A/41/PV.19 General Assembly

9.  GENERAL DEBATE Mr. MASRI (Jordan) (interpretation from Arabic): It gives me great pleasure to extend to you our heartfelt congratulations, Sir, on your election as President of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. We are confident that your ability and diplomatic skill will enable you to conduct the business Of the General Assembly'in a very able manner and that will be a great help to all of us in achieving the positive results that we aspire to at this session. It is a source of particular pleasure that the representative of a friendly country, Bangladesh, with which my country, Jordan, has the closest relations of brotherhood, friendship, co-operation, assume that important international post. I should also like to extend my thanks and appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, who conducted the proceedings of the fortieth session of the General Assembly with extreme skill. His ability to deal with thorny international problems, thanks to his wide knowledge and creative democratic spirit, coupled with firmness and decisiveness, led to the outstanding success of that session. This was only to be expected of such a seasoned diplomat, steeped in multilateral diplomacy and with wide experience in United Nations affairs and activities. I also wish at the beginning of my statement to convey on behalf of the Government of Jordan our great appreciation and gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his sincere and tireless efforts to enhance the role of the united Nations and help solve conflicts and crises which threaten the security of Peoples and deplete the energies of countries. We shall give his proposals and observations on various issues the attention they fully deserve. (Mr. Masri, Jordan), We share the Secretary-General's great concern to ensure effectiveness of the United Nations and its adherence to its ideals and principles, as well as his sincere desire that its role be enhanced, so that it may remain not Only a forum for discussion and the expression of views and positions, but also a means of achieving consensus , and possibly agreements on the serious challenges that face mankind. The fortieth anniversary of the United Nations last year, was an OPwrtUnity to evaluate the progress of this vital Organization. In the course of the celebrations emphasis was laid on the importance of action to solve outstanding international problems in a spirit of co-operation and harmony and on the common concern not to allow international crises to get out of hand and escape collective control. It is our view that the crisis in the United Nations and the Proliferation of its resolutions are caused essentially by the worsening international situation and the chronic regional conflicts that remain unsolved. We should not start from a false premise. The real problem facing US iS not the Proliferation of united Nations resolutions or the expansion of its Organs, important and urgent as dealing with such aspects may be. It is the proliferation Of the problems besetting the nations of the world and the fact that they remain unsolved. Therefore the sound premise is not the impact of international conflicts cn the United Nations but rather the need to settle such conflicts using the machinery in an effective way. The settlement of these conflicts would absolve the United Nations of blame. We must deal with the Arab-Israeli conflict and the situations in southern Africa, Kampuchea, Lebanon and Central America as threats to international Peace and security which sap the resources of the peoples of those regions, rather than treat them as mere items on the United Nations agenda. The situation in the Middle East was dealt with in 1967 by a single resolution, namely, Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which Israel has refused to implement to this day. The United Nations has been unable to fOKCe Israel to comply with that resolution, In fact, Israel has escalated its practices and consolidated its occupation, thus forcing the United Nations to keep on reaffirming its resolutions. The United Nations crisis is part of a world crisis, which is a reflection rather than a cause of the worsening situation of international peace and security. Therefore, the way to start dealing with the United Nations crisis is t0 implement United Nations resolutions, not to rob them of all force and vigour. The usefulness and efficiency of the United Nations as a framework for co-operation among States was demonstrated once again when, in spite of the financial crisis imposed on it, it was able to organize the special session on the critical economic situation in Africa. That session was testimony to the need for collective action and multilateral Co-operation. It also showed the importance and effectiveness of multilateral action when the will is there. We see in that a Kay of hope that progress can be made towards a collective solution to the economic and political problems in other regions of the world. The United Nations can contribute to the settlement of explosive regional conflicts in the Middle East, southern Africa, Cyprus, Afghanistan and other areas. The Secretaq+eneral is making strenuous and sincere efforts to that end. We support his efforts and call upon others to support and respond positively to them. The United Nations machinery can also be activated to deal with the question of disarmament and the control of nuclear weapons. (Mr, Nasr i, Jordan) The eighth summit conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries held at Harare has recently dealt with these questions. The countries of the third world emphasized the importance of enhancing the role of the united Nations and the need to tackle the problems that face us in a spirit of co-operation, trust, realism and frankness. While we continue to believe in the vital need for the existence of the United Nations, we feel, unfortunately, that there is a campaign being waged against this Organization. Although I do not want to go into the details of this campaign, I feel it is essentially unjust and prejudiced. The United Nations can he as strong and effective or as marginal and unimportant as we, the Member States, want it to be. I believe that one of the reasons for its weakness is to be found in the selectivity practised and the double standards observed by some in applying the principles of the Charter , in particular those calling for self-determination, non-use of force in international relations and the peaceful settlement of disputes. With regard to the financial crisis facing the United Nations, I feel that we Can work together to find appropriate and practical solutions, We can be guided by the views Suggested so far and by the outcome of our deliberations and ConSUltatiOnS in this regard. I believe, however, that our aim in solving this current financial crisis, which we do not underestimate, should be to strengthen the role and effectiveness of the Organization rather than cast doubt on it or weaken it. For if it were to disappear, an international situation would arise in which force will take precedence over law. In the context of our commitment to the United Nations and our belief in its importance and effectiveness, we consider it necessary to provide it with adequate means to fulfil its role with regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict. So far, its role has largely been confined to that of an observer or of a non-active participant. The outcome of the struggle between right and might has been the (Mr. Masri, Jordan) freezing of the United Nations role with regard to the Arab-Israeli conflict. In a situation in which the majority would not agree to set aside the principles of the Charter which reject aggression and domination while the minority refuses to permit the application of the provisions of the Charter against the aggressor. Therefore, the role of the international Organization has been confined to affirming the principles without being able to take any practical action in this conflict. There are those who benefit from this state of no-peace, no-war. Therein prevails a situation where the only winners have been those who refuse to give up anything and who would not accept less than everything. The only loser has been the Palestinian Arab people, who continue to languish under occupation. In this situation, where occupation is being consolidated, and the historical and inalienable rights of the Arab people have remained confined to theoretical reaffirmation, we in Jordan decided to do our utmost to change the situation So that the Arab rights in Palestine may be translated into practical reality, and the principles and resolutions of the United Nations condemning aggression, prohibiting foreign occupation and calling for self-determination may be translated into direct political action, through the formulation of practical solutions to the Palestine problem and the Arab-Israeli conflict. We have always been convinced that the mere affirmation of principles, the taking of postures and the issuance of declarations without practical efforts towards the achievement of what we aspire to often constitute a course of action that is no less dangerous than the outright occupation, There has developed a r@3iOnal situation characterized by demographic and geographical changes in the occupied Arab territories ; a state of international laxity and a feeling of inability to take any serious action against the creeping annexation of occupied Arab territories. This has been accompanied by a state of international polarization and rivalry between the super-Powers to control the region's destiny (Mr. Masri, Jordan) and resources. The situation of the Palestinian Arab people, languishing under occupation, has worsened to an unprecedented degree that gives rise to grave concern. Par all these important considerations concerning the future of the Palestinian Arab people and the preservation of their national identity and of the Arab and Islamic rights in Palestine, Jordan has worked for a comprehensive, just and durable peace settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict, including the Palestine westion, which is the core of the conflict, through an international conference attended by all parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Such a conference should be held under the auspices of the united Nations on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). We feel that convening such a conference would provide the appropriate framework for negotiation on the basis of international law and the principles of the Charter. We consider that it would be a forum that could not be exploited as an arena either for debate or for polemics. It would rather be a Solemn international framework for responsible negotiation and effective action to reach the desired settlement, one in which the parties would be held responsible for their actions before the whole world, and subjected to the scrutiny of the international community. We feel that the outcome of such a settlement should ensure Israeli withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, guarantee the historic and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people in their ancestral homeland, and guarantee the right of all States and peoples of the region, including Israel, to live in security and peace within internationally recognized boundaries. Our position has a firm foundation. First and foremost there is our belief in the inevitability of peace , and our national commitment to the Palestinian people, with whom we are linked through a common historical background and the bonds *f a common aim and destiny. In view of this special and distinctive relationship, we are the first to realire the true and sincere desire of the Palestinian People, languishing under occupation, to achieve a. just and honourable peace. We therefore oppose the attempts that are being made to confine them to a cycle Of violence, rejection and extremism whereby their enemies, that is the enemies of the Palestinian people, may be able to exclude and ignore them, and, even worse, to trample upon their rights under the pretext of combating violence and terrorism, That is why we have worked, together with our Palestinian brethren, towards the impl.ementation of the Arab peace plan, which enjoys the support of an overwhelming majority, by creating practical machinery for the implementation of this plan. To this end, we signed an agreement with the Palestine Liberation Organization on 11 February 1985, the bases and principles of which continue to constitute the starting-point of our orientation in relation to the Palestine question. It essentially guarantees the participation of the Palestine Liberation Organisation, the legitimate and sole representative of the Palestinian people, in peace-making and peace-keeping. If our efforts have met with obstacles placed by somet this should not provide an excuse for the international community to shirk its historical responsibility towards the Palestinian people and the achievement of peace. We should not allow Israel to use this as a pretext to deny the Palestinian People their legitimate rights and continue its policy of keeping the land, and hence impose, if possible, its version of peace t armed with unlimited political, military and economic support from the united States. The United Nations took on a special responsibility for the Palestine question when in 1947 it adopted the resolution to partition Palestine. The problem became even worse when the international Grganization found itself unable to implement its 1948 resolution on the right of the Palestinian refugees to repatriation or compensation. It again found itself powerless when Israel occupied all of the Palestinian territory in 1967. It was unable to implement a comprehensive peace Settlement based on the principle of non-admissibility of the acquisition of territory by force and to achieve peace in return for withdrawal. We cannot disregard the responsibility of the five permanent members of the Security Council in regard to this problem and the Arab-Israeli conflict which it caused. In 1947 the views of those States converged on partitioning Palestine - despite rivalries and struggles between them. In 1967 their views again converged on a fundamental concept - the concept of territory for peace - upon which to build a just and comprehensive peace, based on the principle of the non-admissibility of the acquisition of territory by war. That was the principle at the basis of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) - reaffirmed by Security Council resolution 338 (1973), which called for the implementation of resolution 242 (1967) by negotiations between the parties under appropriate auspices. The appropriate framework is provided by the General Assembly, the highest international authority, in which all the peoples of the world are represented and which is supported by everyone. This is reflected in the call for the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East. We hope that the Security Council will support that call before it is too late, so that all the Parties concerned may negotiate for peace. All those who oppose the convening of the international conference must understand that by their opposition they are Only prolonging the Arab-Israeli conflict and, consequently, the suffering and anguish Of the peoples of the Middle East, a nd are exposing the whole region to instability, (Mr. Masri, Jordan) The emergence of some response on the part of those who have taken positions in opposition to the convening of the conference confirms the fact that the position we took from the beginning is the right one and that the international cOnferenc% as proposed, remains the ideal way to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive settlement of the Palestine question and the Arab-Israeli conflict. We in Jordan have never hesitated to condemn and denounce terrorism, regardless of its source or nature. We do not agree that attacks against the lives of innocent people in places of worship or while they are travelling can be condoned as being in accordance with international principles or civilized human behaviour. We do, however, draw a distinction between such shameful acts and the legitimate national struggle waged by oppressed and colonized peoples and their liberation movements; the latter are approved by the principles of international law and in United Nations resolutions. On the other hand, we feel that attempting to place the stress on terrorist acts, which have recently escalated, instead of working to put an end to the Israeli occupation of Arab territory and achieving peace, can only contribute to increasing the tension already prevalent in the region. The attempt to reduce the Arab-Israeli conflict - with the aggression and occupation of Arab territory that it involves - to a mere problem of international terrorism can logically have Only one result: Creating new justification for more violence and more terrorism. One of the results of such a trend on the part of some quarters is that terrorism has become an aspect of the absence of peace and the continuation of the current deadlock; and some wish to use this as a pretext for ruling out a political settlement and dissociating themselves from attempts to achieve peace. That can only provide extremist and rejectionist parties with an excuse to exploit situations and encourage terrorism to serve their own schemes. In the Arab Gulf area, the Iraq-Iran war has entered its seventh year, and we still witness international impotence and indifference in regard to Iran’s intransigence and obduracy. In spite of the unanimous recognition of the necessity t0 Put an end to that war, the realization that it is futile and that there can be n0 justification for continuing it, and the possibility that it will spread, Iran Continues to reject all appeals for the cessation of this devastating war. Iran has lately coupled its rejectian of the various appeals for peace with a dangerous escalation of the war. In contrast to this, Iraq has made a positive response to all the peace initiatives aimed at ending the war. The president of Iraq, Mr. Saddam Hussein, put forward in August 1986 constructive proposals for ending the war with Iran. In welcoming this move towards peace by Iraq - which is extending its hand to peace from a Position of strength - we call upon fran to reciprocate by making a Similar Positive move in order that an honourable and just Solution acceptable to both parties may be achieved , a solution which would spare the two countries and their Peoples further killing, destruction and depletion of resources, The continuation of that war not only constitutes a danger to the welfare and Safety 0f the Iraqi and Iranian peoples, but also threatens regional and international security. Furthermore, it constitutes defiance of the United Nations and contributes to weakening it. In that regard, we must condemn all attempts designed to prolong and fuel this war, in particular by supporting and backing the intransigent party that refuses to end it. In sister Lebanon, the plight of the Lebanese people has lasted for over 10 years. It has been worsened by Israel’s expansionist policy and its repeated acts of aggression - in particular, its illegal presence in southern Lebanon, which threatens Lebanon’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Israel is Using the area as a stepping stone for continued interference in the internal affairs of Lebanon and the whole region. We hope that Lebanon will be able very soon to restore its sovereignty and independence as a result of the complete withdrawal from Lebanese territory of all Israeli forces, thereby making it possible for the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) to discharge its mandate under Security Council resolution 425 (1978). Our concern with the deteriorating situation in the Middle East in no way prevents us from paying attention to the deteriorating situations in other regions of the world, be they in Africa, Central America, Asia or the Mediterranean. We stand firmly at the side of our brothers in the African continent against the racist and colanialist policies of South Africa, manifested in the apartheid regime and the occupation of Namibia. We oppose such policies firmly and strongly and support all the measures recommended and adopted by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the United Nations to put an end to the obnoxious apartheid rigime in South Africa and to achieve independence for Namibia in accordance with the united Nations plan on this subject. We are also in favour of supporting the African front-line States materially and politically in their confrontation with the expansionist policy of South Africa. (Mr. Masri, Jordan) We also support the efforts of the Contadora Group to bring to an end the conflict and tension in Central America, so that the peoples and States of the region may devote themselves to the economic and social development of which they are in dire need. The principles which govern Jordan’s foreign policy of support for the right of Peoples to self -determination , resistance to foreign occupation, rejection of the use Of force in international conflicts, and adherence to the peaceful settlement of disputes , are the constants of our position towards all urgent regional conflicts, in Kampuchea, Afghanistan and elsewhere. From this standpoint, we welcome the efforts of the two Koreas towards the reunification of their territory by peaceful means and dialogue, in accordance with the three principles enunciated in the joint communique’ of the F&public of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, dated 4 July 1973. We wel.oome their join ing the in terna tional communi ty . We also support the efforts Of the Secretary-General to solve the question of Cyprus. With regard to the situation in Afghanistan, we hope that the efforts Of the Secretary-General, which are aimed at achieving a speedy settlement of the problem, Will succeed and ensure the withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghan territory, the return of Afghan refugees and emigrants, and the safeguarding of the independence and territorial integrity of this friendly country. Finally, in this complex and unstable international situation characterized by fluctuations in the relations between the super-Powers, oscillating between from de’tente and cold war, with the consequent potential for a world confrontation that would threaten all mankind, in addition to a weakening of bel.ief in the pr inciPle of multilateralism, and the danger this engenders for the future of the United IUa tions, which personifies the hope of mankind for a more secure life free from want and poverty. In view of the worsening of the world economic situation and the tense regional situation in the Middle East - where there is such a bleak international and regional climate that dangerous phenomena are emerging, such as the attempts of the forces of extremism and aggression to dominate the area and the efforts of some to live at the expense of others, rather than coexist with them - in view of all this, Jordan maintains its balanced action and objective and creative thinking, advocating coexistence with all, rather than some living at th@ expense of others. It is determined to make its voice heard and to listen to others, whether friend or foe, and in the face of all adversities is reaw to accept sacrifices in the service of its principles and consistent position. We do so, armed with a balanced, moderate and objective vision regarding the problems that face us in our region and in the world at large. We work hand in hand with the forces of good, in solidarity with the champions of peace and united with our Palestinian brothers and family to whom we are linked by a distinctive historical relationship. This is the message of Jordan. I place it before the Assembly, the representatives of the world Is States and peoples. It is a message of a pea= ful PaliCY based on right and justice and the desire to live and let live. It is a peaceful balanced initiative that should be lasting to achieve peace in a country where it has been absent and render justice to a people to whi& it has been denied for several decades, namely, the Palestinian people , and eliminate the challenge posed to a nation that will not allow itself to be treated unjustly or treat others unjustly, namely, the Arab nation. Peace and security for all, not Peace and security for some at the expense of others. Mr. MIJ~DEzNN (Bulgaria) (interpretation from Russian): Allow me first, Sir, to congratulate you cm your electicm to the high post of President of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. We are convinced that under your able guidance the session will adopt important decisions aimed at strengthening peace and secur itY for the well-being of all countries and peoples, We 1 ive in a complex, acntradictory, and at the same time, interdependent war Id. It is faced with many difficult problems, but the most important is indisputably the survival of the. human race and the prevention of a suicidal nuclear war. The world situation remains alarming. The arms race is running at an accelerated Pace. Vast reservoirs of distrust and prejudice have been stored uP in r ela tions among States, in anachronistic approach, based on reliance upon military force as the main instrument for solving world problems, is still having a ruinous effect on the international climate. Today, mankind is going through a critical moment of its history. Never before has it been so acutely confrarted by the dilemma of choosing to enbark upon the salutary road of eliminating nuclear weapons, of disarmament and resolving pressing world problems, or to become a hostage and possible victim of the nuclear elements which it has itself unleashed. As was recently stated by the General Secretary of the Central Conunittee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and President of the Council of State of the People Is wplblic Of Bulgaria, ‘Ibdor Zhivkavr “Nuclear catastrophe is a universal threat. Its prevention calls for the collective efforts of all Governments, States, parliaments, peoples, political parties, mass movements of peaoe activists, anti-missile movements, scientists and all people on earth, irrespective of class, national, ideological or religious differences.” There is only one way in which mankind can confidently enter the twenty-first (Mr. Mladenav, Bulgar ia) century and aat is through a policy of peaceful coexistence, codperation and dialogue among all States. That is the road leading to the future- In the modern nuclear and space age, me can no longer rely in force and on the maxim “might is right” to resolve the different problems in the international arena , nor to ensure the security of anyone. The desire to aoquire military superioritY, ooupled with expansionist arabiticns, accompanied by violations of the elementary rules of civilized relations , are in botal ccntradiction with present-day realities. The existence of previously unheard-of means Of destruction, capable of destroying every living thing, has put the problems of peace and war, strategy and politics in a different perspective. These realities require new political thinking and a decisive break from many stereotypes which have determined, and which still determine the positions of certain political circles on these issues. Objective analysis shows that in our time lzhe security of any State cannot be ensured by military-technical means alone. The problem of security has taken on a universal cfiaracter and a oonWehensive political meaning, uniting the various military, economic and humanitarian aspects into a single whole. Peace is indivisible, This truth is valid now as never before. There can be no mxur ity for some which would endanger others. In other words, the safeguarding of naticnal security requires that a re1iab1e system of comprehensive international securiw be established. (Mr. Mladanw, Bulgaria) This position of principle underlies the proposal of the socialist countriesr including the People’s Republic of Bulgaria, to have the forty-first sessian of the General AsseaMy of the United Nations consider the question of establishing a Comprehensive system of international peace and security. In putting forth this proposal, we do not proceed from abstract and Utopian ideas, but from a clear understanding of the imperatives at this juncture of politics and history. In order to guarantee international peace and security I urgent and purposeful actions are needed to curb the arms race, to reduce the military arsenals and to achieve real disarmament. It is imperative to eliminate tbe existing hotbeds of tension in various parts of the world and not to allow new ones to flare up. It is also necessary to restructure the whole system of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis, to overcome the backwardness of developing countries and to halt their economic exploitation. A comprehensive system of international security includes, as an integral part, active oo-operation in humanitarian matters in order to ensure full enjoyment of human rights, above all the right to life and the right to peace# with respect for tie sovereignty of States. The adoption by the world Organ iza tion of an authoritative document containing the fundamental principles of such a system whi& would serve as a guidepost in securing the requisite material, political, legal, moral, psychological and other guarantees of security, is the order of the day. AS has already been said, disarmament is the corner-stone of such a system* FOl: every sober-minded per scn it is perfectly clear that the lessening of the danger of war depends precisely on the state of affairs in that area. Demonstrating high political responsibility, the socialist countries have during the last year alone put forward a whole set of well-founded ideas for reducing military confrontation. In this connection, we should particularly point out the (Mr . Mladenov, Bulgar ia) SCX+Z, viability and boldness of the programme for the total elimination of nuclear arms and other weapons of mass destruction by the year 2000 as set forth by Mikhail s. Gorbachev on 15 January 1986. The Soviet Union has submitted a nuder of concrete and constructive proposals to help reach agreements in the talks on strategic arms and on medium-range missiles. I Wuld also like to note the importance of the initiative on es tab1 ish ing “s tar peace ” in cmtrast tx3 “star wars” and on turning outer Space into an arena of Peaceful and fruitful co-operation among States. The socialist countries have elaborated and proposed a canprehensive plan for the reduction Of Conventional weapons from the Atlantic to the Urals. IWay the question of ending nuclear-weapon tests has indeed become the Sole criterion determining the position States take on the most urgent issue - averting the threat of a nuclear ccnflagration. More than a year has passed since the Soviet Unia, rejecting the traditional cancms of confrontation, took a wise and farsighted step by adopting a unilateral moratorium on nuclear tesing. The latest extension of the moratorium to 1 January 1987 is a vivid demonstration of the sincerity and seriousness of Soviet policy. This decision represents both a genuine step towards disarmament and a major and effective confidence-building measure. It provides a historic opportunity to rethink outdated concepts and to proceed in a practical fashion ti the elimination of nuclear arsenals which is so rmch talked about and demanded by all Peoples of the world. mw, OBVIOUSLY, the Problem of verification should no longer Pose any obstacles to this aim. The peace proposals of the socialist countries contribute to improving *e internatimal climate and to achieving a breakthrough for the purpose of banning war from the life of present and succeeding gener&tions. They are in accord With the interests of all mankind, with the aspirations of Peoples throughout the world (Mr. Mladenov, Bulgaria) and with the officially expressed positions of dozens of countries in support of a world free of armaments and wars. The international situation remains mmpl icated and tense. Our assessment, however, would be inaccurate if we were to see only dark colours. The awareness of the common interests of the vast majority of States on the planet is emerging ever more clearly as the dominant factor in the dynamic interaction of tendencies in the world arena.. On this basis, a broad international onnsensus is taking shape on the Vi tally important problems of peace and war , security and disarmament. Peoples have begun to talk with each other on these problems in one and the same language without the need of an interpreter. A major contribution to the struggle to maintain peaoe is also being made by the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, In Harare, at its recently concluded Conference, the Movement called for common sense and political realism and for the urgent taking of cancrete measures to improve the present situation. We endorse the proposal that the Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement should participate in one form or another in the work of the Security Council. We also highly value the efforts made by the Heads of State of the Six aimed at the immediate cessation of the arms race in its most dangerous and ruinous forms* The 8uccass Of the Stockholm Conference is an example of the triumph of realism and of a sense of responsibility. The reaffirmation of the obligation of States not t0 use force against one another and the adoption of a wide spectrum of mutually complementary confidence-building and security measures has undoubtedly strengthened the foundations laid at Helsinki on which the cornnon edifice of de’tente is built. We would like to expect such results from the forthcoming meeting in Vienna as well. Also on the agenda is the reaching of agreement on banning chemical weapons. (Mr. Mladenov, Bu lgar ia) Peoples have also placed great hopes in the Soviet-American dia1ogue* The internatimal comunity was very pleased to learn of the forthcoming meeting in &yk javik. This is only natural and understandable l we are talking about those States that are most powerful in military and economic matters, and it is on *em, first and foremost, *at the curbing of the arms race and the prevention of a third world war depend. Together with other peace-lcroing countries, we also expect mucfi from Me Smiet-American ccneacts at the summit level. They could reach key agreements having a long-term positive impact in all areas of world politics l Good will and a sober view, freed from the dogmas of militarist thinking, would be sufficient for this to come about. On the whole, the current state of international affairs provides most serious grounds for concern as well as for optimism. The world has begun to think in simple and normal human terms about break ing out of the nuclear deadlock. The Priority which w country attaches to disarmament in no way diminishes for us the importance of resolving the conflicts in various regions of the world. We proceed from the understanding that today issues of international security are inseparable from the peaceful and just settlement of various conflicts which inflict death and suffering an many peoples and which could easily escalate into a glcbal ccnfrcntaticn. In this mnneCtia# We Welam the proposal for convening an international conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the mibd -t-ions. As a first step in *at direction, Bulgaria supper ts, in par tialar , the idea of setting up a preparatory committee within the framework of the Security council. (Mr. Mladenov, Bulgar ia) The establishment of’a just and lasting peace categorically requires the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories occupied since 1967, the exercise by the Arab People of Palestine of its inalienable and legitimate rights, including the right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State; it requires also the ensuring of the right of all States of the region to exist in conditions Of peace and security. The problem of Cyprus also remains unresolved. In the interests of the people Of Cyprus and of international security that hotbed of tension in the Mediterranean must as a matter of urgency be eliminated. We supper t the idea of convening an international conference to try to reach a viable and enduring settlement Of the gUeStion of Cyprus, one that would ensure the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of the &public of Cyprus as a non-aligned State *n whose territiry there would be no foreign troops and no military bases. The situation in Central America and the Caribbean basin is also a source of 9rea t concern to US. A powerful imperialist State brutally threatens Cuba, PerS ists in its aggressive action against the derrpcratic gains of the Nicaraguan people and flouts the decisions of the International Court of Justice. The People’s Republic of Bulgaria is in full solidarity with Nicaragua in its heroic struggle to safeguard its freedom and sovereignty, and welcomes its readiness to sign a regional peace treaty. we support the efforts of the C6ntadora Group and of the Lima Group for a political settlement of the situation without outside interference. It is high time the international community took immediate and effective measures to pit an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia and to grant independence to its people , in compliance with Security Council resolution 435 (19781, as was also demanded by the General Assembly at its recently concluded (Mr. Mladenov, Bulgaria) special session on this auestion. Together with the overwhelming majority of Member States, we categorically condemn the criminal system of apartheid in south Africa and South Africa’s acts of aggression against neighbouring countries, as well as the support rendered it by its well-known protectors. Comprehensive mandatory sanctions must be imposed on Pretoria as soon as possible, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations , and an end must be put to that shameful phenomenon. The People’s Republic of Bulgaria also calls for an end to the destructive war between Iran and Iraa and for a peaceful settlement of the issues in dispute. My country supports the proposals of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea for the withdrawal of foreign troops from the southern part of the peninsula and for its transformation into a nuclear--weapon-free zone for the peaceful and democratic unification of the country. Conditions also exist for a political solution to the problems relating to Afghanistan and Kampuchea. such a solution depends entirely on those who have created the tensions around those two countries and are continuing to aggravate them. Regional initiatives and the elaboration of confidence-building measures among States to secure the inviolability of their borders have a considerable potential for strengthening international security. As already mentioned, extensive positive experience in this respect has already been gained in Europe. The necessary conditions exist for the initiation of a similar process in other parts of the world also. In this connection we see merit in the proposal to include the region of Asia and the Pacific in the efforts to establish a comprehensive system of international security, the implementation of which would decisively facilitate the overall normalization of the world situation. There is need for close co-operation ammg states in many other areas as well. 1 muld mention one, namely, the fight against terrorism. The black hand of terrorism reaches out into the lives of innocent people and breeds an atmosphere of fear, mistrust and tensiar. The People's Republic of Bulgaria resolutely condemns and repldiates the hijacking of aircraft, the taking of hostages, assassinations, and accordingly the mass and arbitrary acts of repression that are sought to be justified in their name, all bearing the mark of obscurantism and inhumanity. fn many cases, acts of terrorism are the result of such no less outrageous phenomena as occul?atiCn, annexation, foreign domination and other forms of violence- Terrorism could be wiped out completely through a resolute struggle against its manifestations and through elimination of its socio-political causes. me of the important problems under consideratiar by this world Organization is the role Of the InaS infOrtI&atiOn media in the present-day world. That pcrwerful instrument of Civilization must be placed in the service of pea-, co-Operation and Progress- The various and canplex prr&lem facing mankind require collective, concerted action On the Part of all States, large and small alike. The United Nations, as the most authoritative and in essence universal international Organization, iS the sole forum where all world problems are being addressed in the search for CoIIUIDn approaches to their solution. The overwhelming majority of Member States sincerely support the United Ma tions and seek to enhance its effectiveness, The People’s Republic of Bulgaria fully shares that position. we are, haJever, croncerned at the attempts Of certain Member States to impae on the organization methods of work and aims that are incompatible with its Charter and to create difficulties that would impede the normal and undisturbed activities of Member States. mday we are all responsible for keeping alive and Consolidating trust in the United Nations, which like a 1iVing organism develops and breathes in a changing political climate. The great (Mr. Mladenov , Bu lgar ia) demands of the present time require that the United Nations find a proper course of action in the complicated situation that ncu exists and affirm itself as a mainstay of peace and security. We would like to avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our profound respect to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and to reaffirm our support for his tireless efforts in this area. As a Balkan State, the People’s Bepublic of Bulgaria devotes particular attention to its relations with the other countries in that part of the world, We are pleased to note that, on the whole, our relations are developing well and in a stable way and are steadily improving. At the same time we must note that attempts have recently been made to undermine confidence and engender tensions in our peninsula. As far as we are cOncerned, we are opposed to such tendencies and have consistently been exerting efforts to further co-operaticn in various fields where there are long-term common interests. Bulgaria is continuing its efforts to transform the Balkans into a zcne free of nuclear and chemical weapons. We reaffirm our proposal for the ConClusionr with all Balkan countries, of bilateral agreements which would include a code of good-neighbourly relations. Quite recently my country signed an important bilateral document embodying the lofty principles and ideals set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and in the pan-European process. We have also put forth an initiative for the elaboration and adoption by the Balkan States of a treaty ar protection of the environment of our peninsula and for the drafting of a joint appeal on that issue to all the countries and peoples of Europe. The People’s Republic of Bulgaria is doing all in its power to implement the ideals Of international peace and security. The Thirteenth Congress of the Bulgarian Communist Party, held earlier this year, charted the basic directions of our foreign policy. We are seeking political dialogue , and mutually advantageous and editable co-Opera ticn , with all those who desire it, and are fighting steadily for the elimination of vestiges of colonialism, fighting against neo-colonialism, racism and apartheid, fighting for respect for human rights, and above all. the right to life in conditions of peace and freedom. We are active participants in the work of the world Crganization and other international forums, and we mntributi to the settlement of regional conflicts and help to resolve pressing global pr 0blems. That is how we see our role in building that just and harmonious world without Wart3 which all nations wish to see. Mr. HAYDEN (Australia): My country, Australia, is delighted to see you, the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, presiding wer the forty-first session Of the General Assembly. Coming from a major third-world country, you will bring special sensitivity to so many of the problems with which we Shall be concerned during this session. 1 *Ould also like to express Australia’s sincere appreciation to your predecessor, the former Permanent Bpresenta tive of Spain, for his skill in presiding so effectively Over the fortieth session of the General Assembly. Australia has historical reasons to be conscious of the United Nations, of the grave responsibilities that it bears and the great hopes invested in it. Our nation was the first to have a permanent mission accredited to the united Nations in New York. An Australian was the first President of the Security Council. A predecessor of mine, as Minister for Foreign Affairs of Australia, was President Of (Mr. Hayden, Australia) the Assembly in its third turbulent year. In this forty-first year of the united Nations Australia is reaching the end ok its fourth term On the Security Council, It has been a period of high significance, both to the cause of global security and to the effectiveness of the Council itself. There is another good reason why Australians have been more acutely aware than usual of these developments : 1986 is the International Year of Peace, and Australia has invested great resources into making it more than just a rhetorical event. The concept of peace - what it actually is, what obstacles stand in its way, what its maintenance asks of individual citizens - has been very much on our minds in the course of this year. Australians have reacted to the idea of the Year Of Peace in an extraordinarily energetic and comnitted way, and at all levels in our community, from the most junior of school-children to the highest levels of government. It is not hard to think of reasons for this degree of interest. Australia is in an area of the world which seems to be growing more attractive in the ~nfiguraticms of great-Power interests and forces. It is in an area whit% has known great stress from colonization and the winning of independence. It is in an area which has been - for whatever reason - a major killing field over the past 40 years or so. It is true that Australians have been protected more than most from the worst effects of all this, but they have not been hidden from it. Anxiety about the threat - and even conviction about the inevitability - of nuclear war has been found to be widespread, especially among young people in Australia, as in other parts of the world, This is a terrible her itage to hand on. The early reality of people my age was economic insecuriw, if not deprivation. That was bad enough- (Mr. Hayden, Aus tr alia) The experience of young people these days is worse: of terrorism and assass ination brought into their homes by televi.siar , children starving to death, nuclear explosion and threat. No wonder so many young people are found to be so Cynical and pessimistic. They appreciate that - such is the state of the art of war - it needs only the tiniest miscalculation or mistake to set off events that can transform all life into instant archaeology. They fear the consequences when distant, arcane and often seemingly trivial disagreement is taken up and used in the kind of ideological, , nationalist or economic competitiveness that has set off two world wars so far this century. Australians, like other normal people, yearn for an end to this insecurity. Their Government believes that the multilateral process, and this Organisation Particularly, offer the most effective ways to deal with the tensions and problems that disturb world peace. This forty-first session of the General AssetilY in the International Year of Peace is an opportune moment to measure the durability of those tensions, and the problems and the efficacy of the multilateral WaY of Sdv ing them. The most obviously urgent of these tensions is the instability caused by nuclear weapons. we are on the threshold of developments that could so change the nature of the strategic relationship that it could be many unstable years before the super-Powers are sufficiently confident Once more to engage in productive negotiations. The Australian Government be1 ieves that it would be highly dangerous to stutile - as we r isk doing - into the ccanpetitive development of ballistic missile defences and an arms race in space. The discussions last November between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev gave significant impetus to *" arms-control process: for instance, the agreement to accelerate negotiations and the call for early progress on matters where there was common ground, such as the principle of reductions in the nuclear arms of the United States and the USSR - appropr iably measured - and the idea of an interim intermediate-range nuclear force agreement. mth super-Powers have now put forward a number of detailed proposals for reductions in their nuclear arsenals. Recent meetings have taken place between united States and Soviet arms-control experts. Now we have the welcome announcement that President EPeagan and General Secretary Gorbachev will meet in Iceland next week. The Australian Government hopes that these developments will pave the way for substantial negotiations and early agreement on deep reductions in offensive nuclear forces. We hope for agreement on practical arrangements and understandings on the issue of strategic defence and the future of the anti-ballistic missile Treaty. We hope that both sides can naw show willingness on the issue of a canprehensive test-ban treaty, which the Australian Government considers a most urgent practical step on the road to nuclear arms control. It is in this context of multilateral action and agreement an forms of arms control that I draw attention b the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty, which the Australian Government supports as a significant step against the proliferation of nuclear weapons. Australia also wishes to draw attention to the disarmament provisicns of the Antarctic Treaty , which has provided the effective manner in which Antarctica has been managed in support of the principles and purposes of the united Nations Char ter . We re-emphasize our commitment to the existing system for the management of AntarCtiCa and, accordingly, we disagree on this matter with my good friend the Prime Minister of Malaysia. Australia was disappointed that the fortieth session Of the General Assembly broke with the ttadi ticn of consensus on this issue. This was not due to the Consultative Parties , and we hope that that tradition can be restored at this forty-first session. The fact and the implications of nuclear arms understandably overshadow the issue of the trade in axventional arms. In the Australian Government’s view, they should not be allowed to do so. Right now conventional weapons are being used to kill people in northern and southern Africa, Afghanistan, Central America and Cambodia. It is a shameful fact that respectable Metiers of this Organisation are providing the weapons with which Iranians and Iraqi@ are killing each other, The Australian Government believes that countries contributing to such tragedies should be held accountable for doing so, as with pollution which crosses national borders. Members of the United Nations should agree not to export &fence materials to nations engaged in military conflict or where the potential for conflict is high, or where it is likely to be used to suppress human rights. As a first step and at the very least, all States should release more information on their conventional arsenals and transfers, and subscribe to the Secretary-General’s standardized reporting instrument on military expenditures so that a more accurate picture of the problem can be built up. More than 80 per cent of the world’s military expenditure - estimated at more than SW 900 billion a year and rising - goes on conventional weapons. outlays on conventional arms by developing countries are estimated as being roughly equal to the development assistance they get from developed countries. Brandt, Palme, the Panel of Eminent Personalities, the Secretary-General: these are among a long list of authorities who have described the cdll tradiction between the demands of militarizaticn and the demands of development; that is, the waste of scarce human, capital and material resources on the arms race. Dwight Eisenhower was a leader in war and in recovery from war. He had good teascm as President of the United States to warn that “every gun that is made, every Warship launched, every rocket fired, signifies in the final sense a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed. The world is not spending money alone. It is spending the sweat of its laborers, the genius of its scientists, the hopes of its children. * Thirty years later, the Thorssen report on the relationship between disarmament and develoErnent still saw the need to point out that the world can choose to pursue 9.. * either the arms race or a more stable social and economic order. It cannot do both. The logic cannot be challenged. Poverty, hunger and disease are major causes of social and political instability. They cannot be tackled effectively when scarce resources are being used for armaments. Ex'perience shms that unrest leads to government repression in so many countries, leading to the spread of SUthor itar ian ism. It is no wonder that, in so many countries, democracy has come to be seen as a luxury, the dessert course of economically sound societies, If military spending is such an obviously important ingredient in the eCOnOmiC Problems of developing countries , reduction in military spending is an obviously important ingredient in solutions to those problems. As it is, developing countries particularly face grave economic difficulties from the plague of protectionism in world trade and the complicated and fragile iSSUe of international debt adjustment. The World Bank has estimated that farm subsidies by members of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development in 1986 will total more than $US 100 billion. This is a policy that, if permitted b continue, will lead to ruin for agriculture-based economies. This, in the main, I means the economies of developing countries, which have to make their way at a time when the internaticnal economy as a whole is undergoing difficulty, uncertainty and challenge. The Australian Government has been involved in the recent General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) discussions in Uruguay and elsewhere in the cause of fairer and freer trade. we hops that these discussions will continue so that the issues of trade subsidies, and particularly agricultural trade reform, can be dealt with on a basis which is fair and realistic. We also hope that the spirit that prevailed in Uruguay will continue to be applied to the other great problem for many developing countries: the scope and terms of their formidable debt. I should observe that the Australian Government supports the general thrust of the Baker proposals for solution of this problem. We also support the general approach of the International Monetary Fund to adjustment and conditionality, noting that it should continue to be handled with care, Democratic institutions, sometimes at delicate stages of development, should not be undermined bY the process. The economic benefits of conditionality have to be balanced against their potential for causing distress and dislocation. There is not a lot of profit, either for debtors or for creditors, in encouraging economic activity in nations whose export markets are closed off by trade subsidization and other protectionist policies. On both the trade reform and debt adjustment issues, the lessons of the events of 50 or 60 years ago should be ominously clear: the results when nations refuse to co-operate can be devastating. NO solutions to great ecs3nomic problems will work if they do not have the approbation and support of those who are affected by them. No order can endure unless those who are subject to it believe themselves to have a stake in it. This principle applies to other matters on the agenda of this Organization in which Australia has a special interest. It is why the Australian Government continues to condemn the occupation of Afghanistan. It is the reason for our continuing denunciation of Viet Nam's occupation of Cambodia and the atrocities committed in Cambodia by the leadership of the Khmer Rouge. Human freedoms and the agreement of the governed are at the heart of the divisions between the people of North and Sou th Korea. The United Nations once went to war over these divisions. It seems only sensible that, by admitting both North and south Korea, the United Naticns should promote the contact and dialogue that will help heal those divisions, Freedom and the agreement of the governed are highly significant factors in a matter which is of special concern to Australia and our Pacific neighbours: New Caledonia. Australia would like to see New Caledonia join the community of (Mr. Hayden, Australia) independent nations in the South Pacific as soon as it is realistically possible, with a system of multiracial independence which reoognizes the rights of the indigenous Kanak people and other long-term residents, and which maintains the support and good will of France - a point which I have made repeatedly to my good friends in the Kanak movement. Australia supports the call by South Pacific Forum COUtltrif?S for reinscribing New Caledonia on the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories , and we and our South Pacific neighbours will work to do so at this session. We believe that it will facilitate progress towards self-government and independence, through constructive dialogue with all parties involved, including the French Government, to be reviewed regular,ly by this Organization. Freedom and participation are central also in two issues which concern Australia because of their capacity to threaten international peace. I refer to the continuing and deteriorating situations in South Africa and the Middle East. The Australian Government believes that the system by which South Africa is governed represents precisely that which the United Nations was designed to oppose: institutional inequity, injustice, violence, oppression and discrimination. It is surprising, therefore, that the South African situation has not been treated in all the statements made by metiers at this session so far aS what it really is; a threat to fundamental United Nations values. The Australian Government's disgust with the system of government in South Africa and that Country's Continuing illegal occupation of Namibia is well known and needs no explanation here. We genuinely want to see apartheid eliminated quickly and peacefully before it plunges the region , and areas beyond, into wider Conflict. Australia and other Commonwealth countries have tried to persuade South Africa to set such basic reform in train, but without success. We believe that the United Nations should set up a mandatory system of concerted and coherent Sanctions which would pressure South Africa into real reform. Certainly those Metiers that cannot Or Will not adopt sanction policies should refrain or should be discouraged by this Organization from taking commercial advantage of those who can and will. Already in this debate we have heard expressions of hope that some progress might be made in 1987 towards finding a solution of the intractabLe problems of the Middle East. As a country which has drawn new settlers from diver se parts of the Middle East , which contributes to United Nations peace-keeping efforts, which in simple human terms has not failed to be touched by the plight of refugees and the results of conflict and terrorism, Australia shares this hope. Progress can be made only if compromises and accommodations can be reached which take into account the rights and aspirations of all those involved. The late President Roosevelt saw the United Rations as a replacement for exclusive alliances, spheres of influence and other failed expedients. At the time, on the one hand stood the untrammelled influence of the victorious Powers and, on the other, the dispossessed. It fell to the United Nations to try to fill the vacuum of authority between them. There are many who would say that that pattern has not changed in any substantial way. Certainly, the Australian Government sees the Organisation as the only viable alternative to the authority that prevailed previously, very often to the great detriment of huge numbers of h umank ind - the power of the prevailing empire or State. Yet, despite this, and despite the fact that the world is at a stage in its history when fewer problems can be solved by national measures alone, confidence in international organisations seems to have lessened. Reliance on unilateral action seems more attractive to some people. The Australian Government has some understanding of the impatience expressed about the United Nations and its operations. We would argue that there is room for more efficient administration of the Organization, less wasteful duplication of function and operation and a more rational decision-making process for its budget. In vim of its high mission and the poverty and exploitation against which it is struggling, it is quite wrong that the United Nations should be in any way an example of conspicuous consumption. In view of the high expectations of it in every part of the world, it would be a shame if the United Nations were to degenerate into a broadcasting agency for pointless, meaningless and ultimately useless declarations. Australia is among the vanguard of those who seek to make the Security Council more effective. It should, be allmed to act more flexibly, for instance, to play more of a mediatory or preventive role. It should be allowed t0 work more clctsely with the t&creQiry-General. I use the word "allowed" deliberately, because it is clear that the Council is inhibited by two factors: the trend that has turned it into a kind of mini-General Assembly and the failure of its permanent members always to remetier the greater responsibility that goes with their privileged position. Australia will assist the Secretary-General in his aim of making the United Nations a more effective Organization as energetically and as positively as it can. It would be quite wrong to infer from this, however, that the Australian Government has any sympathy with those who act to diminish the United Nations itself and its various organizations. The United Nations has the firm support of' the Australian Gwernment. It should not be allowed to become the scapegoat because individual Members fail to subsume their national interests. As Dag Hammarskjold once said, that is like blaming the storm on the ship. The fact is, that the United Nations is no better or worse than the countries which control its purse-strings. If Men'ber States have cause to quarrel with United Nations procedures or if large nations are frustrated because of the way small nations use the system, the solution is to stay and help the fight for sensible reform, not'to walk away from the problem. There are many thousands - even millions - of people who owe their shelter, their food, their schooling and even their survival to the organizations of the United Nations. The United Nations has achieved steady progress on a whole range of practical matters: environmental control, for instance; conditions of work; literacy; the codification of law; the orderly management of transport and communications. It has been instrumental in winning and protecting individual and national freedoms. It has helped keep the peace between nations. It has promoted in people's consciousness an awareness of the gravity and potential for destruction of the great scourges of humankind; oppression of individuals, poverty and the wastage of resources, the causes of war. It has established and defended a moral climate for the conduct of international affairs. It has become the main platform and protector - for many people, the only platform and protector - of those who feel strong as m.&bers of the international community but weak when left to operate alone. I am not so unwise as to exaggerate Australia’s influence on these matters, but I speak as the representative of a nation which feels strongly about threats to the Capacity of the United Nations to maintain and defend the rights of individuals and nations in a just and effective world order. I reiterate the pledge given by the Australian Government at the fortieth session of the General Assembly of active, committed and profound loyalty to the United Nations and its ideals. Our mvernment feels very strongly that the Organisation is in danger so long as it refuses or postpones reform, but it believes equally strongly that there is no substitute for the United Nations in a multilateral system of co-operative management of global problems and the maintenance of world peace. Mr. YE YOUNG (Burma): Allow me first to convey to you, Sir, the warm and Sincere congratulations of the delegation of Burma, and my own, on your unanimous election to the high office of President of the forty-f it st session of the General Assembly . We are particularly pleased to see you, a good friend from a friendly neighbouring country, presiding mer this session of the Assembly. Your long and distinguished career and your wide knowledge of international affairs and Of the practices of the United Nations are a guarantee to all of us that the proceedings of this session will be ccnducted efficiently and effectively towards a successful conclus ion. I wish to assure you of the full support and co-operation of the delegation of Burma. May I also express our deep appreciation and gratitude to your eminent PredeCeSSOr, Ambassador Jaime de Pinie’s, for his able guidance of the historic fortieth sessia? of the General Assembly. For the past several years the Assembly has been working under conditions of marked international tension. In our view, the world today is less secure and more precarious than the world that the framers of the Charter envisaged some 40 years a90 l We live today in a time of uncertainty , and, far from diminishing, tensions and conflicts are on the increase. Although a global war has so far been avoided, the threat of a nuclear conflagration continues to be of growing concern to all mankind. For all nations, the concept of security is a subjective matter, For a few, security is being sought through reliance on nuclear weapons, and for the majority, the essence is the defence of their sovereignty and independence, At a time of widening disparity between abundance and want, in which the international system has a diminishing capacity for just and eauitable co-operation between nations, particularly between the developed and the developing, it becomes increasingly important that the issues of peace, security, economic well-being and social justice, as well as other major issues of global concern, be dealt with effectively through co-operation within the United Nations system. Much depends upon the political will and attitude of States, particularly the more powerful ones. It is therefore clear that the national interests of individual States can best be served by meeting the wider interests of the world at large. The commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations during last Year's session of the General Assembly was an important landmark in the history of the Organizaticn. It can truly be considered as an OCCaSiOn that 9oeS beyond its symbolic significance. It provided a unique opportunity for all its members to give expression to the fact that the United Nations constitutes the best hope for mankind to live in peace and prosperity. To realize that hope it is necessary for its menbers to participate in the Uhlited Nations system with a deeper commitment to its principles. In that context, the Gecretary-General said in his concluding statement: "The Commemoration assumed the importance that it did because international relations had reached a critical stage. The time has come to reflect on where a retreat from multilateralism would lead the world.H (A/40/PV.49, p. 2) Mankind has been afflicted by wars since the dawn of history. Yet every human heart has cherished peace , and the need for peace has never been StKOngeK OK mOKe compelling than it is now. It was a most propitious omen that the General Assembly at its last sessicn proclaimed 1986 the International Year of Peace. We hope that the political momentum thus created will continue and create conditions favourable to pea- in the years ahead. The United Nations is not a government of nations, nor does it have all the answers to the ills that afflict the world today. But without doubt it can be an effective instrument in our search for solutions to the problems of the wor Id and, beyond that, in building a more peaceful and just system of relations between States . Time and again it has been said that the diminishing capacity of the United Nations to carry out the functions for which it was intended lies not in the Or9aniZatiOn itself, but in the lack of political will on the part of its Members to ensure the implementation of the provisions of the Charter. That is particularly relevant with regard to Article 2 (4) of the Charter, which prohibits the threat or the use of force and in relations between States in the interests of maintaining international peace and security , which remains an unattained goal. We find today a situation in which it is becoming increasingly difficult for smaller nations t0 place their reliance on the Charter to ensure their security. Security and survival are the foremost ccncern of our time. This has never been more keenly felt by the world, and the greatest challenge to mankind is to avert the threat of a nuclear catastrophe. The most urgent task of our time is the prevention of nuclear war. International peace and security can be ensured only by meaningful disarmament, for in the final analysis the possession and continued accumulation Of nuclear weapons leaves the door open to the risk of a global disaster. Progress in disarmament negotiations depends largely on lessening mutual distrust, and for all practical purposes the militarily significant States, particularly the two most powerful, have a special responsibility to accelerate the I I ongoing negotiations. / Meaningful efforts made recently to halt and reverse the nuclear arms race I give us a renewed sense of hope that serious initiatives have been taken to avert the dangers ar is ing from the existence of nuclear weapons, we feel that a favourable political climate conducive to better understanding would enhance the Prospects of disarmament. Hmever I we cannot fail to note the lack of consistency in the approach, where efforts made to reach agreements on disarmament are negated by an arms race conducted without r espi te , which defeats the very purpose of the negotiations. Negotiations at the bilateral level should have a positive bearing at the multilateral level, and constitute a source of encouragement to give the Political impetus that is needed for meaningful work in the multilateral context. It is rightly said that international security is the concern of all nations and peoples. Thus negotiations between the Soviet Union and the United States Cannot diminish the importance of multilateral disarmament efforts. However, we are in a situation in which multilateral disarmament negotiations are at an impasse. Though the issues of disarmament have been on the agenda of the United Nations and the Conference on Disarmament for several years, meaningful results have yet to be attained, and the underlying reason for that is the lack of political Will on the part of some Metiers. A recommitment to negotiations at the multilateral level is needed to remedy the situation. Multilateral negotiations have contributed much to the achievement of disarmament agreements in the Past. It is also important to maintain the viability and validity of the disarmament agreements reached so far, to enhance the prospects of further positive measures= The Potential threat of the extension of the arms race into outer space COnStitutes a new danger. It is inconceivable that the arms race can be halted and effective measures taken on earth unless steps can be taken, while there is still time, to prevent a new dimension of the arms race in outer space* In view of the operational capabilities that are naw being developed, it is a matter of urgent concern that only timely action can prevent the escalation of the arms race into outer space, which could intensify the arms race on earth. We feel the answer lies in the reduction of nuclear weapons on earth and the Prevention of an arms race in outet space. It does not appear feasible that the deployment of new weapons systems in outer space can remove the threat that nuclear weapons pose on earth. The situation in Kampuchea continues to be a matter of international concern, as the prolongation of the conflict has serious implications for international peace and security. It inhibits the promotion of friendly relations and co-operation between States within the region. The fundamental issue is to create conditions favourable to the exercise by the Kampuchean people of their right of self-determination. The restoration of their independence, swereignty and territorial integrity requires the withdrawal of foreign troops and non-intervention by other States in the country's internal affairs. It is undoubtedly the Kampuchean people themselves who must determine their own 'future. At the same time, the search for a meaningful solution rests On efforts by the international oonpnunity, as well as the States concerned within the region. The efforts of the Secretary-General have produced a pcsitive momentum for better understanding between the parties concerned. In the search for a peaceful solution through the process of genuine negotiation and nutual accommodation, it ia important to recall what the Secretary-General said in his 1985 report on the situation: that the problems of the region cannot be solved by military means, and that protracted confrcntation can only generate further tension and enhance the risks of escalation. (A/40/759, PO 5) In our consideration of the situation in Afghanistan, we should understand that the underlying problem concerns the fundamental principles on which relations between States must be based. The delegation of Burma endorses the support of the international community for efforts to arrive at a negotiated settlement in accordance with resolutions of the United Nations. The diplomatic process initiated by the Secretary-General is commendable, in that the stage has now been reached at which it is possible to finalize the texts to be agreed upon relating to non-interference in the affairs of States, internaticdal guarantees Of nowinterference and the voluntary return of refugees to their homeland. It is therefore necesdary to continue the process in order to reach a just and mmprehensive pclitical settlement. Resolution of the outstanding substantive issue of the withdrawal of foreign troops is essential for the achievement of such a Settlement. From the time of its inception almost the United Nations has been actively involved in the continuing search for a political solution to the problems of the Middle East. Its activities in the region have been significant. Prospects for a comprehensive solution of the Middle East issue continue to be elusive despite efforts both within and outside the United Nations. The path to peace in the Middle East lies in the willingness of all the parties concerned genuinely to a-operate in the peace process. The present situation lessens the prC6pWtS for optimism, as the current year has witnessed a mounting wave of violence in the region. The problem of Palestine is central to the Middle East problem and therefore constitutes the key to its solution. Needless to say, the principles and framework for a peaceful solution were formulated long ago and have been affirmed repeatedly by the General Assembly and the Security Council. Those principles are the withdrawal of all forces of occupation from the occupied territories in accordance with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination , independence and sovereignty and the right of all States in the region to exist within internationally recognised borders. In recent years no country in the Middle East has been more affected by war and devastation than Lebanon. Peace in Lebanon lies in respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the country. This calls for respect for the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, which would enable the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanm (DNIFIL) to carry out effectively its mandate in southern Lebanon. On the conflict between Iran and Iraq, we share the concern of the world community. Despite the efforts of the United Nations, and particularly Of the Secretary-General, the war has brought untold suffering and devastation to both sides and has serious implications for peace and stability in the region. Recourse b arms is contrary to the principles of the United Natiars Charter, and the best hope lies in both parties submitting to mediation or to any other means of peaceful settlement in accordance wit& Security Council resolution 582 (1986). The aggravation of the Situation in southern Africa continues to be of concern not Only to the African continent but also to the world at large. This is evident from the fact that the Security Council has been preoccupied with issues relating to the region on numerous occasions in the course of the present year. The complexity of the situation has three basic dimensions: first, South Africa continues relentlessly to practise the abhorrent system of apartheid; secondly, its illegal occupation of Namibia, ccntrary to the aspirations of its people and the will of the international community, continues; and, thirdly, it has further intensified a&ts of aggression against neighbouring independent States. This policy of destabilisation of its neighbours is contrary to the norms of international law and violates the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of those States. The principle of ncXki,nterVentiOn in the affairs Of other States, tiich is one of the mainstays of stable inter-State relations, has been ignored by the south African re'gime. south Africa,,by its blatant occupation of Namibia, disregards all relevant resolutions of the United Nations. xt continues to use delaying tactics to Place ~s~CleS in the way of implementation of resolutibn 435 (1!378), which constitutes the internationally acceptable basis for the independence of Namibia. The international community has found it necessary to call once again on SOUth Africa to co-operate in good faith to bring about the immediate implementation Of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. The eradication of apartheid and unconditional independence; for Namibia would create the conditions necessary for the return of peace to South Africa. (Mr, Ye Goung, Burma) The escalation of violence and force in South Africa has led to an urgent international call for the exercise of pressure through peaceful means to make the rdgime realize the futility Of its policies. The World Conference on Sanction* against Racist South Africa, held in Paris earlier this year, considered the situation in South Africa to be extremely grave. It stressed the imperative need to take all necessary action, with a sense of urgency, for the speedy abolition Of apartheid and to end the violence in South Africa, the illegal occUFation Of Namibia and acts of aggression against independent African States. With those objectives, the Conference called for a comprehensive programme of action bY *e international community and mandatory sanctions against South Africa under Chapter VII of the United Rations Charter l For four successive years the item relating to the situation in Central America has been on ,the agenda of the General Assembly. It is evident that solutions should be found within a regional framework through the Contadora peace process, since it is acceptable to all the parties involved in the search for a negotiated peace settlement. It is noteworthy that the Contadora Group has persevered in its efforts to restore peace and cooperation in Central America. The international community can contribute most positively by extending continued support and encouragement. While the world’s political situation offers little cause for optimism, the global economic scene is also quite disheartening. The world economy continues to face difficulties, &balances in the international economic situation are likely to deteriorate further, with adverse implications for the economies of developing coun tr ies . The persistence of such a situation demonstrates that the crisis is not just a temporary phenomenon but the result of long-rooted imbalances in the international economic structure. The per=ption that expansion of production in the industrialized countries will autornatially lead to growth in developing countries now seems to have faded. The developing countr ies in general continue to face set ious balance-of-payments problems and are unable to stimulate economic development through the medium of domestic policies. They are adversely affected by deteriorating terms of trade, debt problem and falling commodity prices, all of which hamper their prospects of growth and aggravate their indebtedness. The developing countries are aware of the need to reactivate growth through domeStic Policies and coherent international economic co-operation in the areas Of money, finance, trade and debt. An overall improvement in the situation would come about through sustained expansion of world economic activity, improvement in the terms of trade of developing countries, escape from high interest rates, an upswing in OXmnodity prices and reversal of the increasing trend towards restrictionism and protectionism. The international trade and payments system , with national economies weakened as they are, has very little capacity for additional strain, An examination of how it may be reordered and restructured to promote better economic performance by national economies is urgently needed. &form of the trade and payments system is unlikely, given the present arrangements for international economic discussions, which separate from one another the interrelated problems of development I *PloYment, debt and trade and payment balances, the major obstacle being that decisions on international maretary and financial systems remain the exclusive preserve of the minority rich nations. One of the immediate issues is debt, which can be satisfactorily resolved Only in the wider context of reform of the trade and payments Sptem- At the same time, the system itself will inevitably be affected and its long-term evolution heavily influenced by decisions regarding debt in the more immediate future0 (Mr. Ye Goung, Burma) The developing countries experiencing debt servicing problems have already made substantial policy efforts to reduce external deficits through cutting back imports and reducing growth. Internal adjustment programs made by debtor countries with a view to relieving the acute debt problems, and any other ad hoc measures, would not solve the problem. From this wider perspective the reordering and restructuring of the in terna tional trade and payments sys tern need to be addressed in a constructive, Co-operative and comprehensive manner. This calls for the res tructur ing of in terna tional trade, and monetary and development institutions, so that their decision-making process and functioning as a whole could become more equitable, just, and conducive to promoting development and global prosperity. It does not appear that ad hoc policies in a narrower context would solve comprehensively the problems of the developing countries or even those which enjoy substantial advantages from the existing international economic order. Finally, nray I deal with the most overriding issue before us. This session of the General Assembly will give ser ious consideration to the financial crisis which the United Nations faces. The Secretary-General, in bringing the situation to the attention of the resumed session of the General Assembly last day, said that what is at stake is the operational effectiveness of the United Nations. The cons ens US of opinion expressed by delegations during the resumed session was that, while the present crisis is one of insufficient funds, it is also one of political dimensions. From this broader perspective, while measures of a financial nature are being taken to alleviate the situation in the short term, the search for long-term solutions reWireS a comprehensive and integrated approach that needs to take the broad political perspectives into consideration. (Mr. Ye Goung, Burma) Although considerations on a more effective use of funds is an integral part of solving the crisis, it has not arisen because expenditure has exceeded the Organ iza ticn ‘6 regular budget. What is of serious concern is the deficit in cash flws, which has been felt over the years due to withholdings of assessed cantr ibutions, particularly by some of the permanent metiers of the Security Council. When unilateral decisions create huge deficits in cash flcws, the crisis assumes serious proportions; the integrity and viability of the UnFted Nations system becomes an issue when such actions antradict the obligations of membership. This session will need to find long-term solutions and to consider the re~mIMMIations by the Group-of High-Level &per ts, whOse mandate is to identify measures for improving the efficiency of administrative and financial matters of the United Natians. We believe that concerted efforts by al.1 Member States is urgently needed; only the fulfilment of each Metier 1s obligations would ensure the future of this Organization , which, despite some failings , has also achieved much. Allow me to conclude by stating that my delegation expresses the hope that’ at this Assembly, we shall help to find ways and means of overcoming the many obstacles which stand in the way of resolving the numerous problems that beset us= f n so doing we can infuse new life and vigour in the United Nations and reinvest the Charter with its full force of inspiration. Mr. BIRD (Antigua and Barbuda): IR t me begin by extending my congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. This is a crucial convocation, which is Cmfrcnted with issues never before placed before the Assembly. My sense of discomfort over our capacity to find solutions to the difficulties faced by the Organization is eased anly by the knowledge of your own capacity for Problem-solving and for bridge building. This Organization has faced many trials and survived an equal nunber of tribulations in the 41 years of its life. But I suspect that it has faced no greater test than the current financial difficulties which hamper its ability to function. No nation represented in this Assembly should allaJ the United Nations to succurib to pressures spawned by the misguided notion that this great Organization should be weakened; for the Organizaticn, and the Charter whi& governs its operation, remain as important and vital to the world today as they did on 26 June 1945, when United States President Harry Truman told the clcsing sessia of the first General Assembly in San Francisco that "the Charter of the United Nations is a solid structure upon which we can build a better world". In 1945, the world was reeling from the brutality of a war which left millions dead and many more millions with their livelihood in shreds. The devastation was all pervasive and mankind recoiled from the horror of its self-destruction. The forces of fascism and tyranny , which had unleashed a monstrous rdgime of terror, had frightened nations, large and small, into the realization that, in Truman's words, "if we had the united Nations Charter a few years ago - and above all the will to use it - millions now dead would be alive". It was against that background of massive human conflict and destruction that nations found the capacity to co-perate in the creation of the United Nations, and b~ Set out in its Charter the principles of international conduct that could lead to lasting peace and security for all.* *Mr. Moushoutas (Cyprus), Vice-President, took the Chair. In 1986, conditions are not dissimilar. TodaY I millions are still dying from human conflict and neglect. Tyranny and terrorism still stalk the glcbe, and tension and fear ccntinue to follow in their shadow. mday, however, we have the United Naticns Charter; but do we have the will to use it? To quote the words of the Secretary-General's report: will we "meet our financial obligations under the Charter"? In June 1945, President Truman said: "if we should falter in the future in Our will to use the United Nations Charter , millions now living will surely die". Those millions have died, for we have failed to use the Charter. How many more mUSt die in the Middle East, in Central America, in South Africa and in terrorist attacks, before we use the Charter? How many more mothers must die from starvation? How many more children must live a life too weak to walk, too sick to cry, too hungry to care that they die, how many more, before we use the Charter? For small nations, such as mine, this is no empty question; it is a vital issue. Our very survival depends upon respect for the Charter of the United Nations by other, more powerful States; for tomorrow we may be the victim Cf a stronger neighbour's aggression or, worse still, the casualty of someone else's war. (Mr. Bird, Antigua and Barbuda) But apart from our own self interest in promoting respect for the Charter and in maintaining the work of the United Rations, the smallness of our Size in no way diminishes the magnitude of our anxiety over the continuing conflicts in the world, nor &es it soothe the searing pain upon our consciousness when we witness the agoniz ing misery of thousands, world-wide, who suffer from malnutrition and lack of adequate medical care. In the name of those millions who died in order to bring mankind to the understanding that the United Rations is imperative; in the name of those millions, who have since died while we failed to use this Organization and its Charter to bring an end to wars, I urge this Assembly to turn away from acrimonious debate over the financial crisis in the Organisation, which would serve only to weaken the United Rations still further. I plead, in the name of my country, that we should Seek, instead, to strengthen the Organization by overcoming its current difficulties through a spirit of genuine compromise. For, as the Secretary-General observed in his report to this session: * . . . in a world where the destinies of all countries are almost certain to become ever more closely linked, there can be no substitute for an effective multilateral system in the maintenance of internationa.1 peace and security and in the co-operative management of global problems. n (A/41/1, pp. 2-3) &’ delegation holds the view that the report of the Group of High-level‘ Experts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations presents us with a blueprint for appropriate reform. we would urge the Assembly to accept the Group Is recommendations as a foundation upon which we can streamline the Organisation. However, we would also urge those who have withheld their Contributions from the Organization to release them promptly for the stability of the world will be ’ (Mr. Bird, Anticua and Barbuda) threatened if this united Nations is crippled and rendered weak and unauthoritative. NO country or region can guarantee its own security without guaranteeing the security of others. World peace cannot be achieved in circumstances where the globe is only half-safe from threat. If any nation wishes to be secure, it must be ready and willing to share security with all. The framers of the United Nations Charter were deeply conscious of the necessity for the Organisation to play an important role in maintaining international peace and security - "to save succeeding generations from the scourge ,, of war". Chapter VII of the Charter contains a blueprint for an international security system with an enforcement capacity to deter aggression and prevent regional disputes from erupting in armed conflict. rt has never been implemented. Yet as we survey the globe, there are incidents of regional conflict on almost every continent; it is estimated that some 150 conflicts have occurred since the Second World War with no less than 20 million deaths. It is staggering to consider that the world is now spending Over $1.5 million a minute on arms. It takes just 15 days and 15 hours for world military expenditure to match the amount spent on all aid to all developing countries in the whole of 1983. Swords have not been beaten into ploughshares, spears have not become pruning-hooks , and nations continue to lift up sword against nation. And nowhere is this more striking than in the fact that for every 100,000 people in the world, there are 556 soldiers but only 85 doctors. It is against this background that we must all welcome the agreement made in Stockholm this September between NATO and Warsaw Pact countries allowing for verification and inspection of military activities as well as observation; for, the Stockholm document removes a great deal of the tension and suspicion associated with these military exercises and is an indication that, given the political will, the East and West can stand together on common ground, encouraging mankind, as a whole, to en joy a sense of optimism over the future of the world. We must all pray that Stockholm was not a false start but rather a bold beginning on the long journey towards a reduction in conventional arms and, more important, genuine limitation of nuclear weapons. While small countries, such as mine, welcome the relief from tension in Europe occasioned by the Stockholm agreement , we remain troubled that in the absence of global adherence to the principle of the United Nations, we have been forced to protect national security through accumulation of arms and through military agreements with countries equally small and equally disadvantaged. My country, and other countries like mine in the Caribbean, could better have spent our scarce resources on hospitals for our ailing , on welfare for our aged, on education for our young. It is not right that small countries which have experienced a history of exploitation and whose people have been forced for centuries to endure deprivation and suffering should be weighed down with the heavy burden of expenditure on arms at the beginning of their journey to independence. But, we cannot deceive ourselves that small though we are, we have not become the subject of attention by adventurers of one sort or another. The numerous examples of mercenary forces mounted to invade small countries, of political Opportunists fomenting disquiet , of unscrupulous drug dealers destabil iz ing our territories, demand that we should not sit by idLy. %J meet these pernicious elements, and in the absence of a will within the united Nations to address collective security as envisaged in the Charter, small States have been forced to establish the means for some self-protection. (Mr. Bird, Antigua and Barbuda) But, by diverting scarce resources into security, our economic and social development has been retarded. In 1982, the year after my country took its place as a Member of this Organization, the Secretary-General, in his report, issued a call: “to reconstruct the Charter concept of collective . . . peace and security” (A/37/1, p. 2) in order to meet the need of Governments for: “a workable system ,.. in which they . . . have real confidence.” (Ibid.) Yet four years later we are not even close to achieving confidence in the United Nations capacity for collective security. For the countries with veto power on the Security Council have chosen to frustrate attempts to create the “workable system of collective security” (ibid.) envisaged by the Secretary-General and endorsed by this Assembly. The result has not brought benefits to anyone: conflicts have ignited like brushfires on the global map and the super-Powers have become engulfed in the flames as each puts support behind one or other of the adversaries. The cost has been high not only to the people engaged in the conflict, but to the people of the super-Power nations, whose Governments diverted money from theit own development and spent it instead seeking positions of primacy over each other= As the representative of a small country anxious to advance its social and economic development and deeply aware that a system of collective security under the umbrella of the United Nations opens an opportunity for genuine global stability, 1 call upon this Assembly to request the Secretary-General to bring the Westion of collective security to the attention of the Security Council once again in the hope that the troubled state of the world and the debilitating effect upon all countries, including the super-Powers, will encourage a more productive response . As we survey the globe, who could help but be deeply troubled at the state of the world? In some areas of the Middle East, children no longer have a normal life: their only school is an army, their only playground a battlefield. The war between two neighbours, Iran and Iraq, has been raging, with grievous consequences for both. Surely, the General Assembly and the Security Council can use their influence to bring about a complete cease-fire and a peaceful settlement to the conflict by mediation. Equally, the Assembly cannot be unmindful of the increasing tension in Central America over conditions in Nicaragua. The lives of people have been severely disrupted; there is no longer any routine and each day could be their last. Is that how people should live? Has the time not come for the General Assembly and the Security Council to intervene behind the Contadora negotiating process in order to secure a comprehensive, verifiable and simultaneous agreement to bring true and lasting peace to the area? In the midst of this disturbing scene of human tribulation, we are heartened by at least one attempt to find a solution to problems by peaceful means: The Assembly should welcome the efforts of the Republic of Korea to resolve its differences with North Korea on the basis of a comprehensive unification formula. We would urge neighbours in other regions to turn away from the battlefield and to seek solutions to their differences at the negotiation table. MY country lies on the route of the most dangerous traffic that the Western Hemisphere has experienced this century: the drug run to the United States of America. In the process of our being used as a trans-shipment point, some of the cargo has been left on our shores , promoting drug abuse and encouraging crime by the lure of big money. We have all seen the injurious effects of narcotics on societies - the flower of youth emaciated and withered before it has had a chance to bloom, intelligent minds reduced to inarticulate cabbages, life snuffed out even before it has had a chance to sparkle. We are all painfully aware of the injury to economic development which is done by drug abuse among the work force in developing countries. Larger and more powerful States cannot sustain the waste of its human resources. How, then, could we in small States, with fewer people, cope with SO Perilous a problem? But the problem is even more ominous, for last year the International Narcotics Control Board reported that evidence exists clearly linking drug trafficking in many countries with the illegal traffic in firearms, subversion, international terrorism and other criminal activities. Since that report, the situation has deteriorated significantly. Our economic development is threatened from within as our young people are nursed into the habit of drug abuse, while Our security is threatened from without by gangsters eager to find trans-shipment points to the United States and unmindful of the extent of the action, including murder, which they must take to secure their ill-gotten gains. It cannot be beyond the capacity of the united Nations to institute mechanisms UPQn which countries can call for help to rid the world of this all-consuming evil. In this connection, the entire international community should give the strongest support to the proposed international conference on drug abuse and illicit trafficking to be held at the ministerial level next year. But, egUallY# States Members of the united Nations should give full support to the activities of the Organization in this area. MY delegation would suggest that, following upon the forward-looking resolution introduced by South-East Asian countries and adopted by the General Assembly last year, the scope of the Organization’s work should be expanded to include the provision to developing countries, upon their request, of help from a trained and capable international team to investigate and detect drug traffickers within their territories and to police their territorial waters effectively. This suggested new activity could be accommodated through the Central Training Unit for Law Enforcement Officers, which the United Nations has operated since 1972. I would add that the biggest contributors to that Unit should be those countries which are the largest markets for these drugs. For, while we acknowledge a responsibility to be watchful for dangers to all mankind, small countries should not be expected to pay for the eradication of evils bred in the societies of larger and richer States. Drug traffickers respect no boundaries , and the harmful effect of drug abuse does not guestion the nationality, ideology or ethnicity of its victims. All our countries have a vested interest in aborting this foul activity. To that end, I call on the General Assembly to give the Secretary-General the mandate to Create a global plan to eliminate progressively illicit production of narcotic, drugs wherever it occurs. Such a programme must take account of the need to develop alternative means of livelihood for the large numbers of poor people in developing countries who are used to produce these drugs and who are paid only a subsistence income, while the organizers and distributors in the developed countries grow rich and fat. If we in the Caribbean feel threatened by the activities of illicit drug traffickers, it should also be understood that we feel no less uncomfortable over the rise in the number of nuclear reactors in our hemisphere. Events at Chernobyl have taught us that accidents at nuclear reactors could be as devastating as the explosion of a nuclear bomb. The countries of the Caribbean traverse no vast area and, consequently, the effects of a nuclear accident would waste no time in spreading throughout our region, leaving few, if any, free from harm. It is cause for deep concern to us that while more nuclear reactors are being established in our hemisphere, we have no influence over their number, their locations and the levels of their safety, It is in this context that we must ask: At what point does the placement and safety levels of nuclear reactors cease to be a national matter and become an international concern? IS it when an entire island nation is wiped out? Is it when it is too late to prevent hundreds of thousands of people from dying? We in the Caribbean have good reason to sympathise with our sister States in the Pacific that have been distressed for years over nuclear tests conducted by larger States and the dumping of nuclear waste, We share the deep-seated fears of the Pacific island countries about the long-term medical effects of exposure to radiation and the contamination of the environment, including marine life and food Crops, which could be caused by nuclear activity. In expressing our strong desire for the United States and the Soviet Union to reach agreement in their negotiations to limit nuclear arms, we are mindful that there is also need for agreement in the international community as a whole on nuclear safety. We are aware that just two months ago governmental experts met at the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna and settled the texts of two draft conventions in the field of nuclear safety. This is a welcome development and we urge all nations to ratify these conventions as soon as possible. But it should be understood that these conventions meet some of our concerns only part way. For while the treaties would oblige ratifying States to provide early notification of nuclear accidents with possible transboundary effects, and alSO would commit them to ‘endeavour to provide assistance in the event of a nuclear accident, they do not set standards of safety nor do they allow for verification= For a country like mine, a mere 170 square miles, early notification Of a nuclear accident would be a meaningless gesture, for the effects of a disaster on a land the size of ours would be immediate and fatal. It is in this context that my delegation would urge all nations to agree to establish within the United Nations system the means of setting standards for and verifying nuclear safety. I come now to terror ism. Here again, while the main focus of this iniquity has been in the developed cowtries, small states find themselves in a sadly vulnerable position. Some of our countries have beooms the arena for the conflict of others, and we have been forced to take precautions to protect ourselves. These precautions have not been without cost and, consequently, we have been compelled to divert spending from social and economic development projects to take account Of this evil of terror ism. In the Caribbean, our onuntries depend on tourism, and welcoming visitors from all over the world and offering them the canforts of nature, with which we are blessed in abundance, are important elements in our economic well-being. In this con text alone, we cannot afford to treat security at our ports casually. The Current Situation in the world, in which terrorists strike indiscriminately at innocent civilians demands that we interrupt our own peaceful way of life With extravagant security arrangements for the hundreds of thousands of people who visit our countries every year. NO terrorist Organisation that so wantonly and cold-bloodedly takes the lives of innocent human beings should believe that it enjoys the respect or sympathy of the world. For it does not. Indeed, the actions of such organizations have lost them - and those who support them - the ear of many nations which might otherwise have given their cause a hearing. Terrorist activity directed at civilian targets achieves no good for anyone , and the time has come for the s trcngest poss ible action against those who would foster and promote it. I turn now to South Africa. The Secretary-General has observed that : “Only the total elimination of apartheid will restore peace to South Africa and to southern Africa as a whole”. (A/4Ylr PO 12) This observation is an echo of the cries of many South Africans, black and white, who yearn for the day when their country will be free from the repression Of apartheid, from illegal impriscnment, from police torture and from State-sancticmed slaughter of young and old alike. Unfortunately, the wailing voice of suffering , rising from the unrelieved brutality of South African jails, has been unable to reach the ears of those in th@ strongest position to bring an end to this wretchedness of apartheid. Thus, despite the overwhelming support for mandatory economic sanctions against the South Afr ioan re’gime, there are those who hesitate to act and others who refuse to do more than pay lip service to abhorrence of apartheid. Yet, in June of this year, the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group whose attempt to negotiate a peaceful settlement in South Africa was aborted by the disdain of the South African author ities, pointed out in their report that if South Africa: “comes to the conclusion that it would always be protected from economic meas ur es, the process of change in Bou th Africa is unlikely to increase in momen turn”. That same Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group concluded that if the ncn-white people in South Africa came: “to believe that the world community will never exercise sufficient effective pressure through other measures in support of their cause, they will have MlY One option remaining: that of ever increasing violence.” If we are to set store by the findings of this Group, the ccmpell ing oOnoIusiCms must be that the Governments which now refuse to impose sanctions on South Africa are helping to keep apartheid alive, and are pushing the non-white people of South Africa into seeking to secure their basic human and civil rights by means of violence and death* The late Prime Minister of India, Mr. Nehru, wrote that: “there is no easy walk to freedom anywhere ,and many of us will have to pass through the valley of the shadow of death again and again before we reach the mountain tops of our desires”. There should be no mistake about the fact that the black People of South Africa are prepared to walk that valley time and again for their freedom. The choice be fore the Assembly , and ul tima telY before the members of the Security Council, is either to help all of South Africa to reach the mountain tops of demxracy and justice, or to plunge the Country and all its people into a river of blood. My country opts for democracy; we chocee freedom and justice for all in South Africa. We urge all others to do the same by agreeing to the imposition of comprehensive and mandatory economic sanctions against this foul and reprehensible re’gime. We are in the final months of the year which we designated International Year of Peace. But it has not been such a peaceful year, for conflicts have continued unabated in many parts of the world. The signs of a desire for peace came not from Governments but from the spirit of brotherhood and kinship in ordinary people. People who marched against nuclear weapons, People who gave freely and gladly to relieve the suffering of the starving in Africa, people who protested against apar theid. These people rose above the narrow confines of their nationality, ethnicity and sovereignty and, surveying the conditions of other lands, reccgnized themselves in other peoples. Aa we stand on the threshold of the twenty-first century, Governments might consider taking a cue from those ordinary people who did so nmch this year to promote peace, In this regard, we might remind ourselves of the words in the Constitution of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cu1tura1 Crganization (~NEs~), one of the specialized agencies of the United Nations system: "That since wars began in the minds of men, it is in the minds of men that the defences of Peace must be constructed; "That ignorance of each other's ways and lives has been a COnUnOn Cause, throughout the history of mankind, of that suspicion and mistrust between the peoples of the world through which their differences have all too often broken into war;". It is in this context that I would.,urge the Assembly to endorse the proposal ,i of UNmCO's twenty-third General Conference for the proclamation of a World Decade for Cultural Bevelopnent. For we will not erase suspicion and mistrust among all nations until we promote understanding and appreciation among al1 Peoples= The Economic and Social Council has placed a resolution on this matter before the General Assembly for consideration. tit US not close the door on this century and enter the next without some attempt to construct the defences of Peace in the minds of men. Let us put an end to ignorance of each Other's Way of life, let us take the opportunities for peace inm the next century and let us leave behind the failures of war. French): I should like to begin by warmly congratulating Mr. Choudhury on his well-deserved election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. My delegation considers this to be a tribute to his country and to him personally. His wisdom and diplomatic uualities assure us that our work will be crowned with success. My delegation also wishes to express its satisfaction at the outstanding way in which his predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pini&, discharged his heavy responsibilities during the previous session. We wish to pay a tribute to the patience and devotion with which OUT Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has worked to create conditions favourable to the strengthening of international peace and security and the promotion of international co-operation for development. As we meet today once again in this prestigious Hall we cannot help but cast a backward glance at the achievements of the fortieth session, which was, as we all know, a commemorative session, and at those of the present year, which has been proclaimed the International Year of Peace. While there has been a trend towards a reduction of tension in certain parts of the world, the international community has witnessed a resurgence of acts of aggression, overt or covert intervention and other forms and practices of State terrorism carried out by the warmongering imperalists and their staunch allies against certain independent, sovereign States in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The hopes of the people of the world that were raised last November by the Soviet-American summit meeting have come to naught. That meeting did not provide the expected momentum towards a reduction of tension in international relations or a slowing down of the arms race , particularly with respect to nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. There is no doubt that survival in the nuclear age is the most crucial, pressing problem for all mankind, The Lao People’s Democratic Republic welcomes and firmly supports the new initiatives and constructive and realistic proposals put forward by the Soviet Union for the gradual and total elimination of nuclear weapons by the year 2000. Furthermore, the Soviet Union, despite the negative attitude and opposition of the United States Administration, has extended its unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests three times. It is vitally necessary for the other side to reciprocate. BUUally commendable was the proposal recently made by the countries members of the Warsaw Pact substantially to reduce armed forces and conventional weapons in Europe. Regarding the prevention of the militarization of outer Space, the Soviet Government also recently put forward a comprehensive programme for the exploration and international exploitation of outer space for peaceful purposes for the well-being of all mankind. In order to free our planet Earth from the threat of a nuclear holocaust that would destroy all forms of life and human civilization itself, it is the most sacred duty of the peoples of the world to step up their stubborn struggle against the unbridled nuclear and conventional arms race here on Earth and the extension Of the arms race to outer space. Accordingly, the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic welcomes and firmly supports the Declarations of New Delhi and Mexico by six Heads of State or Government, as well as the activities to promote peace -and disarmament carried out by mass organizations throughout the world. In this connection, it is very much to be hoped that the Soviet-American negotiations in Geneva on limiting nuclear and space weapons will have concrete results and that the Geneva Conference on Disarmament will make substantive progress in the negotiations on the conclusion of a comprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty and on a convention completely prohibiting chemical weapons. DemOCratiC Republic) We hope that the American side will show greater realism and abandon once and for all its plans to achieve some hypothetical military superiority by persuading its North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) allies and others to join in its so-called Star Wars programme and seeking unilaterally to revoke the SALT-II agreements of 1979. In this connection, we should note that the Heads of State or Government of the non-aligned countries, at their eighth summit meeting in September in Harare, appealed urgently for an end to the unbridled nuclear arms race and all projects designed to extend the arms race to outer space. My delegation warmly welcomes the initiatives of the Socialist countries concerning the establishment of a general system of international peace and security encompassing the political, economic, military and humanitarian fields, an item which has been included in the agenda of the current session. Tension and bloody conflicts, with their toll of death and suffering, have become almost the daily lot of the world today. Their causes are well known to all, In the Middle East, the Zionist occupation forces continue with impunity to repress and oppress the defenceless populations of the Palestinian and Arab territories which have been occupied since 1967. Southern Lebanon and its population continue to suffer from the exactions of and the atrocities committed by the Zionist troops, which refuse to withdraw from the area, in flagrant violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions of 1978 and 1982. Israel's arrogant and intransigent attitude can be explained by the fact that it receives comprehensive support from its nstrategic ally" and those in other imperialist circles. The Lao People's Democratic Republic reaffirms once again its consistent stand with respect to the settlement of the Middle East problem, at the heart of which lies the Palestinian question. The Lao Government will firmly support any comprehensive, just and lasting settlement that ensures the exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable national rights, including its right to create its own State in Palestine , and the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from all Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem. We firmly hope that, in order to achieve that goal, the International Conference on Peace in the Middle East can be held as soon as possible, under the auspices of the United Nations, with the participation of the Soviet Union and the United States, as well as all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation organisation (PLO), the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. It is unfortunate that so far the United States Government and Tel Aviv have categorically rejected the convening of that Conference. The world was deeply outraged by the acts of provocation and armed aggression committed last March and April by the United States Administration against Libya, an independent and sovereign country, a Member of the united Nations and of the Movement Non-Aligned Countries. Those acts have been universally condemned. The Lao Government and people wish to reaffirm their steadfast support for and solidarity with the Libyan people and other Arab peoples in the region who have thus become the victims of acts of provocation, intimidation and aggression at the hands of Zionist forces and their absolute protector. We cannot, of course, allow ourselves to be unmoved by the grief and destruction which the Iran-Iraa conflict has inflicted upon the peoples of those two countries, members of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and of the united Nations. We sincerely hope that a just, lasting and mutually acceptable solution can be found to that tragic conflict , which has gone on far too long. A r6gime of unspeakable terror and oppression continues to hold sway in South Africa as a result of apartheid, a most savage and inhuman system of racial discrimination which the white minority in power there has institutionalized as a principle of government. The Lao Government and people have always been associated with the noble efforts of the international community to do away with this anachronistic endemic scourge once and for all. It was that same racist Pretoria regime that was responsible a century ago for the misfortunes of the Namibian people, whose territory it continues to occupy illegally. The position of my Government in this respect is well known. We consider that the accession of the Namibian people to true independence in a united Namibia can be achieved Only through strict and unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). It is essential that the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its wecial session devoted to that question, which ended successfully barely 10 days ago, should now be scrupulously implemented. Having themselves experienced colonial oppression in the past, the Lao Government and people wish to reaffirm their support for , and solidarity with, the heroic people of South Africa under the leadership of the African National Congress On the one hand and the valiant Namibian people under the leadership of the South West Africa People’s Organization, its sole and legitimate representative, on the other. The same support also goes to the peoples and Governments of Zimbabwe, Angola, Mozambique, Zambia and the other front-line States that are Struggling in the same noble cause as well as in the defence of their independence and Sovereignty and of the territorial integrity of their respective countries. The threats to peace and security in Central America have recently increased by a disturbing degree. In this connection the International Court of Justice recently declared illegal the acts of armed provocation and economic and commercial blockade which the United States Administration has committed against the heroic Government and people of Nicaragua. A just, lasting and mutually acceptable settlement to the crisis in Central America can, we feel, be achieved only through implementation of the peace initiatives drawn up within the framework of the COntadora Group and the Lima Support Group. The Government and people of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic wish to reaffirm here their support for and unswerving solidarity with the people of Nicaragua and the Sandinist government in their struggle to preserve their independence and sovereignty and the territorial integrity Of their country, We also reaffirm our sympathy with and firmest support for the Government and people of Cuba, our brothers, who are still waging a tireless struggle to preserve their independence, sovereignty and territorial inteqr ity. Our sympathy and solidarity qo also to the people of Puerto Rico and the other peoples in that region who are struggling heroically for self-determination, independence and true democracy in their respective lands. , The region of South-West Asia has unfortunately not remained free of tension. I refer in particular to the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, which has been the victim of an undeclared war waged by the aggressive circles of imperialism and regional and world reaction. The Lao Government and people energetically condemn this whole series of acts of state terrorism and reaffirm their unswerving support for and solidarity with the Government and people of Afghanistan in their tireless efforts to preserve the precious gains of the April Revolution and to find a just political solution to the situation with respect to that country. In the region of the Indian Ocean, the intensification of the military presence of imperialism and the strengthening of the air and naval bases at Diego Garcia constitute a grave threat to the peace and security of the coastal and hinterland States. It is essential, therefore, that the International Conference on the Indian Ocean be convened without further delay in order to turn the region into a zone of peace. The situation in Asia and the Pacific region as a whole, and more specifically on the Korean peninsula, is scarcely stable. The introduction by the United States of nuclear weapons into South Korea , not to mention the division of the peninsula and attempts to perpetuate the existence of two Koreas, constitute a grave threat to Peace and security in the region and an obstacle to the peaceful and independent reunification of the Korean nation. With respect to the strategic interests in the Pacific area, my delegation is firmly opposed to the resumption of nuclear tests and attempts to deploy imper ial ist nuclear weapons. These represent grave threats to the security of the peoples in that region. With respect to the fate of the peoples in aolcnial territories and those Under trusteeship, my cowl try is opposed to any procedural manoeuvres by th@ alonial and administering Pmers to bring about the annexation of Micronesia and New Caledonia. We support the courageous struggle being waged by those Peoples to achieve true independence for their territor ies . I should like now to refer to the problems of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia, a region which includes my own country, the Lao People ‘s Denocra tic Republic. The underLying causes of the instability and tension in the region are all too familiar for the simple reason that they have been referred to from this rostrum by a large number of delegations, including my Own, over the last seven years. In leading circles of imperialism, expansionism and great-Power hegemonism a dim view is taken of the success of the revolutionary process in the Lao People’s Democratic Republic, the People’s Republic of Kampuchea and the Socialist Republic Of Viet Nam. They wish to reinstate in Pnom Penh the criminal gang of Pol Potists and their lackeys, against the sovereign wish of the suffering Kampuchean people l The international community has a duty to protect the legitimate interests and inalienable fundamental rights of the Kampuchean people , whose endeavours to bring about the renaissance and miraculous national consolidation of the country deserve respect and admiration. Success achieved over the past eight years by our three peoples - Lao, Vietnamese and Kampuchean - in the work of national defence and reconstruction and Of strengthening solidarity and co-operation with socialist and other countries of the world committed to peace and justice constitutes a fundamental factor guaranteeing the peace and stability of the region. The three countries of Indo-China have already on several occasions reaffirmed their intentions, most Specifically in the comrnuniqu& issued by the thirteenth conference of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Laos, Viet Nam and Kampuchea, held in Hanoi from 17 to 18 August last. On the one hand, it referred to the adoption of the measures necessary to make South-East Asia a zone of peace, friendship and co-operation, On the basis of the total withdrawal of foreign troops from the area and the cessation of all foreign interference. On the other hand, it proposed a solution to the Kampuchean problem. In this connection, it should be recalled that the Government of the People’s Republic of Kampuchea is ready to negotiate with Khmer opposition groups or individuals on the basis of the military and political elimination of the Pol Pot clique, together with the withdrawal of Vietnamese volunteer forces from Kampuchea,’ in order to bring about national reconciliation. (Mr. Srithirath, Lao People's Democratic Republic) We welcome the significant statement made last June in Manila by the Australian Minister for Foreign Affairs on the establishment of an international tribunal to try Pol Pot and other criminals responsible for the crime of genocide in Kampuchea. That realistic and honest proposal must evoke a favourable response from all members of the world public committed to peace and justice- The relations between the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Kingdom of Thailand are not free from difficulties. A large number of problems have arisen between our two nations during recent years and have not yet been appropriately resolved. However, the constant demands of the Lao and Thai peoples for normal relations are becoming increasingly pressing. That is why the Government of the La0 People's Democratic Republic believes that it is time to talk and is prepared to do everything in its power, at both the governmental and the local level, to Create conditions favourable to the strengthening of mutual understanding and trust between our two peoples, in order to bring about a resumption of negotiations and the speedy normalization of all areas of Lao-Thai relations, and to contribute to ensuring peace and stability in the area. Similar action by the Thai Government will always be welcomed. Relations between my country and the People's Republic of China have not improved, However, the Government of the Lao People's Democratic Republic attaches great importance to its long-standing friendship with the Chinese people and accordingly calls for normal relations and good-neighbourliness on the basis of respect by the People's Republic of China for the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Lao People's Democratic Republic, non-aggression and non-interference in our internal affairs and peaceful coexistence. Consequently, we hope that instead of persistently espousing an erroneous approach to the problems of peace , stability and co-operation in South-East Asia and to the problem of Kampuchea, the international community, particularly the United Nations, may make a constructive contribution to promoting the irresistible process of dialogue which has alreaady begun, however cautiously, among the countries of Asia directly concerned. It is interesting to recall that the Heads of State or Government of non-aligned countries, at their 1983 summit Conference in New Delhi and the Harare summit last September, spoke out clearly on this matter. In this connection, it seems to us that the item entitled "The question of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia" has been on the agenda long enough. That is why, to spare this sesston of the General Assembly an atmosphere of tension, acrimony and useless polemics, it would be preferable not to discuss this item but to focus rather, on the underlying problem relating to the overall situation in Asia and the Pacific. ' I should now like to say something about the close relationship between disarmament and development. People of good faith accept without reservation the fact that there is a cause-and-effect relationship between these two realities. Only those who refuse to put an end to bdth the conventional and the nuclear arms - I race challenge the existence of such an organic link. There can be no doubt that if only a tiny fraction of the astronomical sums devoted annually to military expenditure throughout the world could be freed it would suffice to relief the suffering and poverty of a sizeable number of children, women and old people in Africa, Asia and Latin America, or even the world as a whole. In this connection, my delegation has learned with disappointment and regret that it was the negative , uncompromising attitude of certain Western Powers that prevented the convening this year in Paris of the United Nations Conference On the Relationship between Disarmament and Development. Similarly, my delegation is concerned at the financial crisis of the United Rations, which in our view results from the premeditated decision of certain imperialist Powers artificially to create that situation. The peoples of the world have an urgent and legitimate need to live in peace and security, free from conflicts and tension, frustration and poverty. Unfortunately, the peoples of the developing countries, particularly the least developed nations, are today suffering as a result of both acts of aggression and destabilization, and measures of economic, commercial and financial pressure imposed by.imperialist and neo-colonialist Powers. (Mr. SKithirath, Lao People's Democratic Republic) More often than not it is the least developed and land-locked countries that Suffer from the harmful effects of the hostile and reprehensible trade policy carried out against them by their neighbours, the transit countries. They continue to Suffer from the harmful effects of the world economic crisis, oompounded by the resurgence of protectionist measures resorted to by the great majority of the market-economy countries. The policy of high interest rates, the deterioration in the terms of trade, the crushing burden of external debt, the drying up of soft official development aid flaws and, lastI.y, the reverse transfer of financial resources are all factors contributing fatally to the impoverishment of developing oountries and particularly the least developed, Accordingly, it iS not Surprising that the gap between the "haves" and the "have-nots" continues to grow. It is high time the developed market-emnoay countries reconsidered their unreasonable and selfish position and agreed to become actively and sincerely involved in the efforts of the international community to initiate global negotiations leading to the implementation of a strategy for restructuring international economic relations on a just and democratic basis. Let them not lose sight of the fact that the establishment of the new international economic order on a just and equitable basis, would work to the benefit of all the peoples of the world. In recent years there have been many disturbing events, which have resulted from imperialism's policy of interference , aggression, attacks and the plundering of natural resources, However, the peoples of the world, strengthened by their faith in the future and by the sustained efforts they are making in the quest fOK peace and social progress, have fought side by side to foil that policy. It is gratifying to note that this view of events was confirmed by the recent summit Conference of the non-aligned nations. My delegation hopes that this session, which has begun in an atmosphere marked by the optimism of the International Year of Peace, will prove to be capable of success fully cartying out the noble task entrusted to it by mankind. Mr. VELAYATI (Islamic F&public of Iran) (spoke in Persian; English text furnished by the delegation): I have great pleasure in extending to Mr. ChoudhurY of Bangladesh our oongratulations on his well-merited election as President of the General Assembly. I am confident that his wise guidance, as well as his cultural and intellectual experience , will enable this Assembly to become an initiator of decisions significant for the human community, decisions Leading mankind to worship and obey one God and to prevent aggression and the domination of some by others. The intergovernmental and international infrastructure has undergone dramatic transformations, thanks to the development of modern communications. We are new faced with a new phenomenon, namely, the international community, or international family. Complicated links are formed among the members of this family, and the clash of their interests and motives has led to further sophistication. Meanwhile the United Nations is the only organ which can make a substantial contribution to the establishment of a wise and just order for this troubled .international family. The crucial and heavy responsibility of this Organization, therefore, should not be undermined. In order to have a clear view of the path we must take in future and to Correct our mistakes, we are obliged to consider the achievements of the United Nations in the past four decades in the light of the realities prevailing,,in the world today. NOW, many people in the world pose the questions, "what has the United Nations done so far?" and "what services has this Organisation, with great publicity, expenditure and structural changes, offered for the benefit of the int@rnatiOnal Community?” We are of the opinion that certain, achievements have been made by &is Organiza tion. Fir st, favourable ground has been established for international CCmmunicatj.0ns in all fields, from the political and economic to the cultural, scientific and technical. This has in turn helped to form the view of a unified international colour, culture family for the whole of humanity regardless of differences in race, or language. Secondly, s,uccess has been achieved in combating colonialism. Resolution 1514 (XV) was a loud outcry by man against colonialism. ined Colonialism no longer exists in most of the countries which have ga independence. This is a praiseworthy and valuable CCX’I tr ibu tion. However, it is unfortunate that the old colonialism has been replaced by a more dangerous one, namely, neo-colonialism, which has forced many newly independent countries into yiel.ding to the multi-faceted domination of powerfu1 countries. It is of paramount importance that we go to the root causes of this problem and see why neo-colonialism has been so effective, There is no doubt that technical and industrial. backwardness, coupled with economic underdevelopment I have been decisive in paving the way for the establishment of a new system of t&mination and neo-colon ial ism. The efforts made by the United Nations in this respect have been substantial, although unsuccessfully in many cases. The creation of specialized agencies, the initiation of South-South co-operation and the adoption Of *e @cl-aration on the Establishment of a hew International Economic Or&r have been among the most important and canprehensive of these initiatives. (Mr. Velayati, Islamic Republic of Iran) Although more than 12 years have passed since the adoption of the Declaration On the Establishment of a New International Economic Order , it has not met with any SuCCeSS owing to the staunch opposition of the industrially developed Countries. Under-development has paved the way for neo-colonialism. At the same time, the success of the big Powers in enslaving other nations has been due mainly to the fact that within the international community no just order prevails in relations to guarantee the national security, independence and territorial integrity Of Menb@r States. Today, the logic of force and the order of domination govern international relations, and it is for that reason that we should be concerned about international peace and security. The United Nations has not only been inactive in th@ face of such a threat, but it has even in many instances acquiesced in them. Today, the balance of power rather than the rule of law has been accepted as th@ basis and only possible method of safeguarding security, not only nationally, but regionally and globally as well. The recourse to the threa't or use of force, aggression, the occupation of the lands of others by force and the infringement of sovereignty are all being utilised without being met by any serious opposition on the Part of the United Nations and other international forums. we must acknowledge that in many instances the United Nations has even gone so far as to contribute to the legitimization of such methods. IS it not true that, in practice, the maintenance of the status quo and even Submission to changed situations created by acts Of aggression have become the general rule in international relations? Law based on human values and justice should play the determining role in relations among metiers of the international community. In this connection, the world arms race makes sense: it is a race to reach military Superiority - qualitatively and quantitatively - in order to establish favourable situations through the use or threat of force. Another example of submission by the United Nations to the logic of force is inherent in its Charter and in the procedural mechanism of the security Council. The Charter has an unjust tendency to preserve the interests of big Powers. A clear example is the notion that international peace and security should be safeguarded by the former Allied forces. Ironically, world peace is today imperilled by those very same Powers. The right to the veto is no more than a mockery of the international community and has cast a shadow upon all the other gains and achievements of the Organisation, which cannot take any practical and concrete step against oppression as long as the policy of submission to force is embodied in the Charter. The Council's bitter experience in recent years proves our claim. The United Nations has not taken any outstanding and effective action with regard to infringements of national sovereignty and independence in many countries, from Latin America to Africa, in the Middle East, Iran, Libya and Afghanistan. In some instances, we have even witnessed the Security Council openly seeking to save a defeated aggressor and have watched it go so far as to issue a communique' in defence Of that aggressor and against the victim. The situation that prevails is such that the existence of this mentality in the Security Council has led some of those with veto rights to attempt to employ financial leverage to carry the same rights over into the Assembly. What else can be the meaning of the American blackmail now being exerted? Is the Organisation a corporation in which voting rights are determined in accordance with the national income of each State Member, 'or iS it a forum with the weighty responsibility of making decisions about inter national issues , a forum in which all Members enjoy equal voting rights? I hope the present session of the Assembly will give a clear and-decisive answer to that question. If the United Nations is unable to fulfil its main objective - the preservation of the independence and territorial integrity of all Members and the maintenance of international peace and security - it should at least Support those nations determined to resist aggression of any kind. That is the least we are entitled to expect from this international forum. Backing liberation movements and lending support to those countries that have gained independence through long years of Struggle and Popular revolutionary uprisings should constitute fundamental duties of the Organization. should we not expect the United Nations to take up the Crucial job of defending SU& young revolutionary States? One of the most vivid illustrations of my Point is provided by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, which was Subjected to various forms of pressure from the very beginning of its entering onto the Path to victory. I do not intend to delve deeply into history at this juncture. The last disgraceful chapter of foreign domination in our country was opened by the coup engineered by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 1953 and the return to Power of the plPPet regime of Pahlavi. The Iranian nation never submitted to that oppression, and it initiated a resistance that bore fruit in 1979. There is no need to mention here the fact that during the course of those two and a half decades of Struggle thousands of the best of our country's Sons Sacrificed their lives for the sake of their lofty goals and nothing was immune from the clutches of the oppressors. Our natural resources were plundered; our language and culture were metamorphosed and our economy grew ill and parasitic. The Islamic Revolution inspired a new movement within the Islamic world and among the down-trodden, with its message of resistance to any manifestation of domination. The lesson was a lesson of Sacrifice in the cause of independence, justice and truth. This aroused concern among the Powers seeking domination, which began to engineer and foment plots and conspiracies. Various foreign-sponsored attempts at .coups were foiled by the unified defence of the Muslim people and with Divine blessing. We even faced direct American military intervention in Tabas, followed by sanctions and a full-fledged propaganda war. All those conspiracies were nipped in the bud, but the United Nations took no effective and positive action. Does none of those crimes have anything to do with the fundamental duties of the Organization? sometimes some event of limited magnitude gives rise to a great hue and cry in the Ocganization, which calls fat a special session of the the General Assembly, an extraordinary meeting of the Security Council, giving rise to the adoption of resolutions, one after another, and to expressions of condemnation,. regret and the like. But if Iran is subjected to foreign intervention, to naked aggression or to an economic blockade, nothing seems to take place. The long series of conspiracies finally led to an all-out Iraqi military aggression against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and it has now been six years since its inception. There is no doubt that one of the most dastardly plots carried out against the Islamic Revolution is the full-fledged, premeditated Iraqi aggression against Iran. Since the Second World War , this is unpreoedented in magnitude and in the mili tacy force employed. On 22 September 1980 over 12 Iraqi divisions and Several independent brigades opened a blitzkc ieg against Iran from land, sea and air. Civilians were taken prisoner by the invading forces. Tens of thousands of square kilometres of our land were occupied during the first days of the invasion. Several thousand cities and villages, large and small, were razed to the ground and SOme Cities like Qasc-e+hirin and Naft-e Shah ace still occupied by &'athist troops. It is not hard to realize what are the main mtives and purposes behind the invasion by the Iraqi re'gime. There is no need for oomplicated theories. It is sufficient to review the aggressor's attitude in the military, political and Propaganda fields. The fact that the enemy troops advanced into the heart of our country as far as they could clearly shows that Iraq was not merely going to solve a border dispute unilaterally. The statements of the Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein, left no doubt that the Iraqi re’gime was seeking to overthrow the Islamic Republic of Iran. Maps pubiished in Iraq, some of which are included in academic books, showing the annexation of parts of Iran ate clear proof that the ruling rggime in Iraq was determined to occupy a large part of our homeland. In other words, the Iran-Iraq war has been nothing but naked aggression to trample under foot the independence , national swereignty and territorial integrity of Our country. In addition, it has been an invasion against a revolution. The timing of the aggression also deserves due attention. Iraq, in a simple and naive calculation, thought that Iran was shaky following its revolution, that the army had been dismantled because of revolutionary transformations, that the situation was unstable, and that therefore there was a golden opportunity for the rdgime in Iraq to take advantage of all those elements and invade Iran. The Iraqi rdgime then committed the crime with full confidence in victory and without the slightest fear of international forums. It was completely sure that the logic ruling in international relations would favour the aggression '&d make the new situation acceptable. Paced with such aggression, our nation had only two options: either yielding to force and abandoning its revolution, dignity, independence and sovereignty or resisting the aggression. We did not receive our revolution as a gift from any of the Powers. It was, rather, the result of self-sacrifice and long years of of Iran) struggle by thousands of men and women. Aggression against the revolution was tantamount to violating the very existence of every individual in our nation. From the first day of the invasion, when the enemy was at the peak of its feeling of superiority, to this day, when it is regretful and frustrated, we have kept saying one thing and have sought to translate it into action: the aggressor must be condemned and punished , and peace should be established between the two countries and in the region on the basis of justice. In the course Of our sacred defence we have relied upon God Almighty and ourselves, and we shall continue to stand on our own feet. In conveying the result of this success to other nations facing aggression I say that the peoples of the world should rest assured that if they are determined to fight any aggression against their homeland, independence and national sovereignty they will secure victory, even if they are alone. Every aggressor, whether it be Hitler or Saddm, is doomed to the same destiny. The Iraqi re'gime not only has committed a crime against humanity and international peace by its military aggression, but also during the past six years has committed numerous war crimes, in defiance of all the norms of international law. It is regrettable that although a United Nations report explicitly referred to the physical abuse of Iranian prisoners-of-war in Iraqi camps and made recommendations, no change has OCCUrKed in that regard. Attacks on civilian quarters and the war cn cities, resulting in the martyrdom of thousands of men, women and children, constitute another war crime in Iraq’s long list of Violations of international law. The agreement of 12 June 1984 did not last long and the Iraqi re'gime again resumed attacks on residential areas, as stated in United Na ticns documents. That crime is continuing today. Attacks QI civilian airliners are rare. The international community has seen a Government openly and officially issue a note of 17 March 1985 and in practice resort to that notorious crime. The latest incident was the shooting down of a civilian airliner of Asseman Airlines over the southern Iran city of Ahwaz, when 40 passengers were brutally murdered. Another inhuman crime committed by Iraq is the repeated use of chemical weapons. Following the distribution of the United Nations reports of 1984 and 1985 in which the use of chemical weapons was confirmed, it was openly stated in *cument S/17911, which reflected the observations of the Secretary-General's team in Khuzestan Province, that Iraq had used chemical weapons repeatedly and extent ively. The report constitutes an important international document, and this is the first recorded case since the creation of the United Nations of a report on violation of the Geneva Protocol of 1925 in which the violating country is clearly named. Unfortunately, due attention has not been paid to that important document. Although soma Western countries and a group of their allies, as well as some non-aligned and Islamic countries, such as Pakistan, have adopted positions in the face of that Iraqi crime, and although the Security Council, in its statement of 21 March 1986, condemned the Iraqi rdgime , no position comparable to the dimensions Of the inhuman acts committed by Iraq has yet been adopted. Consequently, since the Security Council statement was issued, Iraq has on five occasions - on 22 and 23 March and in April and May 1986 - deployed chemical weapons both on the battlefield and against civilian areas. The Security Council has a heavy responsibility ViS-&-vis the Problem. If a small country such as Iraq can permit itself heedlessly to violate one of the most important international conventions , now again before the Conference On Disarmament, what is tc guarantee other existing or future conventions? The international community expects the Security Council to adopt a resolution once again condemning the Iraqi re'gime's continued use of chemical weapons and openly urging the re*gime to pay due attention to the matter. The Council should also call on all countries strictly to refrain from the export to Iraq of such chemicals and know-how as can be used for the manufacture of chemical weapons. (Mr. Velayat i, Islamic Republic of Iran) ft should also apply strict regulations in the case of anyone who refuses to cornplY with such universal demands. In addition, taking into account the impact of Iraq's repeated use of chemical weapons and the consequent weakening of the 1925 Protocol, all countries should be urged to call for the implementation of the provisions of that Protocol. Another especially important task that should be carried out by the United Nations is the conduct of the necessary investigations to determine the source of the supplies of chemical weapons to Iraq. There is, of course, a slight probability that mustard gas is produced in Iraq with imported substances, but nerve gas, use of which was confirmed in the United Nations report of 1984, is a complicated chemical weapon and is most definitely supplied to Iraa by those countries that possess the technology. We have evidence enough to prove that. Let me take this opportunity to touch upon one of the main shortcomings of the Present international order. The Charter of the United Nations entrusts the Security Council, within the framework of political regulations and relations, with the responsibility of dealing with violations of international laws and regulations that endanger world peace and security. Unfortunately the international community lacks an independent and strong judicial body , and the International Court of Justice does not have a well calibrated and automatic duty in this regard. fn any country, as soon as a crime is committed the judicial body goes after'the perpetrator, whether a personal complaint is lodged or not. But on the international scene, the way of dealing with violations or crimes against peace and humanity is at best limited to political condemnation. Which judicial organ is responsible for the investigation of the Iraqi violation of international law? We are of the opinion that the International Court of Justice seated in The Hague, for instance, should deal independently with Iraqi infringement of the 1925 Geneva Protocol, no matter whether Iran files a complaint or not. We sincerely hope that those who wish international relations well will seriously seek to overcome this shortcoming and present practical proposals in this connection. There is no doubt that the naked aggression carried out by the rt$gime ruling over Iraq against the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has entered its seventh year, and the repercussions of that aggression have imperilled regional security and presented a serious threat to international peace. Today the war is one of the gravest issues facing the international community , and the attitudes of States with regard to it can be divided into three categories. The first category comprises those countries that have extended their utmost support to Iraq by providing lethal weapons and economic and financial help as well as political assistance. They include primarily the super-Powers and their cronies, which resort to deceitful rhetoric and slogans, saying “Bloodshed is abhorred by mankind; you should seek to solve your problems through negotiated peaceful means.” In practice they themselves give unabated and relentless support to the aggressor, thus contributing to the prolongation of the war. Had our disputes been terr i tor ial or financial , negotiations would have made sense. But Iraq initiated the war to topple the legitimate Government, which came to power through a popular uprising. They did whatever they could. Nobody would be sc naive as to sit at the same table with such aggressors. The only thing that concerns those Powers, it seems, is to find a way to save the defeated enemy. In the. meantime, none of these recommendations forced the occupation forces out of our territories. Our people had to assume the task themselves. I sincerely ask the Secretary-General, the President and all the representatives to show us even one instance in which the Iraqis withdrew from even one part of the occupied lands through a unilateral initiative. We recovered our lost territory inch by inch at (Mr. Velayati, Islamic Republic of Iran) the cost of the blood of our loved ones. In this context, not even the most naive of simpletons could say that Iraq had peaceful aspirations. Allow me to be more direct here. The Islamic Revolution established in Iran a system free of domination by the super-Rowers after Iran had been turned into a stronghold of American domination in the region. The policy of non-alignment is being carried out and experienced in the true sense of the word in the Islamic Republic, and other countries are gradually coming to understend this situation better and are becoming more sympathetic towards it. Those who support the Iraqi regime are motivated by their desire to counter such a trend. The second category comprises those countries that have adopted’a neutral stance towards the two countries by expressing abhorrence of the war and the bloodshed. Our question to those countries is this: If their own lands had been trampled by foreign invaders , what position would they have expected others to take? Would they not at the very least expect condemnation of the aggressor and a call for its punishment? Moreover they should not make a distinction between themselves and other members of the international community. These friends should know that if aggression is legitimized and the aggressors come to realize there is always a way to escape the consequences of their crime, we should expect further invasions. Those countries, then, increase their own chances of becoming prey to aggression. On the other hand, it is not possible to live in an international community without accepting responsibility, and all members are in duty bound to contribute to the preservation of international peace and security. As aggression poses the most dangerous threat to peace and security, it is the part of wisdom to condemn and punish the aggressor in order to save world peace, The third category includes those countries that have during the course of the imposed war gradually moved towards a position of justice. That is praiseworthy, but more effective momentum is needed. At the same time, since this represents a _’ movement towards justice, it should not be manifested solely in bilateral relations. We place greater priority on adherence to international principles basedon justice than on the strengthening of bilateral relations. Condemnation of the initiator of aggression responds to the expectations of a nation that has been victimized; but, more than that, it will respond to the conscience of human society. We believe that the war is drawing towards an end with the punishment of the aggressor r6gime of Iraq. This will be a positive step for peace in the region and ultimately in the entire international community. For those countries and organizations that have failed to fulfil their obligations in regard to the Iraqi aggression there is little time left to make up for the past. We declare here that according to all international law and regulations, responsibility for the war cannot be divided. To refer to the initiation of the war and its continuation as two independent responsibilities and a legal situation is contradictory to the most fundamental of international principles. Iraq is responsible for the war - both for its initiation and for its continuation: and, of course, those who have continued to support Iraq are also accomplices of the Iraqi rdgime. More time would be needed to go into the details of the chronicle of the imposed War and the crimes committed during the course of it. In addition, we believe that the important point, which deserves due attention by this forum, is the future of the sensitive , important and strategic Persian Gulf region. our region is in no way able to tolerate another devastating war. The Iraqi-imposed war destroyed vast, valuable resources in our region. All the countries in the area. must be able to mobilize the possibilities available to make arrangements for the establishment of a durable and permanent peace that guarantees regional security, as well as the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of each individual State. There are encouraging signs now that reflect the possibility of establishing strong friendly relations among the countries of the region. We should strengthen these hopes and contribute to their fulfilment. We are fully prepared to make our contribution now in the interests of the long-run Strategic security of the region. There is no doubt that this end cannot be achieved unilaterally, but if those States prefer to continue to support the doomed regime of Saddam Hussein, rather Man consider such arrangements, they are putting their own national interests in jeopardy. With the elimination of the roots of aggression, our nation and region Will Assess all the factors and elements needed for the establishment of lasting peace. One of the most crucial tasks of our countries is to achieve this position and as soon as we have we shall be able to eradicate the sources of foreign intervention. Planning for future security is not merely confined to the Persian Gulf. It is also necessary in connection with the continued occupation of Afghanistan bY Soviet troops, which has unfortunately created a climate of rising tension in the region, endangering its peace and security. As stated by the Islamic Republic of Iran at the outset, the Geneva talks not only failed to break this impasse, but provided a pretext for the presence of the occupation forces and deception of international public opinion, and this has had adverse effects on the Afghan situation. It is now more clear than ever that the occupation of Afghanistan, which took place under the pretext of solving the problem of the Afghan people caused by foreign threats, has itself imposed a greater burden on the downtrodden people of that land. To make the situation even worse, it has provided suitable grounds for the Western Powers' strengthening their presence in the region. Our regional security can no longer be held hostage to super-Power rivalry. The Afghan issue cannot be solved in the context of the interests Of a super-Power. The just conditions set forth by the Islamic Republic of Iran are more valid than ever. The unconditional and immediate withdrawal of the Occupation forces, recognition of the Afghan people's right to self-determination, voluntary repatriation of Afghan refugees and non-intervention by foreigners in the internal affairs of Afghanistan must constitute the essence of any solution to that country's problems. Afghanistan is in dire need of stability, which can be achieved only through the establishment of an independent, non-aligned Government) that enjoys the support of the majority of the population. xt is natural that the foreign Policy of such a Government would reguire friendly relations with all regional countries and good-neighbourliness. .i Because of the direct impact of the situation in Afghanistan on our national' security and the practical problems it causes for our country, such as the Continuing influx of Afghan refugees, we follow the situation carefully and With great concern. Our country, in spite of the Herculean problems it faces emanating from the sensitive and historical situation, is sheltering nearly 2 million Afghan refugees. At the same time, it is the international duty of the Office of the. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (LlNHCR) to deal with this matter more seriously. It is evident that any success in this field will be possible only through the more active participation of all countries. If Agfhan refugees sti?l nourish in their hearts the hope of one day returning to their homeland, for Palestinians such a hope is gradually fading. In 1967 and 1973 attempts were made to strengthen the idea of an all-out struggle against the ~CupatiOn rhgime in Palestine, but today, with the divisions among Arabs and within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), one hardly hears about such struggles, even in slogans. The treacherous Camp David Accord has unfortunately left its impact on some Arab and Palestinian leaders and, except in a few COUntries in the front line of the struggle against Israel, the policy of appeasement has become the dominant policy in our region. The appeal of certain independent countries, and some from the united Nations who formally claimed to be part of the anti-Zionist struggle, for Israel to recognize the PLO as a party to talks Constitutes an insult to 40 years of struggle by the people of Palestine. The treacherous act of the King of Morocco, who issued an invitation to the Prime Minister of the rigime occupying Palestine , greatly contributed to the advancement of the compromise process. The Fez plan is based on a position that Can lead only to the further entrenchment of Israel in occupied territories. The visit of Peres to Morocco, which took place under the pretext of the Fez plan, c0uld be the beginning of a sad end to the Palestinian destiny if there is not firm resistance by the people of Palestine and non-aligned'Arab and Muslim countries. In the present circumstances, in which the whole of Palestine and major parts of Arab countries are under Israeli occupation, any compromise move which increases hope Of the continued existence of a Zionist rggime will cause immense increases in United states economic aid to, and political , military and arms support for, Israel, in accordance with their strategic alliance. Thus, Israel continues to exist not as a state but as the greatest United States political, econcmic, military and even nuclear base in the Middle East. This will certainly constitute an ever increasing threat to peace, security and stability in the sensitive Middle East region. For this very reason, we cannot accept any peace plan that includes direct or indirect recognition of the Zionist entity. TO those who believe that the establishment of an international conference advocating recognition of the PLO by Israel and the United States will secure the political interests of Palestine, I wish to say that only through the struggle against the occupying regime in Palestine can Palestine regain its freedom. A conference between the aggressor and the victim is another way of compromising with Zionism. The question of Palestine is at the root of the Middle East crises. Therefore, a short-term settlement could only aggravate the situation. A just and comprehensive Peace can be realized in this region only after the expulsion of Israel from Palestine and all Arab lands and the return of Palestinians to their homeland to establish an independent State therein. The heroic experience of the Muslim people of Lebanon in struggling against the Israeli occupiers and expelling them from the major part of their homeland should be a good lesson for those who consider compromise to be the only option for the Middle East. In conditions that enabled Israel to entertain the thought that it had finished Lebanon and could include it in the list of its occupied and annexed territories, the people of Lebanon started a great mass movement that forced Israel and its supporters to withdraw. It is true that Lebanon, owing to certain internal differences and disruptions caused by the war, has not yet been able to establish comprehensive, strongly based security, but the Zionist rhgime will never again dare to encroach upon that land. We declare our full support for the security and territorial integrity of Lebanon within its internationally recognised borders , and we uphold the right of its people to exercise full sovereignty over the whole country. We are confident that the people of Lebanon will be able to expel the remaining occupation forces from their homeland. Moreover, we call on the United Nations, in keeping with the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, to protect the civilian population of this country from the barbarous and inhuman acts of the occupation forces. Special attention should also be paid to the efforts made by the Zionist rhgime that threaten the security of African countries and are aimed at expanding its influence in this tyrannised continent. Israel's co-operation with the racist regime of South Africa is rapidly expanding in the economic, military and nuclear fields, We strongly caution that the establishment of relations between some African countries and the Zionist regime will strengthen the foundations of the apartheid r&gime. We propose that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) take urgent measures to uproot this cancerous tumor from their continent. Unlike the question of Palestine that is suffering from division, difference of opinion and compromising policies, a consensus exists among all countries - with few exceptions - on the question of South Africa. This consensus, which is accompanied by extensive movements especially at the international level, has laid the groundwork for the intensification of the pressures being exerted on the racist rigime of South Africa. The Various gatherings that have been convened throughout the world - such as the meetings in London recommending military sanctions and in oslo recommending oil sanctions, as well as the international conference in Paris on sanctions against the racist regime of South Africa, followed by the GAU summit in Addis Ababa and the Non-Aligned Conference in Harare, Zimbabwe - all have contributed to the implementation of the resolutions on south Africa adopted.by the United Nations and other international organisations. The Non-Aligned Conference in Harare adopted certain practical and concrete proposals. The proposal made by the President of the Islamic Republic of fran for the establishment of a fund to help the combatants inside South Africa, the fund for the front-line States and other similar proposals should receive the prompt suPPort of the United tiations and of all Member States. The present session of the General Assembly should enhance such activities. The intensification of the *trW?le of the people of south Africa is promising serious changes in Pretoria. The racist r6gime of South Africa is indisputably the root cause of all the tensions in south Africa. so long as apartheid is not totally eliminated peace, stability and security cannot be established in this region. People in South Africa should enjoy the right to a system composed of all races, with equal voting rights for everyone regardless of race and colour of skin. The very idea of apartheid constitutes a crime against humankind and an insult to the world’s conscience. With such a definition of apartheid in mind, one ask why the countries that fought during the Second World War against a similar notion, are not now ready t0 cease supporting the apartheid rC?gime. 1s there any justification for the United States policy of “constructive engagement” - a policy aimed at protecting the racist tdgime of South Africa and safeguarding United States national interests? In addition to crimes committed within its own borders, the apartheid regime is spreading its crimes to other States in southern Africa through subversive and terrorist acts, and the dispatch of paid agents to those countries. During the past year, these acts were intensified especially against Mozambiwe and Angola; The rigime of south Africa is still encroaching upon the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lesotho and Botswana. Air raids and economic pressure, as well as subversive acts carried out against Zimbabwe, Tanzania and Swaziland are all indicative of the fact that the r&gime in South Africa will never voluntarily submit to international decisions. The illegal, colonial occupation of Namibia by the South African r&gime, which is recognised as aggression against the people of Namibia, is continuing. Eight years after the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), calling for the independence of Namibia, there has been no practical progress for its implementat ion. Once again we voice our condemnation of the racist regime of South Africa, and reaffirm the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to national independence, self-determination, and the territorial integrity of their homeland. On the other hand, we believe that the Namibian people’s armed struggle, led by the South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO), should continue and be strengthened. The decision adopted at the Vienna International Conference for the Immediate Independence of Namibia, and the recent special session of the General Assesmbly on Namibia, should be given due attention by all countries. The Islamic Republic of Iran has encouraged the opening of a SWAPO representation office in Tehran. Similarly, political support for SWAP0 should be continued at the international level. We believe that the internal struggle in South Africa should be strengthened and that more pressure should be applied on the rhgime there through invoking Chapter VII of the Charter and implementing Security Council resolution 283 (19701, calling for the imposition of political, economic, military, nuclear, cultural and sport SanCtiOnS on the South African rigime. Unfortunately, the unto-operative approach of certain Western countries is the principal cause for the continuation of apartheid and the rdgime’s occupation of Namibia and acts of sabotage and conspiracies against its, neighbours. .-*-I (Mr. Velayati, Islamic Republic of Iran) There is no doubt that despite such manipulation, the racist rCgime of South Africa cannot be kept in power for long, disregarding the desire of the whole people of South Africa and Namibia. Those who sacrifice humanitarian principles for the sake of their personal financial interests will finally end up in disgrace. Latin America and the Caribbean region are still suffering from the vestiges of dependent military governments, huge economic difficulties and encroachment upon their sovereignty. In the past year, the danger of United States direct military intervention and aggressive acts against these countries has intensified. In spite of the efforts of the Contadora and Lima Support Groups and their Proposals for the settlement of Latin American problems, there has been no Progress: However, these efforts have had a positive impact elsewhere. The fact that members of the Ccntadora and Lima support Groups have been able to organize themselves and adopt a common stand on the most sensitive issues of their region, despite their existing political and ideological differences, is a promising movement towards true independence for Latin America as a whole. I hope such coJWIOn measures will gradually lead to a comprehensive OrganiZatiOn Of Latin American countries. Unfortunately, owing to certain complexities in the Asian continent, there still seems to be no possibility for the creation of a comprehensive organisation representing all countries of the continent. But if existing regional organizations are Strengthened, we may one day be able to create a unique organizaticn by integrating them. We also hope that the crises in Asia will end in desirable and just solutions, SO that the foundation is laid for relaxing tension and expanding Co-operation and unity among the countries in this continent. On the question of Cambodia , we believe that the presence of foreign troops in that South-East Asian country undermines its peace and stability. At the same time, however, we share the concerns of the people of Catiodia about the inhuman and barbarous acts of the previous rggime, especially when viewed in their true historical context. On the Korean problem, we still believe that the two Koreas should try to work out a formula for their reconciliation and eventual unity, so that peace, security and stability may be enhanced in that region. Through the expansion of the existing bases and the creation of new ones, the military presence of super-Powers in the Indian Ocean increases the probability of the recrudescence of tensions and clashes among super-Powers. Fifteen years after the adoption Of General Assembly resolution 2832 (XXVI) , declaring the Indian Gcean as a zone of peace, certain countries still insist on the preservation and expansion of their bases and on their continued military presence. That has frustrated the efforts of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean. We support the convening of the Ccnference on the Indian Ocean at the earliest possible time. To that end, we hope that the Indian Ocean littoral States , especially the South-East Asian ones, will overcome their minor differences of opinion and work for the establishment of peace in the Indian Ocean through co-operation and co-ordination. on the other hand, the Persian Gulf, as the natural arm of the Indian Ocean, is also exposed to the permanent rivalries of the two super-Powers. Tension in the Persian Gulf has been oXistantly escalating because of, on the one hand, the Iraqi aggression against the Islamic E&public of Iran and, on the other, the intensification of the United States military presence in the countries of the region; the presence of the United States fleet in the Sea of Oman as part of the destructive and aggressive structure of the “Rapid Deployment Force” - which, under a new development, is to be called the “Central Command”; and the creation of new militat y bases in Persian Gulf littoral States. This important and strategic waterway, so vi ta1 for the stability of the economy of the world, should become a non-military and non-nuclear region and a zOne of peace free of chemical weapons. We are working for long-term security in the Persian Gulf. We hops that by putting an end to Iraqi aggression we shall be able to achieve that objective, in close m-operation with other countries in our region. During the last year , we have witnessed a tragic recrudescence of tension in the Mediterranean region. Ccntinued military rivalries between the two blocs, the intensification of military presence, expansion of military bases for use by foreign fleets, at a time when countries in the Msdi terranean region have been trying to transform that region into a zone of peace: all that is indicative of the fact that the intention is for aggression to move from fluvial borders to the hinterland of littoral States. Aggression against Libya started with a series of provocative acts and military exercises in the Gulf of Sidra, and culminated in an extensive air raid upon Libya, including the bombardment of cities and residential areas - and thus turned into outright military aggression. In spite of efforts made by the united States illogically to invoke Article 51 of the Charter, the over whelming major ity of countries in the international community deemed the United States aggression to be a flagrant violation of Libyan sovereignty and territorial integrity and expressed their solidarity with Libya in its defence of its independence and sovereignty. Thus, the statement of the seven industr ialized countries and the European Economic Community which used allega tiOnS of terrorism as a pretext to’ justify their actions, reflected in fact a position adopted by a small minority of countries, a position contrary to that declared by the rest of the countries of the of Iran) world. The decision in question is devoid of any value and credibility- Hence, Libya emerged from this aggression more determined than ever before to continue its revolutionary policy against Israel and the W&d States= In view of the numerous acts of aggression that have taken place during the past year, the present session of the General Assembly should include in its agenda an item On the important principle of the non-use of force and aggression, and should devote some time to investigating its various dimensions. Preparation of a aNWentiOtl On the llCXl-use of force and aggression has been pending in tic General Assembly since 1974 because of obstacles created by certain Western countries. The adoption of a resolution containing the necessary recommendations to prevent the continuation of aggression should be seriously cdnsidered in the General Assen’bly. The Political Declaration of the Summit Conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries officially calls on the General Assembly to take up measures to enSUre the adoption of a universal declaration in this regard. A more thorough study by this body of the issue of terrorism is necessary. Resolution 40/61 was adopted with certain modification that were made in order to bring the United States to accept a legal framework. The United States did officially accept that framework. Nevertheless, it resorted to the chimer ical pretext of terrorism in order to e&ark on unprecedented aggression* But we believe that the present session of the General Assembly should look deeply into the question of terrorism, and particularly State terrorism and its Causes- The Islamic Republic of Iran considers that the third-world countries are the main victims of terrorism acts, either sponsored by Governments or carried out W individuals or groups. But Since those countries do not have access to the international mass media, including the press, the many cases of terrorism there dc not receive the attention they deserve ., On the other hand, sporadic cases in Western countries are given mple space in international news reports. (Mr. Velaya ti , Islamic Maepublic of Iran) For many long years the people of Iran have been the victims of Government-sponsored terrorism carried out by the imposed former puppet and dependent rkgime. In the aftermath of the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the People of Iran have again been the target of terrorists, who have been provided with all facilities by western countries and the United States. The Islamic &public of Iran condemns all forms and dimensions of terrorism, including Government-sponsored terror iem, and reserves the right to struggle for the liberation movements. It also calls on all countries, especially the Western ones, not to give any help to terrorist groups and to do their best to strengthen the existing conventions. We believe that in the present international situation the economic crises have a greater link than at any time before to the mad arms race. No substantive solution has been found to economic pr&lems, particularly those pertaining to the t.h ird-world countries in regard to debt, falling prices of raw materials and “nderdevelopnent; yet the arms race has gained momentum. The aim of the arms race is to increase spheres of influence and further polarise international relations and exacer bate groupings . That fact is the root cause of most of the problems of our time. In many fields, the speed of proliferation is so great that talks on disarmament cannot even cover them. International conventions relating to a cessation of the arms race and the production and use of weapons are increasingly being violated. The increased use of chemical weapons is an example. Not only are the expenses for the arms race imposed directly or indirectly upon the third-world countries, but these nations are dragged into internationally fabricated tensions and consequently become the main markets Of the merchants of death* This dual plundering of economic resources has in turn exacerbated the trend of the underdevelopment and eccmomic dependence of the third-world countries* The (Mr . Velaya ti , Islamic Republic of Iran) ccntinuation of this vicious. circle is extremely detrimental to mankind. I hope that the General Assembly will be able to take serious steps to prevent the continuation of this trend, which could be fatal.