Atomic Energy Agency and is pleased to note the Agency's varied and productive work in the field of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. The extremely imPortant and responsible tasks perf4rmed by the Agency were further highlighted in the introductory statement this morning by its Director General, Mr. Bans Blix. In partioular, I should like to stress our appreciation of the valuable oontribution which the secretariat of the 1ABA ana especially Mr. Bllx have -.de to the flr.t special ..nion of the General Conference and otber activities reletea to tbe iSlliilue of the ..afe de~elos-ent of nuclear energy. '1'he results of that ....lon ~re an illlPOrtant contribution to strengthening confidence in the future of the peacflful use. of nuclear energy ana prOllOting international eo-operation in ita "idest application. 'fbey not only bave reaffirMd the pr1Jlary role whicb the Agency 18 playing •• the foeus of the efforts of State. in this area, but al80 bave dnon.trate4 that, given the good "ill for concerted action, all urgent probl_ of CC1_on interest can be apedily resolved. Such goodwill is now critically necessary for the immediate adoption of effective measures to put an end to the nuc1ear-arlll8 race and avert the threat of a nuclear catastrophe. Past experience indicates that nuclear energy out of human control can be a horrifying force. That is why we are convinced that the future of nuclear energy lies only in its peaceful application. The collective efforts of States to promote international co-operation in the ever widening, safe use of nuclear energy for constructive purposes will lose their meaning if the use of nuclear energy to produce weapons of mass destruction is not discontinued. In order to achieve this goal, the concerted efforts of all States, international organizations and the entire world public are needed. The military-political realities of our time require the adoption of a new, responsible approach to international affairs. An example of such an approach is the Soviet programme for the total elimination of nuclear weapons from the face of the Earth by the end of the century. This programme opens up for mankind not only real prospects of a nuc1ear-wespon-free world, with genuine security for all States and peoples, but also new possibilities of the extensive use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. The unilateral Soviet morat~rium on all nuclear explosions is still in force. This has made it possible for those that insist on the continuation of nuclear-weapon tests to review their policy in the light of the security interests of all peoples. A bilaterally agreed Soviet-American moratorium on all nuclear explosions would be a crucial step towards a comprehensive ban on nuclear testing, as the most effective measure of nuclear disarmament. The International Atomic Energy Agency can make a substantial contribution to the attainment of these goals of universal importance. The People's RepUblic of Bulgaria has consistently supported the overall activities of the International Atomic Energy Agency, which are in the interests of all States. The Agency is entrusted with the extremely important role of .cnitoring the i~lementationof obligations undertaken b7 the states parties to the Treaty on the Ron-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. We view the objective of preventing the spread of nuclear ar_, along with the limitation, reduction and u1tiJIate e1blination of all types of nuclear weapons, as being of para.cunt importance in the efforts to°avert a nuclear war. We weleOM as a positive factor the ever growing number of States parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. The Del10cratic People's Republic of Korea has also acceded to it, thus raising the number of parties to 130. The universalization of the Treaty would be in the inter6sts of all States. We are pleased to note that the Agency's international system of safeguards is reliable and trustworthy. In 1985, as in previous years, the Agency detected no ancaaly which would indicate the diversion of safeguarded nuclear material or the Nisu88 of facilities subject to safeguards for the manufacture of any nuclear weapon, for any other military purpose or for the manufacture of any other nuclear explosive device. Bowever, as noted in the report, it is a cause of concern that in 1985 unsafeguarded facilities capable of producing weapons-grade nuclear material in five non-nuc1ear-weapon states were known to be in operation or under construction. The efforts to strengthen the non-proliferation r&gime should continue. In this connection, we attach major importance to the ~gency's activities in the area of safeguards and to the steps taken to enhance their effectiveness. Mr delegation takes a positive view of the Agency's ectivities in the field of technical cOC'operation, as well as those aimed at increasing and i~roving the forMS and methods of this co-operation and enhancing its effectiveness. (Hr. Balachev, Bulsaria) We attach great importance to the Agency's work on nuclear safety, and we support the Agency's special programme in this field for 1986. Hr country vill make an additional voluntary contribution to this programme. In expanding the Agency's activities in the field of nuclear safety, we should devote the necessary attention to such important areas as safeguards, technical co-operation, nuclear power and the nse of nuclear techniques. The People's Republic of Bulgaria fav~';'~s the prOMOtion of international co-operation in the exchange of nuclear material and equipaent for peaceful purposes and actively supports the work of the Agency in this field. In the Co~ittee on Assurances of Supply my country is participating actively in the elaboration of an international system of assured nuclear supply based on the principle of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The entry into force of the Convention on the Physical Protection of Nuclear Material would be an important step in strengthening the systea of international exchange of nuclear material and eauipment. As is known, the production of energy in Bulgaria is also based on the large use of nuclear energy. In 1985 our nuclear power station generated 13 billion kilowatt-hours, which is about 32 per cent of our total production of electricity. Of particular importance in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy is our co-operation vith the Soviet Union and the other members of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance, a8 well as with the lAEA. In developing our nuclear power generating capacity, we attach particular importance to the problelllS of nuclear safety and radiation protection. In this respect, we have co-operated most actively with lAB. In 1986 we took a significant step in our participation in international co-operation in this field by joining the Agency's programme for accident assessment. On our proposal, the (Mr. Balacbev, Bulqaria) Agency is considering a project for constructing in Bulgaria a regional centre for standards of safety analysis which would use both co~uterized accident assessment and up-to-date standards of safety analysis. The establishment of that centre with the co-operation of the IAEA would be a major contribution to addressing the topical international issues relating to the safety of nUclear energy. The successful application of the Agency's safeguards to the operating nuclear facilities in mr country is continuing. Our co-operation with the Agency on the safeguards issue has found due reflection in the contract to computerize our reports to it concerning nuclear material in my country, as well as in the contract to test for the need for IAEA safeguards new monitoring devices in our nuclear power station. In the age of the scientific and technological revolution, the use of nuclear energy for peacefUl purposes requires strict r9gulation. For this reason, in September 1~86 the National Assembly of the People's RepUblic of Bulgaria enacted the Act on the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy, which sets forth a uniform State policy on the application of nuclear energy for pea~eful purposes. The provisions of the Act explicitly proscribe the use of nuclear energy for the production of nuclear arlllS and other nuclear explosive devices, as well as any other weapons of mass destruction. The People's Republic of BUlgaria has been co-operating with other States in the use of nuclear energy under terms which ensure observance of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. This important instrument has provided a stable legal basis for management of the uses of nuclear energy in my country, state control of this productive sector, dealing with the question of civil liability for damages, and so on. (Hr. Balacbcv, Bu19aria) 1ft t,;Qnclu..ion, I aU••• tile ..jor illPOrtance whicb the GoveE...ftt of tM People's Republic of Bulgaria attache. to th1t further prCllOtlon of c:o-opeEation with the International Ate-ie BMrCJY Agency. -My country will continue to contribute to enbancing tile Agency'. role a. 3 co-ordinating centre for the activities of _libel' State. in the peaceful u... of nuclear eftel'gy and 36 illlPOrtant faetor for IItl'engthening the non-proliferation r6giu. Mr. bUTT (India). We have before us the annual report of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for the year 1985. According to the report, total installed nuclear power capacity during the period under review increased by 13.7 per cent, reaching 250 GN(e) by the end of year. Nuclear power plants now account for 15 per cent of the world's generation of electricity. We wish to take this opportunity to express our appreciation of the efforts of the IAEA and its Director General, Mr. Hans Blix, for the role they have played in the development of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We trust that the Agency will come up with new ideas and improved technology fgr cheaper and safer application of nuclear energy for power production. We have noted that, during 1985, efforts were concentrated on developing radiation protection guidelines and helping Member States to apply them. The Agency also continued to provide a forum for the exchange of scientific information. It is gratifying that the 50-nation COnference sponsored by the Agency in Vienna, in August 1986, stressed the need for the introduction of fool-proof safety standards and sharing of fall-out data. India has made steady and significant progress in the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We have a programme to produce 10,000 MW of electricity by the end of the century from our nuclear power plants. We have long recognized the many practical applications for peaceful uses of nuclear energy. We are using isotopes for irradiation in medicine, industry and agriCUlture. We a~e in the process of expanding the appl\cation of isotgpes to other fields as well such as pUblic hygiene and the preservation of foodstuffs. Whiie we are doing all this within our country, we are aware of the benefits of the Regional CO-operative Agreement for Research, Development and Training related to Nuclear Science and Technology. Regional co-operation can help in the training of human resourcesw We should like to impress upon the Agency the need for employing the trained manpower available in the third world countries as well, (Mr. Dutt, India) On the question of safeguards, we maintain that they should be universal and that all nuclear facilities, including nuclear-weapon facilities, should be brought under their scope. We maintain that agreement, in terms of the Statute of the Agency, should be the result of sovereign volition. The basic guidelines for this purpose should be twofold: the commitment of non-nuclear-weapon states to use the atom only for peaceful purposes and the commitment of nuclear-weapon states to dismantle their nuclear arsenals and rid the world of the threat of a nuclear holocaust. India is willing to co-operate in promoting the objectives of the Agency. We will support the draft resolution before the General Assembly. Mr. CAPPAGLI (Argentina) (interpretation from Spanish): First and foremost, may I express my thanks to and congratulate the Director General of the organization, Mr. Bans Blix, for his clear and objective presentation of the report. Ever since its establishment in 1957, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has endeavoured to speed up and increase the contribution of nuclear energy to peace, health and prosperity throughout the world. The Argentine Government has wholeheartedly supported this objective and has demonstrated its peaceful intentions in all international forums. At the same time, we have expressed, through our President, Mr. Raul Alfonsin, our determination to continue our developing nuclea~ programme, adapting our plans to our country's energy needs and to the current economic situation. We should like IAEA to pursue its efforts to promote the broad progressive devalopment of international co-operation in this area in a way which does not restrict the legitimate right of peoples, and especially of the developing countries, to reap the undoubted benefits offered by the peaceful usel!J of nuclear energy• (Mt. Cappagli, Argentina) Regarding the technical assistance provided by the Agency, Argentina is not a regular recipient, but we have made important contributions to the programme. Indeed, we have made Argentine experts available to the Agency and have organized courses in our country which have been co-sponsored by IAFA. Moreover, we believe that the conventions recently negotiated and adopted at the first special session of IAEA's General COnference on early notification and co-operation in the event of nuclear accidents, represent significant progress in , the nuclear field, although we have no hesitation about stating that we would have preferred these conventions to refer to accidents involving nuclear weapons. The Republic of Argentina thinks very highly of what the Agency has achieved since its establishment, and our very active participation in its activities - as reflected in the report before us - will continue. It is in this co-operative spiri~ that my delegation has read with great interest the exhaustive report submitted by IAXA. We are grateful to it for its fine work and welcome its valuable conclusions. We very much hope that these conclusions will make a valuable contribution to the dissemination of the peaceful uses of nuclear technology.
  1 mtg
• (continued~ GENERAL DEBATE Mr. VAN DUNEM (Angola) (spoke in Portuguese; English text furnished by the delegation): At the outset allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of the Assembly at this session, during which, we are confident, we shall be able to achieve the goals we shall propose in this important forum. Allow me also to avail myself of this opportunity to express our admiration of your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, whose insight and judiciousness greatly helped us to surmount c number of obstacles and made his mission successful. We should also like to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his efforts to find solutions to the many problems facing mankind'. Mr. de Cuellar has shown great concern for the preservation of the fundamental principles of the United Nations notwithstanding the limited resources available and the adverse influence of certain Western Powers that are more interested in their own strategic interests than in joining forces to achieve international peace and security. Every year in this same place the representatives of all the nations make a pledge of peace, disarmament, freedom and development, reflecting the determination of the great majority of nations to achieve those goals and thus strive for the survival of the human race. Even given the strong will of the peace-loving countries, a paradoxical reality subsists: the world has never been as exposed as it is today to the threat of a nuclear war that could destroy its entire population. In spite of united Nations General Asse~bly resolution 3093 (XXVIII), which prescribes a 10 per cent cut in the military budgets of the permanent members of the Security Council for the benefit of the developing countries, the arms race has not been halted, and it has now reached outer space. While certain countries spend huge amounts of money on their military programmes, the majority of the developing countries face a critical economic situation that prevents them from achieving social and economic development programmes. We feel that the international community should not remain passive. In the face of this situation, we call for intensified efforts on the part of all peace and freedom-loving countries to reverse the negative trend. Similarly, Angola welcomes the USSR's initiative unilaterally to extend the moratorium on nuclear testing and its recent proposal on the gradual banning and elimination of nuclear arms by the year 2000 and the creation of an international global security system. We also support unconditionally the proposal presented in May this year by the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs to the United Nations Secretary-General regarding the creation of an international organization for the peaceful use of outer space, and we urge all Member States of our Organization to join in this initiative, which undoubtedly would bring benefits to all countries, regardless of their stage of development. Angola is a sovereign independent country situated in Africa, in the southern part of the continent. Since its independence 11 years ago, our country has actively followed a policy of non-alignment and peaceful coexistence. Our Constitution is very clear about our country's willingness to maintain diplomatic relations with all the countries of the world on the basis of mutual respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other countries and of non-aggression and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States in accordance with the norms of international law governing relations between independent States. Ufifc:tunately it is in that sub~eqiun u2 the Africau continent that is found the abhorrent and obsolete apartheid sYstem condemned by the vast majority of countcies. That system continues to be a destabilizing factor for the countries of the region, particularly South Africa's neighbouring countries, which are the victims of repeated violent aggression resulting from its arrogance and disregara of the resolutions of the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organi~ation of African unity. !n spite of its st~ong traditional inclination for peace, our people ~~S not known a moment of peace since the very beginning of its independence, and our country is the victim of continuous armed aggression launched by South Africa from the illegally occupied Territory of Namibia. The People's Republic of Angola continues to be faced with an undeclared war situation created by the South African racist regime, .which has forced the Angolan people to endure enormous sacrifices as a result of the train put on our country's financial, material and human resources, which seriously affected our economic and social development. Defenceless children, women and elderly people are among South Africa's favourite targets and the racist forces constantly blow up our bridges, railways and roads and destroy our hospitals and schools, not sparing our industrial installations. Material damage caused to our country has been estimated at $12 billion. This figure does not include the money spent in youth mobilization and youth defence programmes. The South African regular army, with the collaboration of South African trained UNITA puppet groups, has perpetrated numerous atrocities and is responsible for a large number of deaths. The Angolan people, who, under the Portuguese colonial rule during the • 14 years of its struggle for national libera~ion to regain its freedom and dignity, usurped for five centuries by Portuguese colonialism, had already borne many sacrifices and lost many of its best countrymen, has longed for peace for its newly independent country, so that it could build a strong nation through its natural resources and make use of the country's huge potential for the Angolan people. The imperialist world has always tried to show the current situation in our country as a civil war, while in fact it is rather a foreign invasion of a United Nations Member State, whose territory was partly occupied by the racist South Afriaan armed fo~ces. Tha~ 16 why An~Qla eontinues to insis~ on ~he immediate --~ a'lu unconditional withdrawal of the South African forces from its territory. Racist South Africa uses the Namibian territory as a springboard for its attacks on Angola. The South African military bases in northern Namibia train the rebel and mercenary groups that infiltrate our territory. It is from those bases that the South African troops make incursions into our country and provide military support to the armed groups which operate in Angola under South African command. South Africa's acts of aggression against Angola, encouraged by successive united States administrations, started soon after our country's independence. In 1975, the apartheid regime invaded our territory and occupied the south. In the light of these facts and in conformity with Article 51 of the united Nations Charter, the People's Republic of Angola requested help from friendl:, countries. The presence of Cuban troops in Angola has nothing to do with the independence of Namibia and consequently should not be seen as a threat to South Africa, which does not share any border with the People's Republic of Angola. Conscious of the complexity of the international situation and desirous of seeing the impasse created by racist South Africa and the Reagan Administration resolved through United Nations implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the Government of the People's Republic of Angola presented, in a letter from President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos to Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar, a negotiation package proposal, dated 17 November 1984. The racist Pretoria regime responded to the well intentioned Angolan initiative with further violent attacks on the People's Republic of Angola. Their most recent acts of aggression were the attacks on the village of Xangongo and the commercial port of Namibe, with a significant number of Angolan casualties and heavy material damage. (Mr. Van Dunem, Angola) In the last weeks, we have seen the concentration of over la South African army battalions along our southern border, a sufficient signal for us to anticipate a new major offensive against our country. By trying to make implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) depend on the removal of the Cuban troops from Angola, the South African Go~ernment, along with the Reagan Administration, resorts to an excuse an old misleading pretext in order to impede Namibia's independence and transform that illegally occupied Territory into a springboard to ke~p destabilizing Angola with sustained acts of aggression. We could not comment on the world economic crisis without mentioning the problems that are at its origin. Notwithstanding the efforts already made by the United Nations, certain developed countries still adopt policies that will not do much to help improve economic relations between developed and developing countries. In fact, as far as monetary and financial matters are concerned, the problem lies with the inadequacy of structures that no longer meet the exigencie~ of the world's economic recovery as a result of the selfish policies pursued by certain developed countries, which consequently worsen the balance of payments and the external debt of the developing countries. It is therefore important that, without delay, we concentrate on the task of restructuring the current monetary and financial system in order to enable the developing countries to share in decision-making and take advantage of eventual benefits. It is important to reflect on how far the negative changes of the world'a monetary and financial system have exacerbated the external debt crisis of the underdeveloped countries, forcing them into default. Such changes have frustrated the development prospects of those countries, bringing about critical ~litical and social repercussions. (Mr. Van Dunem, Angola) While in the first quarter of 1984 the combined foreign debt of the developing countries already reached $800 billion, today that debt is estimated at more than $900 billion, which is a discouraging factor that frustrates all optimistic hopes for development as long as the developing countries are compelled to spend larger deb~ repayments amounts than their revenues allow. The International Monetary Fund is far from having achieved the objectives set forth in its by-laws and we feel, therefore, that there is a need in the monetary and financial areas for the creation of a mechanism fo~ South-South co-operation at the regional level to alleviate and ultimately eliminate financial dependence on that institution. One of the causes of the pre~ent world economic crisis is, no doubt, the recurrent violation by the developed countries of international trade principles, rules and regulations. The proliferation of discriminatory measures imposed by the developed countries in their trade with their developing counterparts, a growing protectionist attitude and other restrictive measures are responsible for the decrease in the revenue from the exports of the developing countries, which limit their opportunities to invest in other areae more beneficial to their development. (Hr. Van Dunem, Angola) In this centext, we wish to rei terate the need for all the underdeveloped countries to ratify the Integrated Progranme for COl1l1lodities contained in resolution 93 (IV) of the Fourth United Cenference en Trade and Development, and ensure the entry into operation of the COl1l1lon Fund as soon as possible. The lack of human, mater ial, financial and technological resources in some of .. the underdeveloped countries should prOl7ide a reason for strengthening and imprOl7ing the co-operation between those countries, and it should prOl7ide strong motivation for contr ibuting to the collective and individual autonomy of our countries and strengthening their power to negotiate with the developed coWltries. In southern Africa, despite the aggressive acts of the racist regime of South Africa, co-operation wi thin the framework of the SOuthern African Development Co-ordination Cenference has made significant progress in several areas, as demonstrated by the adoption of a nunber of cenclusions and resolutions adopted at the recent sunmit conference of ~ads of State or Government held in Luanda from 18 to 22 August 1986. We realize, however, that much remains to be done on the Afr iean continent, where we have to live and to survive despite our major problems. The united Nations General Assembly's special session on Africa in May 1986, where a Progranrne of Action for African Economic ReCOl7ery and Development was adopted, constituted a positive step towards the adoption by the international community of measures to support the African cOWltries in their struggle to emerge from the difficult situation in which they find themselves. I have decided not to read out the entire text of my speech, but it will be distr ibuted. However, I should 1 ike to take advantage of the last few minutes scheduled for my speech to conment br iefly on what has already been said, especially the statement made about my coWltry by the United States of America. (~ Van Dunem, Angola) I have already presented the views of my country on the international situation w1th respect to souther n Afr ica. Angola is a peace-loving country whose people liberated themselves in 1975 through their own arduous efforts and the militant solidarity of friendly countries, and other Members of our Organization, of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and of the OAU, in accordance with their pr incipl~ and the rules of international law. Angola will continue its solidar ity with and its unselfish aid to those people still fighting against colonialism, neo-colonialism and imper ialism. Its external policy is based on the pr inciples of justice, equality and non-interference in the internal affairs of Meni>er StatC3. I shoGld like to take this opportunity to recall that Angola, as an independent and sovereign State, cannot accept the use of false and distorted representations of the real situation that exists in my country to justify attempts at interference and make false accusations against us of secret motives that my country has always rejected and fought against. My Q:)vernment does not accept that type of policy, and I must reaffirm that in Angola, it is the Angolans themselves - and only they - who decide their own destiny. The frequent declaration by the united States that Angola is governed by an anti-people and repressive regime is simply a blatant falsehood and an act of interference in the internal affairs of the Angolan Government. The truth of the matter is that facts themselves give the lie to such statements and demonstrate the true situation. The truth is that for over 10 years, Angola has suffered acts of aggression conanitted by the racist regime of SOuth Africa, as a result of the help that regime has received from its allies - above all, the Government of the united Sta tes of Amer ica. The presence of Cuban forces in our country is in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations, and the result of an invitation by our Government. Cuban (Mr .. Van Dunem, Angola) lnternationalist f-orces cu:e helping our people to defend themselves from external pressure exerted by the racist regime of SOuth Africa, and for that reason will rema in on our soil until our GoV'ernment decides to the contr ary .. I would like to recall the words of Comrade President Jose Eduardo Dos santos, in his sPeech in Cape Verde on 22 Decenber, when he said that the tension in southern Africa is tending towards a progressive aggravation because some of the Western Powers, instead of associating themselves ~ith the efforts of the international community to allOtl Namibia to accede to independence on the basis of security Council resolution 435 (1978) and t-:» eliminate the apartheid system, which undoubtedly is solely responsible for the climate of destabilization, insecur ity and conflict prevailing in that sUbregion, are seeking to protect their financial and economic interests, allying themselves with the white racist minor ity regime c.'~- SOUth Africa. Mr. KURANARI (Japan) (spoke in Japanese~ English text furnished by the delegatioo): I should like first, on behalf of the GoV'ernment and people of Japan, to. express my sincere congratulations to Mr. Choudhury on his election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the United Nations General Assenbly. I am certain that this session will be a truly fruitful one, benefiting immensely from his rich experience, keen insight and decisiveness as it deals wi th the many difficult problems before it. As a fellOtl Asian, I assure him that the delegation of Japan will co-operate in every possible way to help him in carrying out his impor tan t du ties. (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) At the same time, I must express our 1incere appreciation to the President of the fortieth sessioo of the General Assembly, Hr. Jaime de Pinies, for the e:ccellent manner in Tolhich he has discharged his responsibilities. Likewise, I should like to take this opportunity to pay high tribute to the secretary-General, Mr. Javier P'erez de Cuellar, tribo has been working tirelessly to resolve numerous internatiooal problems, and in so doing has traveled to all corners of the world. Before beginning my formal remarks today, I should like to express Japan's heartfelt sympathies to the people of Cameroon, particularly those who have suffered as a result of the toxic gas released from Lake Nios. Itself a country of many volcanos, Japan immediately dispatehed a survey team to see what could be done to a~eviate suffering and to prevent similar incidents in the future. Japan stands ready to consider additional relief assistance as necessary. I should also like to express our sincere sympathies to the many people tribo are suffer ing as a result of the accident Z:\t. the Chernobyl nuclear power plant in the Soviet union last Apr il. This accident has served to highlight anew the very ser ious internatiooal responsibilities of all countr ies that use nuclear energy, and in this cootext I wish to commend the International Atomic Zllergy Agency, which has expeditiously drawn up draft conventions for dealing with future accidents of a similar na ture. On the occasion of the conmemoration of the fortieth anniversary of th.e united Nations last year, delegates from around the globe spoke to the world from this podium of the founding principles of the United Natioos, its raison d'etre, and its problems. Having wea thered four decades, the United Na tions became the focus of renewed attention from all quarters. (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) The major theme of the deliberations last year was a reaffirmation of the United Natiens' increasingly itaportant. role in the search for world peace and prosperity. As was suggested by Prime Minister Nakasene, the Un!ted Nations is "the perfect vehicle fOt promoting mutual appreciatien and respet.. among the various cultures of t.ile world and for building a new and harmonious civilization for the twenty-first century. Yet, concern has been expressed that the United Nations might suff(' r fUi"lctional .?aralysis should it fail to promptl~l achieve the reforms necesSary to rectify the very serious administrative and financial situation, caused in part by organizatior,al over-expansion. At the fortieth sessien of the General Assembly my predecessor, Foreign Minister Abe, squarely addressed this problem and proposed that a group of eminent persons be established in an effort to revitalize the organization and functions of the United Nations. This proposal was based on our conviction that the united Nations is essential to the whole international community, including, of course, r.~y country, and was an expression of Japan's steadfast support for this indispensable world Organization. Happily, Foreign Minister Abe's proposal was accepted by the Member States, and the lS-menner Group of High-Level In tergOl7ernmental Experts was established. Br inging to their wor k super ior wisdom, rich exper ience, and a thorough kno,.,rledge of the acu te problems facing the uni ted Nations, th is Group has laboured intensively to produce the report it recently submitted to the secretary-General. None of the similar efforts to reform the united Nations in the past has produced as oomprehensive and constructive a report as the one submitted by this Group. I wish to pay sincere tribute to all its merrbers. The determination and vigour with which they accomplished their task are, indeed, the very attributes needed for the revitalization of this Organization. (Mr. Kuranar i, Japan) The G~oup's ~eport cCi'il:ains many constructive recoiiunendations for making the Urited Natioos a more efficient organization, and I wholeheartedly support them. I very much hope that at this forty-first session the Assenbly will consider these recolllllendations and that they will be implemented as soon as possible with the support of all Member States. The tl'lited Nations should then be able to regain the trust of all the peoples of the world, gain the ability to respond promptly and effectively to any situation that may arise, and in this way serve as a model for all the bodies within the united Nations system. ~at, then, should the TIni ted Na tions do ooce it has begun to function more effectively and efficiently? What should it do to eliminate conflicts and famine, and to eradicate terrorism which has recently claimed so many victims, so that ordinary people throughout the world may live a peaceful and prosperous life, free from anxiety? What the world tod~y expects of the united Natioos is, first, the maintenance of international peace and security, and, secood, in terna tional co-opera tion for economic, social and cultural developnent. But as we witness these issues it is impossible not to address also the question of disarmament. If members will allow me to interject a personal note, I was born and raised in the city of Nagasaki in south-west Japan. Nagasaki was well known as Japan's only foreign trade port during its two and a half centuries of national seclusion, frol" the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. In the final days of the second WOrld War, Nagasaki again became famous as the only other city besides Hiroshima to have been the target of an a tomic bomb. Returning horne 'soon after the war's end, I was confronted with the rubble that was once Nagasak i and wi th the misery of its people. I j~ined the local gaYer nment in order to put all of my energies into rebuilding the ci ty. At the same time, having wi tnessed the effect of this awesome weapon, I began to give serious thought (Mr. Kuranar i, Japan) not only as a public servant but also as a cQ'lcerned individual, to the questions of how to maintain peace in the nuclear age and how to deliver mankind from the nuclear threat. When I think about the destruction wrought by nuclear weapons, I am unshakeable in my conviction: all nuclear weapons must be abolished. Voicing such a belief is easy. Today's world would be different if statements or declarations in and of themselves could br ing about true peace and the abolition of nuclear weapons. ~at is important are deeds. However nndest, coocrete and steady action alooe can contribute to peace and the abolition of nucl~r weapons. The nuclear super-Powers have especially grave responsibilities in this effort to save mculkind from the nuclear threat. President Reagan and General secretary Gorbac:hev at their summit meeting last NOI1enber agreed that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. Before concrete action to reduce nuclear weapons can be taken, it is necessary to establish relations of mutual political trust between the States concerned. The East-West political dialogue, with impetus from last year's United States-Soviet summit, has begun to be held at a higher level and with greater frequency, and this is an important first step towards the establishment of such nutual trust. It has become a major responsibility of all countries participating in the East-West political dialogue, including Japan, to ensure that it bears fruit. (Hr. Ruranar i, Japan) For every country the issue of disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, is inextr icably linked to its own seour ity~ thus we must bear in mind that any special proposal for nuclear disarmament which does not give due consider2tion to tbe seour ity interests of other parties would be counterproductive ana would undermine nutual trust. MoreOl1er, we believe that a satisfactory system of ver ification must be established to ensure canpliance with disarmament and arms cootrol agreements and to strengthen relatioos of mutual trust. My country, in its efforts to achieve a canprehensive nuclear test ban, has proposed a step-by-step approach to the establishment of an effective ver ification system. Folladng up this proposal, Japan proposed at the Conference 00 Disarmament in Geneva last Apr 11 that more detailed seismic data should be exchanged in order to enhance ver ification capabilities and interested countries will begin doing so on an experimental basis this December. I hope that these efforts will greatly contr ibute to the goal of a comprehensive nuclear test ban. In dealing with the nuclear problem, we must face the reality that the existing nuclear balance works as a deterrent. It is therefore necessary, while oontinuing the dialogue to build up mutual trust, to make steadfast efforts gradually to reduce nuclear stockpiles wi thout upsetting a proper balance. I am convinced that that is the only way we can hope to abolish ultimately all nuclear weapons and ensure that the people of Nagasaki will be the last to experience the hor ror of a nuclear attack. In view of the especially grave responsibilities of the two nuclear super-Powers on th is issue of peace and disarmament, I sincerely hope that the United States and the Soviet Unioo will hold a second sUlIIIlit meeting soon, as agreed last Novemer, and that major progress will be made towards resolving the various issues between them, including that of nuclear disarmament and arms oontrol. (Mr. Kuranar i, Japan) we should also like to see a redoubling of international efforts at the united Natioos, at the Cenferenoe on Disarmament and elsewhere, to reach concrete agreements in the field of dj.sarmament, including especially a canprehensive nuciear test ban ~nd a ban on the use of chemical weapons. we should strive also to preserve and strengthen the regime of the nuclear Non-Proliferatioo Treaty. I renew my pledge that Japan will contribute actively to such efforts in those forums, including this General Assenbly session. Baving stated Japan's basic positioo on the issue of disarmament in general, I must here say a few words about the SS-20s that the Soviet union has deployed in Asia. Japan very strongly hopes that the negotiations on intermediate-range nuclear forces between the United States and the Soviet union will deal with 5S-20s en a global basis and lead to their total elimination, both in Asia and in Europe. While Japan has loog hoped to establish stable relations based upon I'Il1tual understanding with its important neighbour, the Soviet union, it is essential first to resolve the terri tor ial issue still pending since the 5ecood Wor l1 1 War and to ex>nclude a peace treaty embodying that settlement. I am confident that resolving this territorial issue would centribute significantly to peace and stability in the Far East and throughout Asia. Aloog with the issue of disarmament, the question of how to resolve regiooal problems and local cooflicts has an important bear ing on the issue of world peace. Although the primary goal of the united Nations is the maintenance of international peace and security, there have been over 150 local cenflicts since it was founded, many of which still ex>ntinue without any sign of abatement. I should like to turn now to some of the regional problems that confront the international conununity and Japan's policy regarding them. (Mr .. Kuranari, Japan) Qle of the most urgent among those problems is how to induce the Gcwernment of South Afr i'l.i8 to abandon its policy of !p!rtheid. This is an issue on which the entire international co,.munity must focus its attentim. Barring the vast majority of the South African people from participating in the political process and subjecting them to numerous other forms of discrimination simply because of the colour of their skin, apartheid is absolutely intolerable to all who shar.-e mankind's ideal of respect for human rights. I am gravely concerned that the situation in SOuth Africa is rapidly deteriorating because its Government not ally persists in practising apartheid but also has taken to suet. reprehensible acts as attacking neighbour ing countr ies and has declared a state of emergency throughout its territory. The situation in SOUth Africa must be resolved by peaceful means, and it is imperative that all parties concerned make every effort to avoid further bloodshed. The Government of South Afr ica has recently announced a ser ies of reform measures but, regrettably, they are not the basic reforms needed to effect the abolition o~ apartheid. Japan has availed itself of every opportunity strongly to urge the Government of south Africa to have the cpurage to take decisive political action to abolish apartheid immediately, free Nelson Mandala, legalize the African National Coogress and other political organizations and enter into discussions with black leaders. Japan maintains no diplomatic relatioos with SOuth Africa, limiting its relations to the consular level. It has imposed restrictions on relations with that country in a wide range of fields. For exanple, J~pan prohibits direct investmentJ it prohibits the export of weapons and canputersJ it has adopted trade restrictions such as those on the import of SOuth African gold coinsJ and it severely restricts sport& and cultural CQ'ltacts. On 19 sept:emer my Government (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) announced its decision to take additional steps until such time as the Go'Iernment of SOuth Afr lea announced clear and specific measures to abolish apartheid. These include a prohibition on the import of iron and steel, restrictions on tourist travel between Japan and South Africa, the continuation of the suspension of air links with SOUth Africa and a prohibition on the use of international flights of South Afr iean Airways by government officials. While taking these lIeauures against SOUth Africa Japan intends to step up its economic co-operation with other countr ies in the region which may encounter eCQ'lomic difficulties as a result of developments in South Africa. Japan will also expand and strengthen its co-operative efforts to enhance the status of South Africa's black population. Similarly, Japan depl«es South Afr iea's illegal occupation of Namibia and we believe that illegal situation must be ended as soon as possible. Namibian independence should be achieved in full accordance with United Nations secur ity Council resolutions 385 (°1976) and 435 (1978), which constitute the only acceptable basis for a peaceful, just and endur ing settlement. Japan hopes that electioos for independence will be held under Ulited Nations supervision and that the day will soon come when we will be able to welcome Namibia to United Nations membership. (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) As for the situation in Afghanistan, Japan strongly appeals to the countries concerned to come to an agreement, through positive co-operation, with the good offices of the united Nations, for the prompt withdrawal of all Soviet military forces, the restoration of the Afghan people's right to self-determination, and a safe and honourable return for the refugees. In this connection we support the efforts of the Secretary-General in the proximity talks for the resolution of this problem. It is likewise most regrettable that the situation between Iran and Iraq remains tense, with hostilities between them continuing and even showing signs of intensifying and posing a major hazard to shipping in the Gulf. I appreciate the efforts made by the Security Council for a peaceful solution of this conflict, and call upon the Council to continue to play a just and more active role. I should also point out once again the need for both Iran and Iraq to respond to these Security Council efforts by appearing before the Council and stating their positions there. I support the efforts of the Secretary-General towards a solution of this conflict, and hope a way will be found to open a dialogue between the two parties. Japan intends to continue its efforts, in co-operation with like-minded countries, to create a climate cOhducive to peace between Iran and Iraq. Peace in the Middle East is one of the oldest and most tragic of the problems with which the united Nations has grappled. In order that a just, lasting and comprehensive peace may be achieved in the Middle East, I strongly hope that all of the parties concerned will redouble their efforts with a view to peace. Japan appreciates the sincere efforts of the parties concerned to attain peace, efforts exemplified by the decision to make 1987 the year of negotiations for peace. I assure the Assembly that Japan will also do everything it can to realize peace in the Middle East. In Central Ame~ica, Japan hopes that the regional efforts will soon yield a peaceful solution.. In this context, we strongly support the efforts of the Contadora Group and other forces for peace in the region.. I find it most deplorable that, despite the resolutions adopted every yea~ by the overwhelming majority of the General Assembly, the situation in Rampuchea remains unresolved and continues to pose a m~jor threat to peace and stability in Asia.. Japan has long called for an early and comprehensive political solution of the Kampuchean problem, based on the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops and on the exercise of the rights of self-determination by the Kampuchean people. It strongly supports the efforts of the ASEAN countries to this end.. At the same time, Japan will continue its dialogue with Viet Nam and all of the other countries concerned in an active effort to create a climate conducive to peace in Inde-China. The situation on the Korean peninsula, just a st.ort stretch of water away from Japan, continues to be tense. Because this problem is one that should be peacefully resolved primarily through direct talks between North and South Korea, it is unfortunate that North Korea continues to be opposed to the resumption of talks. Japan hopes that substantive dialogue between the two sides will be resumed as soon as possible. The 10th Asian Games are currently being held in Seoul with the participation of a large number of young people from throughout Asia. Prime Minister Nakasone's attendance at the opening ceremonies is a demonstration of Japan's full support for the Games, in the belief that their success, as a prelude to the 1988 Seoul Olympics, will contribute to the stabi1ization of the situation on the Korean peninsula. Japan has often indicated that if both North and South would consider joining the united Nations as a step towards the reunification of the Korean peninsula, it (~r. Kuranari, Japan) would welcome and support their membership. This would contribute to relaxing tensions and enhancing the principle of universalit_ the United Na~ions. Considering that both North and South have already joinet., " _.umber of United Nations specialized agencies, I believe the time is ripe for the Organization to admit both North and South as Members. Each of these regional disputes and local conflicts has its own distinct cause, its own complex history, and it would be extremely difficult to solve them all at once. However, the United Nations must by no means remain a bystander. It is true that the United States and the Soviet Union play a major role in the maintenance of international peace and security. This does not mean, however, that these super-Powers are the only determining factors and that there is little the united Nations can do. Just as it would be a mistake to overestimate the ability of the United Nations as peace-keeper, so would it be wrong to disregard or underestimate its potential as an effective force in this field. In fact, the United Nations has already contributed to preventing and containing conflicts in a number of critical situations. Japan believes that the peace-keeping role of the United Nations should be strengthened, and in this regard I wish to make two points. First, it is imperative that all the Member States of the Organization continue to work seriously to revitalize the Security Council. In particular, I appeal strongly to its permanent members to join together to take positive steps to strengthen its functioning and to fulfil the grave responsibilities that go with their privileges. Secondly, we the Member States must reaffirm the role that the United Nations organs can play in the maintenance of peace and security, and seek ways in which (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) each of our roles can be integrated with those of the United Nations. Given the way the Security Council, the General Assembly, and the Secretary-General have contributed to the prevention of conflicts through their fact-finGing, informal contacts and good offices, it would seem that the most practical approach to strengthening the united Nations peacekeeping role would be to enhance these functions. In this connection, I should like to refer to the working paper on the prevention of conflicts, which Japan and five other Member States prepar~ in response to the appeals by the Secretary-General, particularly in his annual reports. The working paper, which has been studied for three years by the special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations, is aimed at enhancing the role which the main United Nations organs can play within the framework of the Charter for the purpose of preventing conflicts from arising and eliminating the threat of conflict, thereby promoting the fullest possible use of the peacekeeping functions of the United Nations as a whole. I sincerely hope that this working paper will be adopted as a declaration of the Gene~al Assembly as soon as possible. In this way, every Member State would reaffirm the importance of world peace and its own commitment to the role of the United Nations. It is by no means easy to strengthen the United Nations peace-keeping functions. Yet I would recall here the words of Mr. Cordell Hull, the United States Secreta~y of State during the Second World War and a founding father of the united Nations, who said that what this Organization needed was time, perseverance and a spirit of co-operation. (Nr. Kuranar i, Japan) It is precisely in these trying times, when the interests of countries are so intertwined, that we must, as suggested by Mr. Bull, seek to make the United Na tions not a forum for acr imooious deba te but a place where through tenacious effort: we can explore, devise and implement solutions to the many problems that confront us. A1Qlg with its p:::ace-keeping functions, the United Nations also has an important role to play in pronDting social and ecooomic development world-wide, especially in developing countries. Given that many regional conflicts are sparked by poverty and starvation, it is impossible to overemphasize the importance of that role. The developing countries of Latin America, Asia, OCeania and Africa are facing severe economic difficulties as a result, for example, of the collapse in COImlodity prices and their burgeoning external debts, and I am concerned that those difficulties may endanger political stability in those regions. Japan is determined to extend as much assistance as it can to those developing countries as they strive to overcome their eCQlomic difficulties. On the questiori of ·multilateral trade negotiations, I am pleased to report that agreement to launch a new round was reached at the General Agreement on Tar iffs and Trade (GATT) Minister ial Ccnference held just last week at Punta del Este. Steady expansion of exports is of primary importance for the sound ecooomic growth of developing countries, and I am confident that improvements in the trading environment resulting from progress in this new rOlDld will work to their benefit. As for Japan, we are continuing our positive efforts to further improve market access and to stimulate domestic demand. Our imports of manufactures and other products from developing countries are on the increase, especially with the recent appreciation of the yen, and we intend to step up our efforts for eCQlomic structural adjustment and to expand our trade with those countr ies. Despite its difficult financial straits, Japan has committed itself to disbursing at least 840 billicn over the seYen-year per 100 from 1986 to 1992, and in 1992 to providing double the amount of official development assistance it extended in 1985, in accordance with its Third Madium-Term Target. That conmitment was made in kaeping wi th Japan's policy of actively suppor ting the self-rel iant efforts of developing countr ies towards economic and social growth and improved standards of living and welfare. Japan stands ready to offer all possible support to ensure that the economic difficulties in developing countr ies do not ser iously hinder their development plans. In order to ensure that our co-operatioo with the developing countr ies' self-r eliant effor ts is managed properly, effectively, and e ffi ciently, it is imperative that they themselves draw up developnent plans consistent with changing caldi tions and their development needs. It is also important that there be in-depth policy dialogue on those developnent plans, and that arrangements be made to facilHate dynamic co-operation between the dalor and recipient countries in a genuine partnership. It will then be possible for Japan and the developing countries to draw up assistance and co-operaticn programmes best suited to the developnent needs and conditioos of the latter and establish a genuine partnership between them. Humanitar ian relief assistance to peoples in danger of starvation or suffer ing from natural disasters is another important part of Japanese official development assistance. Based on our exper iences in connection with last year's ear thquake in Maxico and the volcanic eruption in Colorrbia, Japan has strengthened its system for providing overseas emergency relief in order to respond faster and more fully to major natural disasters, including the despatch of teams of experts, and in addition to extending financial assistance. We shall work to further improve that system. At the same time, Japan has in recent years rapidly expanded its assistance to the famine-ravaged countr ies of Afr iea. (Nr. Rutanar i, Japan) The United Nations Programme of Actioo for African Economic Hecovery and Developnent adopted unanimously at the special session on Africa last May provided useful meditn- and lmg-term guidelines for the self-reliant development efforts of Afr iean exluntries and for international support for those efforts. I am particularly encouraged that the menbers of the Qrganizatioo for African Unity have expressed their determination to stand on their own feet and overoome Afr iea'~ ecooomic difficulties. Taking fully into account that Programme of Action, Japan is determined to contr ibute positively to Afr iea's medium- and long-term development by supporting, in particular, efforts to pronnte agricultural developnent and to make Afr iea self-sufficient in foodstuffs. We also very much hope that the constructive and realilstic attitudes of all the countries concerned demonstrated at the special sessioo on Afr iea will be followed up in the future Nor th-Sou th d ialoglJe. Japan has also sought to enhance its voluntary contributions to the United Na tions Development Programme (UNDP) and other programmes for ecooomic and technical co-operation within the United Nations system. As a result, Japan is now the largest or second largest coo tr ibu tor to many of the .Leading ass istance organizatioos. For the future, we intend to continue our efforts to better co-ordinate our bilateral co-operation with multilateral programmes such as the UNDP in order to enhance not only the quantity but also the efficiency of our assistance. we will do all we can to tailor our cootributions to the real needs of the recipient countr iea. This year coll'illemorates the 30th anniversary of Japan's admission to the United Nations. In the three deeades that have passed since then, the Government and people of Japan have consistently sought, in light of our bitter exper ience, to make co-operation wi th and support for the Uni ted Nadons a key part of Japan' s foreign policy. (Kr. Kuranar i, Japan) We recall that all Meuber States, upon admission to the United Nations, solemnly pledged to act in conformity with the purposes and principles of the united Nations Charter, acoer,rt the duties and responsibilities set forth therein, and use all thG. means at their command to fulfil those duties and responsibilities. Yet:, we see today conflicts in many parts of the world that probably could have been averteci had the parties rigorously obs:~::·red those purposes and pr inciples. I should like t!ruQrefore to appeal most strongly to those countries to remember their vows to the united Nations, to renew their commitment to the pr inciples of the Charter, to resolve their conflicts peacefully, and to direct their energies to the creation of oS better world. In less than 14 years, w'" ~hall enter the 21st century. We can either co-operate to bequeath to pc,.L::rity this united Natioos, which is the most universal organization ever created by mankind, or in clamouring for our own interests we can let the Organization crumble like the Tower of Babe!. The choice before us is clear. Mr. ANDRIDTTI (Italy) (interpretation from French): I should like fir st of all, Sir, to convey to you my most ~incere congratulations on your election to the preS?idency of the General Assembly. You represent a continent that plays a primary and increasingly authoritative role on the world scene and a country with an ancient civilization and traditions to which Italy is bound by ties of warm friendship and co-operation. I also wish to extend my warmest thanks and congratulations to your predecessor, AmbassaCbr Jaime de Pinies. Once again from this rostrum I should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-Gene;;;'JI1, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, with whom we enjoy relations of profound trust and esteem, and reiterate the Italian Government's appreciation of hiR persevering efforts to promote the principles of the United Nations Charter .and strengthen the role and machinery of the Organization. The secretary of State for Foreign and Conmonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdan, in his capacity as current President of the European Community, illustrated this morning the views of its 12 member States on the major issues today facing the international community. Those views, which we share, are the expression of policies which are aimed at promoting greater stabiiitY and co-operation in international relations. The dramatic and sometimes tragic events we have witnessed in the Pilst few months have made us acutely aware, perhaps as never before, that the world in which we live is one of interdependence. We have seen how the effects of confl ict3 iJl'l~ tensions can jeopardize global security and gained a ~etter understanding of the interrelationship of the economies of different and even distant areas. We have also had direct proof that man's achievements in science and technology, both positive and negative, know no frontiers. It was for this reason that we decided to make co-operation and dialogue the central theme of the celebration of the International Year of Peace which took (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) place in Rome last July. That celebration was, in fact, marked by a meeting devoted to "dialogue as the universal foundation of peace". 1 should like to take this opportW\ity to thank the secretary-General for agreeing to participate in the meeting and address it. Dialogue is needed more t~an ever before in the field of science. If any lesson has been learned from the tragic events of Chernobyl it is that science, in releasing new and unforseeably powerful energies and resources, has certainly opened up possibilities for progress, but has also liberated forces which could destroy us. We therefore need intensive collaboration alOOng scientists, which will prO'1e possible only if we are able to translate fully into 'reality the idea of an international scientific community without frontiers. we should, however, harbour no illusion that this scientific community will materialize spontaneously. As Government leaders, we must, rather, work to encourage its realization. We must therefore think of new instruments better suited to present needs. At the scientific meetings which took place in Erice, in Sicily, and which Italy not only hosted but fully supported, participants put forward ideas, proposals and concrete progranmes, such as the programne for open laboratories, which are, in our view, a step in the right direction and which are starting to attract the attention of Governments. The establishment in Geneva of the World Laboratory is a concrete example of the extent to which the scientific community can make a concrete contribution to the East-west and the North-SOuth dialogue and to the building of peace. Renowned scientists, academicians and Nobel Prize winners, including numerous representatives of the third world as well as prestigious institutions, have signed the constituent act of the Labor atory. Their goal is to promote science wi thout secrets or frontiers, in the just belief that the free circulation of scientific (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) information is a powerful instrument capable of creating a climate of safety and mutual trust in East and West and in North and South. In the most important negotiations on arms limitations, in which the main participants are the United States and the Soviet Union, the parties have put forward at the negotiating table various proposals which, in our view, indicate their oomnon determination to achieve reductions in the most destructive weapons. A new summit meeting between the two major Powers, while respooding to t.'le expectations of so many countries, could give an irreversible im~tus to this trend. A balance of forces at levels lower than those existing today must be achieved', but essential requirements must be respected: such a balance must be established at the global level, taking into account the interrelationship which exists between the var ious components of military equilibr ium. The Italian Government, for its part, attaches great importance to the prospects which seem to be opening up for negotiations aimed at achieving balanced reductions of conventional forces in Europe. A decisive role in the pursuit of disarmament agreements is also being played by the Geneva Conference on Disarmament. We hope that the work of the Conference will result, inter alia, in the speedy conclusion of a convention for a total and verifiable ban 00 chemical weapons. In the same spir it we welcome the constructive compromise agreement that was reached at the Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, held in Stockholm. We hope that this agreement will be the basis for a new and more constructive approach to a problem which is of primary concern to European countries. This agreement augurs well for the future, in our view, because it signals a more general willingness to seek compromise. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) We hope in particular that the third follow-up meeting to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, in Vienna, will result in a qualitative change in East-West relations affecting not onJ~i dealings between States but the situation of their citizens. Another area in which dialogue and international co~peration are necessary, is that of terrorism, which is the very antithesis of dialogue, reason and persuasion. Terrorism is a grave threat to peace. No political situation, hOoliever Wljust, can justify any departure for even a moment from the principles of law. Nor can there be any justification for the conduct of those who deliberately disregard their obligation to seek political solutions to their problems, thereby jeopardizing the well-established supremacy of law over force. If we stray from the pa th of law we have anarchy and the tr illllph of irra tionality. I believe, nevertheless, that there is a grOoliing consensus on the need for a joint, organized response to that phenomenon of such alarming dimensions, beginn ing with the determination and identification of responsibilities. Solidarity in the fight against terror ism can already be seen at the regional level wi thin the framework of the European Community and that of the suJtlDit meeting of the seven indus tr ial ized COWltr ies in Tokyo, as well as in the broader fr amewor k of the United Nations. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) In this context may I recall the initiative taken by Italy - in association with other friendly countries - in proPosing a c~nvention on the safety of shipping and our support for the Canadian initiative on airport security. Moreover, Italy is convinced of the need for stricter compliance with the norms of general international law, including the Vienna conventions on diplomatic and consular relations. For this reason we recently adopted measures for the control of diplomatic pouches. We hope that other countries will follow our example, thus contributing to international co-operation in suppressing the traffic in arms. It is essential also, in my view, to work to remove those causes of tension that offer terrorism alibis which are in some cases far too easy. I am thinking in particular of those areas where crises are most acute, such as the Middle East. Throughout the area there are manifestations of a profound desire for peace, justice and attempts at dialogue which are even breaking through the traditional psychological barriers between the Arab world and Israel, and between Israel and the Soviet Union. However, we note with regret that certain preconditions are still being maintained and that there is no prospect of their being reconsidered in the future. This prevents achievement of the two necessary bases for a just and lasting solution of the Middle East conflict: the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to a peaceful and secure existence and the Palestinian people's right to self-determination. A dialogue must finally be started on that basis and in pursuance of those objectives, with the indispensable participation of all the parties concerned and the constructive support of those countries which are in a position to play a significant role in the region. Italy, together with its European partners, remains determined to contribute to that dialogue, to the best of its ability and with the utmost dedication. We must also wo~k to bring to an end the state of blind and chaotic violence prevailing in Lebanon and to promote a frank and sincere dialogue between all the communities of that country. Italy is contributing to the stability and security of at least part of that country through its participation in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). We believe that United Nations forces still have an important role to play in that area. That role is, first of all, the one decided by the Security Council in its resolution 425 (1978), which must be respected and implemented in its entirety. At the same time it would be unjust to ignore the positive effects of the presence of the peace-keeping Force in southern Lebanon, even under present conditions. For this reason we must carefully consider whether withdrawal of the Force would not entail the risk of further jeopardizing chances for a positive evolution of the situation. We would like to see the method of dialogue applied to other situations in areas adjacent to the Mediterranean region where distressing and dangerous crises persist and in some cases are escalating. I am thinking in particular of the conflict between Iraq and Iran which continues to cause tragic losses of life and large-scale material damage. Our Organization has repeatedly issued resolute and specific calls for peace, and no effort has been spared to initiate peace negotiations. We all remember the efforts deployed to this end by the late Olof Palme. We believe that the Security Council should make another solemn appeal for a cease-fire and a return to peace. Should such an appeal go unheeded, it would be necessary to use all the means available under the Charter of the united Nations for the restoration of order in a situation in Which it was clearly violated. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) At the special session on Africa held last May, Africa's problems were confronted in a spirit of constructive" realism. The African Governments recognize that they themselves bear the primary responsibility for the continent's economic take-off and have undertaken to pursue policies designed to start an autonomous development process with the co-operation of the international community. Italy intends to make a contribution to follow-up action to the special session. In regard to the central problem of external indebtedness and its consequences, I intend to inform the ministers for foreign affairs of sub-Saharan Africa of our intention when the Italian delegation meets with them later this week. Our purpose is to try to move to the stage of concrete ope~ati~e solutions, which may also serve as an experiment and an example. While the method of dialogue is making headway, for example, in the direct talks between Ethiopia and Somalia, unfortunately we find that within South Africa repression and violence are being stepped up and the prospects of peacefully eliminating a system based on racist principles are receding. The international community must continue to exert every effort to promote favourable conditions for the initiation of a dialogue between the Government and the political and social forces in the country aimed at building a society based on justice, equality and the full realization of the legitimate civil and political rights of all South Africans. The South African Government cannot continue to ignore the unanimous reprobation of the international community. The Twelve recently decided to send a clear signal to the South African Government by moving from the stage of restrictive measures to that of sanctions in the full sense of the term. At the same time they will continue to assist the black population of South Africa and neighbouring countries. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) The process of restoring and strengthening free and democratic institutions in Latin America certainly offers grounds for hope, in spite of the fact that freedom continues to be denied in a country like Chile where democratic traditions are among the oldest in the region. Political gains are, however, in danger of being nullified by a widespread economic crisis, with all its disruptive effects. We must therefore exercise constant vigilance and concretely commit ourselves to preventing social forces hostile to democracy, and the economic situation, from jeopardizing results that have been achieved at great cost. In Asia, a crisis like the one prevailing in Afghanistan has repercussions which are felt well beyond the regional context. We hope that the proximity talks held under the auspices of the Secretary-General will lead to positive developments. Italy continues to believe that a negotiated solution of that crisis must lead to a genuine and speedy withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan and the restoration of the independence and self-determination of that country. A similar solution should be sought for the question of Kampuchea. We are therefore deeply concerned at the absence of even the first signs of a dialogue capable of leading to a just and peaceful settlement of that problem. The system of dialogue and multilateral co-operation, in which we believe, must go hand in hand with a healthy development of international economic collaboration. Many problems remain to be resolved in this field. Among them, besides the problem of indebtedness - which I have already mentioned - is the need to ensure that international trade enjoys a sustained and balanced growth, which will require the elimination of protectionist practices, the removal of non-tariff barriers, and also a redefinition of national policies to support agriculture. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) The tasks confronting the united Nations affect not only relations between States but, in the current circumstances, also the well-being and progress of peoples owing to problems such as terrorism and drugs that tend to erode the very fabric of our societies. The problem of drugs, for instance, is an international phenomenon with complex structures and manifestations. It therefore requires an international response. For this reason Italy puts high hopes in {:u'Q action of the united Nations, particularly the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control (UNFDAC), in this field and is m~king a substantial contribution to it in terms of efforts and financial resources. If the United Nations system is to meet appropriately such a vast range of responsibilities and commitments, it must constantly improve the efficiency of its machinery. We therefore support the action taken by the Secretary-General and the General Assembly to ensure sound, effective administration of this Organization. In that spirit we welcome the proposals contained in the report of the Group of High-Level Intergovernmental Experts. However, our goal must be clearly understood: we want to strengthen the United Nations system, certainly not promote a reduction in its role. Italy is a member of the two great, free political systems of the West, the Atlantic Alliance and the European Community. In our view this strengthens our capacity to participate fully in the life and activities of the broader multilateral system represented by the united Nations. The process of European integration, which Italy pursues with particular conviction, has the purpose of increasing the capability of European countries to contribute to stability in international relations and to removing tensions and conflicts, promoting economic and social development and co-operation and, lastly, reaffirming those values of freedom, democracy and respect for human rights that are an integral part of European civilization. It is in this spirit that Italy is participating in the building of a Europe which we believe is bound in the not too distant fugure to become the main partner of all States Members of this Organization that share the same objectives of peace and progress. Mr. TALES IBRAHIMI (Algeria) (interpretation from Arabic): Your I accession, Sir, to the presidency of the forty-first session of the united Nations General Assembly is a source of pleasure and pride for Algeria - pleasure because it is a choice that rewards you for your qualities, experience and wisdom as an accomplished diplomat, which provide our Organization with good reason to expect our work to be accomplished successfully; and pride because in electing you this Assembly has paid a tribute to Bangladesh, a brother country that has found recognition in the United Nations and identifies with its ideals and values. The Organization that has entrusted you with one of its most responsible posts and paid you the highest honour is aware of the difficulty of the present and the uncertainty of the future. Your mission is not an easy one; we are all aware of that. The tasks that have been given to you are difficult ones; we are clearly aware of that also. You will need our understanding, support and co-operation, and you can expect to receive them. You may be assured of mine and those of my country. You have succeeded Ambassador Jaime de Pinies. In his brilliant career he has been a respected representative of his country and a far~sighted and dedicated servant of this Organization, to which he has given so much. I hope he will accept my congratulations on work wpll and successfully done and my cordial wishes for his health and happiness. I am very happy to see the Secretary-General fully recovered and again at the helm of this Organization, which has a secure present and future because of the courage and self-sacrifice of men of goodwill like him, who share his devotion and enlightened convictions. I can testify that the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, works not only for what the United Nations must be but also, and especially, for what it must be as a vision of the future order of the better world that is desl~ed and expected. Against that historical background, we shall, (Mr. Taleb Ibrahimi, Algeria) with him, be the builders of a new stage, and we shall also stand at his side as he strives to maintain the role of the United Nations today and expand it for the benefit of the changing world it must serve. A yea~ ago the United Nations celebrated its fortieth anniversary. A few days ago, in Harare, the Movement of Non-Aligned COuntries commemorated the twenty-fifth anniversary of its emergence in contemporary international relations. The united Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement share the same historical path. Their roads have frequently converged and their plans have always centred on oppression that must be abolished, peace for the world, and co-operation that must be established and developea between ~ations. The united Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement are advancing together patiently on the long road to freedom, peace and progress. Non-alignment is thus part and parcel of the whole range of values and ideals of the United Nations. It is completely committed to those values and to the collective work that must be done to ensure their triumph. The collective work that has not been completed is considered incomplete by the Non-Aligned Movement also. What has yet to be accomplished is an integral part of everything for which the Non-Aligned Movement is still working. A year ago here the United Nations and a few days ago in Harare the Non-Aligned Movement, in identical summaries, noted that the present world order is not the best possible one. The present order is in crisis. An order that is not prepared and has not the means to respond to the challenges ~f the latest outrages inflicted upon it by colonial or racial oppression is not the best order. An order that shows neither the imagination nor the capacity to conceive the security of those it protects except in terms of terror, which in turn generates all kinds of excesses, is not the best order. An order which, when it comes to the essential needs of our time - peace and development - can offer no alternative to this tragic and frightening situation of an armaments race fed by $1,000 billion and a total indebtedness of another $1,000 billion, an order that, ironically, equates resources for destructive purposes with resources for constructive purposes is not the besc order. (Mr. Ta1eb Ibrahimi, Alger ia) Finally, an order in which privileged wealth is paid for at the highest price by the depr ivation of the greatest nwOOer is not the best order. Such an order is neither tolerable nor acceptable. It is an order of insecurity, instability and imbalance. It is an order of division and confrontation. It is not an order of law and equity. It is not an order which has a vision of mankind gathered together in solidar i ty • This order mus t change • The united Nations and the Non-Aligned lobvement share this determination to seek change, because the present order has clearly demonstrated its inability to be the creator and guarantor of an authentic collective security system. Similarly, it has offered boundless testimony of its inability to create the conditions and to provide the means for growth and developnent for the benefit of all. In this order, the principles which we, for a long time, believed had been laia down once and for all and enshrined and, therefore, respected, are still unfulfilled. The sovereign equality of states is challenged even here. Recourse to force in any form Whatsoever in the settlement of disputes is internationally prohibited yet, it is still looked upon with some favour. Interference or outside intervention in regional or national affairs is present and serious. The freedom of people and of States to choose their political, economic or social systems is still challenged. At their meeting in Harare, the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movemen t reaffirmed the validi ty and justice of the policy of non-alignment as well as the impor tance of its contr ibution to balance and stability in the present system of international relations while bearing in mind what is being done by its detractors. The Non-Aligned M:>vement follows an independent policy, a policy without military, political or strategic alliances, an autonomous policy in its initiatives and actions. Having decided on the measures taken and the measures yet to be taken, the Non-Aligned Movement is determined to come to grips with the great problems of our time and to deal \:ith them. (Hr. Taleb Ibrahimi, Alger ia) In so doing, the Non-Aligned Hcwement has never considered, nor will it consider, itself as a fortress isolated from the affairs of the world, nor has it ever considered itself to be a simple observer merely taking note of developments. Non-alignment has its position to take and its jUdgement to make wherever tone freedom of people is challenged, where States are threatened or harmed in terms of what they have chosen to do for themselves, or where peace and international security are to be established, or where development is to be protected against the predatory dangers of others. Some wish to identify noo-alignment with a false and antagonistic logic of alliances - to say what cne believes to be the correct law is not.alignment'; to say what one believes to be justice, order and the best thing to do wi th regard to local or regional ccnflicts, tensions and global problems which the world faces, is not alignment either. Non-alignment has never meant surrender ~ silence or complacency. It is to the honour of non-alignment; it is its asset, its merit and its strength that it has never yielded to those temptaticns. This is especially true because it is difficult to SUCCUnD to the tempt.ltion to surrender, to be silent or to be complacent, given the present state of the world. No matter from what angle we look at the world, all we can see are increased signs of agony, danger and des ti tu tion. Simply to note that the valuable resources of mankind are still being used to destroy rather than to build is in itself an elCX]uent summary of the situation. The spiraling arms race is growing more diversified, more sophisticated and developed. Neither the earth nor the sea lanes, nor outer space has been spared. It is not the fault of the p:>licy of non-alignment, whi.ch has ceaselessly and unrelentingly declared that all living space is the comfllon heritage of mankind. Nor is it the fault of the policy of noo-alignment thAt it has tr ied everything to draw attention to the stupidity of a situation where man prefers instruments of (Mr. 'l'aleb Ibrahimi, Algeria) death to satisfaction of the most essential unmet needs of mankind. If the common ideal is to be - and indeed is of a single, united, indivisible mankind, there should be no room for anything that threatens its survival. The nuclear age given over to military purposes is the greatest of the dange~s looming over the future of the human species. No doctrine, strategy or goal can justify the existence or the improvement of such a nuclear age. Today is the best time to want to curb the arms race. As limited and weak as this approach may be, it is none the less a respectable approach. However, one must say again and again that there is no salvation for mankind without general and canplete disarmament, conceived as an integral part of an authentic dellDcratically organized and established collective secur ity system. Belief in per ipheral, selective systems of security have had their day; have shown their faults and have demonstrated their limits. The truth is that the new system of international security will be genuinely collective and democratic or there will not be a system at all. That is the only peace alternative, which is an absolutely essential ccndi tion for in terna tional r elations to be fa ir, stable and sOlD'ld. The question of peace and secur ity cannot be separated from the question of development. Indeed, each day the development crisis acquires new dimensions which point to insecurity and instability in today's world relations. In some areas this crisis takes the form of survival; in other "areas it is the laborious, costly development efforts which are being challenged or compromised. There are facts to be stated or restated in regard to that crisis. First, we should note that the cr is is is str uctural in nature and global in impact. Indeed, the fOWldations and functiooing of the current system of international economic relations are not ada~ll~ed to current requirements for growth and developnent. The same is true of the central parameters of currency and finance, trade and raw mater ials. If we were to p:>int to the most glar ing signs of this inability to adapt, they would be indebtedness, the cootraction of world trade and the acute stagnation in the raw mater ial and commodi ties markets. secaldly, the recovery that has been presented as a cure-all to the crisis has shown itself to be fragile, precarious and without lasting force. The same is true of the chain-reaction effect that it was thought could be attributed to that recovery. Thirdly, the structural disfunctioning of the current system of international ecooomic relations, with its negative consequences for the developing world, is on the one hand destroying what has so labor iously been acquired on the other, including severe internal adjustments. Fourthly, exper iments attempted and carried out have, moreovet', strongly proved the senselessness of any solution that separates growth from development. It has now become clear that there is no effective role to be played and no possible solution other than those that include growth and development as interconnected and interdependent elements. From this comes the necessity for a renewed North-South dialogue sustained by the resolve of all and directed towards the achievement of all those global adjustments that the present crisis has shown to be so vital. Fifthly and finally, in the context of the general developnent of interna tional rela tions, the North-SOuth gap, which is growing and deepening, is fraught with danger. The growth and deepening of that gap is not measured merely by quantitative size~ the main coocern should rather be qualitative in nature. i'Ilat will the coofiguration of internatiooal relations be tomorrow as the result of an evolutioo by which some people move towards the post-industrlal revolutioo while others remain subjugated by pre-development? That question encanpasses the major political dimension of the present world economic order and of the crisis it has brought about. Mankind is thus facing other cboices, and there is only ooe that is valid - that of orderly and obstacle-free changes and transformatioos. To say that the new internatiooal ecooomic order is the necessary cboice is not to sin by utopian ism or lack of realism. As the expression of a will and of an attempt to bridge the North-South gap, the new internatiooal ecooomic order offer s a path, which some still hesitate or refuse to take but which remains the only path assur ing the stable and orderly development of wor:ld relations and leading to a universally shared prosperity. The M:>vement of Non-Aligned Countries, which has the double misfortune of counting among its menDers peoples who are still under domination or oppression and regions caught up in conflict or tensioo, was obliged to make its voice heard so that what needs to be corrected will be corrected wi th all due respect to their purp:>ses and principles and to those enshrined in the Charter of the united Nations. This is the case in southern Africa, where apartheid still imposes its outrageous laws. But the pace of history is accelerating in southern Africa, and apartheid no longer has a future there. It is the collective responsibility of the international comnunity to hasten the end of a system that has been branded a er ime against humanity. To that end, there is no way other than that of global and manda wry sanctions, commensurate with such a cr ime. For the national resistance movements - in South Africa under the leadership of the Afr ican Naticnal Coogress of South Afr ica (ANC) and in Namibia under the leader ship of the SouthWest Africa People's Organ iza tioo (SWAPO) - as well as for the froot-line States, which have known acts of aggression and occupation, we must provide some small ~fort to their just struggle. (Hr. Taleb Ibrahimi, Alger ia) The. same law of aggression, occupation and persistent spoliation applies to the Middle Fast and Palestine. There, there is injustice to be corrected and national rights to be restored. No lasting peace can be established without the Pales.tinian people, outside the Palestinian people and, a fortiori, against the Palestinian people. The national rights of the Palestinian PeOple must be respected. That people has the inalienable right to an independent State in Palestine, its historic land. The occupied Arab territories, including Al Quds Al Sharif, must be vacated. Ravaged Iebanoo must once again be able to live in a climate of national understanding and unity and to enjoy its sovereignty and territor ial integr ity. There can be no solutioo to the crisis in the Middle East other than a global solutiM centring round the tragedy of the Palestinian people. For well known historical reasoos, the United Nations has a special responsibility in this respect. An internatiooal conference under the auspices of the United Nations remains the sole framework that would be possible, feasible or credible. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate and authentic representative of the Palestinian people, must take its place and make its voice hear. Not fa.r from that region, the distressing conflict between Iraq and Iran is cootinuing and intensifying, to the detriment of the interests of the two fraternal peoples, and is threatening security and stability in that part of the world. In the need for good neighbourliness and for a responsible, clear and courageous identification of the true interests of the two countries we can find the resources to put <;;:1 end to the state of cooflict and hostilities and to open negotiations leading to a peaceful solution •• • The President returned to the Chair. (Mr. Ta1eb Ibrahimi, Algeria) In an identical approach and assessment the united Nations, the Organization of African Unity and, most recently, the Non-Aligned Movement, at its eighth summit meeting, described the conflict in Western Sahara as part of a decolonization process yet to be completed by the exercise of the right of the people of the territory to self-determination and independence. In this regard the African peace plan, which has now become a universal plan, sets out the framework, the conditions and the means for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the conflict. The principal political guidelines of this plan concern the appeal for direct negotiations between the two warring parties - in this case Morocco and the POLISARIO Front - direct negotiations between those parties on the conditions for a cease-fire and for a referendum on self-determination and the requirement that that referendum be free from any administrative or military constraints. Within the framework of the political guidelines which the Assembly laid down at its previous session, the outgoing Chairman of the Organization of African Unity and the Secretary-General of the United Nations have striven to carry out their mission of peace. My country salutes their goodwill and persistence, and congratulates them on what they have achieved. Similarly, my country will encourage the mission of good offices in everything it may do, so that Western Sahara, too, may see the cause of freedom triump. If that cause is to find its final expression and its ultimate satisfaction in a referendum on self-determination, that referendum must be orderly and genuine. A referendum ~.l self-determination whose primary purpose is to confirm and codify a fait aCCOmpli is not a true referendum. A referendum on self-determination carried out and sanctioned by the occupying force is not a referendum. A referendum on self-determination which confines the Organization of African unity and the united Nations to a declamatory role is not a referendum. The referendum on self-determination proposed and decided u~~n now by the international community as a whole is something quite different. It is precisely that kind of referendum which must prevail, in the name of justice, law and peace in the Maghreb. In this matter it is precisely the building of a unified Great Maghred that is at stake: the area as a whole is an important geostrategic zone. Therefore, we do not doubt that it is the object of ambition and greed. Algeria has no alternative but to work for a unified, stable, secure and non-aligned Great Maghred. The ill-conceived initiative in introducing the aggressive, destabilizing zionist factor does serious harm to this worth-while enterprise, which has brought together all people of goodwill in the region. In my country we venture to believe that the course of unification of the Maghreb is irreversible. No obstacles, whatever their variety, nature or form, can stop it. Resort to force has caused a brutal outburst in the Mediterranean, filling that region to overflowing with crisis and tension. The acts of aggression committed there are inadmissible and intolerable and must be condemned. That aggression damages the collective enterprise of the coastal non-aligned countries, which have set for themselves the noble goal of making the Mediterranean Sea a zone of peace and co-operation. However, those countries find in the acts of force carried out new testimony to the need for all the things they have proclaimed and what they are work.ng for - that is, to free the Mediterranean from the conditions of war imposed upon it and to restore to it the peaceful status of a place of friendliness,meeting and enjoyment. (Mr. Taleb Ibrahimi, Algeria) Central America is the sUbject of this same logic of force and its effects. The rights of peoples and States and international legality have not been observed and respected. The peoples and States of the region must be able to live in harmony among themselves and with others, free from unjustifiable foreign intervention~ The Contadora Group still enjoys our confidence and support. The United Nations is experiencing a decisive crisis in its history. It is our common responsibility to understand correctly the facts of that crisis in order to deal with it in the best interests of our Organization. In this context I reaffirm my country's faith in the United Nations and, further, our overriding obligation to protect the Organization. The United Nations must be maintained, preserved and protected. International relations without the United Nations not only are inconceibable, but would be dangerous. The United Nations is the order of dialogue and co-operation; to harm it is, directly or indirectly, to harm the order of dialogue and co-operation itself. Finally, the United Nations is the most promising augury for the world of tomorrow. If it is challenged or weakened, that long-desired better world will be compromised. It is our shared goal to ensure that the United Nations becomes more efficient, effective and influential in the conduct of world affairs. If this means the rationalization of structures, better use of available institutions, the elimination of unnecessary expenditure and the abolition of overlapping of functions and duplication, no one will object. On the other hand, if all it means is challenge miltilateralism and the central role therein of the United Nations, there will be reason to question the implications of such a fatal cycle. None of us will benefit if that happens; we shall all be the losers. Mr. PAEOULIAS (Greece) (spoke in Greek; English text furnished by the delegation): 1 should like, at the outset, Sir, to offer you my delegation's warmest congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. Although our two countries are geographically far apart they nevertheless maintain close ties and sincere fr iendship. Your wide exper ience is the best guarantee that you will successfully deal with difficulties which might arise and that you will guide the work of this Assembly in the most effective way. The Foreign secretary of the United Kingdan, speaking on behalf of the 12 member States of the EUropean Conmunity, has presented the COlllliunity's position on various important international issues. Greece, oblTiously, fully shares those views. I shall therefore confine my statement to my Government's position on major world issues as well as on those which are of particular interest to Greece. A more detailed presentation of the Greek views is included in the text of my statement. Last year we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of our Organization. Much was heard on that occasion of the ability of the united Nations to contribute effectively in dealing with the multiple problems facing our world today. At the same time all speakers stated their intention to cootribute effectively to that purpose. Unfor tunately, the festive atmosphere was marred by the fact that the Member States were not able to agree on the text of a common declaration. It is a matter of regret that national oonsideratioos proved to be stronger than the effor t to reaffirm the purposes and principles of this Organization. This year we are observing another significant occasion, namely, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement, which since its foundation has played a significant role on the international scene. The Prime Minister of Greece, in his coogratulatory message to the new Chairman of the Movement, Prime Minister Mugabe of Zimbabwe, stated: (Mr. Papoulias q Greece) "Greece particularly appreciates the role of the Non-Aligned Movement in internatiooal affairs and acknowledges its important contribution to the strengthening of world peace, stabiLity and development and to the proIlOtion of internatiooal detente." It was a pleasure and an hooour for my Government to be asked to participate as a guest, for the first time, in such an important world event as the Harare Summit Cooference. That 10vitatim reflects the excellent relatims we enjoy with the members of the Non-Aligned Movement, relations we wish to prollDte even further. Our 10g the year that has elapsed no significant developnent was mar ked on the major issues our Organization is dealing with. We have observed with pleasure, however, that the two super-Power s have broadened the areas of their: dia logue wi th the prospect that those cmtacts may culminate in a high-level meeting whose realizatim and success we all wish for. We are fully aware that peace on earth depends to ~ large extent on the quali ty of the relations bebleen the two s uper-Power s. International secur ity and disarmament consti tute two major goals of our foreign policy. In a spirit of collective responsibility for: world peace, the Greek Prime Minister, Mr. Papandreou, together with the leader s of the States which participate in the initiative of the Six, has cmtinued the efforts for nuclear disarmament. The Declaration of Mexico recently adopted in Ixtapa, calling again upon the two super-Powers to cease nuclear tests as well as the production and developnent of all nuclear weapons and to avoid their deployment in space, reflects the agmizing concern of our PeOples on the eventuality of a nuclear holocaust. As far as nuclear weapons are concerned Greece supports their gradual and nutual reduction by both alliances, to the lowest possible level. The canplete abolition of nuclear weapons remains for us the immutable ultimate goal. Similar ly, (Hr. Pap::>ulias, Greece) the question of a balanced reduction of conventional arms should be dealt with. In the search for pr inciples which could ·strengthen international secur ity we should not lose sight of the close relationship between nuclear and conventional weapons. we believe that on these issues viable agreements could be reached, the implementation of t«iich could be monitored through an effective verifica tion system. May I at this p::>int welcome the p::>sitive outcome of the Stockholm Cooference on Confidence and security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, which we hope will contribute to diminishing the danger of war between the two blocs. I should like also to stress that the Greek Government attaches great importance to the nuclear Non-Proliferat;ia1 Treaty. The improvement of the p::>litical atmosphere, both regionally and internationally, the rentmciation of violence as a means to resolve differences and the developnent of a wide sense of secur ity are, of course, prerequisites for the aboli tion of arms systems, particularly those of nuclear weapons. It would be remiss of me if I did not refer, at this point, to the consequences of disarmament on ecooomic development, particularly in a world wi th limited natural resources. My Government is equally interested in promoting '«:he idea of the creation of nuclear-free zenes. We have consistently supported the pxoposal to make the Balkans a zene free of nuclear an,d chemical weapons. At this point I should like t,') refer to the coocern of the Greek Government arising from the growing proliferation and use of chemical weap::>ns, in centravention of existing international rules. We believe that the international community should set amongst its priorities a complete ban on the production and use of chemical weapons as well as the destruction of existing stockpiles. (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) It is ooly natural that my GoI7ernment attaches particular importance to the sensitive area of the n:dii:erranean. Greece, Cl Mediterran~an country ~ith an ancient traditioo, considers developments in the Mediterrafiean as critical, not only for international relations but more specificall~' for reasCX'lS pertaining to its own security. We have therefore sincerely and consistently supported all genuine efforts to promote peace in the area, not only for the benefit of the Mediterranean peoples but also for the sake of world stability. We look f;......ward to seeing the Mediterranean become an area of peace, friendship and co~peratioo among its peoples. Within the context of problems of wider significance which transcend the limits of regional relationships, the case of human rights and fundamental freedoms should be stressed, as well as the need to promote social, economic and cultural rights. We are unswervingly convinced that strict canpliance wi th the internatiCX'lal rules adopted in this respect is an obligatiCX'l of States, not merely an optioo. The Greek Government has also repeatedly declared its conmitment to the improvement of the status of women, aiming at the total eradication of discrimination based on sex, at the national, regional and international levels. We therefore attach particular importance to the implementation of the strategies adopted at the Nairobi Cooference. (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) Iet me now turn to the problem of terrorisn, which has become a present-de.y drama. My country is situated in a geographical region where international problems have remained unresolved for decades, creating a psychology of desperatioo. Greece has been particularly afflicted by acts of terrorism, despite its efforts, within its means, to prevent them. We have rePeatedly and unequivocally condemned terror ism and adhere to international treaties aimed at coIlbating it. The peace-loving Greek PeOple abhor actions which can harm innocent people. The consensus achieved in the united Natims with the adoptim of General AsseIlbly resolution 40/61 should be used to this effect. I would also like at this point to stress that me should not combat terrorism with illegal acts. Otherwise we enter into a vicious circle leading to a dangerous escalation. There are, unfortunately, a number of subjects with which our Organization has repeatedly dealt, wi thout any progress towards their resolution. The situation in southern Afr ica remains explosive, with unfores~n consequences for peace, security and the stability in the area. Its prolongation entails broader repercussims on international relations. Greece wa tches wi th particular interest developments in the area, not only because of the overall impact of the problem, but also because a sizeable Greek community lives in south Africa. The recent grave deterioration of the situation in SOuth Africa, together with the failure of the well-known mediation efforts of the missions of the Commonweal th and the European Conununity render prospects highly unfavourable. There is obviously no intention on the part of the SOuth African Government to abolish the a~)horrent apartheid system, which Greece has repeatedly, consistently and firmly condenned. (Mr. Papoul!as, Greece) . I wogld alsQ like to s ....mg!y cmdem!! cn~ again t.~e mUitary i.~terventionsof South Africa against its neighbouring countries. Greece expresses its unequivocal solidarity with the front-line States, mich should receive full international support in order successfully to cope with the threat against them. Unfortunately, the problem of Namibia is also in a canplete deadlock. SOuth Africa continues the illegal occupation of the Territory and refuses to proceed to the inunediate and unccnditional implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978) on ti.'le independence of Namibia, which we consider as the sole internationally accepted basis for a peaceful solution of the problem. My Government follows with great attention the developnents in the region of the Middle East. Last year, from this very rostrum, I stressed the principles guHing our policy with respect to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Allow me to reiterate !"l'lem, since it has not been possible, during this past year, to proIlDte the peace process effectively despi te a degree of movement. The withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the Arab territories occupied in 1967 is the basic prerElGluisite for the peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. This occupation has been repeatedly deplored by the international conununity through numerous resolutions of the United Nations, which, unfortunately, have not been implemented. we support the fundamental and inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including their right to create their own State. At the same time we fully support the right of Israel to exist within secure, internationally recognized borders. We believe that it is only through negotiations that a canprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the dispute can be reached. These negotiations should th~refore start without further delay, with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) which, as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, has a significant role to play in the peace process. (Kr. Papoulias, Greece) ...... .:- ...._..._.._.. .1.1;. "'0, IIUwliI:iiiY ... , difficult to imagine how such a proces's could start in a climate marked by tension and efforts to impose faits accanplis. As in the case of Cyprus, we reject the policy of faits accol!J)lis and of unilateral measures, as well as any attempts at altering the demographic and geographical conditions in the occupied territories. Such actions are contrary to international law and undermine the prospects for peace. For reasons related to the religious tradition, we attach particular importance to the status of Jerusalem. In Lebanon, the recurrence of the crisis and the repeated acts of violence take us farther away from the goal to wich all interested parties, as well as those who exercise influence, naturally aspire: that is to say, to the re-establishment of the unity, scwereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. we also call upon all parties to assist the United Nations Inter im Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), so that it can fulfill the highly important task for wich it has been established. The war between Iran and Iraq has now been going on for six years, bringing destruction to both sides. My country, because of its friendly relations with bottr parties, calls upon them to demonstrate a conciliatory spir it so that hostilities might cease and negotiations start within the mediation efforts of the secretary-General of the United Nations. The situation in Central America continues, unfortunately, to remain tense. Greece is not the only country wich has stressed that the problems of the area, problems deep-rooted in the past, cannot be dealt with, let alone be solved, except through peaceful proCedures. My Government sincerely regrets that despite the help offered by the Group of Support, the Contadora process has not yet produced the expected results. we still hope that it might do so and continue to fully support it. (Mr. Pap?ulias, Greece) The courageous efforts of many Iatin American gOl1ernments to find a solution to the loog-lasting problems of their countries should be particularly praised. We wish that the democratizatioo process in those SOuth American countries which still lack democratic institutions will be expedited. we are therefore irritated by the recent deterioration in Chile of an already intolerable situation of suppression of political freedoms and human rights. We condemn the barbarous methods of the military dictatorship ar}d express our solidarity with the people of Chile. Greece, as I have already mentioned, has consistently condemned all cases of irrvasion and occupation of countries by th;,ed Powees, as well as the policy of faits accomplis. We adopt the same position regarding the situation which persists in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, br inging great hardship to the peoples of those oountr ies. We firmly consider that the foreign troops which are in Afghan is tan and in Kampuchea should wi thdraw. fully, as soon as possible, according to the resolutions of the united Natioos. The area of the Balkans is, for obvious reasons, one of vital inter.iJt t-o t ~ t • f' Ct:eece, A lQri~ "~ai tion determines the constants in •• t \. the rela tions be~t!i'tfflt ~e ~ 'f~ to,.•• I.aalkart countr ies. Therefore, my Government has undertaken all efforts in order to improve relations with our neighbouring countries as '.l7ell as the overall 'political ~ . Clunate in the Balkans. We have noted with satisfaction that our endeavours have yielded positive results in all cases save one. Though self-evident, it is wofj:Pwhile stressing ooea again that where mutual respect existo, whet, nF? claims , . ... ~ are raised, Where established sovereign rights are not questioned, then all peoples, even those which in the past were spl it by long-standing and deep differences, can easily find the road to co-opera Hon and friendship. ,. (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) In 1111' :a~ch I touched upal certain major international issues. Allow me now to expand on the question of Cyprus. It is of the utmost concern to my Government, not ally because it is a mjor internaticnal problem, but also for historical, national and cultural reasons, since 80 per cent of the island's p3pulation are Cypriot citizens of Greek origin who share the Hellenic heritage. (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) Furthermore, apart from its special relationship with the Republic of cyprus, my country is also one of its guarantor Powers. Therefore, our interest in developments in cyprus, and more particularly in the illegal presence of the Turkish army there, is particularly strong. The question of Cyprus is one of those rare internathmal problems on which the world community has expressed itself practically unanim:)usly, not only on how it should be resolved but also on what specific arrangements should be included in any solution. I would refer, indicatively, to General Assenbly resolution 3212 (XXIX), Security Council resolutio., 365 (1914) and paragraph? of General Assemly resolution 37/253, according to which: "The General Assembly ••• considers the withdrawal of all occupation forces from the Rel-'ublic of Cy~us as an essential basis for a speedy and mutually acceptable solution of the problem of Cyprus". 'Ehat statement is crystal clear and unambiguous. The question of Cyprus is a problem arising from invasion and continuing military occupation. Therefore, the withdrawal of the Turkish troops constitutes a necessary prerequisite for any solution. I \IlOuld point out that very recently the sunmit meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement in Harare reiterated that all foreign troops and Turkish settlers, who already number more than 60,000, should leave Cyprus as an unconditional pre-condition of a solution. We are firmly convinced that a just and viable solution of the Cyprus question presupposes the withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from the terd tory of the Republic of Cyprus before any new consti tution enters into force. Such a solution should also provide for a system of international guarantees, non-rnilitary in character, which should preclude the possibility of unilateral intervention, so that the security of the people of Cyprus in its entirety is effectively assured. I (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) I shall not elaborate on the details of the latest initiative of the Secretary-General, both bacause that falls within the competence of the President of Cyprus and because the facts are more or less well known to all. I should simply like to stress that the draft framework agreement presented by the secretary-General cOl7ers exhaustively all the constitutional aspects of the problem, practically to the sole benefit of the Turkish side. At the same time, the questions of the withdrawal of foreign troops, guarantees and the so-called three freedoms, that is to say, the main elements of the Cyprus problem, subjects of vital interest to the Greek Cypriots, are relegated to vague and uncertain future procedures. Let me point out in this respect that the Turkish side has cynically declared that under any solutioo part of the Turkish Army would :o:emain in Cyprus and that Ankara would insist upon a system of guarantees which would give it tile right to unilateral military intervention. It is therefore obvious that the framework agreement is one-sided and incomplete. It is inconceivable that one could evaluate, let alone make comments on, that draft without first hearing, offi.cially, the position of the Turkish side on the questions of the withdrawal of the Turkish troops, the guarantees, the three freedorns and the Turkish settlers. In view of that situation, President Kyprianou submitted his well-known proposals of 10 June, whose substance is that these pending points should be discussed as a matter of pr ior ity before he would be able to take any position whatsoever regarding the draft framework agreement. My Q:)vernment fully and stroogly supports this position taken by the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, which is entirely rational, constructive and fair. We believe that these proposals of the President of the Republic of Cyprus include all the elements which would guarantee progress without prejudice to the vital i~£terests of any side. (Kr. Papoulias, Greece) 1m.y OI7erviewof international affairs would be incanplete without a reference to economic problems. In 1986 a number of important developnents took place on the international ecooomic scene. They ranged from the fall in the price of oil and lower interest rates to changes in perceptions with regard to the formulation of the economic policy at a global level. tiith in the fr amewor k of international efforts to resolve the exter nal debt problem of developing colXltries we have consistently supported the significant initiative undertaken in 1985 at the annual meetings of the International lobnetary Fund and the World Bank. We follow with keen interest the evolution of the issue. None the less we are concerned by the SlCM pace of progress. I should also like to refer to the question of world trade; Its development, the reduction of protectionism and joint enterpreneur ial activity constitute one of the most secure means of rapprochement and understanding between States with different points of view and political systems. I hope that the recent Ministerial Conference at Punta del Este, where the spirit of canpromise prevailed, will mark the starting point of a difficult process for the progressive resolution of the canplex and multidimensional p~oblem of the liberation of international trade. The international community is called upon to eliminate the persistent int>alances in the world economy through effective multilateral co-operation. The recent special sessioo of the General Assembly 00 l1.£rica, at a moment when the role of the united Nations is being reviewed, prOl7ed ooce more the importance of international co-operation. Another recent pertinent example of the value of international co-operation within the framework of the united Nations is the Treaty on the Law of the Sea, which was signed in 1982. Greece, as a maritime nation, expresses the hope that it will soon enter in to force. I (Mr. Papoulias , Greece) During the past year our Organization has been tried by a serious, ongoing economic er isis. This cannot be attr ibuted to a single cause. It is the result of many factors and must be dealt with effectively and substantively to avoid more ser ious difficulties in the future. Greece actively fo11CMS efforts for greater rationalization and streamlining of the finances of the Organizatioo. We have studied wi th great interest the oonclusioos and :ceool1lDendations of the Group of 18 governmental experts. I think we all agree that the Group carried out its ta.sk effectively and that its recollll'lendations s<lould be studied with particular attention. Our thanks should also be directed to the secretary-General, who, with his usual zeal and devotion to his mission, has worked tmtiringly in order to deal with the crisis. I should like to express my GoI1ernment's pleasure at Mr. Perez de Cuellar's complete recovery. It is only natural that ~ feel frustrated, since for many years the major international problems have continued to appear on the Organization's agenda without any substantial progress being made towards their solution. This disappointment, however, is cotmterbalanced to a certain extent by the realization that those issues are being discussed by the international community, which we hope will, as tilDe goes by, become all the more conscious of the importance of those issues for humanity's peace, progresl3 and prosper ity, all of which are mankind's everlasting wish and eternal aim. Mr.. ELLFMANN-JENSEN (Denmar k) : Mc.. President, a llow me, fir st, to offer to you my sincere coogratulations on your election to the presidency of we forty-first sessioo of the General Assembly.. I can assure you of the full co-operation of the Danish delegation in the performance of the duties of your high office. Denmark's strong and persistent support, in deed as well as in words, of the United Nations is well known. OVer the years Denmark has been a major contributor to United Nations efforts in the economic, social and technical fields as well as to United Nations peace-k"eeping forces. Our contributions have steadily increased also in relative terms. This increase reflects our strong belief that in a rapidly d changing world of growing interdependence, multilateral co-operation remains indispensable. The focus of attention of the General Assembly is on what is widely seen as an acute financial crisis of the Olited Nations. We commend the secretary-General for having taken the measures approved by the General Assembly in April. They have served to alleviate the situation in the short run. It will be a main task of this session of the General Assembly to address the question of appropriate medium and long-term measures. The viability of the Organization itself is at stake. It is essential that all Member States fulfil their part of the responsibility for financing the Uni ted Na tions. Unila teral ac tion by MembeJ: States in contravention of the Charter undermines the author ity and wor k of the Organization.* *Mc. Ferm, Sweden, Vice-President, took the Chair. I (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) we welcome the report of the Group of High-Level Intergovernmental E1cperts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations. It CQ'ltains a nunber of valuable recommendations wich, it is to be hoped, will initiate a process of reform. As I see it, we must pursue two objectives simUltaneously: first, we must make a determined effort towards administrative and financial reform,; second, and probably more important, we must seek a more realistic COlllllon understanding of what can be expected from the United Nations. As in previous years a number of important internatiooal issues are before the General Assenbly. Turning first to developments in the East-West relationship, I am encouraged to note that there has been some imprOl7ement. The United States and the SOI7iet Union are prepar ing for a new summit meeting. Denmark hopes that the negotiations will prOl7ide a better climate and renewed confidence and dialogue between East and West. We should not assume that dialogue can remove all differences between East and West. It cannot. But the dialogue must address itself to the real problems and aim at concrete solutioos. The extent to which we achieve such solutions will be the proper measure of the attainment of genuine detente. Thus, detente must not be limited to efforts towards relaxation of political and military tensions. It must be comprehensive and comprise also a dialogue on humanitarian issues of direct relevance to individuals in East and west alike as well as on economic co~peratioo, trade and environmental problems. It is of overriding importance that all countries in East and west should particip:lte in this dialogue. In difficult times for the East-West relationship, contacts between the smaller and medium-sized European countr ies of East and west have helped the dialogue along. After the summit meeting in Geneva in (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) dimension. But all countr ies in Europe, allied or neutral or noo-aligned, have something to cootr ibute to the dialogue between East and west. The process initiated by the Final Act of the Helsinki Cooference on security and Co-operation in Europe forms a focal point fer dialogue and confidence-building among the par ticipa ting Cooference on secur ity and Co-oper ation in &1rope «SCE) States in Europe and Nor th America. The recent succeSSful conclusioo of the Stockholm Cooference with the adoption of new confidence and security-building measures has laid the foundatioo for imprOlTing confidence in the military field. Confidence-building is, however, a subject that cannot be limited to the military area. Canpliance with the commitments which the participating States have undertaken in the Helsinki Final Act and the Madrid Coocluding Document, not least within the human dimension, is equally important for creating confidence between East and West. The (sCE follow-up meeting due to open in Vienna this autumn will be a most important forum for efforts to intensify dialogue and imprOlTe confidenoa between East and West. At the Vienna Meeting, there will be a particular need for progress towards the solution of humani tar ian questiollSo Countries which are still lagging behind should be persuaded to improve their standards in, above all, family reunification. No State should deny a citizen the right to go abroad to be reunited with his relatives there. As a Polish philosopher has said: "I can respect a no-entry sign, but I am disgusted when I see a no-exit sign." In the field of arms control and disarmament no effor t must be spared to halt the current arms race. Only through coocrete verifiable arms cootrol agreements can a new and imprOlTed security be created at a lower level of armaments. I (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) The current arms centrol negotiations in Geneva between the tl'lited States and the Soviet Unien must lead to effective agreements aimed at preventing an arms race in space and terminating it on earth, at limiting and reducing nuclear arms, and at strengthening strategic stability. The Danish Government attaches the utmost importallce to the ongoing deliberations at the Conference en Disarmament. In particular, I wish to urge the Cooference on Disarmament to speed up its endeavours to reach agreement on initia ting negotia Hons for an early cenclusion of a canpr ehens ive test-ban treaty. Similarly, we believe that there is every reasCXl for the Conference to step up its efforts to achieve early agreement on a global and canprehensive ban on chemical weapons. The upsurge of terror ism represents an alarming aspect of the international si tuatioo posing a mortal threat to the very fabric of our societies as well as to order ly and fr iendly r elations between nations. The wor ld-wide nator e of the problem requires concerted international actioo to stamp out this evil. The proper forum for dealing with international terrorism is the United Nations, and we were therefore gratified by the adoption last year of resolutions both by the General Assembly and the secur ity Council on these problems. The entire international communi ty agreed to cendemn as criminal all acts, methods and practices of ter ror ism, wherever and by whomever coIIIDitted. We urge all Member Sta tes to intensify international co-operation to apprehend, prosecute and punish the perpetrators of such acts. There must be no safe haven for terrorists. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) '"""".: .. .:--- ~......." .... Natior-s, a."1d a source of great inspiration and satisfaction, is the fact that over the years the Organization has been able to agree on an impressive body of internationally recognized human rights standards. These standards command the universal acceptance of the world community. Unfortunately, we are witnessing daily violations of these standards. Various mechanisms have been set in motion to supervise the implementation of these standards and in our opinion it is vital for the 'credibility of the relevant human rights instruments that these mechanisms be used. It is the responsibility of Governments to respect and ensure the enjoyment of human rights for their citizens, and Governments which shrink from fulfilling this obligation should constantly be reminded of their duty through the appropriate organs of our Organization, including from this General Assembly rostrum. May I now turn to another serious subject which must be of concern to all of us - the world refugee situation. It is a gloomy picture we are faced with, and our public rightly expects this universal Organization, the united Nations, to live up to its responsibility as laid down in the Charter. In the united Nations Charter we have pledged ourselves to prolOOte and encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and to let the world Organization be a centre for • harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common goals. It follows from this solemn undertaking that when human rights violations force people to leave their country of origin and become refugees all other countries must take steps to alleviate the suffer ings of those people and thereby secure respect for their human rights. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) My GcNernment wishes, during this session of the General Assenbly, to share with all representatives some concrete ideas that we have developed with a view to establishing a mechanism whereby the international community, basing itself on the principles of burden-sharing and solidarity~ could take a major step forward in solving the wor:ld refugee problom. The key elements in that mechanism are: voluntary repatr tation, regional integration, increased United Nations presence in different regions of the world, and allocation of qootas based on a United Nations scheme. we shall present our more detailed views when the relevant agenda item is discussed in the Third Committee. Racism and racial discr imination are flagrant violations of human rights. One Government in the world not only coodooes racial discr imination on its terri tory but has made racism the very essence of its social order. To maintain its abhorrent a,Eartheid system the Government of South Africa pursues atrocious repression at home, brutal aggression and destabilization against neighbour ing States, and an illegal occupation of Namibia tllhich openly defies decisions of the United Nations security Council and General Assembly. It is incull'bent upon this Organi~ation to reflect and act upon the deep concer n and indignation of the entire international community at the persistence "f such serious violations of fundamental human right~ as are being committed by the apartheid regime. But ~~theid and what goes with it ar.e more than a violation of human rights. The provocation which that system presents to the neighbouring oountries, to other African nations and to the whole world is a threat to international peace and security - a threat that will persist until Cilpartheid has been totally eliminated and replaced by a system based on democracy and equality for all South Africans. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) It is a basic ~eature of Danish policy that we believe in and strive for peaceful solutions to international conflicts. We believe that mandatory sanctions in accordance wi th Chapter VII of the Uni ted Na Hons Char ter should be imposed on South Afr iea. They are the most effective instrument available to the international community to promote peaceful change. As a ment>er of the security Council, Denmark has worked c:ctively for the adoption of such measures and will continue to do so. In the absence of agreement in the secur ity Council on sanctions under Chapter VII, Denmark has decided to take measures, together wi th our Nordic and European Community partners and on our Otln, on a voluntary unilateral bas~s. In ." fact Denmark has gone further in this regard than any other Western country. Nearly all Danish contacts with South Africa, including trade, will come to a halt before the end of this year. Our diplomacy is engaged in a systematic effort to encourage other countries to increase their contribution to reinforced and more effective international pressure against apartheid. Outside pressure is not only intended to be a signal to the South African Government, it serves as a sign of solidarity with the SOuth African popUlation and as enoouragement and an indication that an alternative can be found to violence and destruction. Let President Batha's new rigid position on what he calls "outside interference" and his increasingly oppressive policies be a warning to the international cormnunity. Delay in making the message clear to those in South Africa who hold the key may soon place the si tua tion beyood reach. We must act now. As for Namibia, the Danish Government remains convinced that security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the only in terna tionally acceptable solution to the Namibian question. Delaying tactics on SOuth Afr iea 's p?'rt cannot be tol<::rated. Namibia's independence is long overdue and should be pursued by all peacefUl means, including sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) The countries in southern Africa have for many years been important partners in Denmark's development co-operation prograll'lDe. The priority given to that region is a natura~ correlate to the restrictive measures which we have adopted against South Africa. Together with the other Nordic countries, we will work actively at the united Nations to obtain a.;reement on a cmtingency plan for economic assistance to South Africa's neighbours in the event of South African reprisals against those countries. In fact, approximately one third of our bilateral development assistance is provided to the countries of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC). At the SN>CC meeting in Halare in JanuaIy, Denmark pledged a 100 per cent increase to 400 millioo Danish kroner in its assistance to regional SADa: co-operatim. Together with the other Nordic countries and the SADCC member States, a Joint Declaration m Expanded Ecmomic Co""Operation was signed on the same occasion. The Joint Declaratioo between the SADCC and Nordic countr ies reflects the lit tual determination of the two regions to intensify co-operation and constitutes the framework for new avenues of collaboration extending beyond the traditional dCllor-recipien t rela tionship. (Hr. EJ..,lfab"lann-Jensen, Denmark) The economic difficulties facing the African continent remain staggering, and profound changes in domestic policies are required to turn the situation around. Against this background, the special session of the General Assembly on Africa took place at a crucial point in time. The courageous approach of the African countries reflected their readiness to seek new avenues and make a firm commitment to policy reform. Denmark regards the adoption of the programme of action by consensus as a very positive outcome of the Conference, both for the United Nations as an organization and for the Member states. But now let us not lose momentum. The real achievement is not the adoption of the programme but its implementation. Donors and recipients must both shoulder their responsibility. In the Middle East three major conflicts remain of serious concern to the world community, and not least to the countries of Europe, which have close and vital links with the area. Guided by the general principles set out by the countries of the European Community in their Venice Declaration, we have in the past year continued to support initiatives aimed at bringing the parties to the Arab-Israeli dispute together in talks for peacea v .ere encouraged by the efforts made by King Russein of Jordan to open the path to a constructive engagement of authentic Palestinian representatives in the peace process, and we were correspondingly discouraged when the King concluded that he had not been able to secure the necessary commitment from the Palestine Liberation Organization. If the peace process is to move forward, it will be necessary for those who are most directly involved and who have the welfare of the Palestinian people at heart to put their political differences aside and unite in support of a realistic and constructive engagement aimed at a negotiated peace. In this context I should like to pay a tribute to those courageous leaders in the Middle East who are showing the way by realistic and constructive initiatives to widen the dialogue. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmark) In Lebanon sectarian strife continues to exact a terrible price in human life and sUffering_ We can only appeal once again for moderation and reason and a will to compromise, without which it appears the very existence of Lebanon is threatened. When the Lebanese themselves choose to build on their common humanity and engage in true national reconciliation they shall find our ready support for the full restoration of Lebanese unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The continuation of the conflict between Iran and Iraq, which is now in its seventh year, presents us with a picture of untold human carnage and SUffering. Both parties, as well as the world conununity and the standards of civilization, stand only to lose by further continuation of this appalling war. From this rostrum I appeal to both parties to respect Security Council resolution 582 (1986) and use the united Nations and the good offices of the Secretary-General to work out a compromise on this conflict, which need never have escalated into war and which by its nature is negotiable. In Afghanistan another war is taking place. There soviet forces conti.nue with undiminished determination their brutal attempts to suppress popular resistance within the country, with horrifying consequences for the civilian population. The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan must be brought to an end. Might does not make right, no matter how strong the Power. The Danish Government hopes that the talks held under the auspices of the united Nations, which have made important progress, will lead to an early agreement acceptable to all parties concerned and provide for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops. The situation in Kampuchea also remains an issue of grave concern to the international community. It is Denmark's long-standing position that a solution to the Kampuchean problem must be found on the basis of the resolutions adopted by the united Nations. In this spirit Denmark supports the endeavours of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with regard to Kampuchea. We see merit in the eight-point proposal of the coalition Government, which in our view represents a positive contrihution to the search for a just and durable negotiated settlement of the conflict. As to the complex problems of Central America, the Danish Government fully understands and supports the aspirations of the peoples of Central America to a life in peace and dignity, a life in countries committed to democratic systems of government, free elections, freedom of the press and respect for human rights and a life in communities that strive for a more just and equitable distribution of much too scarce resources. In our view the discrepancy that exists in most Central American countries between those aspirations and the hard realities is at the root of the present conflicts. Only the countries of Central America themselves can, within their respective borders, eliminate the fundamental causes of the current strife. What the outside world can and must do is to offer its co-operation, economic and political, to the countries of the region and encourage and support initiatives designed to fulfil those aspirations. The Danish Government continues to believe that there is no realistic and acceptable alternative to the Contadora peace process. At the core of that process lies the belief that the Central American countries themselves are responsible for solving their differences and that a lasting solution must be achieve~by peacsful means without any kind of military pressure or other forms of coercion. The global economic situation has improved in important respects over the last few years. In general, growth has resumed, inflation been brought down and interest rates reduced. Exchange-rate patterns have been brought more in line with fundamental economic conditions. However, difficult problems and uncertainties remain and pose a threat to global economic development and stability. Let me mention some of the problems that can be addressed only through international co-operation for the benefit of industrialized and developing countries alike. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmark) Since ancient times international trade has been the most powerful transmitter of growth, development and civilization that we can conceive of. But international trade is crucially dependent on the maintenance and further strengthening of the free-trade system. I should therefore like to congratulate our colleagues in Punta del Este on their success in launching a new round of trade negotiations within the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade lGATT). The result is immensely ir~rtant for international economic co-operation, but also for the political climate as a whole. Most developing countries continue to face serious debt problems, which in many cases are aggravated by persistently low prices for their exports of commodities. True, though varying in size and composition between different countries, the debt burden remains a serious obstacle to growth and development. Measures to relieve this burden are therefore indispensable. But at the same time it must be ensured that debt relief measures are adapted to the circumstances of individual debtor countries and utilized in a context of economic policy reform and structural adjustment. In this spirit Denmark has responded positively to a large number of requests for the cancellation of official development assistance (ODA) debt from least-developed countries. (Mr. Ellelllann-Jensen , DenlDlJr k) Denmark's conunitment to the developing w«ld is reflected in our official developnent assistance. This year sees an extraordinary rise in Danish developn(;:,\t assistance, which has long surpassed the internatiooal 0.7 per cent target. Denmark will increase its aid volume further in each of the coming years, reaching the 1 per cent target in 1992. The multilateral developnent system is an important element of united Natials activities. The call for imprmed efficiency in the work of the O1ited Nations applies also to activities financed by voluntary contr ibutions. Im);'Ortant progress has already been achieved, not least wi th in the Uni ted Nations Development Progranme. Denmark expects all developnent organs and organizations to intensify their efforts to ensure the necessary flexibility, efficiency, co-operation and co-ordination in their work. If such efforts are to succeed, the international donor corrmunity must respond by maintaining and increasing voluntary cootributions. Denmark is prepared to fulfil its responsibility in this regard. We expect all donor countries to live up to their responsibility and to make voluntary cootributions to the multilateral developnent system conmensurate with their ability to contribute. we have watched with growing coocern the tendency in industrialized countries to solve problems in domestic economies at the expense of developnent aid. The world of today is a world with bitter conflicts rooted in opposing ideologies, competing interests and rivalling cla ims to influence and power. Haturally, all Hemer countries seek to use the uni ted Na tions for the advancement of ~.heir aims, to strengthen their ideology, their interests and their claims. So the activity of the Organization is characterized by struggle and confrontation, because it faithfUlly reflects the world we live in, and because the substance of its work is considered by its Memers to be of fundamental importance. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen , Denmar k) BUt: even bitter debates come to an end, and mostly the end reflects recognition of the overriding need for co-operation to solve our common problems to which there can only be common solutions. The present crisis of the United Nations can be overcome if y~ strengthen the tendencies of co-operation and restrain the tendencies of confrontation. The crisis is also an opportunity. We must do our utmost to preserve and fully utilize the potential &>r action inherent in this nul:h needed Organization. We must see to it that it not only survives, but e-:"\stantly develops as a universal forum for harmon.izing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends and purposes. SUch, in brief, is the challenge to the wisdom and imagination of th is session of 'the General Assembly.
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• (cootinued) GENERAL DIiBATE . Hr. WA~ER TIZON (Peru) (interpretation from Spanish) ~ In extending to you, Sir, the greetings of the Government and people of Peru, I have to say how pleased we are that a representative of the third world is presiding oyer this session of the General Assenbly, at a time when the international atmosphere is rife with signs of regression. I am convinced that, imbued with the valiant tradition of autooaDy to which Bangladesh has been faithful since its dramatic attainment of independence, you will be able to guide the deliberatioos of this forwn in the best and most just way. I should also like to express ray country's appreciatioo of the firm yet gentle guidance given to th is Assenbly dur ing its his toric for tie th s ession by the experienced Spanish diplomat, Ambassador Jaime de Pinias. I do not believe that the fact of being a canpa tr iot and, more th an a colleague, a disciple, of our secretary-General should inhibit me from associating Peru with the warm tributes paid to him by all the MeDbers of the united Nations for his far-reaching, sustained efforts on behalf of internat.ional peace, security and development. For five years now a good part of our common hopes have been reposed in him and he has discharged that enormous responsibility npt only with wisdom and intelligence but also wi th noteworthy distinction, in circumstances that have frequently been adverse. (Mr. Wagner Tizo~, Peru) From the balance sheet of statements made by some hundred Heads of State on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations at the last General Assembly, a shared vision of disturbing trends at the international level emerges. On that occasion President A1an Garc{a of Peru speaking from this same rostrum, drew the international comrnunity;s attention to the existence of problems of exceptional seriousness, such as the foreign debt, the arms race, drugs trafficking and terrorism, which threaten the survival of States and undermine the very basis of world coexistence, and which are certainly a reflection of the present unjust international order, of the deterioration of the system of multilateral co-operation and its growing replacement by power politics. The year gone by reveals the worsening of such problems, and the consequent need to insist that they be dealt with and to issue a call for action. Peru sees a new turn of events in which confrontation between the blocs of world power has ceased to be exclusively strategic and military, but increasingly technological in nature and directly and more deeply related to the economic system of world domination. The big nations, because of the demands of that confrontation, encourage expenditures and large deficits in their own economies, which, in the last analysis, need to be financed by any means possible, thus increasing the cost of money and making the economic system that they control function as a giant suction mechanism. In this new model of domination, based on an unproductive creditor mentality through rates of interest, the way in which loans are allocated and the predominance of a national currency as the basis of international liquidity are at the root of the burgeoning debt and of the absurd situation in which the developing world is financing the struggle between the big Powers for international power at the cost of the poverty of our peoples. (Mr. Wagner Tizon, Peru) Given this ,~ituation, the Peruvian Government took a historic decision, the validity of which has asserted itself increasingly on the international field, where no one doubts that it is not right to satisfy transnational capital with the sacrifice of our peoples and that it is irrational to enter into new loans only to pay prior interest and debts. The Peruvian Government has established the principle that, as we a~e paid for our exports and labour, thus shall we par our debt without sacrificing the development and basic needs of our people, and in a measu~e of sovereign reaffirmation we set a ceiling of 10 per cent of our export income for debt-servicing. Thus we have been able to implement an independent and national economic policy which has made it possible for us to avoid a decline in the value of our currency, to reduce inflation, to lower interest rates, to reactivate tbe economy and employment, and to stimulate social expenditure by the state. This decision has been answered by the International Monetary Fund, which declared Peru ineligible for new credits from that institution. The fact that the Monetary Fund continues to use anachronistic criteria to apply that measure is a demonstration of its persistence in ignoring the seriouan~ss of the problem of the foreign debt. On the other hand, the international community, fully aware of the explosive political nature of the problem, has chosen to inscribe the question of the foreign debt crisis and development on the agenda of the General Assembly, thus recognizing the competence of the united Nations to seek a just, effective and lasting solution. The debt today characterizes the historic stage when the transnational creditors and seeking to lead our countries towards extreme dependence, preventing them not only from defining the priorities of their development processes, but also from drawing up their own political plans. (Mr. Wagner Tizon, Peru) The foreign debt is therefore a retrograde step in the evolution of international relations because it tends to neutralize the State in its very essence. This situation obliges us to make a profoundly political assessment of the duty of the united Nations to oversee the future of the international community and to stem a trend which is so anarchic as to be a destructive element in the very system of international relations. The warning that the President of Peru sounded a year ago on the dangerous threat that drugs trafficking poses to contemporary civilization and the primary responsibility of the consumer countries was welcomed and confirmed by leaders the world over, and has become a central subject of national debate and a central subject in the political life of world consumer centres. Convinced that in order to confront this scourge, joint a~tion is necessary, Peru has entered into bilateral agreements with neighbouring countries and at the Andean level we have promoted and signed the Rodrigo Lara Bonilla Convention, which bears the name of the Colombian minister, martyr in the struggie against drugs trafficking and which is open to accession by other Latin American countries. Furthermore, my country carried out the so-called C6ndor Operations, which struck a harsh blow at drugs traffickers by destroying sophisticated clandestine laboratories, landing strips, and by capturing planes and boats as well as modern weaponry in order to fulfil the commitment assumed by my country towards the youth of the world. with the moral authority conferred upon us by these actions, we urge the adoption of effective measures in the great consumer centtes, as demand in those centres is primarily responsible for the existence of the narcotics traffic in accordance with the old economic law that demand creates its own supply. (Mr. Wagner Tizon, Peru) In disarmament debates we can see that in this nuclear era our civilization, for the first time in history, is coexisting with the means of its own destruction. This threat is more imminent today for two reasons. First, because the balance of t~rror, always precarious but thus far a real balance, is being bypassed in the strategic concepts of the super-Powers, while delay~ in their arms-control talks have become disconcertingly long. Secondly, because the planned leap towards the militarization of outer space would not only ~xponentially expand the nuclear threat and its cost, but in certain sectors is being adduced as an anti-nuclear p~nacea. This bring us into an extraordinarily unstable international situation in which disarmament efforts may be frozen altogether, and in whi~h the process of conventional and regional disarmament is also held back. Peru is not a nuclear country, nor does it wish to become one. Fortunately, tatin America has with great foresight chosen the path of denuclearization. This is why we firmly ask that the super-Powers do their duty towards mankind's future by halting the arms race and dismantling their nuclear arsenals. This is what mankind wants. This was the appeal made from Harare by the 101 Reads of State of the Non-Aligned Movement. This is the demand of the international community represented in this Assembly, which cannot abandon its right and duty to protect life. (Mr. Wagner Tizoo, Per u) Nlen President Alan Garcia took the initiative in July last year in sponsoring a regiooal agreement to limit the procurement of arms, which has already received ,,'aluable support from neighbouring countries, and wen he announced then, as he also announced two months ago, a Imilateral re01ction of arms purchases, he was doing no more than to translate into reality in the coote~t of Iatin America that which we are seeking from the nuclear Powe~s - the right to life and developnento we want to give a new dimension to defence needs on the basis of new concepts of regional security, based on a system of relaticns characterized by the dynamics of co-operation and not of cooflict, thereby providing what is needed for the well- being of our people. That is why Peru also offered to be headquarters of the United Naticns Regional Centre for Peace, Disarmament and Development, which can foster in !atin America a collective regional awareness of those objectives, which are of universal interest. Terror ism is today another irrational phenomenon, which the internaticnal community must tackle with resolve. Our primary obligation must be to reach, within the framework of the United Naticns, legally binding agreements clearly dissociating States from terror ist activities, wether (Wert or covert, and effectively punishing those who promote terrorism. Unless that first goal is achieved, the political objective of the systematic blackmail and destabUization pursued by international terrorism will be promoted whether through contr ibuting to the erosion of delOOcra tic societies and their replacement by repress ive police States or through the collapse of the international legal order as people take the law into their own hands. In Peru, which has for some years suffered from the criminal action of terrorism as a misguided tool used to advance alleged social demands, our policy is clear: energetically to combat that armed fanaticism, but within the framework of law and respect for human rights, and if human rights are violated to punish in an exemplary manner th~e responsible, in such a way as to maintain intact our democr atic order. Therefore, it has always been disappointing that some democratic States represented here permit - in a mistaken interpretatiC'Jn of freedom of opinion - expressicns of support, however insignificant, for those that have chosen the path of fratricidal violence in a siemocracy as broad and pluralist as Peru's" This grave legal and moral distortion must be corrected. We urge democratic countr ies to rectify their legislation, and we urge the international commtmitrj to adopt clear norms repudiating those absurdly lenient attitudes towards crime and des truction. I referred to those grave problems because I sincerely believe that they all have alarmingly destructive consequences which no State can confront alone, and because they really amount to a global crisis in international relations resulting in a weakening of the system of multilateral co-operation, a resurgence of power politics, the erosim of the international legal order, a recrudescence of local conflicts and a sharpening of the crisis in North-SOUth relations. In this context it is clear that the so-ealled crisis of multilateralism is IWch more than a crisis of one form of international co-operation. l'tlat is at stake is the very validi ty of the system of co-operation and collective seeur ity, the alternative being to have to accept the legitimization of power as an instrument of internatiooal politics. That is why, in the specific context of the United Nations, any reform must strengthen the first of those two options - that is, the Organization's role as the body responsible for promoting peace, secur ity, co-operation and the solutioo of the problems of development in a framework of responsibility and collective action. In that regard, any reform to improve the effic; ency of the United Nations and to make more democratic the taking of decisions can only be welcomed by the international connnunity. But if the Organ izatioo's distressing financia 1 problems led us into situations that were incanpatible with making the system more democratic, we should have no hesitation in choosing a more democratic and independent, but at the same time more austere, system giving no State decision- making power over the Organization's fate on the basis of its ec:on~ic cmtr ibutioo. Present conditioos demand that internaticmal peace and security be strengthened. In the Middle East the cootinuation of the ccmflict and the delay in starting a process of negotiations serve only to increase violence. A just and las,ting solution, vi th rights and guarantees for all, can be based only on the merging of three substantive elements: the recovery by the Palestinian people of all its rights, including the right to form its own free and soyereign StateJ withdrawal from all occupied territor ies~ and recogniticm of the right of Israel and all the States of the area to live in peace within secure and internationally recognized borders, in accordance with the provisions of General Assembly and security Council resolutions. Complying with the principle of nm-intervention is a basic obligation of international coexistence and the indispensable partner of the right to self- determinaticn. We are in favour of an urgent solutioo in Afghanistan, through the withdrawal of all foreign troops and respect for the independence and non-alignment of the Afghan peopl.e. Similarly, we support the immediate withdrawal of foreign occupatim forces from Cyprus and its right to sovereignty and territorial integr ity. We propose a negotiated political solution in Kanpuchea, inclUding the pranpt withdrawal of foreign troops and the safeguarding of its national integrity and independence. In Central Amer ica acts of intervention const! tute the main obstacle to the peace efforts of the Cootadora Group and the SUpport Group. But Cootadora is conmitted before history to peace in Central America, and its efforts will not cease. It is essential to cootinue to work for the establishment of conditions conducive to peace agreements. It is therefore essential that an end be put to all acts of intervention, coercion and harassm''''Jlt that can rekindle violence and cause an escalation of the conflict. In the context of that serious problem the Peruvian Government clearly reaffirms its solidarity with the people and Government of Nicaragua with regard to any act of intervention or aggressicm. We demand an immediate end to the military and paramilitary activities in and against Nicaragua and respect for international legality, as enshrined in the recent advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. In the South Atlantic the continuation of the British military presence in the Malvinas and the permanent danger of an escalation of tension make it essential that the negotiations called for by the General Assembly start soon with a view to reaching a definitive solution to the problem, with respect for the inalienable r igh ts 0 f Argentin ian SCNereign ty • In southern Africa the last battles against colonialism and k:acism are being waged. The peoples and nations of sisterly Africa must know that not only history is on their side~ they also have with them all of us who uphold racial equality and the right to independence and the freedom of peoples. As an expression of that militant solidarity, the Government of Peru has established diplomatic relations with the South West Africa People's organization (SWAm), which is in the vanguard of the struggle and the legitimate representative of the people of Namibia. Peru's participation in the machinery for action cre~ted in Harare bears witness to the fact that we likewise fully join in the commitment made at the eighth Summit Ccmference of the non-aligned countries to give all the support and help necessary to SWAm, the liberation movements of South Africa and the front-line States in a struggle in which - however IlUch it may be impeded by selfishness, arrogance and obduracy - victory is now seen on the horizon. (Kr. Wagner Tizm, Peru) we are deeply cmcerned at. the negative trend in the international situation. None the ,-ss, we are encouraged by the conviction that we are not alone in our struggle. we see ever growing political trends within the industrialized col.Dltries against war, the use of force and acts of intervention - in other words, against any type of imperialist actioo. But the greatest encouragement comes from our own strength, from our peoples, from their indomitable fight for a more just, more free world, from their capacity to sacrifice, to do without, in order to uphold our struggle for economic independence and from our potential for collective action as a factor of social change in international relations. We, the nm-aligned cOl.Dltries, constitute an important force in the present-day world. The fact that the Yal ta and Potsdam Agreements did not remain petr ified in time, that the cold war did not succeed in dividing the world into rigid zones of influence, that colonialism did not live on in the dreams of the colonizers, that the United Nations ceased to be the exclusive instrument of the Powers is largely thanks to the role played by the Non-Aligned Movement in its 25 years of existence. The Eighth Cooference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Al igned COl.Dltries, held in ZilIbabwe, strengthened this process and reaffirmed the full validity of the Non-Aligned M::>vement as a valid choice for our peoples in reaffirming their independence and asserting their destiny. It is more necessary than ever before that the noo-aligned countries, most of which have experienced a colooial past and which are now coofrooting an unequal structure of political and economic power, fulfil the histor ic duty of bolster ing our l.Dlity and overcoming the problems that stand between our PeOples and the better and more just world to which they aspire. {Mr. Wagner Then, Per u, Peru is fully CCliDitted and dedicated to that shared mdertaking in brotherly solidarity with all the peoples of the world with whom we share the same devotion to peace, freedan, demcracy and justice. Hr. N4EGA (To9o) (interpretation from French): we come once again to this important rostrum, on the occasion of the forty-first session of the General Assembly, in 1986, which has been proclaimed the International Year of Peace. I wish peace to you, Mr. Pr~sident, peace to all delegations, peace to all nations, peace on our earth. Catharsis is not needed to recall the dream of mankind that peace will reign among all men and all peoples. Is it not the desire of all that we can extinguish the hotbeds of tension throughout the world? What would be the meaning of the celebration of this Internatiooal Year of Peace were we to cootinue to deny the right to developnent of some and seek to maintain our domination over others, to cootmue the frenetic arms race? Can our organization ooe day fulfil its raisoo d'etre, that is, the maintenance of peace and security in the world? Merlbers will understand my perplexity faced with this desolate theatre that is our wor ld and conscious as I am of being a Ubuesque character in a play in which the stupidity of man prevents him from realizing the world of peace to which he aspires. Last year, the fortieth anniversary of our Organization aroused great hope of a fresh start in international relations, and the celebration of the International Year of Peace should be considered as a milestone in this renewal, which calls for new thinking about the role of our Organization. The founding Members, who had witnessed tragedies that sowed death and desolation on earth, gave the maintenance of peace pride of place in the Charter of the Organization to which we all belong. (fllr.. Amega I! To9o) By becoming signatories to the Charter did we not declare that "We, the peoples of the United Natims, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has br-ought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small"? By becoming signatories to the Charter did we not declare our faith in the purposes and pr inciples of the Organization? Did we not undertake "To maintain international peace and security ••• to take effective collective measures ••• for the suppression of acts of aggression ••• and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjus tment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace"? Does the celebration of the International Year of Peace herald the fulfilment of our hopes for the strengthening of peace and nutual trust among nations and the advent of more just and equitable co-oper ation so that our Organi~ation may fulfil 1ts destiny? Can the celebration of the International Year of Peace mean that the present hotbeds of tension will be extinguished, that effective negotiations on nuclear disarmament will be resumed, that it will be realized that peace on earth is easential if we are to achieve our common destiny? This conmon destiny, Mr. President, is a bond between my country and yours, wi th which we enjoy close ties of friendship and co-operation. It is no mere coincidence that at the time of the celebration of the International Year of Peace you are presiding over the work of our session. You belong to a country and a continent which are the cradle of an age-old civilization and great religions the (Kr. Amega, ~~) essence of tlb.ich are virtue and peace. Imued with this philosoi'hY of peace, the corollary of wh1.d1 is love and t:olerance~ there is absolutely no doubt that you will be able to barmmize any discordant notes that may be beard in guiding ou work in barmony towards positive results. It therefore gives my delegatial great pleasure to congratulate you Q'l your unanimous election to the presi,t1.ency of the forty-first sessiCll of the General Assembly. we assure you of the readiness of the d'.?legation of Togo to co-operate wi th you in carrying out your .'i1eavy r espons ib11i ties. We have not yet forgotten the outstanding nature of last. year's session, on the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of our OrganizatiQ'l. With bis clear thinking, his sense of moderation and his wisdom, combined with bis great diplomatic skill, Mr. Jaimede Pinies won the admiration of all for the ability with which be presided over the work of that sessiQ'l. I should like to pay a personal tribute to him as well as to his comtry. (Mr. Amega, TogO) In this year in whi~h ~e are celebrating the International Year of Peace, no one, ! think, could deny the efforts made by the Secretary-Ganeral of our Organization, His Excellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to establish peace in the tense regions of our world. The timely initiatives he has always undertaken, which reflect his determination to attain the primary goal of our Organization - the maintenance of internatiotlal peace and security - as well as his devotion, call for a special tribute, for encouragement and congratulation from my Government and my delegation. Our pleasure at seeing him participate in our work is particularly great since we were deeply disquieted to learn of the brief indisposition that had prevented him from fully assuming his functions. It is our sincere hope that he will regain his full strength so that he may continue the work to which he is devoted as the head of the Secretariat of this Organization. The peace that we all sincerely hope for through respect for the Charter of the United Nations would be completely meaningless were we to forget that it must help to bring about the full development of man in all aspects of his being. It seems appropriate therefore to remind ourselves once again of this basic truth by quoting the words of our Secretary-General: "When we pursue together the ideals and purposes of the Charter, let us be careful not to forget the quality of the world we are seeking to build and the ultimate raison d'etre of all our work: the human being as an individual for whom the Declaration of Human Rights recognizes the right to a social and international order so that human rights and fundamental freedoms can be fully It seems that we have lost sight of the quality of the world in which we want to live as well as our basic raison d'~tre on this earth. How else can we explain that we have failed to resolve problems such as apartheid in South Africa, the (Mr. Amega, Toga) illegal occupation of Namibia, Kampuchea and Afghanistan, the situation in the Middle East, the Iran-Iraq war, the situation in Korea and in Central America, the arms race and the underdevelopment of young nations, among other things, Yes, apartheid must cease in South Africa. Yes, we forget too often that the fundamental raison dr~tre of all our activities is man. We too often forget that we signed the Charter of the united Nations or that we acceded to it, and in so doing, we proclaimed "faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human personN • We too often forget that human rights are universal and inherent in the human person and that they cannot vary with colour of skin. For its part, as General Gnassingbe Eyadema, President-Founder of the Rally of the Togolese People and President of the RepUblic said: "TogO cannot tolerate the situation of injustice and oppression now prevailing in this region, where a regime unworthy of man and of our era and contrary to any moral code is being maintained by means of extraordinary violence carried out against a popUlation whose wrong is only the colour of their skin." For that reason the Government of Togo appeals to the whole of the international community to mobilize all its resources to put an end to the despicable apartheid regime. For how long will the international community resign itself to the defiance of South Africa? Everything leads one to believe that this regime will continue to flout the international community as long as it can count on the understanding of some countries that refuse to take action against it. The purpose of United Nations resolutic.ns calling on all States to put an end to diplomatic, military, economic and other relations with the regime of south Africa in order to inflict on South Africa sufficiently meaningful penalties to oblige it (Mr. Amega, Togo) to give up its inhuman policy of aR-artheid has never been achieved.. The principal partners concerned take ahelter behind their constitution and their own national opinion, which, however, has reacted in favour of the abolition of that apartheid policy 0 The Afrikaner POet Breyten Breytenbach quite rightly summed up the situation when he wrote: WThe apartheid regime only exists because the world allows it to exist. It flourishes, it is accepted, encouraged, fed, armed, and saved if necessary, because it benefits South Africa's trading partners and investors. R It is comforting, however, to note that the international community has stepped up its political and economic pressure on the racist regime. That pressure must be increased and comprehensive manda~ory sanctions must be implemented. We salute the Foreign Affairs Committee of the united States Senate which, at the beginning of August, almost unanimously approved the imposition of economic sanctions against the apartheid regime in South Africa, foll~ing the trade embargo already adopted by the House of Representatives. The commerciul restrictions decided on against the apartheid regime by Canada, the Scandinavian countries, the countries of the European Economic Community and others should be encouraged, so that they may attain their goal. We praise those Governments for th~ir determination and for the measures they have taken. The courageous position of the front-line States and of some Commonwealth States must also be commended. Those measures should be increased following the introduction by the Pretoria Government of further measures to strengthen the emergency law imposed on 12 June and aimed at giving the heads of the local police forces enormous powers, such as the power to arrest anti-apartheid militants, to impose curfews in black zones, to prohibit political activities, and to impose restrictions on freedom of the press• (Mr. Amega, Togo) It is time that States that have refused to adopt meaningful sanctions against South Africa reacted in a similar manner. It is time for the States that continue to maintain direct or indirect relations with the racist regime of Pretoria to understand that it is they who support and encourage apartheid, with no respect for the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, notwithstanding the dignity of the human person in South Africa. It is time for South Africa to understand that apartheid is going through its death throes and that measures must be taken immediately to bring about its elimination through peaceful means. Otherwise - without wishing to be a prophet of doom - the new multiracial, egalitarian society called for by the blacks will be writ in blood. Such is the grim conclusion reached by Sir Shridath Ramphal, Secretary-General of the Commonwealth, when he stated at the latest Paris conference on sanctions against South ~frica: " ••• in 10 years, things have changed. Apartheid must cease ••• and it will cease - if necessary by means of a bloody struggle whose cost in human lives will be reckoned in millions of victims, whose agony will have repercussions in every corner of our multiracial world." No individual, no people can indefinitely put up with the tyranny of another individual or another people. No people can bear passive witness to its own destruction. History is full of edifying examples, and a number of countries which now tacitly or openly protect the racist regime of Pretoria should recall the struggle of their own peoples to regain their rights. Let us wake up and courageously take proper steps to bring about the peaceful advent of a multiracial, egalitarian society, before it is too late. Let us think more deeply about our reason for being on this earth and the purpose of our (Mr. Amega, Togo) existence, and we will understand the need to rid ourselves of the instincts to accumulate and to dominate whereby we deny the blacks in South Africa their human rights. Let us not forget the words of President Eyadema: ·What we must remember is the need for the whole of hun~nity to guarantee humane living conditions for all individuals." Let us thus make an effort to guarantee to all South Africas, whether white, black, Coloured or Indian, those humane living conditions by tolling the knell for the odious practice of apartheid. For its part, Africa is ready to face its responsibilities, not by accepting reform, modernization or any mere cosmetic change of apartheid, but its total destruction. As was proclaimed by Oliver Tambo, the courageous African N~tional Congress of South Africa (ANC) militant: "We must make the South African regime ungovernable and apartheid impracticable." (Kr. Amega, Togo) Still on the subject of southern Africa, the racist regime of Pretoria continues to maintain its domination over the people of Namibia. In order to perpetuate its illegal occupation of Namibia through a so-called internal solution, the South Afri<".a Government haSi increased and is increasing the obstacles it has placed in the way of t.~e implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978) containing the Unite\li Nations Flan for that Territory's independence. Further, it has continued its acts of armed intervention against the frmt-line countries, with the encouragement of the supporter s of the rebel groups' that harass those States M As in the case of apartheid, it is essential that pressures be brought to bear on the Pretoria Gov.ernment to force oj..t to abandon this latest neooolonialist manoeuvre of an interim government and ~ reoognize that the only valid course is independence granted unO:: ,-'lS''"(l,!Ution 435 (1978), free of any linkage with the withdrawal of the Cuban troops from Angola. In this International Year of Peace we must hope for the advent of an independent Namibia in which the Namibians can lh'e in peace. It is fi tting to recall in this oonnection operative paragraphs 1 and 6 of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial COWltries and Peoples, which state: "1. The subjection of peoples to aliel subjuga tion, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an impediment to the promotion of world peace and co-operation. "6. Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a coWltry is incompatible with the purposes and principles of the Charter ef the United Nations." (resolution 1514 (XV)) (Kr. Amega, 'lbgo) Those provisions have their basis in the Charter of the united Nations itself, Article 1, paragraph 2, of which states that one of the purposes of the United Nations is -'lb develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace.- A review of some of the provisions of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence t<r Colonial Countr ies and Pecples and of the Un i ted Na tions Char ter is necessary in order to highlight alce again the contradiction that exists between the cOllll1itment of States to the United Nations and the actual comportment of those States. Everywhere in the world we are witnessing acts of violence, whereas all our actions should be bent towards the search for peace, to such an extent that we cannot help but wcnder ~ether people have not lost sight of the provisions of the Charter, bewitched by the sway of power, whose corollar ies are hatred, intolerance and a will to dominate. Ccntempt for human rights unfortunately prE!l7ails throughout the world - in Namibia, in Chad, in western sahara, in Kampuchea, in Afghanistan, in the Middle East, in Korea, in Central America. More than ever before, the problem of the right of peoples to self-determination exists in Namibia, a Territory that should have been independent long ago. All peace-loving States, all Sta tes for whom human rights and the rights of peoples have any meaning at all, should join efforts to see that security Council resolution 435 (1978) is finally implemented to bring about the self-determination of the Namibian people and their independence. In Chad, part of that country's territory is still under foreign domination. The Government of 'lbgo, which welcomes the-fact that most of the opposition groups have rallied to the legal Government in N'Djamena, h'opes that soon all the people of Chad will regain control over the whole of their territory within internationally (Mr. Amega, Togo) reoagnized borders so that peace and coocord can finally be reestablished. That is our wish for that suffer ing people in this International Year of Peace. Still in Africa, the Sahraoui PeOple are seeking self-determination. Their right to self-determination has been recognized by all, and the adoption or resolutions to that end by the united Nations General Assembly and the Organization of African Unity (OAU) can only speed up the process of self-determination. My GoI7ernment welcomes the efforts being made by the former Chairman of the Organization o.f Afr iean Unity (OAU), Mr. Abdou Diouf, and by the secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to implement the provisions of those resolutions. It appeals to the patties concerned to return to negotiations under cooditions appropriate to reaching a peaceful solution to that conflict. '!Wo other peoples are victims of the violation of their rights and the pr inciples of the Charter: the PeOples of Kampucbea and of Afghanistan. My country has followed with great interest the developnent of the situation in Kampuchea. By heroically continuing their struggle to resist the impress ive forces deployed by the foreign occupying troopos, the Kanpuchean people have given us proof of their staunch determination to live in freedom and to recover the peace wrested from them. It is that determination for peace that explains the creation of the tripar tite coa11tion led by Pr ince Sihanouk for the purpose of exploring new means of prevailing upon the occupying POI11er to withdraw and thereby put an end to an occupation that flouts international law and the principles of the Charter. As a country of peace and dialogue, Togo has always hoped for a speedy resolution c r~ the problem of Kampuchea. Accordingly, it has always supported the wise proposals of the General Assembly and of Prince Sihanouk, which seek merely bring about respect for the pr inciples of the Charter in order that the peace to which the Kampuchean people are entitled can be reestablished. Determined to regain that (Mr. Amega, '1'090) lost peace, the Kampuchean people has made yet another proposal, consisting of 8 points, formulating the conditions necessary to a peaceful settlement of the problem. That proposal - and we cannot overemphasize this - is inspired by the sincere desire of the people and coalition Government of Kampuchea led by Prince Sihanouk - to whom we pay a resounding tribute for his deep sense of humanity - to find a political solution to the problem. The proposal is based on the pr inciples of our Organization and has been reflected in the relevant resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in recent years. The GO'I7ernment and people of 'lbgo would like to express their support for the latest proposal of the Kampuchean people and hopes that it will meet with a favourable response so that peace can return to that region in this year when our Organization is celebrating the International Year of Peace. In this year of peace, the international community must support that proposal in order to resolve a problem that has dragged on for far too long. The same is true of the situation in Afghanistan. There too a people that wishes only to live in peace has for more than six years suffered from a situation of war. The foreign troops, which will go to any lengths to establish their domination, must withdraw from Afghanistan. The Organization must do its utmost to see that the relevant resolutions adopted are implemented. The indirect negotiations between Pakistan and Afghanistan are aimed at resolving the problems of millions of Afghans who have fled their homes in search of peace in neighbour ing countr ies. It is time, therefore, for all foreign troops to withdraw from that country. Such a wi thdrawal would mean that the refugee question could be resolved at the same time. The announcement by the Soviet author ities that some of those troops would soon be withdrawn is a sign of goodwill to resolve the problem. We hope that (Hr. Amega, 'lbgo) the occupying troops can soon be canpletely wi thdrawn so that the Afghan PeOple may fUlly enjoy their rights. In the Middle East we must face tJ't.;: fact that the diplomatic efforts to resolve the region's problem have been futile. That problem, which revolves around the question of Palestine, the Israel-Arab conflict and the civil war in Lebanoo, must be resolved within the framework of an international conference, which we favour. The problem of the Middle East is one of the most ser ious challenges to the credibility of our Organization. The evolution in the relations between the various parties involved and concerned gives rise to some glimmer of hope that the problem may be settled. In order to achieve a canprehensive, just and lasting peace in the region, guaranteed by the two great Po...rers and other interested States, in particular France and the united Kingdan, the internatioilal conference on Palestine must find a solution to three main questioos: first, the creation of a Palestinian State on the basis of the General Asserrtlly resolution on the partition of Palestine~ secondly, withdrawal from the territor ies occupied since 1967 and, thirdly, the right of all State in the region, including Israel, to live in peace within secure and recognized borders. (Hr. Amega, '1'090) It is essential that solutions be found to these q 11estions without delay, which, are the core of the Palestinian problem. This eternal question of Palestine is made even more painful and difficult because of the exacerbation of the clashing antagonisms in LebanQl. Armed confrootations between opposing factions in that comtry cootinue to prevent a halt in the civil war. One cease-fire agreement follows another without being kept, and the people permanently chained to a powder keg. UNIFIL should be allowed to discharge its mandate properly so that our Organization can attain the basic goal for which it was established. There must be mote dynamic, more hQlest, more direct co~peration among the Powers concerned wi th the Lebanese leadels so that peace can be finally restored to that c»tmtry. We appeal to the Lebanese themselves to look beyood their rivalries and contemplate healing the wounds they are inflicting Ql Cl country that used to be universally admired. In that CQltext '1'ogo welcomes the agreement reached on 3 september between Muslims and ChI istians to adopt a national charter to pit an end to 11 years of civil war. Not far from the Middle East, in South-West Asia, two brother cauntr ies cootinue their terrible gladiatorial struggle. At a time wen people are becoming aware of the need to strengthen co~peration among States, it is regrettable that the excesses of nationalism wich have led to war between two States which should live in peace continue to keep t.llem away from the negotiating table. The Iran-Iraq war, wich is enter ing its seventh year, is a pointless war, and it is hi gh time that the protagonists took stock of the great loss of human life and mater ial danage, and realized that hopes of military victory are illusory. The efforts of the Secretary-General, of the Islamic conference and of cauntr iea that have good rela tions wi th the two brothers wo are now enemies must be encouraged, so that this International Year of Peace that we are celebrating can have some meaning for the peoples of Iraq and Iran. (Hr. Amega, '1bgo) Once again froat' this rostrmu, on behalf of the Government and people of '1bgo, we appeal to the authorities in Iran and Iraq to think of their peoples, whose only wish is to live in peace. As President Eyadema has said: -May universal peace reign so that the enormous resources now being devoted to war can be released and so that a world of true fraternity can be established, a wor ld of equal justice for all where the dignity of the human person is respected.· The arms merchants also should endorse that wish and supplying weapons to that theatre of war. we wish to reaffirm our support for the mediation efforts of the secretary-General, and would urge him to continue them in order to br ing about a peaceful settlement of the ccnflict. Elsewhere in Asia the Korean people has been divided for more than 40 years. How mch longer will families remain separated? Does the international commwtity wish to endorse that accidental and temporary partition? We do not think so, and we are convinced that all sides will learn from past mistakes. In that context, my Government has doubts about the advisability of admitting the two Koreas to the United Nations. '1b admit them as separate Meni>ers of the Organization would create a situaticn identical to cne that we are all familiar with, that is the consolidation of two separate States and the acceptance of a de facto situation, which would be a serious obstacle to the rewtification desired by the Korean people. It is to be hoped that the obvious desire of the North Koreans for dialogue with a view to reunification should receive a favourable response from the parties concerned, so that the three-point plan that they propose, which is intended to lead to the establishment of a democratic federal republic of Roryo, where at a first stage each of the two Koreas would maintain the regime of its choice, before moving on to the final stage of reunification. we 'reaffirm our support for that (Mr. Amega, '1'ogo) plan. we hope that the meetings that have taken place between various humanitatian and economic bodies in the two countr les can continue and be taken a stage furthe~, so that there can be a speedy settlement of this question and peace can be restored in the Korean peninsulan In Central America the situation has continued to worsen, endangering peace and security in that part of the world. It is regrettable that the efforts made by the Cootadora Group to end the fratr ici&l conflict have not met with the hoped for response. If this situatioo cootinues it will considerably weaken and even rule out any chance of a negotiated solution to the problems of the region. once again, Toga appeals to the gcod will of the parties coocerned, and urges them to respect the pr inciples and purp:>ses of our Organizatioo so that peace can be .restored to the regime To add to the grim picture of the p:>litical situatioo, as if the misfortunes besetting our earth were not sufficient, another scourge is threatening us all, and is becoming increasingly dangerous every day: international terror ism. It is not without reasoo that the media consider it the plague of our times, because it strikes without discrimination, leaving innocent victims, and sowing destruction and desolation aloog its path. Terrorism is a crime against humanity, whether colllTlitted by individuals, groups, or States and whatever the alleged motives. Terrorists are criminals and must be conbated and coodelllled as such by the internatiooal colllTlunity at large. The very survival of organized society is at stake. 'lbgo adds its voice to all those throughout the world who have coodenned this scourge and we call up:>n all States to engage in close co-operatioo to put a speedy end to it. An analysis of the various situations we have just reviewed clearly shows that these have come about ooly because of weapons. Undoubtedly the needs of national (Kr. Amega, Toga) defence seem to justify the existence, equipment and the maintaining of armies by every nation, but unfortunately these needs encourage the trade in arms at the expense of the social, humanitarian and ethical considerations which should prevail over the argunents of profi t and over political and ideological motives. unfortW1ately, we are witnessing a frenzied arms race which is increasing the prospect of our own destruction, the destruction of mankind, whom we are striving to protect. How far will human vanity lead us before we tmderstand, as President E,yadema has said that "The shot that emerges from the gun causes indiscr iminate casualties among the population. The nuclear bomb does not distinguish between developed or underdeveloped countr ies. When chemical and bacter iological weapons are released, they do not select their victims~ they strike indiscriminately. The frenzied nuclear arms race is a threat to all mankind, rich and poor, developed and less developed." we must all colIIDit ourselves to ending the arms race, inter alia, by giving active support to the World Disarmament Campaign. In this context my country is sparing 110 effort, and our desire to provide the headIuarters for the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament clearly reflects that commitment. We sincerely thank the whole international communi ty for the choice of Togo to host th is impor tan t regional Cen tre. we are counting on the generosity of all peace-loving nations to contr ibute to the smooth running of the Centre. We have offered material facilities and a financial contribution to allow the Centre to start its work. We are counting on the good will of other States. Peace is a joint asset that all States must try to safeguard in all regions of the world. We should stress the role of the two super-Powers in (Nr. 1lBlega, '1'090) the llaintenance of that peace. Thus it is to be hoped they will be able to agree on a formula for peaceful ClOmpraaise in wbich star wars and star peace can be barlllOftized, so that the resources released as a consequence of the abo11tion of all the arsenals can be allocated to the developaent of States, and bring about the prcsperity that our peoples desire. (Mr. Amega, Togo) aundreds of millions of people are now living in total destitution and cannot meet their essential needs for a normal life offesing them enough food and a modicum of clothing, water, a roof over their heads, and so on. Hundreds of millions Qf people are prevented from enjoying most of the basic and inalienable human rights contained in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. At the same time, part of humanity, basically in the developed countries, is living in comfort and abundance. This injustice must be redressed and humanity must find a solution to this situation by contemplating a system of international co-operation able to eliminate the serious disparities in today's world and to establish a just equitable world, economic and social order, where people have the same chances of development. More than 12 years ago the Member States of the united Nations, anxious to remedy the serious crisis besetting the world, decided, following the sixth special session of the General Assembly, to think about establishing a just, equitable international economic order. That order would replace the obsolete laws that governed international economic relations and put an end to widespread exploitation and confusion. Today, more than a decade since its adoption, the Programme of Action for the Establishment of a New International Economic Order is a dead letter, because of the selfishness of the developed countries, which are still clinging on desperately to some of their prerogatives. The North-South dialogue, which should have been established between rich and poor countries to ensure harmonious growth of the world economy has become in most cases a confrontation where all kinds of interests clash. Thus the widespread crisis, which has been going on for so many years, still goes on, even if some industrialized countries have at some point noted a few vague signs of recovery_ However, it is clear that a world economic recovery cannot (Mr. Amega, Togo) really be brought about at the expense of the developing countries, and it would be an illusion on the part of sorne developed States to wish to build their prosperity on the ashes of the poor nations. The many hard-working poor people in the third world are in1ubitably full' partners on the international economic chess board, whose just remuneration is essential for the recovery of the world economy. The countries of the North must fully realize the interdependence of all economies whether developed or developing. They must take all proper action to put an end to disorder and the uncertainty marking international economic trade, which so strikingly affect third world economies. Everything should be done to halt the present order based on the phenomenon of dependence, which derives from the unequal relationships that emerged in colonial history. This order, which was imposed on developing countries at the time when most of them suffered from colonial subjugation, is the main obstacle to their growth and keeps them, even after they have won independence, in the role of supplying raw materials and purchasing of manufactured products. ThUS, the third world countries have been lagging behind the ~ich countries and are feeling even more acutely the after effects of the crisis and do not have any dynamism of their own to resist it. Whereas the prices of commodities that they export and which generate most of their financial resources are collapsing, the prices of the manufactured products that they import ar€ sky-rocketing, causing a serious deterioration in the terms of trade. The development efforts undertaken by the poor countries have thus been nullified, whereas their indebtedness is increasing beyond all tolerable limits. (Mr. Amega, Togo) This chronic indebtedness, which is for our peoples a very heavy burden, would not be so serious, so crushing, so difficult to bear, if the forces that are completely beyond our control, did not exploit the interest and exchange rates of certain strong currencies. Impelled by a desire for profit, these forces no longer realize that the question of paying off our debts is intimately linked with an improvement in the socio-economic situation of our countries. Is it not time for the donor countries to bring about a better organized financial and monetary system? Is it not important that in order to recover their credits in good time they should contribute to the recovery of our economies, effectively giving assistance to our industrialization, enabling us to produce and to sell, by seeking to bring about the disappearance of protectionist measures preventing our products from accees to the markets of the developed countries. The world, for several years, has been going through a difficult period, where only mutual understanding and solidarity among all nations, both large and small, is the proper course of action. The thirteenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, held from 27 May to 1 June of this year, which stressed the critical economic situation in Africa, doubtless created better awareness of the effects of the international crisis on the African economies in the minds of all Member States which joined in devising ways and means to assist Africa. That session was timely indeed ~nd it can never be over-emphasized that our continent, which has the sorry privilege of having two thirds of the least-developed countries, and where poverty seems to have found fertile grounds, is suffering indescribable difficulties, not only because of the widespread crisis, but because of the drought, desertification and famine • (Mr. Ameqa, Togo) The particularly disquieting situation in Africa was eloquently described in the document submitted by the African States and in the statement made by President Diouf of Senegal, wbo was then Chairman of the Organization of African unity (OAU). We do not intend to describe that again. We would I~rely here welcome the fact that the priority programme for the economic recovery of Africa, 1986-1990, was taken into account in the Programme of Action adopted by the General Assembly. In keeping with that Programme of Action, African States have undertaken to finance national and regional development programmes of a socio-economic nature, and the international community has expressed its will to support and supplement their efforts. The African countries, as was reaffirmed at the last session of the Confer.ence of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, yill respect their commit.:nen';s because they have understood that they themselves must take their own destiny into their own hands before requesting assistance from the international community. It remains for that community to show solidarity with Africa and ipso facto show proof of its resolve to promote international co-operation, which would benefit all States without exception. The interdependence of nations in the world requires that after Africa, certainly an under-developed continent, the efforts of the international community should tur~ to other poor regions and should consider the establishment of a just, equitable economic order. All necessary initiatives must be taken here, because the dignity of the human race, and indeed the future of peoples are at stake. We are mindful of what President Eyadema said: QToday the development of science and technology has brought people on our earth closer together and has given developed nations amazing means to bring about spectacular changes in our lives. But what would be the point of t~is progress, the result of so much intelligence and work by the human community were these changes not to include as a prerequisite in their goals, the overall development of the human condition?- The peoples of the third world for their part are firmly resolved to rally round and to increase co-operation among the developing countries, to supplement north-south co-operation. This south-south co-operation which is now indispensable for many rea~~ns, will be strengthened for the well-being of the poor nations. Here, my delegation welcomes the results of the high-level meetings of the Group of 77 on economic co-operation among developing countries, held in Cairo in August, and the summit conference of the Non-Aligned Movement in Barare. We commend the decisive action of the Group of 77 and the Non-Aligned Movement for south-south co-operation and thus of the socio-economic emancipation of the poorest countries. (Mr. Amega, Togo) It is also appropriate to pay a well-deserved tribute to the organizations and agencies of the United Nations system, among others, the united Nations Conference on ~~ade and Development and the United Nations Development Programme, which have been making a very useful contribution to the promotion of economic and technical co-operation among developing countries. This tribute is also extended to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), which has been making decisive and effective efforts to stave off famine and to ensure self-sufficiency in food in the countries of the third world. More than ever before, in this Year of Peace, a campaign of pUblicity and persuasion is needed to induce states to assume their full ~esponsibilities to mankind, in keeping with the principles of the United Nations Charter and with human rights, in order to bring about the development of all peoples in peace and harmony. The celebration of the International Year of Peace should be an opportunity for us to question our own conduct so that it can be directed towards achieving that peace. We must regain our faith in our Organization and its principles so that we can effectively create a world where all peoples, while respecting the differences between them, can decide in complete freedom on the forms of association that they need to work on a basis of complementarity, in dignity and peace, for their happiness. Peace to all Members.
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• (oontlnced) QUESTION OF '!'HE COMORIAN ISLAND OF MAYorTE: (a) REPORT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (A/4l/765) (b) DRAPl' RESOLUTION (A/41/L.231 Mr. BADA~ (Egypt) (interpretation from Arabic): Egypt has paid, and continues to pay, special attention to the auestion of the Comerian islands, particularly because of the bonds of friendship and close co-OPeration it maintains and has always maintained with the two parties to the problem. Egypt has consistently supported the sovereignty of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros over the island of Mayotte, on the basis of respect for its unity and territorial integrity. In~eed, that sovereignty has been reaffirmed by the General Assembly in successive resolutions, the most recent being resolution 40/62, adopted by the Assembly at its last session. That is Egypt's firm position of principle - a position it has taken in the Organization of African unity, in the Organization of the Islamic Conference and in the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. We understand the concern felt by the Islamic Federal RepUblic of the Comoros at the lack of progress in the efforts to reach a solution to this problem. Such a lack of progress entails risks of political instability, and could also have repercussions on the peaceful climate that prevails in the region. Since the French Government has pledged to resp!ect the unity and territorial integrity of the Comorian islands and to seek a just solution to the auestion of Mayotte, hopes remain alive for a constructive dialogue aimed at reaching a solution that will safeguard the territorial integrity of the Comorian islands. Egypt hopes that the sinoere intentions and efforts of the two parties, and their earnest desire to achieve a negotiated solution to this question, will yield tangible, positive results in the near future. We trust that the Government of the Comorian islands will be able to exeroise full sovereignty over all the islands of the Archipelago, thereby enabling that Government and the Comorian people to focus their endeavours and energies on meeting the challenges of social and economic development. Mr. CHAGULA (United Repub1io of Tanzania): Th~ auestion of the island of Mayotte is as old as the independence of the Federal Isl~~io Republio of the Comeos itself. Historioally, the Comoro Arohipelago consisted of the islands of Grande-Comore, Anjouan, Mayotte and Moheli, and this situation obtained up to the eve of independence, when, as a result of a referendum, the people of the Comoros overWhelmingly deoided to exercise their right to self-determination as one nation. It is regrettable that, at that material time, the administering Power unilaterally decided to grant independence to the people of the Comoros without the island of Mayotte, thereby violating the unity and territorial integrity of the Comoro Arohipelago. That is the root cause of the problem of the island of Mayotte, a problem which would not be with us today had France in December 1974 fUlly respected the results of the referendum for the Archipelago as a whole and logioally translated them into action. It is also for that reason that ever since 1976 both the United Nations General Assembly and the Organization of African unity (OAU) have been seized of this issue of Mayotte with a view to finding a negotiated peaceful and lasting solution to the problem. My delegation has noted with appreciation the report (A/4l/165) submitted by the Secretary-General on this question in response to General Assembly resolution 40/62, and we should like to make a few comments on its contents. Firlst, while we have noted that at the bilateral level the Governments of both the ComoroB and France have been holding talks at the highest levels on the problem, and that the OAU Ad Roc Committee of Seven, as a result of the personal intervention of the President of the Republic of Senegal, former Chairman of the' OAU, was able to meet with the Prime Minister of France on this problem of Mayotte last July, we were puzzled to learn from the Secretary-General's report that the Prench authorities have recently decided not to hold a referendum in the Comerian territory of Mayotte. That decision by France would be welcome to my delegation only if it meant that France was now prepared to accept the results of the December 1914 referendum as the only basis for any consultations that may be initiated by France for the self-determination of Mayotte as an integral part of the Federal Islamic RepUblic of the Comoros, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960. (Mr. Chagula, united Republic of Tanzania) Secondly, and in the context of what I have just stated, my Government fully endorses the resolution of the OAU Council of Ministers adopted during its forty-fourth session, in which, inter alia, they expressed their appreciation of the resumption of dialogue between the French authorities and the OAD Ad Hoc Committee of Seven in Paris and appealed to all OAU member States and the international cOlMlunity to condemn categorically and reject any form of referendum that might be initiated by France in the Comorian territory of Mayotte on the international leg~l status of the island, as t'·It:! referendum on self-determination held on 22 December 1974 remained the only valid consultation for the entire archipelago. We join the OAU Council of Ministers in the fervent hope that the efforts already undertaken and the momentum already gathered by the OAU Ad Boc Committee of Seven on the Comorian island of Mayotte for the return of Mayotte to the Federal Islamic Republic of Comeros will continue.* At this juncture, it is also pertinent to refer to the recent Barare Declaration of the eighth summit Conference of Heads of State or Government of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which, in connection with Mayotte, -reaffirmed that the Comorian island of Mayotte, which is still under French occupation, is an integral part of the sovereign territory of the Islamic Federal RepUblic of the Comoros. They regretted that the French Government, despite its repeated promises, had thus far not taken a single step or initiative that could lead to an acceptable solution to the problem of the Comorian island of Mayottew• (A/4l/697, para. 132) The Heads of State or Government furthermore, *The President returned to the Chair. "expressed their active solidarity with the people of the Comeros in their legitimate efforts to recover the Comorian island of Mayotte and preserve the independence, unity and territorial integrity of the Comoros·. (para. 134) To this end, they "called on the Government of France to respect the just claim of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros to the Comorian island of Mayotte, in accordance with its undertaking given on the eve of the archipelago's independence, and they categorically rejected any new form of consultation which might be held by France in the Comorian territory of Mayotte concerning the international juridical status of the island, as the self-determination referendum held on 22 Dece~c 1974 remains the only valid consultation applicable to the entire archipelago". (para. 135) My delegation fully concurs with that declaration by the summit Conference of the Non-Aliqned Movement, which is fully in line with the views of the OAU on that issue. In conclusion, my delegation would like to express its appreciation to both the OAU and the united Nations Secretary-General for their commendable m6diation efforts in this dispute, and to urge the two parties concerned, and the international community as a whole, to contribute all they can towards the success of these mediation efforts. We further commend the Government of the Comoros for its restraint, understanding and flexibility in creating the necessary peaceful conditions to facilitate the speedy restoration of the island of Mayotte to the people of the Comoros. Mr. de KEMOULARIA (France) (interpretation from French): My delegation has listened with close attention to other speakers from this rostrum, and particularly Mr. Said Rafe, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Co-operation and Foreign Trade of the Islamic Federal RepUblic of the Comoros. France regrets that once again this yea~ the auestion of Mayotte is on the agenda of the General Assembly. We are uneauivocally opposed to the text before us, in particular because of operative paragraph 1. I believe that everyone in this Hall wants a just and lasting solution to this problem to be found as soon as possible. This is also France's position. The President of the Republic himself stressed this when he declared: -France is committed to the active search for a solution to the problem of Mayotte, in keeping with its national law and with international law. It is with the same desire for reconciliation and a return to peace that we have advised the Secretary-General that in the present situation the French Government has no intention of organizing a referendum.- It was in the same open-minded and frank spirit that the Prime Minister received the Chairman of the Organization of African unity (OAU) Ad Hoc Committee of Seven last July in Paris. Now France, in keeping with its Constitution and in keeping with the wishes of the peoples concerned, is completing specific plans to facilitate a satisfactory solution to this auestion. Mindful of ~.ts responsibilities, France is committed to a constructive dialogue with the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros on this problem. The bonds of friendship and co-operation that link our two countries cannot but facilitate this dialogue. Contacts between Moron! and Paris up to the highest level have never been more intense, as was stressed a moment ago. Indeed, President Abdallah has conferred on a number of occasions during the year with the highest French authorities, and last October he received the Prime Minister of France, Mr. Jacaues chirac, in Moroni. In this spirit, France will spare no effort to find a lasting solution to this auestion.
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• (COOtinue!) GENERAL DEBATE Hr. ACEVEDO PERALTA (El salvador) (interpretation from Spanish): I wish to convey to the President my warmest congratulations on having undertaken the highest office of the forty-fi~st regular session of the General A$semb1y of the Uni ted Nations, and we wish the President every success in th is endeavour. we are convinced that under his wise gu idance the General Assembly will be able to find formulas of understanding wich will undoubtedly contribute to a solution of the international pcob1ems we will be discussing here. Similarly, let me convey a special word of grati tude for the pra isewor thy and arduous work of the secretary-General, Hr. Javier PeJ:ez de Cuel1ar, whose dedication to the cause of peace and international co-operation deserves the firm and unreserved support of all the Member States of the Organization. 'lbday I br in9 to the Assembly a message from a heroic PeOple wo have learned, among many other th ings, how to listen to other s, but who today call on those others in an appeal for understanding of their own problems. This is the odyssey of a people, of a Government and its leader, and of an army which at a given point in its history decided, wi th epic courage, to put behind it the dark night of dictatorship and oppression. El salvador would like to tell its story once again and ask thewocld for its under standing, an under standing which could prOlTide the strong P.I'lcouragement, which it needs to press on wi th determination along the stony pa H1 towards full delOOcracy and well-being of the community. Blood, tears and sorrow have been the path we we~e fated to travel in order to win our final freedom through pluralism and social justice. And the higher the pcice that has to be paid, the more determined must be our effort, an3 the more firmly entrenched the result of that effort. El Salvador, after six years of dellDeratic revolution, is now irresistably breaking through the barriers of mismderstanding and moving with a sure step towards the consolida tion of the essential bases of a society ",i th grea ter justice, equality, solidarity and participation. This process, which an incomprehensible fate has decreed must be so painful, requires us to make an anguished appeal for the full tmderstanding of this august Assembly, which I Ml sure will never deny its recognition to the peoplras who are prepared to sacrific.'"e their lives for Peace. El salvador has changed. Even when Jose Napoleon Duar te fir st took over as President, we were aware of the great efforts and sacrifices that would be needed to develop a democracy in the particular candi tions prevailing in El salvador. Because of this, we set up a political framework that reflected the expectations of our people, so 100g frustrated. We were always aware of the tremendous difficulties involved in this project, because the strategy had to be pursued within an existing framework of radical social conflict that p.:>larized the various forces and groups, because of the cooditions of injustice and socio~cooomic marginalization involved in the structural er isis. Therefore, we drew up the general plan of gover nment· which was in fact a doctr inaire and pragnattic response to the problems of El Salvador, based on five main objectives that serve,l as the starting point in secur ing the national Wiity we ~ded to <w~rccae the crisis. T'hese goals are: huaanization~ PCIlcification, deaocratization, participation and the. recovery of the national econClly. As far as demcrati2ation la concerned, the GoI7ernmen~ has in fact: become the catalyst and generator of change by developing institutions that promote the stabUity and cohesion of our society. In that they represent new channels for the expression of the ideas, aspirations and demands of the different social groups. aat demcracy thus described is a cold concept, devoid of ve-loo, because any Cjovernent could say tbat it is coamitted to undertaking a process of this nature and scope, vithou t 'being able to 1ist any specific achievements. OUr case is different. we have opened up, without any reservation, without any false pretexts, the very heart of our COlratry to hmdreds of international cbserver s dur ing th~ four sets of elections which 'Cook place in 1982, 1984 and 1985 vi th respect to these events. Those observers have in fact given U'limpeachable testimony as to the legiti1lacy and integrity of those elections. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) A few days ago we realized one of the greatest hopes of our people: the establishment of a reliable, autonomous and definitive electoral process which will, in fact, ensure the democratic ideal. Our people can therefore be sure of being able in future to express their will freely at the polls and we are convinced that democracy will thus be strengthened as the electoral process is improved. As history has shown us repeatedly and dramatically, democracy must achieve its truest meaning, going beyond the politicdl and embracing all the various aspects of national life. One cannot, for example, ignore the fact that without justice, without a new law in keeping with new circumstances, democracy cannot be achieved. For this reason we are carrying out a thorough judicial reform for which special committees based on the will of the majority are working hard on draft reforms of the national codes. One of these, the labour code, is now almost ready for promulgation. Responding to the present-day demands for justice and participation, it ascribes a proportional distfibution of profits between employers and workers, thus creating a climate of eauity and uaderstanding. Similarly, ~o effort would meet with support if it did not provide a material basis for the well-being of Salvadorian society: that is, the land and those who work it. ~oday, our farmers - those anonymous ones who shape our real hopes - can, by virtue of this labour code', form trade unions freely and enjoy their collective rights to the full. Indeed, the farmers trade union movement has always been essential for our historical design. A new democracy would have no meaning unless it drew on our past, and on the genesis of our conflict, that is, the obsolete former land regime, the eternal cause of misunderstanding and injustice in the underdeveloped societies. With legitimate pride I can say to the international community that we have been able to satisfy the expectations of our people and of history because the (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) I ~grarian reform which was undertaken only six years ago, and which was one of the most deep-rooted in the history of America, has achieved its main objective. In the first two phases 40 per cent of the best land has been passed over to co-operatives and small landowners. This means that now more than 700,000 Salvadorians are enjoying a real redistribution of the agrarian wealth, with a complete restructuring of the tenancy system. But in order for this redistribution to be more effective and fair, based on a criterion of true participation, a co-operative solidarity fund has been established to ensure that all of the sector that has been reformed may participate, with the net gains, in the financing of any CO-OPeratives that are not financially viable or may undertake special projects. It is impossible to imagine that a reform as comprehensive and innovative as this, in a system of imperfect structures, would not have great problems and inadequacies, but we are convinced that with the patience of our people, with the determination of our Government, and with the technical and economic co-operation of the international community, this noble and just project, which represents a key element in our new democratic revolution, will operate better day by day and will achieve its high goal. It is important to state that this support and assistance are particularly necessary beca~se, in accordance with our Constitution, the third and last phase of this reform will be implemented next January. Under it, no individual can hold more than 250 hectares. El Salvador has changed. In El Salvador the democratization of credit has enabled thousands of workers in the city to gain free access to line of credit on the land. It is now possible to ensure that credit is not simply held in the hands of a few banking systems. We have thus been able to strengthen the new agrarian system by redistribution of credit. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) In the midst of a serious financial crisis, the result of this costly conflict, we are now valiently undertaking economic reform. This involves the modernization of the static structures of our economy, making them more dynamic and in keeping with the new situation, in which the State plays an appropriate role with regard to the economic situation to protect the majority and to ensure ~he welfare of all the people of El Salvador. In this democratic concept of participation there must be very firm control of basic commodity prices, the maintenance of low-interest rates and credits for low-income housing, with a complementary law for the renting of housing. These are all different aSPects which have been ensured at present. To this we must add that three successive salary increases have been given to public workers and thousands of small- and medi~term projects have been undertaken in the semi-urban areas, for the poorer sectors, the farmers and workers. The national plan for recovery in the economic and social sphere, uniting all of the Salvadorian peoples in a patriotic effort, will keep us united in the work of reconstruction. The magnitude of this effort on the part of the Government must be recognized, account being taken of the serious financial difficulties posed by its present structure. These reforms, together with the administrative and cultural reforms, are proof of the fact that El Salvador is fighting to consolidate a specific pattern of democratic revolution, as opposed to totalitarian Marxism and liberal individualism, which do not meet the demands of a community and a free society. In this same spirit of participation, in the economic sphere, we are also setting up a tax reform to ensure a better distribution of the tax burden on the stronger economic sectors. This has been achieved through indirect elimination of taxation and on the other hand by levying a tax on net capital and superfluous and luxury goods. This will ensure a fairer system in which ,11 Salvadorians will (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) share, in accordance with thei~ means, the costs of the present conflict. We are thus, little by little, creating a climate conducive to ensuring that the private business sector may contribute to the economic recovery. It is true that employers do play a very important role in the economic and social sphere. It is also true that all Salvadorians must contribute in making the sacrifices and efforts that are essential for social justice and to overcome this inhuman conflict in which we are involved. In this respect, we make an appeal to the private sector of El Salvador for them to set aside their do~bts, reticence and prejudices and to heed the call of their country, to follow the course of development, knowing that their efforts will redound to the benefit of democracy. El Salvador has changed. It is, therefore, a matter of great sorrow to us that this revolution towards freedom, which we are experiencing daily with blood and pain, should be misunderstood and often criticized by certain Governments, like those of Cuba and Nicaragua. They have set themselves up as gratuitous detractors of our actions. They do not consider the fact that for decades the former has been keeping its people under the iLon yoke of a one-party total and cruel dictatorship, while the other, unfortunately, is following the same path. It is sometimes difficult to understand how impossible it Is for the international systam to act with a greater sense of justice for all since no one can fail to see that these Governments have made themselves creditable oy having a ~special reporter" on human rights, whereas these human rights are being blatantly and permanently violated. El Salvador has changed. We believe that we must have a system based on the will of the majority, a system that inspires and encourages true freedom for the human person, for without it there cannot be democracy. It is thus that my Government is determined to promote democracy, with full and unrestricted freedom of expression, a freedom lived and exercised daily by all the institutions in my country that enjoy this inalienable right. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) The Goverruent of El Salvador, presided over by Mr. Jose Napoleon Duarte, is promoting respect ~or and fulfilment of human ri9ht8~ It is in this sensitive area that RY country has made the greatest progress. It is important also to highlight the progress made in the military sector. Tremendous efforts have been made to sake our army more technical and more professional. We now have an armed force which plays an tmportant role in ensuring harmony and understanding among the people of El Salvador. It is important also to mention the sPeCific efforts made in this area which have made it possible to punish all forms of abuse of aut~~rity or any other type of indiscriminate violence. Six hundred and thirty seven arrests have been made of members of the armed forces brought to trial for various offences committed against the people. On the other hand, in the case of political assassinations, figures are clearly falli~g, if one bears in mind that in 1986 this represented only 2 per cent compared to the figures for 1980. Those figures cannot in the main be attributed either directly or presumably to any elements in the armed forces. On the contrary, the people of El Salvador have seen with sorrow and astonishment terrorist acts carried out by elements of the Revolutionary Democratic Pront-Parabundo Marti Pront for National Liberation, which sometimes included the destruction of telephone exchanges, machine-gun attacks on public transport, the burning of coffee stocks, the massive destruction of power pylons and n above all, the inhuman placing of mines designed to mutilate their victims' lower limbs, particularly among humble peasants working the land, who unfortunately are those most often hit by this form of violence, which has also often killed their children. This shows the degree of despair of the guerilla network and also explains the many desertions from the ranks of the guerilla movement and its loss of all popular and international support, and explains why it is heading for a historic defeat. We hope that the Special Rapporteur, in his next report on human rights, will reflect the tremendous increase in the number of desertions f~om the gueri?la movement, the deserters having joined the democratic process. Together with the numbers captured, they are received and well treated in all phases of rehabilitation, which clearly shows that these groups are rapidly crumbling; they are assured at all times of full respect for their fundamental rights by the armed forces. However, we do not ignore the fact that there are mistakes and problems but we have shown that we are determined to overcome them and to ensure that this conflict which has been imposed upon our people will be fully humanized. El Salvador has changed. My Government views with concern the attitude adopted with regard to the situation in re~pect of human rights ~n El Salvador, pa~ticularly by certain international governmental or non-governmental bodies, which are induced by certain Governments or groups which seem constantly to challenge the legitimacy of our democra~ic institutions, thus favouring the strategic policy of the rebel groups in my country. My country has spared no effort to achieve peace and justice &nd therefore it would welcome more equitable treatment by this body with regard to the progress achieved in my country with regard to human rights and fundamental liberties. We therefore hope that a more understanding attitude will be adopted, in keeping with the efforts we are undertaking at present. I would even say, with all due resPeCt, that my c~untry has considered that in view of the sincere measures adopted in this area the continuing presence of the Special Rapporteur is in fact a heavy burden for our country and it would be fairer if his mandate were not renewed. (Mr. Acevedo Pera1ta, El Salvador) El Salvador has changed. ne believe that there can be no peace without democracy and no social justice without peace. The peace-making process must provide the necessary room for political freedom in which all sectors may participate in the business of the Stata and society without recourse to violence so as to allow differences to be overcome in the context of a frank democratic dialogue. My Government believes that peace does not simply mean reaching an agreement to settle a dispute. Pea~~ is not simply the absence of armed conflict. It has a deeper meaning. Peace means a guarantee of security for man fully to achieve his dignity amd enjoy eternal values. Peace means respect for and recognition of the ri~hts of others as an essential requisite in order to unite our efforts to overcome problems and challenges in a constructive way. In this Assembly the President of the Republic, Mr. Jose Napoleon Duarte, two years ago offered the rebels a peace proposal based on a frank and rational dialogue which would ensur~ t~e stability of the democratic process by including those groups into the social process within the framework of ou~ Constitution, which clearly provides for democracy and political pluralism on the broadest basis. That initiative, which was set out in a frankly democratic way, w~s clearly demonstrated in the two rounds of talks, held in La Palma and Ayagualo in October and November 1984. However, those meetings opened ou~ eyes to the fact that for the rebel groups constitutional dialogue was a tactic made use of for purely propagandistic purposes aimed at frustrating the expectations of peace and democracy of the people of El Salvador. They merely pretended to seek a political solution to the conflict. During his official visit in May this year to the Contadora Support Group countries, namely Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay, he offered amnesty and safety to the rebels in exchange for a clear-cut public demonstration of their willingness to renounce violence and war as a maans of achieving power. Despite (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) the rigid attitude of the Parabundo Marti Pront for National Liberation-Revolutionary Democratic Pront, my Government has supported and will continue to support the process of dialogue, ~~ause it forms part of the basic concept of order, society and life frorr- ,~hich we draw inspiration as a democratic Christian nation. Not only has this been nationally and internationally accepted as a viable ?rocess but, furthermore, a great number of members of the Parabundo Marti Front for National Liberation-Revolutionary Democratic Pront have of their own free will reincorporated themselves into a society thus showing that they reject violence and have adopted the principles and values of western democracy. In his presidential message to the nation on 1 June this year, President Duarte proposed a third round of talks which would show this unshakable political will on the part of the Government to find a democratic solution to the conflict on the basis of that frank understanding and sense of responsibility which has characterized our President. He has thus fulfilled the commitment he made in this Assembly Hall. However, those ~ho took up arms have in fact adopted an intransigent position by demanding the withdrawal of the army to an area of three hundred sauare kilometres. They wanted to give the impression that the zone was under their control, which would enable them, at the international level, to demand recognition, but this was, of course, totally illusory. Seeing their pretensions frustrated, they simply cancelled the meeting in spite of the guarantees and safeguards which the Government had offered them, as on previous occasions. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El salvador) This showed the histodcal illegitimacy of the Revolutialary DellDcratic Fralt - Farabundo Harti Fralt for Natialal Liberation - and once again demonstrated the undeniable legitimacy of the GcNernment of El salvadcx, which has brought about an unprecedented increase in its ability internationally to act both passively and actively, precisely because of the support of its people and the firm, sincere, modest and halest way in which President Duarte has set out the terms and aims of his political programme, the Gal7ernment's programme and the national thesis of dialogue. My Government remains firmly determined to exhaust every possibility of dialogue as the only way to ensure Peace on our natiooal soil. That poeition which is the result of the national consensus, can count on the full support of obedient, urquestialing armed forces, as was clearly recoglized in the message to the nation of the Military High Comnand on 19 september. As a menber of the intecnational commll'lity, El salvador has to deal with a heterogeneous structure characterized by the existence of oppositioo and dissent in an atmosPlere of ideological, political, economic and social confrontation in which the variables of the correlation of forces and world domination become the factors that determine international relations. This is because the pr inciples of nm-intervention in the internal affa ir s of other States, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, the equality of sovereignty of those States, renunciation of the use or threat of force and co-opera tion in the development of all peoples cons ti tu te today mace th an ever before the fundamental pc inciples of El salvador's foreign policy, which is rooted in good faith and respect for and canpliance with treaties. But unless complemented by the promotion and defence of democracy, respect for human rights and identification of the specific elements of our internal policy, those pc inciples would be of no value at all to El salvador's present and fu ture (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvad~) generations. It is only logical therefore that El Salvador's foreign policy should reflect the principles, purposes, and reauirements of our internal policy. This enables us to define and establish our strategy on the basis of three fundamental as~cts: legitimacy, by virtue of the origin of the Government and the processes it has developed to defend and consolidate it; neutrality, because we do not intervene in the affairs of other sov~reign States and we respect the self-determination of peoples; and democracy, because we associate ourselves with and support, in full solidarity authentic democracies that are free, pluralistic, participatory and based on Western Christian concepts. Within that very clear-cut framework the aims and means indispensable for achieving peace stand out clearly and are seen in their true dimensions both regionally and internationally, and are implicit in our foreign policy. Thus our profound democratic, pacifist vocation and the zeal we have always shown to ensure respect for and p~omote the fundamental rights and freedoms of all peoples determines our vigorous condemnation of the South African regime for its continuing inhuman, segregationist practice of apartheid and its evil efforts to extend it to other, neighbouring States. We recommend and demand that honest and sincere dialogue and negotiations must be initiated and pursued exhaustively as the best way of finding solutions to the problems of the Middle East, Lebanon and Korea. In this regard my Government recognizes that the formula suggested by South Korea for the reunification of Korea contains positive and useful bases for the gradual achievement of that goal. AS for the regional aspects of our foreign policy, my Government considers that although it is true that the Central American crisis stems from a system of obsolete structures that no longer meet the people's need and expectation of political participation and development, the cold climate of East-West confronation has also had an impact on its development. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) No one can doubt that the lack of appropriate mechanisms for the solution of regional problems has also contributed to the establishment of a situation of inc~easing failure to respect the principles and norms of international law. We therefore believe that there is a poli~ical, diplomatic, security and legal vacuum in Central America, and tbat it must be filled in order to ensure the adoption of measures and proc,rlures capable of preventing internal and external destabtlizing action against our democracies. Accordingly, the Government of El Salvador has maintained a position of total and determined support for the work of the Contadora Group, since we believe that that is the best possible way to fill the vacuum, and strengthen the principles that can lead to comprehensive, simultaneous, regional, multilateral and verifiable agreements that will undoubtedly bring about the re-establishment of peace, security, democracy and continuing development. From the beginning of the Contadora initiative my eovernment made clear its firm political desire for a peaceful solution to the regional crisis and to subscribe to its willingness to the Contadora Act. My Government has declared internationally that the Act is a unique, definitive, irreplaceable and guaranteed document. It is uniaue because it alone can ensure peace, pluralist democracy, security and economic and social development. It is definitive because it results from an overall Latin American effort within a process of serious negotiation and was approved by consenslls. It is irreplaceable because it is historically legitimate and its mechanisms are practical and sure. And it is guaranteed because of its credihility and t~e universal support it enjoys. However, the final version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America, which was presented to our Government on 7 June last, does not cover the conditions or reauirements agreed upon for its adoption and ratification in accordance with the commitment entered into by the five countries by virtue of (Ma:. AceveCb Peralta, El salvaCbr) the Incument of Cbjectives of r-epteJIber 1983, which stated, inter alia: "ib stop the arms race in all its forms and begin negotiations for the control and reduction of current stocks of weapons and on the nuuber of armed troops.· (8/16041, p. 5) We must not forget that in view of the ser iousness of the Central 1\mer ican situation, all agreements and commitments entered into must be fulfilled, particularly those goverding political aspects, because that is the fundamental coodition of the success of the Cootadoca initiative. I must also reiterate the nee'il to guarantee the efficiency of the mechanisms of implementation and follC7ti-up coocerning verification and cootrol of the political commitments in the D>cument of Ob jectives • Finally, faithful to its democratic, peace-lOl7ing vocation, El salvaCbr appeals to the Cootadora Group to redouble its efforts to persuade Nicaragua to abide by the consensus formula and the understanding to be adopted in the region. It will not be possible to cootinue this action ,.r Nicaragua fails to demonstrate the clear political will and readiness to enter into, respect and comply with the commitments assumed under the Cootadoca Act. For our part, we have given the clearest proof of good faith and our undeniable wish for the internatiooalization of the dialogue and demcracy in the region, as an alternative to the internationalization of the conflict. El salvador has presented to the international community the "Cootadora l))ctrine", \1ilhich sets out the ncble aspiration of the Central American countries to keep the dark spectre of dicta tor ship out of the regioo for ever. Thus we clearly show the legi tima te and independent nature of El salvador's foreign policy and our endur ing fa ith in mul tila tera1 dialogue. El salvador has changed. Therefore, with all the confidence that my Governmen:. commands, I call uPon Nicaragua to change its incongruous atti tude, (Mr. Acevedo Peralta r El Salvador) which will disrupt the regional dialogue and negotiations initiated by Contadora and Esguipulas by actions designed to resolve the ~egional conflict bilaterallYf but which could never lead to a negotiated r simultaneousr multilateral r verifiable solution such as has been proposed by the COntadora Group. (Mr. Acevedo Pera1ta, El Salvador) Similarly, I must urge the Nicaraguan Government to show a clear indication of good will at the regional level, ceasing to provide, in flagrant violation of international law, a permanent sanctuary for those who wish to bring about . subversion in El Salvador and internationally. The deterioration in the subregional situation makes it imperative that the Central American countries create regional institutions, and revitalize existing ones, to complement the work of the Contadora Group and allow us, the people of Central America, to find consensus solutions to our own problems, through a realistic recognition of existing factors tending towards unity or divergence. In that spirit, El Salvador is contributing actively to the setting up a Central American parliament, conceived of as a deliberating forum where it ~lill be possible to discuss and draw up agreements on the problems facing us, one which could eventually serve as a mechanism to follow up, verify and control any agreement that the Central American countries may enter into. Nobody can deny that we have given a clear indication of the political will to remove the Central American problem from the East-West confrontation, since El Salvador was the first to ratify the treaty of co-operation between the European Economic Community and the Central American countries, because we believe that improving the interregional dialogue will contribute greatly to removing the extremes of world interests in the area. As a well-known South American leader has said, "The success of the blossoming Latin American democracy depends on its capacity to resolve the great economic and social problems of our time." My Government is aware that the internal structural imbalances of the developing countries are brought about largely by the persistence of unjust international economic relations. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador~ In addition to the high cost of servicing the external debt, our countries are increasingly dependent on world centres. That dependence in turn makes a significant contribution to the imbalance in our economies, refl~ted in a growing secio-political instability, which besides worsening the quality of life of our peoples attacks the foundations of our democratic processes. Many of our countries have now carried out the greatest economic readjustment possible. That has meant a high cost for us in social terms, because it has lowered productivity levels and created a fiscal imbalance between income and expenditure, making it very difficult to stabilize and revive the economy. In that situation it is essential to increase North-South co-operation. It must be based on justice and characterized by g~eater flexibility in the developed economies, which should support the structural changes in our countries, creating conditions of political, economic and social stability, and not the reverse. In his address to the Assembly a short time ago, the President of Costa Rica said: wYesterday, they (the international banks] cared little that their money maintained the rule of despots. Today, they are not concerned with the suffering of those who pay in liberty.- (A/4l/PV.9, p. 9-10) My Government urgently appeals to the Governments of the industrialized countries to understand that the worsening of the economic crisis in the poorer countries is contrary to their ~~n interests, because it deprives vast sectors of mankind of the possibility of sovereignty and self-determination, leading them to feel utter desperation and bringing about a gradual split in the credibility of the democratic system as the ideal way of life, endangering its historic justification and, on the contrary, favouring other political systems already rejected by our peoples. Finally, we must not forget that, as His Holiness Pope Paul VI said, development is the new name of peace. ~he Government of El Salvador fully shareG the concern ef the international community over the increase in terrorist acts, which are proliferating in various parts of the world and every day claim more innocent victims. The destruction of public prope~ty and the economic infrastrueture, indiscriminate massacres, the taking of hostages and the placing of bomcs in public places a~e characteristic of the behaviour of the terrorist groups that operate in my country. Having recognized the imPOssibility of gaining a political or military victory, they have had recourse to such acts to show, both internally a~d to the world at large, an apparent capacity for action, and at the same time to demoralize the public. My Government repeats its readiness to commit itself completely to join in international measures to fight such a scourge, for no ideological or political cause can make it acceptable, understandable or justifiahle that mankind should be threatened by such irrational behaviour adopted by inhuman organizations that daily distance themselves further from civilization. It would be unfair to the historic perseverance of two brother peoples, which are striving together to attain common goals, if I did not stress today before the international community, as evidence of the peaceful will and vocatioa of our Governments, the complete fulfilment of the peace treaty between the Republics of El Salvador and Honduras, signed on 30 October 1980 in Lima, by which we agreed to put an end to the differences that had once separated us. Or. the basis of that treaty we have agreed to submit jointly for consideration by the International Court of Justice our border dispute - relating to land, islands and sea - as an example of our conviction that international differences and tensions must be overcome through adherence to the recognition of the principles of internatio~al law. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) The conversations and negotiations held to bring about that agreement, which was registered at the O~ganization yesterday, were held in a climate of friendship and mutual understanding, which contributed to a streng~henin~ of the links of co-operation between El Salvador and Honduras. My country reaffirms its resolve to abide by the decision of the International Court of Justice on the border dispute, because we are convinced that law and justice will prevail in the decision of the highest international judicial body. Our Governments have also, with the co-o~ration of the united Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the support of the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration, drawn up a programme to create the right conditions and the necessary trust for the repatriation of the Salvadorian refugees in Honduras to take place voluntarily, in a gradual, planned manner, allowing their resettlement in their various places of origin. That is an effort being made on the basis of the highly humanitarian approach that my Government has adopted towards the conflict that we are having to live with. El Salvador believes that the values of democracy and liberty are threatened by the accelerating arms race from which the world is SUffering. It is impossible for the Governments of Central America to shoulder their historic responsibilities for the economic and social development of their peoples if they have to use their scarce resources to acquire large quantities of armaments for purely defensive reasons. Therefore, the Sandinista Government should renounce its concept of national security as involving a people in arms and the export of revolution, and should, on t"e contrary, ac~ept, as we accept for ourselves, the establishment of limits on its present arsenal, which will make possible a balance between the forces in the region, as we have proposed in the Contadora Group. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvado~) I wish now to refer to the crisis that is hampering the United Nations in its attempt to achieve the purposes behind its creation and to abide by its principles. My Government does not believe th~t the crisis is purely financialJ it has deeper implications, to do with confidence in the Organization's ability to contribute to resolving the most pressing problems of our time. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Sal\ ..,dor) Therefore we are prepated to give our support to any initiatives which would lead to the restructuring of the Organization so as to enable it once again to carry out its functions effectively and once again be deserving of the confidence and trust placed in it by Member States. We should like to reiterate our appreciation for the work carried out by the secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, and we would certainly give our strong support to his re-election if that is his wish. There has been a change in El Salvador, and this brings me to make an urgent appeal to the international community, and particularly to all democratic countries of the world, to close ranks in the defence of the pluralistic and participatory democracy that is now being consolidated at the cost of great sacrifices in El Salvador and, through technical and financial co-operation, to protect it from the threat hanging over it owing to the lack of resources essential to ensure the economic, social and cultural well-being to which everyone living in a democracy aspires. We believe that one should not speak before thinking and that what one promises one should do. President Duarte and his Government are carrying out their promises; our Government knows how to govern. Hence we are sure that, after a long dark night of hatred and rancour, soon the dawn will break and all Salvadorians will proudly join in singing these lines of our national anthem that remind us that ·Peace in supreme happiness has always been El Salvador's noble dream; its achievement our constant goal; its preservation our greatest glory." Mr. GURINOVICH (Bye10rusaian Soviet Socialist Repubic) (interpretation from Russian): Many different words have been spoken from this rostrum. However, those which have prevailed are those which have not been devalued through freauent repetition over a long period of time. Their everlasting value is due to the (Mr. Gurinov~ch, Byelorussian SSR) concepts they embody. ·Peace·, ·security·, ·freedom of peoples·, ·prosperity· and ·a bright future for humanitys - these are the words that fall into this catego~y. They acquire special significance when backed up with specific proposals and practical deeds aimed at translating these ideals into the flesh and blood of today's international relations and at converting them into a foundation on which the generations to come will build their lives. At present mankind is going through a particularly crucial stage in its history. Now is the time to decide whether it will continue as a history of reason and peaceful creativity or become a history of global catastrophe. Throughout the preceding millennia humanity, even in times of ordeals and wars, kept looking forward with hope to the morrow, expecting it to be brighter, to bring about more joy and a better life. At present mankind is viewing its future with alarm. This profound feeling of alarm is caused by social injustice, destruction and pollution of the environment, diseases, hunger affecting whole nations and, above all, the threat of total nuclear annihilation. Mankind will be confident of its future only when it eliminates that threat through joint efforts. The removal of the nuclear and space threat and reversal of the arms race would enable humanity to keep its civilization humane in the best sense of the word and to release resources for economic and social progress. There can be no normal life on a nuclear powder-keg. The urgency of the situation and the sheer magnitude of the challenge require fundamentally new political thinking. The stereotyped dogmas of the past, such as -might is right-, "in politics weakness is an admission of guilt-, ·containment through deterrence" and the like, are hopelessly out of date. Far from promoting the security of the peoples of the world, they place it in direct jeopardy. The (Mr. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization presented at this session alsc. stressed the need for Wa fresh beginning in efforts to overcome stalemates on major issuesw• (A/4l/l, p. 2). It is imperative to shed the dogma according to ~lich the security of one State is built on impairing the security of another. In this nuclear and space age the only real security is security for all. The new political thinking must be translated into practical deeds. Guided by the need to ensure progress in nuclear disarmament as well as in other fields, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, has suggested an urgent meeting between the highest leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States of America. That proposal has been accepted by President Reagan. As the Assembly knows, the meeting will take place in Iceland on 11 and 12 OCtober. It must give an overwhelmingly powerful impulse to negotiations and open up the shortest and most direct approach to the path leading to rasults. We regard impr,.· ~~ent in Soviet-United States relations not only in the context of the interests of the Soviet and American peoples but rather in terms of stronger security for all. It was through the desire to build a reliable road leading to exactly this kind of universal security that the States of the socialist community introduced their joint initiative on WEstablishment of a comprehensive system of international securityW for consideration at this session of the Assembly. The Byelorussian SSR, as a co-sponsor of the proposal, is convinced that relations between States must be built on the principles of peaceful coexistence and resPect for mutual interests - security interests in the first place - which (Mr. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) would be ensured through material, political and leqal, as well as moral and psychological, quarantees. They must be based on co-operation both in preserving life on Earth ant1 in solving the entire gamut of global problems on which the quality of life dept:MG. Experience teaches us that no State can reliably protect itself by military and techn.~l means alone, even if it succeeds in gaining military superiority over the other side, something which is in fact unattainable. In view of the nature of modern weapons 6 secu~ity can be ensured only through political means. The old order of things must give way to a comprehensive system of international security embracing all spheres of inter-State relations - military, political, economic and humanitarian. Such a system not only would be in utmost harmony with the principles and ~j~p03eS of the United Nations Charter but would also enhance their efficacy and the ~i~ectiveness of the Organization. It would be the only adequate response to the precarious situation in which humanity finds itself today. The United Nations, ~ihg universal both in its membership and in the range of issues it deals with, represents a uniaue international forum organically suitable for achieving that goal. The Byelorussian SSR, as a founding Member of the United Nations, is convinced that the organization, which last year celebrated its fortieth a~,iversary, is mature enoug~ ~nd rich enough in experience for that purpose. (Mr. Glr inOl7ich, Byelorussian SSR) we are realists and tmderstand that a canprehensive system of international security will not be brought into existence Ol7ernight just by the wave of a magic wand. Peristent efforts will be required of all States. Wlat is needed is the political will and foresight, dialogue and the ability and willingness to overcome m~pic, short-lived and selfish calculations in order to agree on Ill1tually acceptable compromises for the sake of the coumon good. To end the arms race 00 Earth and prevent it in outer space and to eliminate all weapons of mass destruction - that must be one of the principal basic elements of a canprehensive security system. The well-known German philosopher and humanist of the eighteenth century Johann Gottfr ied voo Herder wrote at a time when arms were yet primitive, if judged by today's terms: -The battle axe can create nothing, but it can cause a great deal of destruction.· The truth of those words has a thousand times grea ter thrust nowadays. The pernicious policy of the arms race has brought us to a point beyond which destructioo may be total. Time itself is now running against humanity, because new means of annihilation are being devised which mic1"lt not be subject to control at all. In these circumstances proootmcements to the effect that anyth ing but an arms bu ildup can be the cause of mistrust between States are inappropriate. Without going into scholasticism, let us aSk those who esp:>use th is pos tula te : Do arms engender tr ust? Resolute practical moves are required to break out of the vicious spirals of the internal spring of the arms race. Real opportunities for that are opened up by the line of action pursued by the Soviet Union and all the States of the socialist commtmity which reject the cliches of coofrootation, defy the stereotypes in political thinking and artificial barriers. The USSR, through its practical actions, proves its readiness to seek canpromise solutions to all problems that give rise to contrOl7er sy or suspicion. (Mr. Glrincwich, Byelorussian SSR) The Soviet proposals of 15 January 1986 outlining a pcogramme for complete and general nucl.ear disarmament by the year 2000 are in line with the new requirements of today's wa:ld. Since those proposals are radical in their purpose - to rid the Farth oompletely not only of nuclear but also of chemical and other types of weapons of mass destruction - they prOl7ide for the necessi ty of appropriate verification measures and strict compliance at each stage of implementation with the principle of undiminished security for all States. They are based on the premise that the tsSR and the United States of America should set an exallPle for other nuclear-weapon Powers by taking real disarmament measures. A large-scale progranme of I'Js tar peace· providing for the developnent of diversified peaceful co-operation in outer space in the interests of all States and for the establishment of a world space organization has been submitted to the tbited Nations. This objective is in sharp cootrast to the dangerous ·star wars· plans, and it is clear to any sensible person which of the existing alternatives best serves the interests of the inhabitants of the planet. Indeed, if the objective of the total elimination of nuclear weapons is purs~d in earnest and not for the sake of mere rhetoric, wy choose to that end the much too dangerous and much too costly path for our planet of extending the arms race to outer space? i'Ily abandoo canpliance with the treaties curbing the nuclear-arms race and undermine agreements strengthening stability? I am referring here to the strategic arms limitation treaties and the anti-ballistic missile treaty concluded between the tBSR and the United States of America. Something must be tftoog here, either with logic or true intentions, for there exists a simple and straightforward way - that of a mutual stage-by-stage elimination of nuclear weapons even before the end of this century. In the absence of nuclear weapons there will be no need for defence against such weapons. (Mr. QJrinovich, Byelexussian SSR) It should be esaPias!zed that the Soviet thion aoes not confine itself cnly to sublllitting proposals. Its a:>nstructive spirit and sincerity 90 far enough to introdJce a new JIi!ljor element in international pcactice. The USSR has a.nilaterally taken large-scale -easures of restraint and aras liIlitation~ they include the obligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons,; the halting of measures undertaken in response to the depl©;yment of united States nuclear IIlissiles in Europe,; the subsequent rellCRal from alert status of a large nullber of medium-range missiles in FAlrope'i the obligation not to place anti-satellite systems in outer space,; and, above all, the a.nilateral mocatorium valid since 6 Jl.ugust 1985 on all nuclear explosions. The lIOratoriuAl has been extended on four consecutive occasicns, although it was obl7iously a difficul.t and security-threatening decisioo for the USSR to take, in view of the unabated and p~C7/ocative continuatioo of testing of nuclear weapons in the thited States. By virtue of tbe latest extension of the moratorillD, the Soviet unioo will observe the International Year of Peace with no nuclear testing. This is a practical excnple of a truly responsible approach to the problems of today's world - an example which gives mankind greater hope to relieve itself of the nuclear threat. A mutual halt to and prohlbitioo of nuclear testing by the mSR and the united States of America are important in themselves and, moreC7/er, will constitute a real step towards nuclear disarmament. What is needed are not half-measure srosti tutes but a radical solution to the problem. The Byelocussian SSR expresses the hope that the united States will heed world public opinion and come to realize the need for hal ting nuclear-weapon tests. The objective of the gradJal elimination of nuclear weapons includes also a geographical canpooent and issues rela ted to the levels of conventional (Mr. Qlrinovich, Byelcxussian SSR) armaments. Therefore, and in order to help to free Eruope ef nuclear weapons, it has been pr.:oposed that nuclear medium-range missUes be eliminated from that CQ'ltinent and nuclear-weapon-free zmes established there. Besides, the Warsaw Treaty member States have also pr:oposed to the States members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and all European countries a programme for reci1cing in the near future by one fourth the armed forces and conventional armaments in Europe from the Atlantic to tbe Utals. New proposals have also been intro&1ced allowing for finalizatim without any further delay of a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons, the elimination of their stockpiles, and the industrial base for their productim. That is but a brief, overall list of the major proposals pit fcxward by socialist countr ies. They are prepared to consider in earnest other countr ies I initiatives as well. This is our policy and it is based on the decisions of the 'tWenty-seventh CQ'lgress of the COIIIDUi'list P~rty of the SOviet Union and has its roots in today's realities. It has been dictated by our responsibility vis-a-vis the future and takes into account the legitimate concerns of all parties. If no progress has been nade so far in eliminating the nuclear space threat and rever sing the arms race, that is only because pr:ogress can be ac:h ieved solely through conbined efforts and shared awareness of our common responsibility. It is to be hoped that those to whom the States of the socialist cotIlllunity and the non-aligned col.ntrles have addressed their proposals will display genuine preparedness to engage in a two-way raovement almg the highway of disarmament. (Mr. QJr inOl7ic:h, Bxelorussian SSR) There are those that clam that their arms build-up is for the sake of negotiatioos. From there, it is but a small step to conducting negotiatioos solely for the sake of the arms build-up. Indeed, the military {Xltential intended to serve as a bargaining chip is steadily being increased. Unfortunately, it is not being accanpanied by progress at the negotiating table. Wly is that? The O1ited States does not want to accept the fact that acting from a {Xlsition of force is no way to reach hmest agreements. The logical aim of such a policy is to force me's bargaining partner to his knees and im{Xlse inequitable solutioos. That is impossible in today's world~ The end result is increased nuclear tension. Does that 'jest serve the vital interests of all nations, including the United States? Does it impart greater security to the world? The answer is self-evident; it is in the negative. It is to be hoped that the pra~atism and sense of reality that are inherent trai ts of the Americans will not fall victim to the syndrome of thinking in military terms, and that realism and awareness of the need for a joint searc:h for ways to normalize the internatiooal situatim, put an end to the senseless arms race and eliminate nuclear weapons will prevail in united States assessments and actions. The agreement between the USSR and the tbited States on the summit meeting soon to be held in Reykjavik inspires optimism. It is important that that meeting pave the way to the achievement of mecningful agreements at future talks and meetings. History has sham that militar ist policies and the desire to attain war Id domination are increasingly isolated, both morally and politically, in the internatimal arena. Vigorous attempt!.; to implant militaristic stereotypes in people's minds have not had the expected result. The debate in the General AsSembly leaves no doubt in this regard. At the same time, it can be said with utter certainty that no cne is trying to drive the tbited States into a cexner. (Mr. Qlr inaITich, Byeloruss!an SSR) On the cootrary, there is a common desire to involve the B'lited States of America in sincere efforts to achieve a breakthrough in international relations, to awaken the thited States to the need to fulfil its responsibility for the fate of peace on earth. Ever~ne is aware of the fact that without the constructive participaticn of the thited States of America and other countries there can be no lasting solution to the prcblem of eliminating the threat of war and the persistent regiooal conflicts and to other global prcblems. SUch an approach is manifest in the initiatives of socialist countries which envisage collective efforts, and in the Harare cbcuments of the Non-Aligned MOITement. What, then, stands in the way? To a great extent, the impediment is anti-SOITiet feeling and false perceptions of Marxist-Leninist ideology. Some people in the west have yet to realize that all peoples, cor.rnunists including, have no less a right to life, their beliefs and their way of life than have anti-conmunists. Are those in western ruling circles prepared to recognize those rights to socialism and to work together with it for peace? Can they overoome the iner tia of the anti-communist mentality and adopt the position of the peacefUl coexistence of States with different social systems? We have heard from this rostrum. allegations that Marxism-Leninism and war are inseparable. let us recall a few of the facts, which are obviously well known to ever~ne, including those that make such statements. The fir st decree of the SOI1iet State was the Decree of Peace. That appeal, by the way, was rejected by capitalist States. Peace is the basis and the immutable precept of Soviet foreign policy. It is stated in the present programme of the Communist Party of the Soviet Ooioo states that "A world without wars and without arms is the ideal of socialism." It is also well known that the USSR has never encroached upon the political institutioos of other countries, whereas the Soviet State itself has on mcxe than one occasion been the object of armed intervention and aggreasicn. Anti-GOU'ietism is still felt today in political circles in some western States. It is manifest in the lDlwillingness to respmd in kind to the Soviet pledge not to make the first nuclear str ike. Those unwilling to reciprocate understand that were they to do so the myth of commlDist aggressiveness would collapse aild the ideological impetus that turns the dynamo of the arms race, which yields encxlDOus profits to the military-industrial canplex, would be weakened. It is no less important to look for new approaches to the just settlement of regiooal cooflicts. The cliche of East-West ccnfrmtation is inapplicable here. It is not ooly worn out but completely distorts the reality to which it is being applied. If there is a genuine desire to extinguish hotbeds of tensim, we must tackle their soci~conomic and political roots. It is there that the true source of cooflicts is to be found, as well as in the denial of the right of peoples to self~etermination and independence, to be free to choose their own 18 th. Only through the solution of those root problems will it be possible to achieve genuine, just and comprehensive soluticns. In the Middle Fast such a settlement is possible through the collective efforts of all the parties cmcerned, on the bas is of the wi thdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territor ies occupied since 1967 and the exercise of the inalienable national rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including the right to self~eterminatioo and to create their own independent State. The convening, without delay, of the Internatiooal Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberatioo Organ iza tion (PlO), would be a constructive step aloog the road towards such a settlement. That is the aim of the recent Soviet proposal calling for the creatioo of a preparatory committee for that Cooference, with the participation of the five permanent member s of the secur ity Council. (Kr. Glr inOlTic:h, Byelcxussian SSR) . The peoples of Nicaragua, Afghanistan and Kampuc:hea have already DBde their choices by overthrowing anti-people regimes. All attempts to prevent them from pursuing their chosen path of building a new society should cease forthwith. The explosive situation in southern Afr iea also calls for an urgent politieal settlement. It is necessary to step up the collective search for ways of guaranteeing the secur ity of the independent Afr iean States of the region and achieving a just settlement in Namibia without delay, in accordance with tl\ited Natioos decisioos. The imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the racist South African regime would be an effective step towards independence for Namibia and the elimination of the inhumane system of apartheid. It would also help in the achievement of peace and stability, in the interest of all the peoples of the regioo, including the white p:>pulation of SOuth Afr iea. The interests and aspirations of all the nations of the Maditerranean regioo, including Cyprus~ Libya and Iebanoo, would be well served by the creation of a zooe of stable peace and co-operation in the region. We continue our consistent support for the efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to strengthen peace, br ing about a relaxation of tensions in the Korean peninsula and achieve the peaceful reunifieation of Korea. The prop:>sal of the Deuncratic People's Republic of Korea to transform that region into a nuclear-free zcne could become an important element in efforts to eliminate the threat of nuclear war. The whole regioo of As ia and the Paci fie is becoming a factor of ever-increasing importance in world affairs. A broad proposal for ensuring security and co-operation in that region through the collective efforts of States, as put forward by the Soviet Tllioo, is in keeping wi th the idea of a canprehens ive system of international secur ity. (Mr. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) The problem of human rights must also be addressed seriously and consistently. What is necessary, is not just to mention the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but also to work for the accession of States to such fundamental instruments in this fie]~ as the International Covenants on Human Rights, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. Regrettably, few of those posing as the principal advocates of human rights, are to be found on the lists of States parties to those instruments. The Soviet Union has proposed that all Governments adjust their internal legislation to comply with international norms in this field. Such an action would be natural, it would seem, as natural as ABe, but the same advocates of human rights are not in a hurry to react positively. Respect for the socio-economic rights of peoples and for equal economic security for all States is also the key instrument to solve economic problems of the world. To ignore the demands for the restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis without discrimination, illegal blockades and sanctions, and to praise the anarchy of the market-place, is to be out of touch with reality. One might argue that this market anarchy creates wealth. Indeed it does, but only for the few. For the rest, market anarchy reveals its other face: unemployment, illiteracy, lack of medical assistance, lack of housing, injustice in international trade, the silken strangling cord of external indebtedness, and hunger that affects entire nations. Such an order is in no way acceptable for the majority of the inhabitants of our world • (HI. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) The range of issues facing the united Nations is wide indeed. If t~ey are to be resolved successfully, it is n~~~osary to make collective efforts to increase the efficiency of the United Nations and to enhance its prestige. However, a trend to the opposite on the part of certain Western States has emerged recently, that is, to undermine the Organization, to impede its activities, to bring tough pressure to bear on some Member States and to apply arbitrary discriminatory measures against others. We are witnessing a situation whereby the United Nations is being subjected to political-financial blackmail. In any society blackmail is considered to be an abominable phenomenon. It is doubly abominable when used against this universal Organization which is the symbol of mankind's hope for a better world. What should be the position of States, if they are really seeking to promote mutual understanding and security? The present situation demands new approaches. The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, stressed recently: ftCivilization is going through a crucial moment in its development. It is high time for all those capable of reasonable and sane thinking to adopt a clear-cut and well-defined position regardless of ideological and political differences. The machinery of mankind's self-preservation should be put into operation. There is no time to waste.- Human genius has created tremendous opportunities, and at the same time it has brought about a great threat to humanity. This dual character of today's potential em~rged quite clearly against the backdrop of the accident at the Chernobyl atomic power plant, which has also affected Byelorussia; it is aggravated by the impossibility of relying entirely on technology, no matter how sophisticated (Mr. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) it may be, which the tragic death of American astronauts and systematic failures of computers have made so painfully obvious. Matter can release tremendous amounts of energy, which, if it gets out of control, is capable of wiping out life from the face of the Earth. A nuclear war, should it break out, would lead precisely to this outcome. There is, however, the highest form of matter, which is intellect. It can prevent the irreparable. Persistent and sincere efforts by all States, and all peoples, not lip-service, are needed now to prevent the triumph of blind and merciless forces over the collective intellect of humanity. The goal of the United Nations and of the current session of the General Assembly is to mobilize such efforts. The forthcoming meeting of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Community Party of the Soviet union, Mikhail Gorbachev, and the united States President, Ronald Reagan, which is welcomed with hope throughout the world, the success of the Stockholm Conference, the adoption by the International Atomic Energy Agency of important conventions which improve the security of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, as well as other encouraging developments in international affairs, make us increasingly confident that it is possible to arrive at agreements in the interests of peace, security, freedom, justice and co-operation. Mr. BASENDWAR (Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): As I stand before the General Assembly today to make a statement on behalf of my country, the Yemen Arab Republic, I find myself at a loss. Do I congratulate the President on his assumption of the presidency, or do I congratulate the Assembly. In any case, his election could not have been a more jUdicious choice in view of his conspicuous qualities and his long political experience• (Hr. Basendwah, Yemen) His unanimous election to the presidency of this session can only be interpreted as an indication of the high regard in which the friendly and fraternal country of Bangladesh is held by the nations of the world. My delegation's pleasure in this appointment is all the greater in view of the fraternal bonds and ties of friendship, based on mutual respect and constructive co-operation, that exist between our two countries. I should also like to express our appreciation and gratitude to his predecessor, Ambassador de pinies, whose presidency of the fortieth session was a great honour for us. It is self-evident to say that he presided over that session with great competence and dedication, and in a manner which enabled him to merit all our approval and admiration. I must also pay a tribute to the invaluable and constant efforts made by the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, and to his well-known sincerity and determination in the service of our Organization in particular, and the international community in general. I take this opportunity to renew our sincere wishes to him of continued good health, so that he can continue to perform his arduous tasks in the best possible manner. (Mr. Basa\a",ah, Yemen) During our last sessicn, at wic:h we celeMated the fortieth anniversary of the United Naticns, the city of Geneva witnessed the first sUDllit, after a lap;e of some years, between the two super-Powers on 20 NOI1enber 1985. BIt despi te the high hopes pinned on that meeting it did not achieve sufficient detente or improvement in the international situation in general, and in the arms race in 'particular, to restore our confidence and peace of mind about the present and future of mankind. Hence we still harbour feelings of anxiety and apprehension, because the terrible arms race is as fierce as ever and shows no signs of slackening. In addi tion to the fact that the weapons of mass destruction have not been eliminated from the arsenals, such weaPJns are certain to destroy our world. In view of the persistence of this situation it is no wooder that life on this p13l1et is subject to the danger of extinction at any moment, whether as the result either of a fit of anger on the part of one side or the other, or of an accidental error by me party. Just as our last session coincided with the first sunmit conference between ..... the leaders of the two super-Powers, fate has decreed that our present session coincides with the second sumnit - schecilled to take place in three days in the capital of Iceland - to OI1ercome problems ~ose settlement could have obviated the need for that meeting. Moscow and washington's agreement to meet at the highest level raises our hopes, and we trust that the rasul ts of the coming meeting on 12 OCtober will not be as disappointing as those of the previous meetings. To be realistic, we hope that it will lead to specific agreements that will put an end, albeit gradually, to the frenetic race to ~ocure the most deadly and destructive weapons, and will also lead to the elimination of the weapons of mass destruction in the arsenals of the two super-Power s. We also hope that the two sides will ach ieva an agreement to keep outer space free from the arms race, in the hope that it will be a re fuge for man if he has (Mt. Basendwah, Yemen) nowhere to turn on earth, though God fotbid that will ENer happen. It is absurd to hear some recklessly advocating the militarizaticn of outer space, as though this planet were too small for: their destructive tendencies. Humanity faces enough danger to its presence on this planet. If the aim of this frenzied attempt to achieve supremacy CNet others is to attain sole hegemcny CNer the nations of the world, it would be useful for those suffering under that illusion to realize that the gains earned by the friendship of peoples outweigh the gains earned by brute force. This persistent arms race prompts us to wonder whether humanity has indeed attained such a degree of affluence as to permit some to expend vast sums on this frenetic race. The answer is no. What is undeniable and irrefutable is tnat many nations of the wor Id are still suffer ing from pover t;y, s tarva tion, underdevelopment and disease. Is it not then the duty of those who squander such vast sums on developing the means of destruction and amihilation to mannel those fwds, or at least some part of them, into the elimination of the hunger, poverty, underdevelopnent and disease which afflict millions of people? We hope that the two mjor Powers will continue their meetings, because we hope that they will adlieve important, speci fie results that would put an end to their frenetic rivalry in a~uirir.g more weapons of mass destruction, and thus permit them to channel tbeir energies into the service of humanity, ~md to eliminate their stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction. The United l~tions, which was created to contr ibute to the establishment of peace and secu.ci ty all oyer the world, is called upon to play a grea ter role in overcoming all impediments and obstacles on the path towards these agreements, so that man everywhere may enjoy peace of mind about his present and future. My country, the Yemen Arab Republic, cherishes its membership in the Non-Ali gned Movement because of its canple te and profound belief that, as a developing country, nm-alignment is the best aP!7zooadl it can acbpt in the face of (Mt. Basendwah, Yemen) all the pressures of international polarizatioo to which, like numerous other States it is sd:>jected. The gtowing membership of this Movement is oonfirmation of the magni tude of the grow ing reCOc.J1i tion on the part of numerous States of the importance of nm-alignment as the ideal option for maintaining their independence and na tional sovereignty, and for averting the d~J'a9er of polarization. In view of any ant>iguity that might obscure the concept of nm-alignment, I wish to take this opportunity to assure you that the concept of non-alignment subscribed to by our enlightened leadership under our bi:other the President, the secretary-General of the General People's Calgress, Colcnel Ali Abdallah sal ih, is a crystal clear ethical concept of pr inciple. Non-alignment, as a concept and in practice, certainly does not mean neutrality between right and wrong; rather it means standing by what is dght and chanpicning it and standing against wrong and resisting it. While on the smject of non-alignment I should like to express my country's satisfaction at the success of the recent sumnit Cooference of the Non-Ali c.J1ed MOITement in Har are, the capital of the fr iendly caun try of Zinbabwe. That success was one more illustration of the growing role played by the Non-Aligned MOITement in supporting our supreme international Organization and its efforts to );romote peace and justice in the world and to settle the international and regional disputes which abound in the international cemmunity. The success of that Conference also prompts us to praise the exemplary manner in which His Excellency the Prime Minister of Zinbabwe, Mr. Rcbert r.tJgabe, presided over the meetings of that Cooference, and h is constructive contr ibution to the achievements of the Ccnference, as reflected in its decisions and recommendations. We would have liked to see the United Nations entering the fifth decade of its long li fe - God willing - in a world devoid of injustice, tensiCll, and causes of conflict, poverty and hunger; but a cursory look at the globe suffices to cause cCllcern and frustratioo. However, this does not negate the achievements of the (Hr. Basendwah, Ye1llen) thited Nations, reflected in its success in solving some problems that have developed during the past four decades and in chaJl{)ioning the right of a nUl1ber of peoples to determine their own future and win their freedaD. But we must also acknowledge its failure to settle a numer of crises and problems and to solve lIany political questions. But it is not fair to lay blame for that 00 the. Oiited Nations alate, because its ability to take effective actioo is amditional upon the degree of interaction between itself and internatiooal forces, and it derives its strength from the responsiveness of the Meni>er States in general and the major Power s in par ticular • One of the foremost among the outstanding and perennial questions is that of Palestine and the resulting strife, which has come to be known in the IIX)dern political lexicon as the Middle East crisis. Tbirty-eight years have elapsed, yet the people of Palestine aaze still depr ived of the same right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State on their national soil as that enjoyed by other peoples in the world who have attained their rights and gained their independence. This question has beoome a perennial item on the agenda of successive sessions of the General Assemly, as well as 00 the agendas of its subsidiary organs and bodies. The fact that this question has remained without any just solution, despite the innumerable resolutions of this Organization, is categorical proof of the success of serme States in robbing the United Nations of its role and of its raison d 'etre. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) I cannot think of any auestion which is more just and more deserving of concern and settlement than this a~esti~~, eSj-ecially since the rights of the matter. are crystal clear. Since the United Nations is unable to redress the blatant injustice inflicted upon the victimized people of Palestine and accepts the aggressor, Israel, as one of its Members, to occupy a seat in this RaIl, to run amok challenging its prestige, cynicall~! disregarding its resolutions. It is no wonder that the peoples of the world have lost their confidence in the united Nations and have even come to ridicule its existence. If the Middle East crisis involves continuous strife and is a hotbed of international tension, it is because the auestion of Palestine, which, as we have previously declared, is the crux and essence of the strife in the area, is still unresolved. But how can we find the way to a just solution of this auestion? How can we find the way to a settlement of the strife in the region based o~ justice, while Israel persists in its arrogance and aggression, occupying Palestine and the territories of neighbouring Arab States, and challenging the united Nations and the whole international community, without shame or scruple? How can we expect Israel to give up its policy of aggression and immature recklessness, and its practice of terrorism, as long as it receives all means of support and encouragement from a major international Power, the United States of America? Unauestionably the fact that the auestion of Palestine has remained without a just solution for about four decades is an affront to mankind and proof of the failure of the United Nations to discharge its role and to fulfil its duties. It is no secret that Israel is responsible for the frustration of all the international efforts and endeavours, collectively and individually, designed to settle this just auestion. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) There is near unanimity on the need to convene an international conference under the auspices of the united Nations, with the participation of the permanent members of the Security Council and all parties to the Arab-Israeli strife, but those who are blocking the convening of such a conference, and even reject the idea, are Israel and its ally, the united States. Does anyone need further proof that Israel rejects peace? But if Israel is aspiring to impose the peace of capitulation, it is badly mistaken. And why does it insist on f:hat kind of peace, and reject peace based on justice and right? Be that as it may, the convening of an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations, with the the participation of all the parties concerned, foremost among which is the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative Qf our brothers the Palestinian people, and the five states that are permanent members of the security Council, remains in our view the proper framework for seeking an appropriate formula to solve the auestion of Palestine and the problem of the Middle East, and hence to establish a just and lasting peace in that sensitive part of the world. Perhaps Israel entertains the dream that its occupation of Palestine and the Syrian Golan Heights, and the other parts it still occupies in Lebanon, will with the passage of time become an unchallengeable fait accompli, and thus acauire international legitimacy. If that is so, Is~ael must remember that Western colonialism, faced with the growing struggle of the peoples, had to depart from a large number of countries after an occupation which had in many cases lasted over a century. Thus, the fate of its occupation of the Arab terri~~ries, whether Palestine, Lebanon or Syria, will be no better than the fate of Western colonialism in the past. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) It is high time for our Arab nation to put a prompt and decisive end to its prolonged sUffering as a result of the implanting of Israel in the heart of the Arab hamelend. Tha acts of aggression and the o&imes Ou-wwitted ~~ the Zionist entity over the past 30 years are more than enough to convince even its fervent partisans, foremost among them the United States of America, of the aggressive nature of this parasitical entity and of its arrogance and folly. Rut those biased in its favour see its vices as virtues, and its crimes as acts of heroism. The United States, as a major Power, is now called upon to reconsider its position in support of Israel and to review its policy in order to play its role, with other major international Powers, in restoring justice and seeking a just solution to the auestion of Palestine and the crisis in the Middle East, in order to establish peace and justice. However, no international effort can succeed unless the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are restored and unless the occupied Arab territories are returned to their rightful owners. The Arab States have affirmed the sincerity of their wish to restore a just peace in the region through their proposal reflected in the decisions of the twelfth summit Conference at Fez, and they reiterated their attachment to that proposal at their emergency summit Conference in August of last year. Although that initiative won broad international support, Israel still rejects the establishment of a just and lasting peace, and continues to declare that rejection with arrogance and insolence. But the united Nations should not stand idly by in the face of this intransigent Israeli rejection. The United Nations must intensify its efforts to impose a just and lasting solution so that the area will not remain a hotbed of tension which could burst into flames at any moment. Sufficient proof of the gravity of the continuing crisis in the Middle East is the widening cycle of violence, which has now encroached on other areas. But those (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) who have been up in arms as a result of some individual incidents should study and investigate the causes of the phenomena of individual terrorist acts in order to eradicate this scourge. Because, had it not been for the condoning of Israel's terrorism, which claims the lives of thousands of innocents, the acts of terrorism by groups or individuals claiming the lives of other innocents would not have taken place. We are against terrorism, but resistance to terrorism must also be aimed against Israeli terrorism. Hence, those who condemn individual terrorism only, should also condemn Israeli terrorism, which is practisea against the people of Palestine and Lebanon under the eyes of the whole world. There is no more heinous crime than collective terrorism. It is unacceptable that some parties on the international scene should view terrorism the way an Arab poet describes it: the murder of one person in a jungle is an unforgivable crime, while the murder of an entire people is open to debate. The logic of the double standard is completely unacceptable. Individual terrorism, no matter how heinous, cannot be eauated, in terms of either responsibility or results, with the terrorism practised by a State which, I regret to say, belongs to this and to other international organizations. putting an end to Israeli terrorism and its occupation of Palestine, Lebanese territories and the Syrian Golan Heights, and the restoration of these territories to their rightful owners, would eradicate the phenomena of individual terrorism, which is considered a natural result of the negation of justice and the prevalence of the law of force, usurpation and aggression. It is truly regrettable that the beginninq of our current session coincides with the seventh year of the long and bloody war between Iraq and Iran. This is a (Hr. Basendwah, Yemen) costly war. Thousands upon" thousands have fallen in this war, to the point where its victiJas have exceeded one million. Numerous installations in both countries have been destroyed, and much of the infrastructure has also been destroyed. The Yemen Arab Republic, which has consistently called for an end to the bloodshed, sees this raging war as a wanton absurdity and a depletion of the capabilities of two peoples to whom we have been bound by ties of religion and good-neighbourliness since ancient times.* *The President took the Chair. (Kr. Basendwah, Yemen) we appreciate the endeavours of the secretary-General, the Organization of the Islamic Ccmference, and the Non-al.igned M:>vement, and welcomed the initiative of Iraq last August and its readiness to accept a cease-fire. we therefore hope that Iran, for its part, will adopt a PJsitive attitude by resPJnding to that initiative and accepting the offers of mediation, because these continued hostilities threaten the enti~e area and are jeopardizing international peace and security. The world should not stand idly by watching this bloody human tragedy. Hence we call uPJn the major PC7tler s, and those in a PJsition to do so, to play their role in PJtting an end to this destructive war before its sparks fly out in all directions to start a greater and more destructive fire. Putting an end to this tragic war calls for the observance by the belligerents of an immediate cease-fire, the withdrawal of all forces to the internationally recognized boundaries and the holding of direct negotiations that would preserve the legitimate rights of each, in accordance with the rules of international law. Hel1ce, Iran must express its readiness to agree to this and to follow the example of Iraq. As regards the problem of Afghanistan, which remains unchanged, the Yemen Arab Republic, while welcoming the declaration by the Soviet tbion of its intention to withdraw seven of its battalions from Afghanistan before the end of the year, supports all international efforts and endeavours directed to achieving a peaceful solution to this problem through negotiation among the parties concerned, with Cl view to enabling the Afghan people to exercise its right to sovereignty and to the choice of its own social and economic system free from all external pressures. We feel that any approach to solving this problem must provide for the need for the refugees return to their homes as soon as possible, and the cessation of all forms of foreign intervention. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) While the problem of Cyprus still remains unresolved because of the difficulties encountered during the negotiations between the representatives of the two communities, it demands a redoubling of the international effort by the United Nations and an intensification of its endeavours to guarantee a continued dialogue between the two parties to the dispute, because dialogue is the optimum means of achieving a satisfactory settlement which guarantees for all freedom of religion and coexistence on the basis of equality of rights and duties within a single independent Cyprus. In Africa, the occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of Pretoria is another grave challenge to the international community. Despite the numerous decisive resolutions adopted by the United Nations, the Pretoria regime arrogantly rejects them all, and insists on continuing its usurpation of this Territory. Faced with this intransigent rejection by the racist regime, we must increase our support for the people of Namibia, under the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), its sole legitimate representative. This calls for increased pressure b}r the international community to break the vicious circle of this perennial problem by putting an end to the occupation of the territory by the racist regime of South Africa. The actions and crimes of the racist regime against the Namibians and their militant leadership violate the most fundamental human rights and all the resolutions of the Organization in general, and Security Council resolution 435 (1978) in particular. Unless these resolutions are implemented, the Namibian people will remain a victim of the most heinous form of aggression, oppression and injustice practised against it by the racist regime of South Africa. Despite the continued condemnation by the international community of the practices of that odious regime, the mere presence of wh~ch is considered an affront to humanity, it still persists in defying world pUblic opinion and all (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) resolutions of the thited Nations and other organizations, and in ccntinuing its fiagral'lt violations of all international laws a."'1d ncxEiiS. In southern Africa itself, the SaBle regime is still practising the hideous policy of apartheid, using all forms of hWDiliaticn, torture and oppressicn to deny the indigenous mjority all its rights and to maintain its domination by oppressing the heroic resistance. It is no wonder that this regime has no other ally or champicn but Israel, since birds of a feather flock together. lbth regimes are not cnly alien, but also have a racist and fascist doctr ine. This binds them in an unholy alliance of collabocatien far remOl1ed from ethics, henour and all other fWldamental values and norms. It does not surpr ise us that Israel sides with the racist regime of SOuth Africa, but we are surprised to see it getting support fran States which pay lip service to freedom and consider themselves the chanpions of human rights. But why should we feel surpr ised when those same States also suppoct I srael, the first ally of the Pretoria regime, and its oounterpart? Wi th respect to YDrea, my delegation would like to eXIXess its satisfaction at the desire of the Korean people in North and South Korea for reunification, and hopes that this lofty aim will be achieved peacefully and democratically, free from all external pressure cx influence. While my COWltry feels highly gratified at the restoraticn of democracy in some Iatin American countries, it is following with great ccncern the news about the armed clashes currently taking place in Central llmerica. But we are firmly convinced that the solution to these problems lies in resort by the parties concerned to dialogue and peaceful means to arrive at a formula that will guarantee to each people in the area the right of self-determina tion and the right to choose its own regime without any foreign pressure. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) The fact that the structure of current international economic relations remain unchanged, despite the obvious injustice" it entails for the developing countr iea, will remain a major cause of tension in our world, because it has a cootinuing effect in widening the gap between developing and developed countries. This is because the latter regard the former as cheap sources of raw naterials and as open mar kets for their manUfacturers, instead of regarding them, as they should, as their partners in canplementarity. The absence of the necessary equal footing between the two sides can lead only to more poverty for the poor and greater wealth for the rich. In addition to the dangers inherent in the unjust international economic si tua tioo, the proli fera tion of adverse phenomena in the world econany, such as fluctuating currency exchange rates, the decline in comnodity prices, the establishment of tariff and non-tariff barriers against exports from the developing countries, and the hampering of the transfer of technology from the industrial to the developing countries have all been exacerbating the ecooomic crisis faced by many developing ccuntr ies. While that has already been demonstrated by the depression and stagnation in internatiooal trade, the difficulties and pressures being endured by some countries burdened with debt, and in the falter ing development plans in many third world countries, resulting in a decline ir,. their social and economic growth rates, could, if the situation continues, lead to even more serious consequences. unless the countries of the North are sufficiently responsive in their dialogue with the countries of the SOuth and make some of the coocessions needed from them, the world may suffer an eccnomic catastrophe whose effects will not be confined to the developing countr ies but will inevitably spread to the industrial countries, and be reflected in the stagnation of their industr ies, depressed mar kets for their products and the deter ioratioo of their economies. (Mr. Basendwah, Yesen) In order to improve the quality of life in our wcxld, there must be an absence of all forms of exploitation fr01l1 international economic relations, so that there is an international economic order based on justice, interdependence, and complementarity, because the injustice suffered by the deVeloping countr ies in their dealings with the developed colmtries will adversely affect all peoples, whim in turn would lead to the emergence of political pcoblems that would recilce many parts of the world to chaos. Political coexistence among the various nations of the wor Id calls for the establishment of healthy relaticns among them on the basis of ecooomic interdependence and canplementarity, if not on a mity of interests • Any hope for the recovery of the wor ld econoIl¥ will remain an illus ion unless ccnfidence is restored in the relations amcng the various parties. Moreover the wealth with which some States in the world are endowed, or which they gained in the Past while other peoples were slun:bering, and which has provided the basis of their growth and developnent, should not be the source of happiness for the few and misery for the many, if mankind is not to remain for ever divided between rich and p:>or. My country's choice of the democratic approach represents a final and irrevers ible decision. The general elections held a few weeks ago to broaden the base of the General People's CQ'lgress and the subsequent electioo of the members of the Standing Committee of that Coogress by the representa tives of the popular electoral base in full freedom and integrity, as acknCM1~dged by both citizens and observers, was an affirmation of the determination of our national leadership, headed by our President, the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and the Secretary-General of the General People's Congress, Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh, to press ahead alcng the democratic path. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) The unity of Yemen is the loftiest objective of our peoples, and our national leadership loses no opportunity of affirming its commitment to that objective. We are still working with our brothers in the southern part of Yemen in order to achieve that objective as soon as possible. Finally, I renew my call to the United Nations to redouble its efforts to solve all problems and questions, foremost among which are the questions of Palestine, the Middle East, South Africa and Namibia, so that they do not remain perennial items on the agenda of successive sessions of the General Assembly, as has been the case for years - nay, for decades - thereby making it possible for the Organization to regain its prestige and capability in the eyes of all peoples and nations. I pray that God may grant guidance and success to the Assembly in the performance of its task. ADDRESS BY MR. ALSADIG AL-MAHDI, PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE SUDAN
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