A/41/PV.10 General Assembly

This morning the Assembly \'1ill first hear an address by the President of the Republic of Cyprus. Mr. Spyros Kyprianou, President of the Republic of Cyprus, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Cjprus, His Excellency Mr. spyros Kypr ianou, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President KYPRIANOU: Sir, I should like first of all to congratulate you on your unanimous and well-deserved election to the prl'!sidency of the forty-first session of the General Assembly. We hope and trust that tmder your able guidance, ensured by your skill, dedication and objectivity, this session will yield positive resul ts. I also wish to express our sincere appreciation to your predecessor Mr. Jaime de Pinies of Spain for the excellent manner he guided the deliberations of the fortieth session of the General' Assembly. He undoubtedly distinguished himself as a man of commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. Our sincere appreciation also goes to the secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his endeavours towards strengthening the United Nations in view in particular of the grave difficulties, economic and others, with which our Organization is faced. When we gathered in this hall, last year, to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations and evaluate the progress achieved in translating its principles and purposes into living realities, we concluded that the record was still far from being satisfactory. Now, a year later the record is not nuch better. (President Kyprianou) The situation prevailing in the world continues to be "~re often one of affront to and violation of the very principles and purposes of the united Nations Charter rather than one of commitment and adherence fo them. Thus, the use or threat of use of force in international relations, aggression, military occupation jnd foreign interference in the internal affairs of states as well as the persistent violation of human rights in many parts of the world are still frequent phenomena. No one can deny that if that frightening vulnerability of the international political system remains unchecked, it would vitiate the very concept of collective security which lies at the heart of the Charter, not to speak of the ultimate disastrous consequences for humanity as a whole. Despite the fact that there exists unanimity among nations as to the validity of the Charter and the necessity for preserving and further strengthening international co-operation, the threats to international peace and security are not only ever present but are on the increase. Although since the establishment of the united Nations mankind has so far avoided the insanity of a third world war, war itself has not been eliminated. More than a hundred limited wars have taken place in many parts of the world because of the inability of the united Nations to prevent such conflicts. The pursuit of narrow national interests, often in direct violation of the principles of the Charter, has become common practic~. The underlying reason for the persistence of such violations, usually both flagrant and gross, is that they are carried out with impunity, the perpetrators being able to flout with arrogance the international community's decisions. In all those cases, Article 2~ of the Charter remains a dead letter and decisions of the Security Council, even those unanimously adopted, remain unimplemented. It is a sad fact that the very basis on which the united Nations rests is being eroded and in the face of this, the Organization appears inefficient and incapable. ------~ (Pres ident Kypr ianou) Respect by Menber Sta tes of the decisions of the pr incipal ot'gans of the United Nations, especially those of the security Council, provides the essential prerequisite for the maintenance of international peace and security as envisaged in the Charter. As long as such respect is lacking, the Organization will be virtually hamstrung in resolving conflict situations. Only when canpliance by Member States with the resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly and the security Council becomes the rule will the United Nations fully perform its basic role as expressly provided for in the Charter. The Charter provides fully for an institutional framework for the taking by the secur ity Council of effective enforcement measures for the maintenance or restoration of international peace. But the measures provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter have not so far been used, thus weakening the capacity of the United Nations to deal effectively with situations posing a threat to international peace and security. We maintain that it: is high time to re-examine the issue and hold a constructive dialogue aiming at giving life to all the pertinent provisions of the Charter and at ensuring strict compliance with United Nations resolutions. We must also proceed with determination and vigour to provide the security Council with the necessary means for the creation of an effective collective international security system as provided for in the Charter. Only then will the United Nations be able to deal decisively with the international anarchy and . lawlessness that prevails today, secure the prerequisi tes for general and canplete disarmament and ensure for itself the prestige and author ity that it needs in order to pursue its task successfully. The absence of an effective collective international secur ity system as provided for in the Charter is no doubt the major stunt>ling block to real progress towards disarmament. The absence of such a system not only prevents the grea t Powers from dealing wi th the problem of disarmament vi th confidence and wi thout suspicion but also enoourages even small States to enter into local arms races. It is therefore imperative that we all concentrate our efforts as a matter of high pr ior ity on the establishment of an international secur ity sysu:m, and any proposals to that effect should be seriously studied wi thin the cootext of a result-or iented dialogue for the purpose of achieving the desired objective. A lot of discussion on this issue has b ~ .~n taking place since the establishment of the un i ted Na tions, but unfor tunately, for var ious reasons, it has never received the attention it deserves. It must by now be absolutely clear that such a system consti tutes an imperative necessity. All Member s of the United Nations bear a great responsibility in this respect, but if the effort is to succeed it should have the genuine and meaningful support and positive contribution of the great Powers, and in particular the super-Powers. Whilst general and complete disarmament obviously cannot be achieved without a system of international security as prO'lided for in the Charter, this dces not mean that effor ts aiming at detente, at halting the arms race and for the reduction of armaments are not worth pursuing. On the contrary, every effort must be made in this respect. The greater the extent to which this is achieved, the fewer the dangers to international peace and security and to the survival of the human race. The escalation of the arms race, both nuclear and conventional, must end without any further delay and a reverse process must begin aiming at limiting as much as possible the means of destruction. There are today more than 50,000 nuclear weapons amassed by the nuclear Powers, not to speak of other means of mass destruction or of conventional arsenals. A small portion only of existing nulcear weapons would be enough to cause the complete annihilation of human life on our planet. (President Kyprianou) An encouraging sign is t.ile fact that t.ilere seems to be a real apprehension of the dangers involved in the escalation of the arms race on the part of all countries, including the nuclear Powers. This apprehension, which in recent years has apPeared to be growing, is in itself an incentive to try to do as ml!ch as possible towards hal ting the arms race and reducing the danger s of a nuclear holocaust. All countr ies have a responsibility to contr ibute in this respect, but of course it is undoubtedly the primary duty of the nuclear Powers, and in particular the super-Powers, to take all possible action and measures to prevent a nuclear catas trophy. There are in fact some signs that could be described as positive. The sUlliDit meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev held in Novenber last year, though it produced no concrete agreement, created a momentum and a constructive atmosphere that could pave the way for possible breakthroughs in the near future. Similarly, the successful outcome a few days ago in Stockholm of the Conference on Confidence and security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe will, we hope, contribute to the lessening of suspicions regarding military manoeuvres and troop movements in Europe. We also welcome the constructive dialogue between the United States and the Soviet Union wi thin the context of JIlltual and balanced force reduction in Vienna and we hope that an agreement will be worked out regarding reductions in cOI~ventional weapons and mili tary forces in Europe. Fur thermore, the recent movement in the positions of the super-Powers in the Geneva arms control talks, especially in the area of medium-range missile forces, is a source of further encouragement. (President Kyprianou) We support all initiatives and proposals aimed at progress in t~e field of arms control and in this connection we welcome the extension by the Soviet Union of the unilateral moratorium on nuclear testing. We regard this as an important step in the right direction and towards a total ban on nuclear tests. We would also like to reiterate our appreciation of the initiative of the six countries - namely, Greece, India, Argentina, Mexico, Sweden and Tanzania - which reflects the concern of the world at large for detente and nuclear disarmament. I have referred to some positive signs. The significance of the relations between the two super-Powers as a barometer of the international climate focuses the eyes of the world today on the prospects for a new summit meeting between President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev. We hope that nothing will stand in the way of such a meeting. Furthermore, we hope that when that meeting does take place it will lead to conQrete results not only in the field of a~ms control and disarmament, which are obviously the primary objectives, but also in regard to regional conflicts, which present a threat to international peace and security. We hope and trust that the new summit meeting will herald the beginning of a new era of hope and peace for humanity. (President Kyprianou) The world's economic situation is related to some extent to the expenditures on armaments. The level of global military spending today is estimated at more than SUS 900 billion annually. A fraction of those resources, both financial and human, if devoted to development would lead to the realization of ecoRomic and social progress for millions. We hope that the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development, to be held in Pazis in 1987, will produce positive results. Generally speakin9~ one cannot but underline the fact that the world economic situation remains critical. The prolonged economic difficulties facing developing countries have seriously affected the pace of their development. These problems, coupled with the obsolete and structurally deficient system of economic relations, serve only to aggravate the striking imbalance existing between the North and the South. In today's world of economic interdependence, there is no alternative to global negotiations which should lead towards the long overdue establishment of a new international economic order. We therefore cannot but maintain our belief that global negotiations should be launched as soon as possible as we assess their ability to bring true solutions to the problems confronting the world. As a necessary step we attach great importance to the Ministerial Conference which will take place in North Korea in 1987, as decided by the recent summit conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries at Harare, for the purpose of strengthening South-South economic co-operation. The success of that conference will, I am sure, enhance the chances for a more fruitful dialogue between the North and the South. On the other hand, the special session of the General Assembly convened last June to consider the critical economic situation in Africa and the Programme of (President Kyprianou) Action for African Economic Recovery and Development for the yea~s 1986-1990 were a major achievement for the African Governments and the international community as a whole. It has been clearly demonstrated that when the essential political will is displayed by all the work of the united Nations can be constructive and have positive results. The challenge now is to translate the Programme of Action into concrete terms. This will require sustained efforts by all concerned, and we believe that, given the determination of African Governments and the encouraging response of the international community, the chances for success ai7e ccnsi,derable. I shall now refer to some of the most serious international problems in different parts of the world. A great number of us discussed these same problems only three weeks ago at the Harare summit conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, which coincided with the twenty-fifth anniversary of its establishment at Belgrade in 1961. During the 25 years of its existence, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries has played a positive role in world affairs and has sought to contribute to the promotion of peace, the improvement of international relations, and the establishment of a more just world. Cyprus, a founding member, will continue to follow the policy of non-alignment and will actively participate in the Movement's efforts and activities. We are both honoured and proud that Cyprus has been chosen as the venue for the next ministerial conference of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. In this connection, I should like to express our gratitude to the Movement for its solidarity with and consistent support of the just cause of Cyprus. I believe that the recent Conference in Harare magnified the need to strengthen the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries in furtherance of its principles and objectives. The principles and objectives of non-alignment are in compl~t~ accord with the principles and purposes of the United Nations. I believe that (President Kyprianou) ~ithout the HooeJleni: and its cCl1certed efforts the thited Nations would have been even weaker today. One of the primary objectives of the MoVtSellt is the strengthening of the thited Nations, and I have no doubt that it will cCl1tinue to pursue that objective with deterJlination and vigour. The United NatiCl1S must become strCl1ger and mace effective so that it may successfully discharge its responsibilities and mission as envisaged in the Charter. The conference at Harare was not ally an occasiCl1 to take stock of the achieveJle."1ts of the MoI1ement; it was also an opportunity to voice our concerns and views with regard to the problems facing the world today. Fittingly, SOUth Africa and Namibia were central issues in our deliberations at Harare. The situation in southern Africa continues to be dominated by tumultuous events. The evil policy of apartheid is still a grim reality in SOUth Africa; it constitutes a crime not only against the black majority in South Africa but also against mankind as a whole. It presents a real challenge to the United Nations. Coodemnations are of course being voiced in all parts of the world, but they are falling on deaf ears. It is now recognized by all that apartheid means the nega tion of all human values and pr inciples enshr ined in the Char ter and embodied in the universal Declaration of Human Rights. Despite the universal coodemnation, concrete action in the form of effective measures as expressly provided for in the Charter are still to be adopted. Thus oppression and tyranny are exercised in South Africa against millioos of the black majority by a racist regime which con t inuously and arrogantly flou ts the in terna tional communi ty • The Wor Id Cooference on ~jnctions aga inst Racist South Afr ica, held in Par is last June~ indicated beyond any doubt the growing demand for canprehensive sanctions in order to bring about the: dismantling of the abhorrent system of apartheid. Cyprus associates itself fully with the declarations of the Conference, (president Kyprianou) as well as with all Security Council and General Assembly resolutions and declarations adopted by the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries on the issue. At the same time we express our solidarity with and undiminished support for the just struggle being waged by the oppressed people of south Africa and call for the immediate release of Nelson Mandela and all other political prisoners. The concern of the international community over Namibia was manifested by the holding of a special session of the General Assembly on the issue last week. Cyprus, a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, joins the international community in reiterating its consistent support for and solidarity with the people of Namibia under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), their sole and authentic representative, in their just and legitimate struggle for national independence, self-determination and sovereignty \n a united Namibia. We call for the immediate and unconditional implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Recent events in Namibia indicate the necessity for resoiute action so that the Namibian people may achieve their noble goals of freedom and human dignity. Another most disturbing aspect of the situation in the southern African region is to be found in South Africa's policies and actions against neighbouring States, inclUding military attacks and attempts at destabilization. Armed raids against Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Zambia and Zimbabwe during recent months have been condemned without reservation by the international community. We take this opportunity once again to voice our condemnation of those illegal actions and our complete solidarity with the front-line States. (President Kyprianou) The critical situation in the Middle East is also of great coocern. we reiterate our position that the question of Palestine constitutes the core of the Middle East problem. we _intain that there c.;an be no caDprehensive, viable and just solutioo unless account is taken of the legitimate aspiratioos and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to establish their own independent sovereign State. we suoogly hold the view that the complete and uncoodi tional wi thdrawal of Israel from all occupied territories is imperative and long overdle. we adhere to t.~e position of principle that the acquisition of territory by force in whatever circumstances is inadmissible and can never be legitimized. We fully support the implementation of the United Nations resolutions on the Middle East, as well as the convening of an international conference with the full participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberatioo Organization (PID) as the sole legitinate representative of the Palestinian people. The gravity of the situation in our neighbour ing country Lebanoo continues to pose a serious threat to peace and securi ty in the region. Cypcus has all along prov ided humanitar ian assistance to the fr iendly people of Lebanoo and will cootinue to do so if and when such help is needed. It is our fervent hope that the people of IA!banoo will without further delay achieve natiooal reconciliation and peace and that all human suffering will be alleviated. We ooce again reiterate our contin ued supper t for the S 017ereign ty, independence, ter r i tor ia1 in tegr i ty and unity of Lebanon and call for the immediate withdrawal of all Israeli forces from its territory. The Iran-Iraq conflict continues to cause grave loss of life, human suffering and massive desuuctioo. we express our concern at the tragic loss of life. We also express the hope that this war may ~ ~ ,To come to an end• (Pres ident RYfr ianou) The problem of·Western Sahara cCl'ltinues to remain unresolved despite many efforts includirg those of the secretary-General of the United Nations and the Chairman of the Organization of African thity (OAU). We fervently hope that a just and lasting solutim will be found, based on the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the thited Nations. The situation in Central Amer iea continues to pose a ser ious threat to peace in the region and constitutes one of the main focal points of tension. It is regrettable that, despite the efforts exerted so far by the CCI'ltaJora Group for a neqotiated politi.cal solution to the ~roblems in the ~egion, the situation oontinues to deter iorate. The need for dialogue is imperative. Equally imperative is respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of &11 States in :.he regiCl'l and adherence to the principle of nCl'l-interference in their internal affairs. we express the hope that the peace initia tives of the CCI'ltadora Group, as well as the efforts of the Lima SUpport Group, will finally contribute positively to the achievement of a peaceful solution to the problems in Central America. I now turn, finally, to the grave situation we are confronted with in Cyprus, a sit.uation with which the General Assenbly and the security Council are only too familiar. In fact, the reasoo why the Cyprus problem still exists is the non-implementation of the resolutions of the General Assenbly and the security Council. This is an example of the weakness of our Organization which I refer red to at the beginning of my statement. But if the ctprus problem is to be properly and reasonably solved the implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations constitute an absolute necessity. There is no alternative. Various attempts have been made to solve the Cyprus problem apart from the provisions of the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. Those attempts have inevitably contributed to (President Kypr ianou) the perpetuation of the unresolved crisis and indeed to the wClCsening of the situatim. It is only when all efforts have been concentrated on implementing the provisions of the relevant resolutions of the tbited Nations that progress towards a just and lasting solutiC!\ can be achieved. The elements contained in the United Natims resolutims for a solution to the Cyprus problem represent the only realistic approach. we are ourselves in the process of considering what shC/uld be done next on our part in pursuance of the implementation of the United Nations resolutions. Twelve years have gone by since the inhuman invasion of O,{prus by Turkey. Despite the condemation of the aggression, 37 per cent of our territory is still under the occupatioo of Turkish uoops, one third of our population are still refugees, forcibly prevented from returning to theic homes and ancestral lands and the missing persoos are still unaccounted for, while the occupying Power persists in its calculated policy of consolidating the occupation and division of the country. Turkey still maintains an occupation army of about 30,000 men. It has implanted in the occupied part 60,000 colmist settlers from its Anatolian provinces. In fact, the Tur kish Cypr iot community itself is now submerged under the vocal colooist element and one of the most ominous recent developments - ominous for Cypr us and for the 'nJr kish Cypr iots themselves - is the fact that the political party which was formed by the settlers is now playing a determining role in the so-called government in the occupied area of Qiprus. The systematic large-scale implantation of colooist settlers fran Turkey, in a calculated attempt to change the age-loog demographic character of Cyprus, in addi tion to the presence of the Turkish troops of occupation cmd the solution '1\1rkey envisages, is a manifest attempt by '1\1rkey to place our country under its permanent pol! tical and mili tary cootrol. Throughout this period Turkey has been taking a series of partitionist steps, culminating in the blatant attempt in 1983 (Pres ident Kypr ianou) at secessim, which was ccndelll'led by the tl'lited Nations in security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984). Neither security Council resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984), calling for the reversal of all secessicnist acts, nor the other resolutions of the security Council and of the General Assembly calling for the withdrawal of the occupation troops, for respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment of Cyprus, calling for the return of the refugees to their homes, ccndel'llling the influx into the occupied areas of colmialist settlers fran Turkey, and calling for the cessatim of foreign intervention in the internal affairs of Cyprus, have been respected by Turkey. Tur key has been able to ignore with impunity every pr inciple and norm of justice and morality. Turkey felt itself in a position to ignore canpletely the General Assembly and the secur ity Council. It is obvious that, free from any real pressure, Turkey has not so far felt the necessity to give up its expansimist and partitionist plans against the small, defenceless and nm-aligned Republic of Cyprus. OCcasimally an attempt is made by some to present the Cyprus problem as a dispute between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots. Nothing could be further from the truth. The problem of Cyprus in its essence is a problem of invasion and occupatioo, aimed at the imposition of a solution that will serve the expansimist designs and other interests of Turkey in the region. There may be internal differences to be settled between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypr iots. I am convinced, hC7flever, that those differences would have been solved many years ago had it not been for the presence of the occ:upation troops and the foreign intervention. (President R'"lprianou) Despite the oppressive presence of the Turkish occupation troops and settlers, which makes a mockery of "free negotiations lll as provided for in the landmark General AsseIlbly resolution 32/15, we have not p:efused to negotiate. we have been negotiating for the past 12 years, under dures5 and under all sorts of pressures. In our genuine desire to reach a peaceful solution we have made a series of concessims, to an extent to which 10 other Government, I believe, would ever have gone in similar circumstanceso In fact if the corJcessions we have offered in connection with the constitutional and territorial aspects of the Cyprus problem were applied to other states having ethnic minorities with separatist inclinations a large number of States would be confronted with permanent instability and even canplete disintegration, yet all the cOncessions we have offered, aside from such internationally reoognized and accepted democratic pr inciples as "major ity rule" and ·ooe man ooe vote·, have not been considered enough. Turkey now wants us to make further ooncessions, to such a point that it would mean the legalization of the resul ts of the invasion and a prescriptioo for new deadlocks and conflicts, with repercussioos beyond Cyprus. I have to be frank. Unfortunately, the mentality prevailing in certain quarters, which we very much resent, is that pressure must be exercised on the victim, being the weaker side, and not on the stronger party, namely, Turkey, irres~ctive of the fact that it is the aggressor and the wrongdoer. Some consider this more practical. They consider a solution easier through continuous concessions on the part of the weak side, irrespective of the merits of the case or the principles and moral issues involved. But even if we suppose that this attitude prevails and succeeds, the net result would not be a just and viable solution, but, instead, the beginning of a new crisis with far-reaching consequences. Let me at this point make clear that despite the many difficulties we are encountering, despite our weaknesses and the different pressures, we cannot, under any circumstances, agree to a solution which will place Cyprus di~ect1y or indirectly under the military and political control of Turkey, or to a solution that because of its inequity and unworkabi1ity would lead to a new Cyprus problem, new conflicts and new tragedies. The solution must be just, viable and workable, and in full conformity with the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. We have extended our sincere co-operation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations in the exercise of his mission of good offices, which is well defined in the resolutions of the United Nations. We have done this motivated by a genuine desire to achieve a peaceful and fair solution in strict conformity with the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. We shall continue the dialogue with the Secretary-Genera1 in the same spirit. The internal aspect of the Cyprus problem is, of course, important. We have been negotiating on the internal aspects, namely, the constitutional and territorial, for a federal system for almost 12 years. We all know where both sides stand on these issues. But we do not know where the Turkish side stands with regard to the basic issue of the withdrawal of the occupation troops and the (President Kyprianou) settlers, the question of international guarantees and the question of the application of fundamenta: freedoms and human rights for all Cypriots. In a letter I addressed to the Secretary-General on 10 June 1986, I explained to him our position ~lith regard to his latest initiative,' and I suggested to him how we might proceed forward. Progress cannot be made by demanding more and more concessions from one side to the point that an arrangement will be both totally unjust and unworkable. In fact, all the concessions we made in the past, which, I repeat, no oth~r Government in our position r in my humble view, would have made, were contingent upon acceptance of the position that the subject matter of the resolutions of the united Nations relating to the withdrawal of the occupation troops and settlers, the question of the effective international guarantees with no spurious claims of rights of unilateral interventions, and the application of the fundamental freedoms and human rights for all Cypriots, were priority questions to be discussed and settled urgently. If agreement on these three fundamental issues is not possible there is no point in discussing further the constitutional aspect of the problem. If, on the other hand, agreement on the three vital issues proves possible, that will facilitate an overall agreement as provided for in the resolutions nf the United Nations. The way out, therefore, would be, without further delay and as a matter of priority, to tackle the important issues of the Cyprus problem. The problem of Cyprus is a problem of the United Nations, and it should be solved within its framework and in conformity with its Charter and resolutions. This has always been our position and it will continue to be so; but it is only natural and, I hope, understandable to expect efforts and initiatives which will preclude the realization by Turkey of its sinister designs at the expense of Cyprus or any arrangement that might lead, because of its unworkability, to new conflicts and new crises. (President Kyprianou) If progress is to be made the international community must at last find the way to make Turkey feel that it has to abandon its expansionist and partitionist plans at the expense of Cyprus. Meaningful and effective efforts towards checking Ankara's intransigence are necessary and fully consistent with the obligations of all the Members of the United Nations to ensure the implementation of its resolutions. Equally, we welcome any proposals from any side that contribute towards finding a just solution to the Cyprus problem. In this connection I wish to reiterate that we welcome the proposals made by the Soviet union last January on the principles of a Cyprus settlement and ways to reach it. These proposals are fUlly consistent with the principles of the Charter and the resolutions of the United Nations. In order to address the major components of the Cyprus problem those proposa~s call for the convening of a representative international conference under the auspices of the United Nations. We urge all concerned to consider this suggestion, which we fully support, seriously and urgently. It is not the first time that I address the General Assembly, and it is not the first time that I speak in this hall about the Cyprus problem. I repeatedly appealed to the General Assembly and the Security Council to take concrete steps for the ~mplementation of the United Nations resolutions. I repeatedly appealed to all Member States to place the Cyprus problem higher on their list of priorities. For how long will the occupation of a large part of our territory continue? For how long will the refugees forcibly remain away from their homes and will the fate of the missing persons remain unknown? For how long will the people of Cyprus live in agony about their future and very survival? For how long will the human rights of our people be denied? The Cyprus problem may appear to be a complicated problem, but in its essence it is a simple one. If Turkey is made to see reason, and the resolutions of the United Nations are implemented, the Cyprus problem will be solved. Cyprus is a small island, but it has all the possibilities of being a (President Kyprianou) happy place for all its inhabitants irrespective of ethnic origin. This can be achieved without the presence of occupation troops and withQut dividing lines. This can be achieved without foreign interference and intervention. We ~ant peace, security and stability in Cyprus. We want freedom. We want human rights for all our citizens. Cyprus is truly a test case for the united Nations.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Cyprus for the important statement he has just made. Mr. Spyros Kyprianou, President of the Republic of Cyprus, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall.