A/41/PV.15 General Assembly

This afternoon, the Assembly will first hear an address by the President of the Republic of Guatemala. Mr. Marco Vinicio Cerezo Aravalo, President of the Republic of Guatemala, was escortef1 into the General Assembly Hall.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Guatemala, His EXcellency Mr. Marco Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo, and to invite him to address the AsseiIDly. President CEREZO AREVALO (interpretation from Spanish): As is the custom among my fellow Guatemalans, I should like to begin by introducing myself. I am Venicio Cerezo, the legitimate representative of the people of Guatemala, a politician, a simple Guatemalan, with all the characte~istics found in our indigenous Ladino culture. We are relatively quiet and observant as were our indigenous ancestors, a trait consistent with our varied and mountainous landscape. We are dreamers, reserved by nature - the result of a past of suffering and difficulties. We are patient and indefatigable workers as a result of our magical confidence in a better fu ture. We are stoical in the face of cr iticism and are always ready to overcome difficulties. But we are firm, convinced of final success, thanks to our love for our land and our historical convictions. We have worked many years to find a non-violent pa th, a broadening of the political base that would allow the people of Guatemala to elect freely a Government that would be at its service - orie chosen by it, which would begin a serious effort to establish a united and participatory democratic society • (President Cerezo Arevalo) Frau the start,. we behaved with absolute sincerity and honesty and with total objectivity. Here the surprises began, some of which seemed incomprehensible and others most surprising. An attempt was made to assassinate me for behaving in the way I have just outlined. Several such attempts were made, and I must recognize that even now, I am ~. ,t sure why none of these was successful - possibly because of a bit of foresight, some luck and much protectioo from God. But perhaps what surprised me most was the lack of confidence on the part of some democratic countries as tl' our eventual success v and this naturally had another consequence, 'Which from a political view made things more difficult - that is, we found virtually no concrete support for our search for democracy. This attitude was such that wen we managed to succeed, many people were astonished. Eight months later, some still insist that this is all a farce, at the bottom of which lies an agreement between this politician speaking to you and those who were accused of oppressing the people of Qlatemala. I understand this feeling of surprise. Tha;;e not familiar with the inner strength of Guatemalans do not realize what we are capable of. Even within Guatemala, there are still small elite sectors that refuse to recognize the deep changes taking place. By the grace of God, all that is happening is true. we are living through a true process of demcratizatioo. For the first time in 42 years, the President is a politician - a lawyer by professioo, a liberal - who reached the presidency with the support of the people and of a party made up of the urban middle class, farm workers and the indi~nous people, with the help of neither traditiooal private en trepreneurs nor the army nor the uni ted Sta tes. Of course, this is surprising and almost exceptional in light of our recent history, particularly because the path was peaceful ra ther than violent. It was not an armed revoluticoAl, but rather a popular mobilization at the national level, (President Cer:ezo Arevalo) giving the current President a llane1ate unprecedented in the political history of the country. But who is the hero of this Guatemalan story that I am now recounting? The true heroes of this story are the people of Guatemala, who knew - as always - how to surpass the expectatiCll'ls of those who would judge them in the light of other realities. Among all the choices available, the var ious sector s of our society - a society separated by ~utal eccaosic differences, dividf'd for cultw:al and racial reasoos, polarized by war and the policy of confrootation and oppressed by electoral fraud· and repressioo, corruption and the inefficiency of elite groups - opted, decided, chose the electoral process, noo-violence and participa tion as a means of deciding its destiny. And, in Ca\trast to similar commWlities within the regioo, each sector contr ibuted to the birth of this mere intent to establish a democracy. (President Cerezo Arevalo) The people won the right to exerciae their sOl7ereigntyJ the inevitable pundits misjudged the people's capa1:>ilities and strength, and scorned their ability to make decisions, but none the less the people decided and voted Upall, and now support, not a party or a man, but a democratic process. That is why, when he chose dialogue among Guatemlans as a method of government, the President was aligning himself with the poor and the middle class~ but he is aware that ultimtely the artIY and the traditional business sectocs were able to accept the will of the people. The admission that the people, not the governing elite, is the leading actor in our attempt to implement deoocracy is a surprising but fmdamental premise of any analysis of our situation. Despite all pcedictions, it was the indigenous people, the illiterate, the farmers, the workers and the aiddle class that became involved en masse in the election. Contrary to the predictions of the analysts, people were conscientious~ they opted for d1ange~ they CO!IIIlitted the:llSelves to democracy~ they put aside their frustrations~ they overcame their pain at the death of their dear ones~ and they emarked upon the building of their own destiny. Among the middleand lQler-income sectors, there vas more participation, while in the higher economic groups there vas more non-participation and disillusionment. But in general it was established beyond question that we want delTOcracy: a denocracy for the illiterate and the peasants~ for the middle and professional classes~ for the rich and the military~ a democracy of our Qln dl0osing, and one we hope that all will respect, accept and suppoct. We Glatemalans are tired of suffering~ we now live in hope. we consider that we have made our share of sacrifices and that we have the right to continue on our road with serenity, prudence, minimal saer ifice and minimal hatred. But the task is enormous, and that is the story I wish to tell. We found Guatemla in a disastrous state; all the numerical indices, relating to areas such as hunger, illiteracy and unemployment, were negative. I shall not rehearse the statistics, for I do not wish here to stress our ills or to feel sorry for ourselves in a display of a sort of collective masochism. we know the figures; they are in our files, and they show us wat it is we must resolve. But the most complicated and difficult thing to face is that we found a society bereft of institutions, all sectors having lost faith in processes and institutions as a means of settling disputes and making decisions. The middleand lower-income groups were canpelled therefore to repress their most fervent hopes, and the leading elite in all sectors of society had fallen into anarchy or corruption and had become opportunistic. This could have led Glatemala into open war, with unpredictable consequences, but that did not hapPen. We found the way to peace through delIDcratic participation. It is only fitting that I should acknowledge, first, the people of Guatemala in the middleand lower-income groups wo, despite repression and attempts to cause disillusionment, persisted in their hard, lengthy search for delIDcracy and succeeded in creating conditions for broadening the political base, which was the beginning of this process. I acknowledge also the political leader s of various parties who interpreted correctly the aspirations of the people, rejecting the opportunism of the rUling elite and rejecting the hopelessness caused by repression. I acknowledge, in particular, my party, the Guatemalan Christian Democratic Party, which, even dur in9 the worst moments, remained hopeful and kept the way open for a successful conclusion. More than 300 of our delIDcratic comrades gave their lives for democratic change and set an example for the preservation of :ai the (President Cerezo Arevalo) I acknowledge the new breed of army officers who, in 1982 and 1983, determined to break out of the existing order and contribute to creating the conditions for a political process, avoiding the mistakes of other autocratic Governments of our region which, in their intransigence, led their peoples into constant confrontation. By opting for the poor, for peace and for deIlDcrac:y, the catholic Church helped maintain hope~ it acted wisely in helpir:g the lower-income groups, where it has great influence, in making its choices. In economic sectors known to be traditionalist and conservative, ther:e were leaders who were able to arouse interest in the desirability of a deIlDcratic outcome and to initiate a discussion of an option that had been thought to have been rejected. I must, of course, acknowledge the organized popular groups, co-operatives and trade unions. Despite having been among the principal victims, in the main they opted for peaceful participation, interested only in the establishment of a k1ew pluralistic society. Now we must rebuUd Glatemala. The facts I have just outlined show 1;1hy we Guatemalans can sa:r that the decision to rebuild Guatemala through deIlDcracy was a collective decision by an entire people, not the war k of a successful group of revolutionaries or of a single political party. The task goes beyond the short term. It goes beyond the elections. The basic oojective is to replace the repressed and anarchistic society we found with a free, pluralistic, institutionally orderly society, with a view to the welfare of all. In the early period of my administration I am faced wi th the task of leading the national reoonstruction effort~ the first problem confronting the nation is the natural impatience of some leading sectors of the country. We have many questions to answer. What should the pace of change be? Whom should change affect? In (President Cerezo Arevalo) t.ilose favour should it wcxk? In order to answer those and other questions we have decided to use our imagination~ we must find our own answers, because today traditional models are in crisis. We have decided on a long-term plan not limited to my presidential term: I am tempcxarily the leader of the process, but I have decided to co-operate as just another citizen with whoever might be elected by the people later in this great national effort for the benefit of future generations. We want a well organized, participatory society that will serve national interests, not just those of ooe sector, group or mion. we want a society operating and structured to serve the human being - man or woman, indigenous or meztizo - creating appropriate cooditions for their fulfilment as individuals. We are serious in our aspirations to such a wonderful society. We are determined to build it~ thus far we have overcome all obstacles, and I see no reason Why we should not continue to do so. we want a society in which our past will not be the basis for canplaints and weeping - we are tired of that - or for shame - for it is, after all, our past - but will rather help us build our own identity and our own fu ture. We want a society in which right and the law prevail~ where dissent is possible~ tIlhere peace will result from awareness of the ability to use institutional machinery rather than force to settle disputes~ where natural and human resources will serve the needs of all, not of the few. In essence, we want a democratic society: one not conceived of as a mere instrument for meeting petty interests but one which will prOl7ide a way of seeking perfection in human relations. (President Cerezo Areva!2> we must redefirie deuncracy. In so doing, we can clearly see that the President of Guatemala has not been elected to preside over a tragedy; rather, he has been elected to be a leader of a people that wants to be the master of its own destiny. 1 am here to tell the General Assembly that we have started on the long road that will take us to change. l!or we believe that c:!lang~s are a consequence and not the beginning of a process. Therefore, we are undertaking these changes vigorously, step by step, but prudently and patiently. We do not want to take a step backwards,; we do not want regression. In rejecting the urgent demands of those who are impatient, those who are opportunists, those who cC"nnot transcend their pain, we are asking our people and the peoples of the world to help us carry our cross - not in order to crucify us but, rather, to br ing glory to our effor ts, to contribute to the surge of a humanity of light that projects and does not destroy. I ask everyone here to give us credi t for our hopes and not to judge us by \lihat we have suffered - because, 1 repeat, we Gua temalans have already paid the pr ice of suffer ing • Aware of the decision taken by t.l1e GJatemalans, I proposed the method of reaching agreement to determine the stra tegies and processes of change. This means, as Professor Aristides Calvani said, "achieving the greatest degree of agreement within disagreement". It means working to find agreements, points that bring us together, not those that emphasize our differences. It means rejecting traditional dichotomies and learning to live together and to accept each other as we are. It means promoting multiple and diverse ways of thinking. From the outset I saw the difficulty of implementing that method when some intellectuals insisted that agreement through dialogue was impossible - as though the world had once and for all rejected the possibilities of reaching agreement. (!resident Cerezo Arevalo) It is true that coming to an agreement requires an act of humanity on the part of leaders; they must admit that they do not possess absolute truth. It requires that the opportunism of the moment be abandoned and replaced by permanent and historical values. It takes courage not to expect immediate recognition but to wait for history to speak. In short, what is required is a sense of strength and the conviction of one's own ideas, so that one is not afraid of confronting the ideas of others. History has consistently shown that reason is not on one side alone, and that human beings do not often want to learn the lessoos of history. Personally, I am convinced that our national leaders will be capable of solving this dilemma in favour of long-term interests and not short-term opportunities; of placing the interests of the nation over personal interests, of history over the immediate. And I am absolutely sure that the people will know how to choose - that is, those committed to the interests of all the PeOple and not to their own persooal interests. But, in the final analysis, the effort to which we must devote our imagination is towards the pro11'Otion of some ideas that are new to our coun try. In practice, we are trying to combine strategies and techniques that will be useful to the attainment of our objectives. These objectives were laid down in the "National Plan" approved by the people in December 1985, when we were elected to gO·lern, in exercise of their legitimate sovereignty. They have already been described in my statement. The strategies to achieve the objectives have been synthesized in three main short-term and medium-term policies. In the spirit of agreement through dialogue and of the democracy we wish to build, these policies reject traditiooal dichotomies, because we do not want to fall into polarization and confrontation; they reject definitions in the framewor k of an economic model because no such model can be adapted to our reality. (President Cerezo Arevalo) Our premise is that technology is only an instrument. at the service of political decisioos. We believe that man does not live for the economy but, rather, that the economy should be used for the benefit of man. We refuse to reduce the conflicts of the world and of modern society to a mere dilemma of good "ersus bad men, Ot to East-West confrmtation. We prefer to opt for values and not for positioos, and therefo! e for pluralistic democracies and not for author itar ian regimes, \1lhatever the type. That is the basis of our three policies. First, there is the social policy, in or:Cier to institutionalize democracy.. In this field, the action of the Government is basically aimed at creating the institutional mechanisms to resolve conflicts and at promoting conditions in which Guatemalans can exercise their constitutional rights with no limitations other than those established by law. It is in this field that we have been most severely criticized internationally, but it is certainly the field in which we have had the greatest success nationally. Constant activity by trade unioos and farm workers, constant claims by some organized sectors, and constant criticism - sometimes even harsh criticism - from those in the opposition; all this is the best proof of the fact that participation is open to and safe for all in Gua temala, a na tion where not long ago the mere fact of not conforming was a sufficient cause for repression. Also in b'lis field, things that up to now would have been hard to believe are becoming a constant practice in the exercise of rights; recourse to habeas corpus for cases that have occurred during the period of this Government, with positive results; the existence of organizations that engage in constant militant action demanding that persons allegedly kidnapped in the past be produced. (Actually,. they have not been any more successful than those alleging threats by Government officials.) All this has taken place wi thout any poli tical party or peoples I (President Cerezo Arevalo) organization being able to claim the commission of any repressive acts or the physical disappearance, torture or kidnapping of any of their members. Of course, in Guatemala, like anywhere else in the world, the Government cannot prevent or foresee criminal actions by COlllIlon delinquents, terrorists or extreme-right organizations; but it has taken the decision to act vigorously against any group or organization of whate,,"er kind that commits illegal acts. Nowadays, suspects are tr ied in court. In this oonnecticn, we are trying to establish standards for social action~ first, the Government guarantees the exercise of constitutional rights, providing security to those who exercise them within the law. Secondly, in the case of acts that might violate a constitutional right, citizens nay have recourse to the Supreme Court or to the Coosti tutional Court to request redress from acts of the Government. Thirdly, all political, social, trade union or human rights organizations must abide by the law and the Coostitution. Fourthly, the Governreent will exercise its full power to punish those who tLllX"sgress legal and oonstitutional limits. So far, aware of the phase we are going through, we have exercised prudence ana flexibility in that regard. It should be pointed out that to this day all the social or labour conflicts which have required the presence of t'.e Government or of the President have been solved by means of agreement through dialogue, without any need to use force, and within the limits of the law. I wish to say a few words about the guerilla activities. In Guatemala, subversive acts still occur sporadically in certain isolated areas in the north and north-east of the country. At present, these are confined to terror ist acts, which claim victims for no purpose and do harm to remote villages of indigenous farm workers. It would seem as if an attempt is being made to inflict undeserved tribulations on these workers, adding violence to their tradi tional problems of economic, social and poli tical neglect and making it even (President Cerezo Arevalo) more difficult and costly for them to meet their most urgent needs. For our part, in confrmting the guer Ula activities we have adopted an attitude of legitimate defence of a process that belCX\gs to the people. We have acted wi th canprehension and with cautiCX\, but also with firmness. Some guerUla leaders have been prosecut.ed, but we have also pardmed those ~o have voluntarUy,uxned themselves in, coming down from the mountains as more and more of them in remote places learn about the process of opening a broad j.JOlitical base. It is true that many people who in the past had been involved in subver.:-ioominly farm worker s - had committed such acts because they had thought there was no other way for them to participate. But with the success in broadening the palitical base, and with their conviction that they had been deceived wi th false promises on all sides, they abandoned the theory that armed struggle was the only way to solve the national problems. It is indeed unfortunate that the orthodox, methoCblogical rigidity of a defeated movement still causes suffering among some groups in small pockets of the rural p:>pulation. In practice, this fruitless struggle can only be an obstacle to the development of the regions that formerly were the objects of violence. The democratic Government will have to divert some resources, which, instead of being used to meet urgent needs, will have to be used to give protection and securi ty to those who are forced to beoome involved in a lost cause, a meaningless cause. (President Cerezo Arevalo) As was wisely said to me by a democratic farm-hand, •••• by what authority does a man who calls himself a revolutionary leader - simply because he is wearing an olive-green uniform - label as a mistake the popular decision and oppose it with weapons? People chose democracy and the guerrillas lost the battle. The least they can do is to accept the will of the people.· On behalf of the Government of the Republic, as a representative of the people I personally invite those groups still fighting against the Government to review their position, analyse the circumstances and take into account the will of the people and become integrated into the institutional, political process of the country - a country that is peacefully trying to establish a pluralistic and participatory democracy. There is room for all in Guatemala, for we have gone from the search for national security in the past to the doctrine of stability at present. At the root of the problem of stability is the conceptual error that in practice insurgency is an objective in itself, forgetting that the ultimate objective is the well-being of the population. Dogmatic attitudes turn the method into the objective or become a way of life. This same conceptual error had led our Army to consider national security as an objective in itself. This has now changed. As part of the doctrinal changes beginning in our country we have clearly established that national security is not in itself an objective to be pursued but, rather, an instrument in the service of stability Which, together with development, will allow for a social state that will bring about the common good and well-being. Thus, security and development are instruments in the service of stability - and that is a prerequisite for well-being. The doctrine now underpinning the thinking of the Government of (President Cerezo Arevalo) Guatemala is -national stability· for democracy and development - and we have set aside the doctrine of national security. with regard to economic policy, we have had to face disorder, corruption, flight of capital, speculation, devaluation of our currency and unemployment and underemployment, hand in hand with the traditional burdens of extremely low salaries, concentration of production means, and tax evasion. Our incipient democracy must then deal with the economic problems while taking into account the firm decision of a people aware of its responsibility and contributing to the country, not with their own personal interests in mind, but in the full appli~ation of its democratic calling. The Government, as the representative of the people, launched a plan of economic reorganization whereby it seeks to stabilize our currency, provide the inputs necessary for production and open up new credit sources to bring about a balance among those financial decisions that impose certain economic conditions on the upper and middle-class sectors of the pop'Jlation, for the benefit of the neediest. The effects of the reorganization plan have been positive, but acceptance by consensus through agreement by means of dialogue by which -the highest possible degree of agreement within disagreementis reached is perhaps the most important accomplishment so far. The s~ccess of such a dialogue can be seen in the few secia-economic conflicts this Government has had to face. The economic reorganization programme has already produced some achievements and has laid the basis for restoring the people's confidence in their institutions, without there being any need to resort to violence in order to create a new model for social contracts. The obvious results of this new state of awareness are peace and the economic dynamics that have put national production at the service of all Guatemalans. (President Cerezo Arevalo) But we must also go from international isolation to the policy of active neutrality. The polarization, confrontation and intolerance that resulted in a tragedy in Guatemala also led the country to isolation, which was viewed with indifference by some previous administrations and which in the long run caused very serious political, financial and commercial repercussions. Our country lost credibility in the international community. External so"~ces of financing became severely restricted, and our trade, political and diplomatic relations were also affected. Governments in the late 1970s and early 1980s adopted a defensive attitude. The negative image projected by those Governments resulted in a distorted view of our procedures, attitudes and values. I do not deny the seriousness of that situation and the harshness of the confrontation~ but exaggerated accounts reached such a point that the true state of affairs could no longer be ascertained, even by those of us who observed the tragedy at first hand. There was a compulsion to distort the facts by those who lived through them and those who passed jUdgement on them. In any case, one thing is certain: violence became the common denominator. We lived in an atmosphere of violence, and it had a bearing on each and everyone. Nevertheless - and probably because of our Utopian culture, our ancestral humanism, and our religious upbringing - instead of violence becoming a generalized way of life, it led us systematically and permanently to reject authoritarian governments and violence itself as political instruments. This rejection of tragedy, of the imposition of force and confrontation, vas the basis for the people's support for democracy, for non-violence in internal affairs and for our search for peace externally. (President Cerezo Arevalo) The people of Guatemala long for peaceJ that is why they support the path of agreement through dialogue as the working metnod of the new democratic Government and of active neutrality in regional affairs. Underlying Guatemalan society is the determinat~on to break with the past and optimistically seek a future that will temper the attitude of all Guatemalan political and social sectors for many years to come and convince the electorate. Hence the Government's decision not to dig up the past. Owing to the difficult fight, many groups involved in the confrontation would otherwise be affected and, instead of creating conditions for a harmonious and institutionalized democracy, we would be creating conditions for new confrontations. But because history cannot be denied, something must be done to strengthen the judicial system, to make it a legal and peaceful instrument for ensuring the application of justice. The Government - the Executive - will face the historical truth: the Supreme Court, the tribunals, the desire for justice. In such a climate, there is very little chance for success for organized groups seeking revenge through the avenue of justice or pressing charges. They are the vestiges of the pain inflicted by the tragedy, but they belong to the past and cannot contribute anything to the future. In the international sphere, particularly with reference to our Central American area, this rejection of violence, this desire for peace by the Guatemalan people, constitutes the basis for our rejection of confrontation among fraternal countriesJ it has led to our persisting in the search for negotiated, diplomatic solutions, as well as for a permanent instrument of dialogue to reach agreements and accords. Hence we proclaim our active neutrality; we unwaveringly support Contadora's efforts; and at a meeting of Presidents that took place in Guatemala, in the (President Cerezo Arevalo) village of Esquipulas we have proposed the creation of a Central American Parliament. I am aware that it is necessary for me to be specific about our position en certain international issues and our acti~ities on the international scene. We wish to see international relations withoct ideological complexes. One of the basic principles of our political stand is ideological pluralism. We maintain that societies and peoples have a right to their own ideological convictions and to foster the social model they consider most appropriate. We believe that pluralism in a democratic society is the basis for peace. Hence our stand on active neutrality is not necessarily ideological neutrality. We are in favour of democracy in the world and we affirm the right of peoples to participate openly in building their own future. We do not believe in authoritarian governments of any kind, because we do no recognize the right of any one group, party or ruling elite to put constraints on popular sovereignty. At the same time, we are not loath to maintain relations with any Government that legitimately represents its people, whatever its ideology. We require mutual respect in our relations and energetically reject any physical aggression against our territory; however, we also commit ourselves not to carry out any act of aggression against any other country, except in exercise of the right to legitimate defence. We proclaim the need for mutual respect. In the interrelated world in which we live today, international organizations issue value judgements on the activities of member countries. On the other hand, on the modern international scene there is no President or Head of Government ifi the world who does not have to consider daily, to a greater or lesser extent, protests, criticisms, petitions or support from all sorts of groups. (President Cerezo Arevalo) Nevertheless, the Demooratic Gcnernment of Guatemala is not bothered by comments or even criticism which other Governmnts might voice about its actions as such. We only ask them to be willing to listen to us and discuss our objections~ we ask that our realities be respected and that the facts be judged objectively. we have a country with doors open to visitOl's~ we want our true situation to be looked at closely but dispassionately, and any suggestions or contr ib1.1tions aimed at imprOl7ing our Government's activities will always be welcome. In other words, we ask to be treated with respect and not with contempt because of our past or our sufferings. What we reject is direct aggression by one country against another; during its history, Central America has been the victim of OI1ert Oi: covert military aggressions. We reject that possibility. I should say that aggressions have come in the past from countries of different ideologies. In the face of aggression that could lead to conflict between nations, we prolX)se the alternative of diplomacy and political me thods. Hence our active neutrality~ we do not justify or explain regional war s which only produce destruction or death, nor do we accept the existence of any international or ideological right to provoke confrontations between sister States. We Guatemalans affirm that violence, even when labelled "revolutionary", is now at th is his tor ical moment an obstacle to Central Amer ican development because funds are allocated for weapons rather than to meet our needs. We have asserted our neutrality with regard to the differences that might exist among the Central Americ3n countries and, at the same time, our energetic, diplomatic and political participation in the search for an understanding and in the mechanisms for integration and our firm support for democratic and pluralistic peace movements. Therefore, confronted with the Nicaraguan problem, we sympathize (President;.,Cerezo Arevalo) with the opposing parties ~lich are involved in a peaceful struggle foe a broadening of the political base, and, 'witUout taking sides in the existing armed conflict, we believe that the reasons fo: the struggle will diminish as the political atllosphere becomes more open, without ideological prejUdices, with pluralistic attitudes and uncmditiatal respect for the social and political sectors of the opposition. In this effort, no doubt, the two super-Powers have played a very important role and bear a tremendous historic responsibility. The wor:ld has become affected by a constant rivalry between them, causing at times through their presence internal catflicts and internatiatal calfrmtations. Sometimes, it must be admitted, it has been on the initiative of both and saoetimes at the request of natialal political groups, but in both cases the consequences have been the same. In the case of Latin Amer ica and especially Central Amer ica, we shall always have to take the Qlited States into consideration in ate way or another, but the overt or covert influence of the Soviet enial has given s~ national political coofrmtations the characteristics of international catf1icts, thus risking their becoming Pbi:t of the sCH::alled East~est confrattation. we wish to avoid this possibility, and we maintain that we reject war and armed confrmtations because the strategic poE~tion of Central America makes it vulnerable to involvement in them. The regional Governments thus also must shoulder the tremendoUS responsibility for causing cc preventing a holocaust which may occur if we do not act with caution in the face of the historical juncture in which WE! are living. The time has come for a break with orthodoxy, rejecting alignments which might lead to cooflicts and establishing new priorities: the national interest first, followed by the regional interest and the international interest in that order. (President Cerezo Arevalo) Thereforer on behalf of the men and women of ou£ countries, who are tired of violence and despail:, who are anxious to have political stability so as to achieve development, I dMe to ask the super-Powers to end their ccmpetition aver our territories and to discuss how best they can help us. we welcome all those who wish to cootribute to the consolidation of democracy in our nations and thus to enable our people and not computers to determine our destiny. I firmly believe that the developed countries of Europe and the orient can play a very special role in this drama to achieve moderatioo in dealing with cooflicts and to support human development on the basis of demcracy and pluralism, because in the event of a world conflagration both the countries of those regions and ours would share the dmious hooour of risking the destruction of our hopes for a better life. Speaking as the President of Qlatemala and on behalf of all my people, I am aware of the historic importance of the times in which we are living and I place myself a t the disposal of all the nations of the wor ld, so that, with the good will of a magical country full of history and hope, we may cootribute to the birth of an enlightened humanity and to the achievement of that Utopia the search for which after the 5ecood Wot'ld War led to the creation of this wooderful Organization: the consolidation of peace.

On behalf of the General Assembly I wish to thank the President of the Bepublic of Guatemala for the important statement he has just made. Mr. Marco Vinicio Cerezo Arevalo, President of the Republic of Qlatemala, was escorted from the General Assenbly hall. AGENDA ITQI 9 (,90ntinued) Mr. YAQJB KHAN (Pakistan): Sir, allow me, once agCllin, to offer lf1J felicitations on your assllDption of the presidency of the General Asscnbly. Under your wise and able guidance, this forty-first session of the General Assembly will surely achieve important and far-reaching results. May I also take this occasion to pay a special tr ibute to Hr. Perez de Cuellar for his ta'lceasing efforts to p!'omote international peace and harmony and to uphold the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The lucid presentation in the secretary-General's report on the work of the organization reflects the awesome challenges, as also the unprecedented oppor tunities, facing the United Nations and its Meuber States. The Pakistan delegation expresses the hope that, at this cr itical juncture, the secretary-General will continue at the helm of the wer ld Organization. Even 41 years after the declaration of the purJ:X)ses and principles which inspired the collective will of mankind to establish the tmited Nations to usher in an era of inter-State conduct governed by the rule of law, justice and equity, the world is still convulsed by strife and turmoil. (Mr. Yagub lQlan, Pakistan) The problems confrooting mankind still re_in acute, polarization between the East and the west persists~ the nuc1eararms race threatens the "'Iery survival of humanity~ the gap between the rich and the poor has widened~ and resort to the use of fo,ree and interference in the internal affairs of scwereign St.ates have increased. In our ne\ghbourhood, the pr inciples of the Charter have been most flagrantly violated by the military intervention in Afghanistan. For nearly seven years, undaunted by the presence of 120,000 Soviet troops, the Afghan people, true to their historic traditions and character, have waged a heroic national resistance against the might of a super-Power. They have proved indomitable in courage, steadfast in resolve and defiant in adversity. Inside Afghanistan a sinister des ign is being pur sued through genocide and large-scale uprooting of the populatioo. Such policies have served 0011' to intensify the Afghan struggle. A million Afghans are estimated to have laid down their lives. Five million, a third of the coun try's popula tion, have been obliged to seek she1 ter in Pak istan and I ran. The three million Afghans in Pakistan oonsti tute the largest coneentratioo of refugees anywhere in the world. We cootinue to prOl1ide them with basic sustenance as our Islamic and humunitar ian duty. we are grateful to those fr iendly States and international agencies which have assisted us in discharging this humanitarian responsibility. Apart from this immense burden, the SOviet intervention in Afghanistan seriously threatens Pakistan's own security. There are almost daily violations of our border, which have caused serious loss of life and property. There has also been a sharp increase in acts of sabotage and sublTersion in our territory, accompanied by threats and pressures. (Mr. Yaqub Khan, Pakistan) Pakistan desires an early end to the conflict in Afghanistan, which does not admit of a military solution. we are coumitted to seeking a just and an equitable political settlement on the basis of the principles endorsed by the General Assembly. Pakistan has worked sincerely and constructively to evolve such a solution through the proximity talks in Geneva, under the auspices of the O1i ted NatiCXls secretary-General and l'Iis Persooal Representative, to both of whom I wish to pay high tribute. The fate of a p'litical settlement nOli depends on the acceptance of a time-frame for the early withdrawal of Soviet troops. That time-frame must be of short duration, to conform to the repeated demands of this Assembly for the immediate and lncooditional withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. SUch a settlement would also be in conformity with the wishes of the Afghan people and would enable the Afghan refugees to return to their homes in safety and hooour. The token withdrawal of six SOviet battalims is a welcome first step, but what is required is not a token disengagement but the total and early wi thdrawal of all SOviet forces from Afghanistan. Pakistan will continue to extend its fullest co-operatioo to the United Nations secretary-General and his Persooal Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, in the search for an equitable political solution of the situation in Afghanistan. The Geneva negotiations have reached a critical juncture. We hope this General ASSembly will once again take a decisioo to reflect the wishes of the international community and the conscience of the world at large for the early termination of the foreign military intervention in Afghanistan, the restoratioo of that country's independent, sovereign and non-aligned status and the return of the Afghan refugees to their homes in safety and hooour. (Mr. Yaqub Khan, Pakistan) The same principles govern our policy on the question of fOl:eign intervention in Kampuchea. Pakistan supports the Coalition GoverlUllent of Democratic Kanplchea I.B'1der the leader ship of Prinee NOl'oac. Sihanouk and its struggle for na tional independence. The imposition of a regime by force ef foreign arms on the pretext of rectifying earlier violations of human rights in that comtry is totally unacceptable. we fully endorse the repeated caJ,ls of the General Assembly for the withdrawal of all foreign forces, thus enabling the K5Dplchean people to choose their own system without coercion and outside interference. The tragic conflict between Iran and Iraq has injected another dl:Ulgerous element into Cln area already embattled and inflamed. The war remains a cause for profound anguish and disllBY. Not only has it consumed precious human and IIII!'1terial resources of the two coWltries but it also threatens our region with incalculable consequences for international peace and security~ we have been unrelenting in our efforts to bring that conflict to a speedy end. In the forums of the United Nations, the Non-Aligned MoIrement and the Organization of the Islamic Conference we have endeavoured to explore all possibilities for a just and equitable settlement. we earnestly hope for an early cessation of hostilities and a settlement that reconciles the demands of justice with the imperatives of peace. The situation in southern Africa poses a serious threat to regional and international peace. The bt'azen attempts of the Pretoria regime to perpetuate the abhorrent system of apartheid, its savage and mounting repression of the majority of the SOuth Afr iean people, its aggressive policies of intimidation and coercion, both military and economic, against the front-line States, are a challenge to the international conscience, an insult to mankind and a crime against humanity. There can be no peace, no stability, no security in southern Africa Wltil this abhorrent system has been totally eradicated. (Hr. Yaqw, Khan, Pakistan) N_ibia's struggle for liberaticm f,oa Pretoria's il1@gal colcmial occupation is another frcnt in southern Africa's relentless crusade for dignity and freedom. The heroic struggle of the SOUth West African People's organizaticm (SWAPO), the sole and authentic voice of the Nallibian people, must be supported aorally and mterially by the international .:caawaity. The recently concluded special session of the General AsseJlbly has reaffirJled the United Nations plan, as endorsed by security Council resolution 435 (1978), as the only basis for N_ibia'S independence. It cannot be linked to any extraneous issue, suc:b as the presence of Cuban troops in Angola. The aellbers of the Western Contact Group carry a clear responsibility for ensuring the early iJlplementation of the United Nations plan. CMr. Yaqub Rhan, Pakistan) In particular, we hope that all the permanent mellbers of the security COuncil will support the call for effective sanctiCl'ls against South Africa. The argument that sanctions will hurt the majority population of SOUth Africa and the frCl'lt-line Afr ican States lacks validity, since the Mr f.can P'pulation has declared its readiness to accept any hardship in preference to racist oppressiCl'l. The Middle East continues _ be a source of grave danger to regional and world peace. !si:a~!l has repeatedly f~ustrated all peace initiatives. Its obduraC'.l can only escalate violence and lead to ailother !COnflict, with grave consequences for world peace. Pakistan deplores Israel's intransigence, as also its policy of annexaticn of the occupied Arab territories and the establishment of Jewish settlements on usurped land. we are appcillled by the rePea ted desecration of the Holy Places under Israel's occupat~on, C!sp:cially the violation of the sanctity of the Holy Al Aqsa Mosque, one of Islam's e'.:.'St sacred shrines. Pakistan supports the convening of an international oonference to evolve a just and canprehensive settlement in the Middle East, with the participation of all the partin ex>ncerned, inclUding the Palestine Liberatiat Qrganizatiat, the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. A just and CCIIprehensive settlement must contain two fundamental elements: fir st, Israel's total withdrawal from all the occupied terri toriesf including Holy Jerusalem, m, seccndly, the fulfilment of the right of the Palestinian people to self~eterminationand nationhood in their homeland. At present wor ld peace and human.ity's survival are balanced at the razec's edge of nuclear deterrence. The surv ival of human civUization dePends on our ability to am ieve general and complete disarmament. The wecld was heartened wen the two super-Powers agreed, in lY85, to negotiate the remction of their nuclear arsenals and to prevent their ':...ireading to (Mr. Yaqm Khan, Pakistan) outer space. The agreement in Geneva between the leaders of the two countries that Ra nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fOUghtR (A/40/l070, P. 3) is cause for hope that the use of nuclear weapons can ultillBtely be prohibited. we are pleased to see the positive outcome of the Stockholm Conference on Confidence and security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe. It is equally essential to pursue multilateral disarmament negotiations. We hope that negotiations on a canprehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty will commence without further delay at the Geneva Conference on Disarmament. Meanwhile, a moratoriwn should be observed on nuclear testing, as called for by the recent sumnit meeting of members of the Non-Aligned Movement. The Conference on Disarmament must also conclude as soon as possible a conventicn proh"ibiting chemical weapons, reinforce the existing restraints on an arms race in outer space, evolve agreed security assurances for non-nuclear-weapon States and endeavour to finalize a comprehensive prograIllne for disarmament. The tragic incident at Chernobyl has highlighted the grave danger inherent in damage to or destruction of nuclear facilities by accident or by design. It is important to reach international agreements on nuclear safety and on the norms of prescr ibing attacks against nuclear facilities. The Chernobyl incident has also lBlderlined the need for a rational and equitable regime for co~peration in this field. We hope that the forthooming Conference for the Promotion of International Co-operation in the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy will address itself to this issue, keeping in mind the particular needs of the developing coWltries, which face an acute shortage of conventional fuels and energy resources. The industrialized countr ies have a responsibility to assist the developing countr ies in the proper maintenance of the reactors they export and to refrain from prohibition of the supply of vital spare parts. (Kr. Yaqub ICban, Pakistan) Pakistan is camitted to the goal of nuclear non-proliferation. In order to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons in our region, Pakistan proposed in 1974, immediately after a nuclear explosion was conducted by India, the creation of a nuclear-weapon-'free zone in South Asia. Since then, we have offered a numer of other proposals to proDDte denuclearization in South Asia. We have repeatedly enumerated those proposals, which include simultaneous accession by India and Pakistan to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Rlclear Weapons. Pakistan desires to prODDte mutual confidence and beneficial co-operation in South Asia. We have joined six other cotmtries of the region to establish the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operaticn (SAARC),. Sl\ARC offers hope for the acceleration of '=lIe development process and the promise of Peace and progress to the 1 billion people of South Asia. Pakistan has continued its endeavours to foster good-neighbourly relations wi th India. The understanding reached last Deceltber between the leaders of Pakistan and India not to attack each other IS nuclear facilities was a welcome development in this ccntext. we believe that, wi th IlI1tual goodwill, a bilateral treaty on the non-use of force could also be speedily concluded. This process, we hope, will also lead to the achievement of a Peaceful settlement of the dispute ewer Janmu and Kashmir, on the basis of the relevant resolutions of the united Nations and in the spirit of the Simla Agreement. Today, international peace and security are threatened not only by wars and disputes but also by poverty and depr ivation. Living standards in many poor naticns are declining, spreading hunger, disease and death. The economic gap between developed and developing countries is widening. The recent volatile sh~fts in economic trends confirm the structural imbalance in the world economy. Unless this is corrected, we may witness a global eccnomic decline without precedent, (Mr. Yaqtb Khan, Pakistan) spreading sUffering and chaos and severely straining international order and stability. An imHdiate revival of North-South dialogue is essential for orderly growth of the world econc.y. SO far, the enorB:)US problelllS ereated by the indebtedness of the developing countries have not been aMressed in a comprehensive and integrated manner. The recent agreement on the launching of a new round of trade negotiations is a welcome developllent. It signals a standstill on protectionism and the initiation of the process of dismantling trade barriers imposed unjustly and indiscr iminately age mst developing countr ies. It also demonstrates the flexibility and political will necessary for solving cenplex problems of the world economy. We hope that a IIlOre flexible and global approach, which seeks to resolve the debt crisis through eCCXlOllic growth, will be possible in the CCXltext of a renewed dialogue between the developed and developing countries and in particular through the holding of the international conference on lIIaley, finance and trade for developnent. In the aeantime, it is necessary stbstantially to increase financial flows to the developing countries. (Mr. Yaqub Khan, Pakistan) Pakistan coodemns terrorisa in all its forms. The perpetration of acts of terrorism against the innocent caa have no justificati~ whatsoever and must merit the severest pmishment. we have accepted all international lIeasures to counter this scourge, including the three conventions relating to aerial hijadcing. we share the view that special measures, including security measures, should be adopted to comter ter ror ism. The curse of narcotics is becol'Ding a global ~oble!l with grave portents for the well-being of peoples everywhere. It is a ~oblell that transcends all national boundaries. The Government of Pakistan is coDllitted to the eradication of drug abuse, not only within our own COl.B'ltry, but indeed everywhere in the world. It is our earnest hope that the first global conference, to be held next year, to deal with all aspects of drug abuse and illicit trafficking will initiate and adopt measures which the international con:munity could apply collectively w eliminate this evil. It is ironic that so soon after our leader s renewed their dedica tion to the United Nations at its fortieth anniversary, and at a moment when global recognition of its ach ievements is grOiiing, the wor Id Organization has been plunged into the most serious financial crisis in its history. we shall give serious consideration to the report of the Gt'oup of High-Level Intergovernmental Experts to examine the corrective measures the situation demands. It must be emphasized, however, that the payment of assessed contributions to the United Nations is an obligation under the Charter and must be met faithfully. This difficulty could perhaps have been averted if the persistent practice by some States of withholding part of their contr ibutions, especially for the U'\i ted Nations peace-keeping opera tions, had not been tolerated in the past. Pakistan will work constructively to promote a loog-term solution to this financial crisis. (Mr. Yaqub Khan, Pakistan) If human civilization is to survive, the States represented here must strengthen, not erode, the concept of international partnership for peace and progress lto which they have pledged themselves under the United Nations Charter. In this age of nuclear weapons, the security of each individual state is the concern of all. At a time when the exploration of mankind's common heritage of space and oceans holds out such vast promise of progress and well-being, global partnership has become an imperative instead of an option. Such partnership, and the broad international co-operation which it entails, can be nurtured and promoted only within the United Nations. At this session, Merrber States must display the political will to transform the present cr isis into a renewed and genuine commitment to this world Organization and to the hopes and aspirations of humanity which it embodies. Mr. del VALLE (Chile) (interpretation from Spanish)~ Please permit me to begin my remarks by express ing to you, on behalf of my Government and my delegation~ our warmest congratulations, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly. This constitutes not only recognition of you as an individual, but also a demonstration of apprecia tion for your Government's prolific wor k in the United Nations. I also wish to take advantage of this opportunity to reiterate our gratitUde and felicitations to the outgoing President, Ambassador Jaime de Pinies, a person closely linked to Chile who brought a brilliant diplomatic career to a close as President of the world's most important forum. I should also like to pay a tribute to Ambassador Javier Perez de Cuellar, who is canpleting five years at the head of this Organization, directing it during a particularly difficult period. We have commemorated the fortieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations and have started on the fifth decade of the life of this Organization with (Mr. del Valle, Chile) growing uneasiness. The united Nations today is but a pale reflection of the Organization that emerged frOll the ashes of the second World War, as an exanple of the international community 3S enlightened interest in giving concrete expression to mankind's hope for lasting peace. Today that institution, which gave rise to so many hopes, is experiencing not only a financial crisis but also one of confidence and destiny. The responsibility for the financial crisis rests with the majority of Member States that do not make their ca'ltributions on time, with those that adopt the most extraordinary attitude of making selective payments, favouring the progranmes that coincide with their poUt.ical objectives, and with those that have assumed the illegal attitude of reducing their contributions unilaterally, in violation of the international obligations to which they had freely committed themselves. In addition to this crisis, there is another, one which is far more serious. It at ises from our peoples' loss of confidence in the system and in its ability to achieve the objectives for which it was created. Although it was created to be an instrument for assuring peace, the United Nations has instead become a forum of sterile confrontation. The Organization has thereby lost its ability to be a protagooist in international life and its ability to impose prudence in the conduct of States and to generate efficient initiatives for solving problems. The lack of agreement to mOl1e focward in matters of great importance and the real stagnation into which we have been propelled by a lack of willingness to achieve consensus on vital matters have been accanpanied by a tendency to indulge in resounding ver biage and r age sign i£1in9 absolutely noth ing. Thus we have a steady torrent of innocuous resolutions that have given rise to traditional stands that choke creativity and at the satrM! time establish a doctr ine under which the capacity for innCNation, for acting on the international scene, simply does not exist. (Mr. del Valle, Chile) The successive efforts made to br ing about change have not been sufficient to generate effective and necessary dialogue capable of pulling the Organization out of its state of immobility. Immobility cannot be concealed by an excessive increase in the number of meetings or by the proliferation of documents which the meetings produce. Through inertia and lack of courage to check a senseless process that aeems to be leading nowhere, it has foundered into a voracious calendar that only consumes time, money and hopes. The impossibility of facing up to this reality, which is becoming more and more canplex and dynamic, has led the uni ted Na tions to a position so far removed from reality that the world it reflects today is a fictitious one. Despite these problems which disturb us, Chile has faith in the ideal of the United Nations, for the Organization must not only be an instrument for resolving international problems, but it must also express mankind's ideal: the possibility of liVing, developing and progressing in peace; of living in a world where countries rich and poor can work together in harmony to achieve those objectives. (Hr. del Valle, Chile) Despite the failures, our faith is justified by the successes of the United Nations that represent concrete expressions of that ideal, for exanple the process of decolCXlization, whieh has peacefully brought almost 100 nations into the international communit¥. Then there is the priority treatment and definiti~e presence in today's world that the united Nations has brought to the search for development. Throughout its existence the Organization and its specialized agencies have made substantial contributions to the economic development and political independence of nations. While the world has become more independent, imposing a logic that no country can avoid, and while the need for multilateral co-operation appears more evident, we note that because the United Nations has become inoperative a tendency to seek solutions beyond the framework of the Organization by consolidating parallel mechanisms has become noticeable. This trend must be reversed in order to restore the United Nations to its original canpetence. This will require political determination. In the course of this session the General Assembly must pronounce itself on the report on the administrative and financial situation of the Organization prepared by the Group of Eighteen Intergovernmental Experts from various nations. The report and the final treatment it is given by the General Assenbly could constitute the first step towards restoration of the United Nations to the position it deserves as the principal protagooist on the worrisome international scene in the final years of th is century. There is no doubt that one of the most unstable situations in the wor ld is that which persists in the Middle East. security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) contain the fundamental elements for the achievement of a lasting and stable peace in the region. At the same time, there can be no solution of the problem without recognition of the right to free determination of the Palestinian people and its right to establish a sOI7ereign State. It is necessary to reach just settlements that guarantee the peace and security of all States, including Israel's right to live within secure and internationally recognized borders. That is the only way in which the Middle East can cease to be a region in perpetual erisis. The South African situation is cause for concern and uneasiness. At the root of the conflict is that GOI7ernment's apartheid policy, which Chile has repeatedly rejected. At the same time my Government supports the efforts of the international community, the secretary-General and the security Council to obtain Namibian independence by peaceful means. One milestone in that process is secur ity Council resolution 435 (1978), which guarantees a realistic solution that assures the Namibian people of the right to free determination as well as territorial integrity and national unity. With regard to the Korean situation, we support the inter-Korean negotiations as a realistic and Peaceful approach free from outside interference to achieving a harmonious solution of a situation that has dragged on for years. We recognize the efforts of the GOI7ernment of the Republic of Korea in this respect. In 1 ine wi th its traditional defence of this Organization's principles of universality, my country maintains that the presence of both Koreas in the United Nations would contribute to bringing the parties closer together and achieving a negotiated settlement. We have noted with satisfaction the attitude that President Victor Paz Estenssoro of Bolivia has adopted towards my country. The Chilean Gaver nment hopes that the process of rapprochement we have in itia ted with Bolivia will be successful and produce concrete results and begin a period of effective co-operation between our countries. (Hr. del Valle, Chile) we observe with indignation and sorrow the Soviet obstinacy in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea, causing death and desolation among nations eagl8::- for freedom and peace. The Soviet tbion's invasion of those countries has been deservedly condemned by the international conununity because of its illegitimate and illegal violation of the pr inciple of self-determination. The liberating impetus of their oppressed peoples is more powerful than any opposing armed force, as has been demonstrated by the fact that the resistance continues despite the brutal effort of the Kremlin to crush both countries. The initiatives of the Becretary-General with regard to Afghanistan and of Prince Sihanouk with regard to Kanpuchea deserve our determined support since they are the only realistic initiatives that have been undertaken to resolve those conflicts. We are also horrified by the tragic circumstances affecting the Lebanese people, which has long been linked to Chile through close ties of friendship. The people of Chile are shocked by the continuous flow of reports of death, suffering and tragedy coming from Lebanon. Many Lebanese have nade Chile their home, and therefore those reports affect us deeply. We voice our fervent hope that peace and tranquillity will soon be restored in Lebanon so that its people can once again devote themselves to the tasks of reconstruction and development. My Government has always been keenly interested in initiatives that might lead to international peace and security and has noted with great interest and approval Brazil's proposal that the SOuth Atlantic be declared a zone of peace and co-operation. That initiative pursues important objectives in the areas of economic development, social welfare and peace which ought to be endorsed by the General Assembly. ~r. del Valle, Chile) It is necessary to _intain the priOE'ity of those general objectives and to shim external factors alien to general ·interests such as private interests or the positions of sc.e colmtries that only serve to distcxt the cbjectives and generosity of the Brazilian proposal. The acute world recession of recent years, which has had grave economic, political and social consequences for the developing wocld, has spitas ized the effects of the crisis I aentioned earlier. The developing countries have been obliged to adjust their economies, with painful political and social repercussions, and have had to bear the greater part of the cost of a situation for which the aacroeconCll!lic policies applied by the industrialized ooW'ltries have been responsible. we have noted with consternation that while this heavy burden has been imposed upon us, the developed countries have liaited adjustments in their own econOllies, thereby incurring the greatest imbalances in contemporary history. This has only served to further aggravate the crisis. we are convinced that the final solution of the crisis will be obtained only through an integrated and consistent approach to the urgent problems of devel0lRent, trade and finance, including the very grave debt problem. To achieve that objective the industrialized nations must make a fundamental change in their economic policies, recognize that they share responsibility for the existing p:cblellS, bring about catditions wich would allow truly free international trade to pcevall without the obstacles that today arbitrar ily disrupt the expcx ts of the developing wcxld, and reverse the decapital ization process favouring the developed nations, a p:ocess which seriously affects the Latin American region. The Cbilean people have been aJIClD9 tilose adlr«sely affected in the Iatin American region. However it is fair to recognize that they have known bew t:o face the crisis with courage and abnegation. 'lOday we are firll1y on the road to economic recovery~ we are achieving significant grOllfth and scrupllously COlIPlying vith our financial ee-iaaent:s. (Mr. del Valle, Chile) Chile has noted with great concern the serious deterioration in the observance of the principle of non-intervention, a legal principle essential to coexistence and the harmonious development of relations between States. Chile has had to reject many instances of intervention in its affairs in recent years. Under the pretext of being concerned about human rights, attempts have been from outside to manage our political affairs, to establish procedures and plans that are not our own, and objections have been made to the path chosen and the rules laid down in our political constitution, adopted by the Chilean people themselves. Those who criticize the human rights situation in Chile ignore the obvious progress we have made in that regard; the decisions of the courts of justice have been objected to and challenged, and I believe that the only reason terrorist activities have not been applauded is that many other countries are sufferin,g from the same scourge. w~at is worse, and bitterly ironic, is that many of our critics and accusers do not know what true democracy is and what human rights are. They do not respect the right of other nations to govern and decide their own destiny, and it is their declared policy not to give their own peoples freedom and democracy. The international community is appalled to see that some States have committed themselves to training, financing, supplying and sheltering terrorists. In doing so those responsible are not only blatantly violating the principle of non-intervention, but are also committing a genuine act of aggression, and making themselves accomplices in crimes against humanity. That is why one of the matters that urgently demand concerted action by the international community is the unprecedented escalation of terrorism, which is today striking brutally at a large part of the world community, violating the basic norms of human rights. We are fully aware that it is the inescapable responsibility of each Member State to combat this scourge, which is threetening both the internal peace of States and international peace. Therefore, we believe that all nations must share the international responsibility of co-ordinating efforts to pursue and punish, in accordance with their own laws, those who commit such criminal acts or lend their direct or indirect support. Chile has been the vict~ of criminal acts of that kind for more than 15 years. They did not cease even when the Government of popular Unity was in power, as the Communist Party, which formed part of it, proclaimed that its goal was to gain not only political power, but total power, and that to that end all means could be used. Today my country is the victim of the same brazen aggression. Indeed, in early August, as we informed the Security Council at the time, our armed forces discovered in parts of northern and central Chile an enormous quantity of arms and military eQUipment that had been smuggled into the country, mainly by sea, in view of the long Chilean coastline. That impressive arsenal - particularly impressive in relation to a small country such as Chile - includes, among the weapons found so far, 3,260 American-made M-16 automatic rifles, 214 Belgian-made light machine guns, 114 Russian-made Katyusha rocket launchers, of the same type as those now being used in Afghanistan, 170 TOW antit~~k rockets, almost 2 million rounds of ammunition for the weapons I have mentioned, 3,000 kilograms of high explosives, 2,000 hand grenades, 1,800 rocket-propelled bombs, and other weapons which it would take too long to list here. In summary, it amounts to lnore than 80 tons of armaments, worth more than $10 million. Since the original discoveries, other arms deposits have been found even in Chile's capital city, confirming the magnitude of the terrorist challenge we face. (Mr. del Valle, Chile) We believe that a substantial portion of that arsenal has not yet been found and seized. That is the essential reason for the temporary emergency measures {' which we have had to take throughout our territory. My Government has formally requested international eo-operation to determine the origin and source of those weapons. It should be noted th/.it their destructive power, and the information we have gathered on how they were smuggled into the country, show that we are facing not only a terrorist operation, but one of a truly military character, planned and financed from outside Chile, with the deliberate aim of promoting violence, destruction and death, and plunging the whole country into civil war. Calculation of the number of victims that the use of all those arms could have led to clearly demonstrates the scale of the tragedy that has been successfully averted. Moreover, such an assault would have represented a massive violation of human rights. We know who are behind all these acti~~5; they have not tried to conceal their involvement. We believe that the international community cannot remain indifferent or passive when faced with this new type c~ aggression, since what has been attempted against Chile today, if left unpunished, could lead to an irreversible disaster for the region as a whole. Thus we must again accuse the Chilean Communist Party, which has time and again pUblicly declared its decision to conduct an armed struggle to definitively establish a totalitarian Government in Chile so that it could then assist other similar terrorist or guerrilla movements operating in our continent. The continuing campaign of calumny provided daily by Radio Moscow and other media for over 13 years is further proof of that statement. In addition to these illegal and immoral actions, those responsible have had the aUdacity to claim that they have become the champions of international peace and freedom, while launching a campaign designed to sow doubts about the truth (Hr. del Va11e, Chile) of the facts reported by Chile, in order to escape the onus of their actions or merely to hide the truth about the shocking discovery of that arsenal froa the world. This is the culmination of an infallOUs process, encouraged by the countries of the Soviet bloc, through which violence has been incited in Chile by a persistent campaign, both internal and external. The Western nations, and particularly those of Latin America, must note that those arms were not destined exclusively to weaken the present Government of Chile. The violence which is being attempted is part of the framework of a long-established criminal plot with the ultimate aim of undermining the essential values that inspire the Western nations. As I have said, the illegal importation of a gigantic arsenal of Soviet arms into Chile was first noted in 1971, and at that time, too, the world was shocked. There is abundant reason for linking the process to which my country is being subjected with actions that have caused disruption or harm in otber countries. It is part of the network of international terrorism, which is also affecting other nations in our continent. Its aim is very clear: to prevent the consolidation of democracy in Latin America. Those who seek that goal do not know how mistaken they are. All the democratic sectors in Chile, inclUding the opposition, have condemned the illegal imPort of arms. But the most serious aspect of the discoveries is the confirmation that the purpose of introducing those arms was to provoke a civil war in Chile. For on 7 september this year the President of the Republic was the target of terrorist groups employing arms from the arsenal I have mentioned, in a heinous attack aimed at taking his life and creating national chaos. The toll in that tragic episode, the only one in the history of Chile involving a Chief of State, was five dead and nine seriously wounded. Demonstrating crillinal resolve and audacity, those concerned sought to assassinate the President and his escort, deJlOllstrating that they knew no supported by international cOB~~~iSM. Despite those very grave events, the Chilean Governaent continues to dedicate itself to the process of democratic institutionalization, confident that the clandestine importation of arRS, the attempt to assassinate a proainent person and the goal of revolution through subversion served only to unite all Chileans who are opposed to violence ard are lovers of peace. (Hr. dEI! Valle, Chile) In denouncing this aggression before the United NationlJ, we solemnly reiterate our unwavering intention to return Chile to full democracy and my Government's commitment to pursue the process of institutionalization in accordance with the modalities set out in the 1980 Constitution which binds the Government and the governed alike. It is quite easy to confine one's self exclusively to a critical analysis of the United Nations. We do not wish to remain at that stage nor is it our style. Chile, at this time, wishes to share with the other delegations some projections for the future. We are convinced that there are what may be called areas of consensus, which require an in-depth study and represent a useful field for harmonizing the efforts of the Organization. If we direct the dynamism of the United Nations to those areas and leave aside those which are at a standstill, we can create a climate of greater confidence in the Organization. My country wishes formally to propose that the United Nations concentrate or dedicate its preferential action to the areas of consensus. We have identified some aspects as being susceptible of generating agreements or leading to productive negotiations. The first is the utilization of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. Such a valuable instrument of development requires the more active involvement of the General Assembly of the United Nations Which, without disregarding the important contribution of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), provides the appropriate political and juridical framework so that all States may benefit increasingly from this technology. The world cannot continue to merely observe in amazement the destructive effects and the distorted use of nuclear energy. On the contrary, we want to recover the positive elements and have that precious source of energy produce life instead of death. SecOl~lYr tthe structuring of regionai disarmament -echanisms. In view of the standstill in the global disarmament negotiationsr we feel that we should seek action in the field of regional disarmament. These mechanisms should contain instruments leading to the creation of a net protecting the countriesr orr at leastr reducing the dangers which the potential situations of conflict arising in various parts of the world today entail. It is obvious that the generalization of a mechanism of this type would free resources for development. As far as my country is concernedr the proposal is not an abstract one. On the contrarYr it constitutes an important goal of its foreign policy. That is whYr we innediately voiced our support for the declaration of President Alan Garcia of Peru regarding regional disarmament. In additionr as a consequence of these principlesr we initiatedr earlier this year r a series of meetings between the High Commands of the armed forces of Chile and Peru in an effort to find a concrete formula which would permit reductions in arms expenditures. We believe there are other regions in the world in which agreements or similar initiatives could and should be undertakenr conducive to diminishing the scourge of force and to actively promoting conditions favourable to international peacer security and justice. In this r there is no doubt but that the United Nations can be catalyst and driving instrument for an initiative of this kind. ThirdlYr there is the use of outer space for exclusively peaceful purposes. The international community observes with growing interest the technological challenge stemming from the exploration and exploitation of outer space. Chi1e r like the other developing nations, aspires to the benefits which may be derived from a broad system of co-operation in the outer space area. Hence, it is extremeiy imporl;aiit tu stai;t out ~ :: :o::d le~ing to t.tle adoption of an international agreement that legislates on permitting access by all peoples to the distribution of the benefits of space technology. Outer space, the common heritage of mankind, is regarded by nations as a promisi~g area since it would provide them with the means for protecting aId developing their natural resources and for employing the most effective tools in their plans for economic and social growth. Access to the distribution of the benefits of such activity also undoubtedly implies acknowledgement of the right of the Powers exploiting outer space to a commensurate compensation for their efforts and their scientific and technical research. Fourthly, there are the problems related to environment. Many problems today affect humanity as a result of the depredation of its natural resources and the contamination of air, sea and land. This has created a political imperative which the General Assembly of the united Nations cannot ignore. A physically rarefied environment is a crime against the elementary norms of human quality required for life in dignity. Hence the importance of emphasizing the study of these subjects and of evaluating, for example, the problem of cross-boundary contamination and the deposit of waste in third countries, thereby creating dangerous and noxious situations. Fifthly, we have the world's food problem. The international community has been stunned by the food crisis affecting some African countries and, in general, the development tragedy in that continent. Thus the international community is. emotionally prepared to undertake an in-depth action to resolve the world's food problem, with emphasis on the problems of Africa. This is a new subject for consensus which our efforts and our imagination should promote. In short~ Chile is fi~mly con~inced t~~t t~~~e aLe areas of consensus SUCD as those we have referred to and briefly described, and that the time has come to begin a process of integrated and comprehensive negotiation, since there are common denominators amongst them. Essentially, they can be the sources of eventual international agreements and constitute a productive source for guiding the United Nations along a technical path, free of ideological considerations. In making these proposals, which must necessarily be refined and attuned to the political moment and the respective forums, we are motivated only by a sense of international public service, free of narrow dogmas and contingent sectarianism. The United Nations cannot continue to be the setting of sterile confrontations and of quarrels and disputes that erode its very credibility. It is particularly important to plan for the future and take realistic and pragmatic advantage of subjects susceptible of bringing nations together in their own lasting interests. When western Europe still suffered the after-effects of the Second World war, allied nations and their rivals in that conflagration modestly conceived, in a determined and imaginative manner, a route that had certain points of consensus. That effort kept growing and gradually became transformed in what is today the European Community, a major process in the history of co-operative relations among nations. Today, when we again face the need of starting out on the road to the ideal of the united Nations, let us consider the process of the European Community. The option of the present hour is co-operation and understanding, or disintegration and confrontation. My Government is convincec1 that the lIOdeat but reaolute llethac1 of finding points of consensus will enable U8 to tak. fi~ and realistic steps towards a .are Mr. AL-KHALIFA (Bahrain) (interpretation from Arabic): Allow me at the outset, Sir, to offer you my sincere congratulations on your election as President of the forty-first session of the Gener~l Assemhly and to ~ish yo~ presiding over its deliberations. I take this opportunity also to congratulate Bangladesh, a friendly country to which we are linked by the closest historical, social and political ties. On behalf of my delegation, it gives me pleasure to thank your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, for his valuable contribution to the work of the previous session. I also wish to express my deep appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his efforts to maintain co-operation and security in the world. We express our hope that he will continue in his noble task. The proclamation by the United Nations General Assembly designating 1986 the International Year of Peace is indeed an occasion for the peoples of the world to pause and reflect on how to save the world from the dangers of destruction and annihilation posed by the nuclear terror overshadowing our lives. The international community is today confronted by a crisis in which the arms race, and particularly nuclear rearm~ment, threatens the future and very existence of man and his very existence. One of the reasons for this crisis may be the inability of the international community to put behind it the accumulated bitterness and tragedy of modern history. The memory of wars, destruction and colonialism continues to sow in our breasts feelings of insecurity and of doubt about our ahility to lay to rest the bitter experiences of the past. Fear and mutual distrust have led to an open-ended arms race, especially between the two super-Powers, whose combined military spending is approximately 70 per cent of total world expenditure. This is undoubtedly contrary to man's natural duty to develop the earth's resources and to preserve human civilization. (Mr. Al-Khalifa, Bahrain) Relations between nations are today characterized by excessive selfishness and acute conflict between various principles and ideologies on the one hand and political and economic self-interest on the other. Violence is often used as a means to satisfy such ambitions. It is no wonder that such a deterioration in international relations leads to failure and undermines man's confidence in a future of security, stability and peace. The international community is aware of the extent of the current crisis in international relations. It is also aware of the horrors of any nuclear war, however limited. That awareness and realization have not, however, prompted the international community to seek effective solutions to the political and ideological differences existing in the current social and economic order so that an international order may be established for the maintenance of peace and the promotion of security and stability in the world. The endemic crisis of confidence among major Powers is undoubtedly one of the main reasons for the failure of disarmament negotiations and of the attempt to establish an international order based on collective security. That tendency in international relations has led to a frenzied race to impose policies of polarization and cold war in many parts of the world. It has engendered security fears in the third world, which has been subjected by some Powers to unlimited hegemony and influence and the control of all its energy resources and raw materials. Those Powers have deprived t~e peoples of the third world of their right to sovereignty over their national resources and the right to obtain a fair price for their goods. They have also incited regional strife and worsened conditions in hotbeds of tension in many parts of the third world, which have become open markets for the arms dealers.* * Mr. Turkmen (Turkey), Vice-President, took the Chair. Such extr~ist policies have created a new situation with two contradictory features: whereas the advanced countries devote most of their resources to the develup.ment of land and the building of civilization" they are also using their potential and tmmense wealth for the manufacture of instruments of destruction and annihilation. Thus, construction and destruction have ~ the twin aspects of thi$ conflict, which has diverted the course of international relations to such an extent that calls for international co-operation and collective security amount in most cases to little JDOre than empty talk. If the international community is to confront the challenge of the nuclear horror, it must mobilize all its capacity for joint collective co-operation and find solutions to pressing human problems instead of indulging in conflict and rivalry in international relations, which can lead only to collective destruction and complete annihilation. Thus it can be said that the questions of security, peace and disarmament - particularly nuclear disarmament - concern not only the two super-powers or the nuclear-weapon States, but closely affect the fate of all peoples. We hope that the accident that took place recently at Chernobyl in the Soviet Union, as well as similar incidents, will convince States possessing nuclear weapons and installations that collectiv~ action on joint security measures for all States and PeOples are necessary and, indeed, inevitable. In this context we should like to underline the point made in the report of the Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues, chaired by Mr. Olof Palme, the late Prime Minister of Sweden, that international peace must rest on a commitment to joint survival rather than on the threat of mutual destruction. The international arena is crowded with international disputes and regional hotbeds of tension awaiting prompt solutions. undoubtedly, most if not (Mr. Al-Khalifar Bahrain) all of such regional disputes are due to international interactions and to a network of interests that are competing on the politicalr economic and strategic levels. It is indeed regrettable that the united Nationsr which has accomplished so much in the humanitarianr economic and social fields r has not been able to satisfy the longings of the peoples of the world to be saved from the menace of war r or to ensure that present and future generations can live in securitYr comfort and peace. The principles of the Charter would be sufficient to guarantee prosperitYr progress r security and equality to all peoples of the worldr if only relations among States were based on the purposes and principles of the United Nations. Thus as the Secretary-General says in his annual reportr we should not only believe in such principles r but also apply them in our international dealings and relations. In that connection r it is with great sadness and pain that we have been watching the bitter war between Iraq and Iran. That war has now entered its seventh year and has inflicted much grief and destruction on those two neighbouring countries. In spite of all initiatives and serious attempts to settle that dispute by the united Nations r the Gulf Co-operation Council r the Islamic Conference r the Non-Aligned Movement and individual and regional mediation efforts r Iran unfortunately has not yet responded to calls for peace. We call for the cessation of hostilitiesr because we are concerned about the peace and security of those two neighbouring countries and peoples and wish to save them from the further losses and total destruction which will be the inevitabl~ result of an unending war. As a country that feels some responsibility as a neighbour liVing in the region ravaged by the war r we make a sincere and unbiasedr appeal to Iran to respond to those calls for peace. Iran can look for solid support from the States of the Gulf region in restoring peace and security in the area. (Mr" Al-Khalifa, Bahrain) Prc:. this rostra, we once again call upon the United Rations to continue its efforts to create the right conditions for a dialogu~ that will end this destructive war. At tbe SUle tiJle we call upon the influential Powers in the world ee-unity to shoulder their responsibilities and ake IS real effort to arrtve at a defini~ive solution to the Iraq-Iran dispute that vill safeguard the legitimate rights of both parties. (Mr. A1-Khalifa, Bahrain) Some believe that the Iraq-Iran war is of lialted scope and thus does not warrant greater attention at the cost of other international questions, particularly since oil is flowing no~lly and meeting the needs of world aarkets. Some world Powers Which hold this narrow view of tbe Iraq-Ira¥) war and of security in the Gulf region concentrate their attention on oil, open aarkets and the arms trade, ignodng the political lessons and historical trends in the region. The unalterable facts of history show that the &any civilizations that had existed in the Gulf re~ion and the Arabian peninsula since time t..eaorial were in a region separating the great civilizations of the East and the West. That centra! position led to economic prosperity, established aarkets and active trade. This left its clear impact on political and social trends, which were in fact distinguished by political moderation and by co-operation with all other States in all fields of mutual interest. Those two dia:tinctive features of the region were not always found togetherJ they varied according to the changing historical situation. When the currents of extremism upset stabilty and coexistence in the region, the voice of moderation subsided and died, leadin~ to political and economic effects and interaction and to the emergence of the interests of foreign PowersJ this was harmful to some. That political fact proves that stability, peace and security in the region were always the main sou~ce of well-being and happiness for all who spoke in the solemn voice of moderation. We hope that this lesson of wisdom will resound in th~ ears and thoughts of those who are wagering on the continuation of the Iraq-Iran war and of those who are waiting~ i~ the hope of deriving personal gain from it. In this connection, we welcome the peace initiative put forward by Iraq on 2 August 1986 for the termination of the war, St~ ~.:hat the people of the region might lead a normal life in security and stability. (Mr. A1-Kha1ifa, Bahrain) The question of Palestine and the problem of the Middle East provide the clearest example of the failure of international co-operation, whether within the united Nations or outside it. A number of States have made individual contacts with the parties to the dispute and have put forward various initiatives for the peaceful settlement of the dispute in that region. Earlier ineffectual attempts of this kind culminated in the conclusion of a treaty between Egypt and Israel. But the aggressive policies of Israel have not ceased. Israel attacked Iraq'S peaceful nuclear installations in 1981, invaded Lebanon in 1982, and massacred Palestinian refugees in Sabra and Shatila - a massacre whose painful memory haunts us again this month. Israel has also pursued a policy of forcible occupation of Arab lands and has established settlement on occupied lands. It has annexed the Syrian Golan Heights and aas altered the historical landmarks of Holy Jerusalem. It has raided the Tunis offices of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and has pursued a daily policy of suppression, dispersion and terrorism in the occupied Arab lands. It regularly launches savage attacks on Lebanon and Palestinian refugee camps, the latest of which were last week's air raids against southern Lebanon. Why have all these attempts and peace initiatives failed to bring peace to the Middle East? We believe that most of these efforts and initiatives were based on unrealistic assumptions. They ignored the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people and the entire question of Palestine, which is at the core of the dispute in the Middle East. In short, efforts to settle the Arab-Israeli dispute were misdirected. All initiatives and efforts - whatever their source and irrespective of the good intentions of their sponsor - will inevitably fail if they are not based on a just and comprehensive solution of the question of Palestine and of the Palestinian people. (Mr. AI-Khalifa, Bahrain) Although that fact is obvious, some states still lean towards the Israeli view of this cause, which is vital to the Arab nation. That view can provide nothing more than partial solutions guaranteeing neither stability nor peace and giving no momentum to the cause of genuine peace in the region. A comprehensive and lasting peace should be based on just principles, the main element of which is recognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self-determination and to the establishment of their own independent State on their national soil, under the leadership of the PLO, their sole legitimate representative. The PLO should be a principal participant in any peaceful effort towards the practical, fair solution of this question. The convening of an international conference with the participation of all the interested parties and the permanent members of the Security Council would be a practical step towards the achievement of a just and lasting peace in the region. The awakening of the indigenous majority in South Africa has attracted the attention of world pUblic opinion. It has become crystal clear to the international community that the black majority, which has been struggling for many years against injustice and oppression, has risen in a massive revolt aimed at dismantling the racist regime. Bitter experience has now shown the black population that proposed reforms offered now and again by the racist regime are merely political sops intended to contain local and world discontent. It has become clear to all that the problem in South Africa is not merely political; it is also a question of immoral practices which are loathed by all the world's peoples as being inconsistent with the principles of human equality and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. (Mr. AI-Khalifa r Bahrain) 'Coexistence with such a regime is i11p)ssible, whatever other concessions may be made by the racist reg1me r the main"principles of its detested system of apartheid will be retained. World attention should therefore be directed at formulating a clear plan of action that will compel the Pretoria regime to submit to the demands of justice and equality and dismantle its sytem of racial discrtminationr which is a political and social regime incompatible with human dignity. The international community should take steps to reflect in practice its support for the legitimate struggle of the people of South Africa r for moral support has proven ineffective in compelling the Pretoria regime to abandon its system of racial discrimination. The non-aligned summit Conferencer held at Harare from 1 to 7 Septembe~ this year r adopted unambiguous decisions on this subject. We call upon the international community to support the decisions of that Conference. We believe that the time has come for the Security Council - and particularly its permanent members - to shoulder its international responsibility and ~se a comprehensive boycott and strict economic sanctions against South Africa in order to compel that racist regime to yield to the dictates of justice and equality. The South African regime continues illegally to occupy the Territory of Namibia r in violation of General Assembly resolutions r in particular resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 14 December 1974. We regret that no progress has been made towards implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia r outlined in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We reiterate our full support for the lawful struggle of the people of Namibia for freedom and independence r under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO)r its genuine r legitimate representative. (Mr. AI-Khalifa, Bahrain) The Afghan people has languished under the yoke of foreign occupation since 1979, when it lost its freedom under an alien regime imposed by the force of arms. The people of Afghanistan have been compelled to live under an unacceptable system, which they have resisted by faith and by arms. We call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces in conformity with the will of the international community, as embodied in General Assembly resolutions. The Afghan people s~~u!d be permitted to choose a political and social system compatible with its history ~nd ancient heritage. We hope that the efforts of the secretary-General will be successful, so that the Afghan people may regain its freedom and freely express its will, safe from policies of hegemony, polarization and threats. As regards the question of Cyprus, we welcome the Secretary-General's attempts to narrow the differences between the two parties to the dispute, thus paving the way towards a just and lastin9 peaceful settlement. With regard to tho question of Korea, we sympathize with the wish of the Korean people in both parts of Korea for reunification, and we welcome all constructive dialogue to that effect. The world economy is in acute crisis, which threatens the present and future of all the world's peoples. It might therefore be that economic matters should be placed high on the list of international priorities so that they may become a principal theme of contemporary international co-operation. (Mr. Al-Khalifa, Bahrain) It is strange indeed that this acute crisis in the w«ld economy has not awakened the international co_unity to its crushing burden, as international econOllic co-operaticn recedes in spite of the interdependence of the world econcny and its increased universality. In other words, the universality and interdependence of econOll1c affairs have not been aCCCDpanied by international co-operatim to face up to the challenges of the current economic Cl' is is. It is clear today that w«ld econOllic relations have passed frOl'il the stage of problem to that of crisis. This threatens the existence of lIan, in exactly the same way as nuclear terror and strategic ar_. This crisis JUIces it imperative to correct the course of current internaticnal relaticns, so that a new international economic order _y be established. This cr isis has had a strcng impact cn the economies of the th ird wor ld in the past three years. Rates of eccnOtlic growth began to fall drastically, and the terms of trade deter iorated sharply~ t.here was also a recl.lction in the pr ices of primary materials, CCiiIllIOdities and oil. That, in turn, inflated the volume of external debts and the cost of servicing them. Confusion in the fields of currency, finance and exchange rates increased. The advanced, industrialized countries started to adopt protectionist economic policies and to impose strict barriers against the exports of the d...,eloping coWltries. That further undermined the economies of the third var ld. These economic conditions have upset the economies of developing countr ies, because of the ominous cons~uence8 they will have unless the international community corrects the deviaticns in the course of economic relations by introducing drastic 1'eforu in the current eCCl'lOfllic structure. The time has come for the advanced, industr ialized countr ies to realize not only that the continued (Mr. Al-Khalifa, Bahrain) deterioration ~f economic conditions will undermine the political and social systems of the third wor ld, but also that the advanced c;ountr ies will not be immune from their adverse effects and negative developments. We hope that these facts will prompt the advanced and industr ialized countr ies to open a new chapter of concrete ecooomic negotiations with the developing nations, and to go beyond formal di fferences and concentrate on issues of substance. Peace is a human quest. Na tions and States have longed for and aspired to peace from ancient times, so that they might enjoy stability and secur ity, particularly in areas shattered by conflict and war. The united Nations was established after the Second World War to save succeeding generations from the scourge of a new war. Now that the twentieth century is almost at an end, peace has become, with all its political and social implications, a necessity - indeed, a pressing world necessity, which will shape the fate of man and his present and future existence. We therefore look forward to the future with hope and expectation. We want to dispel pessimism and give future generations confidence in the viability of collective actioo for the good of humani ty, so that mature human dialogue may bring happiness to man and save him from the threats of fear and instability and the unpredictab ili ty of the fu ture. I am pleased to state from this rostrum that the state of Bahrain, which believes in the noble goals of the Uni ted Na tions Char ter, is prepared to wor k hard and co-operate sincerely and constructively with all other States for the maintenance of peace and security in the world and the achievement of those noble goals of the Charter of our Organization. Hr. BARRB (SoJl8lia): OD behalf of ":l delegation and on fJ¥ own behalf I extend AJrbassador Choudlury warm congratulations on his election as President of the forty-first sessim of the General Asseillbly. OUr deliberatims will mdol:btedly pt'ofit from the learning, wisdcla and diploEtic skills which he brings to his high office. I take this opportunity to express JIE!l GoverDRnt's gratification at the strmg ties of friendship which link our two countries. I also wish to expcess our deep appreciatim for the skUful guidance provided by Alibassador de Pinies of Spain dur ing the fortieth sessicn. His well-known diplauatic exper ience and sta. ...:--s.ansbip made a valuable contr ibutim to a histor ic occasim. I Must place on re(X)rd our adairaticn of the persistent efforts of the secretary-General, Hr. Perez de Cuellar, in his relentless search for solutions to the urgent internatimal pt'oblems of our ti_es. we extend our best wishes for his return to full health and strength and express our ccntinued ccnfidence in his wa:k as secretary-General. The consensus which emerged frOll the celebratim of the fortieth anniversary of the O1ited Hations was that the vccld organizaticn, vi th all its fau! ts, still represented mankind's best hope for peace and progress. That consensus, I believe, envisaged two lines of actian it called for the reform of those shortcomings typical of any 4C-yeaa;--old b~eauel'acy, and it called for the strengthening of the central role of the United Nations in the system of collective security established by the Charter. The first line of acticn has been set in illOticn as a result of the efforts of the Group of high-level intergovernmental experts set up to review the a<'iw.nistrative and financial £Oncoming of the world bodyo My Government weloomes the recommendations of the Group as a valuable starting point for the process of (Mr. Barre, Somalia) reform, and we believe tbat they 8hould recp,ive careful consideration. ~ere sensitive finmcial and budgetary issues are concerned, I trust that these can be addressed in a spirit of goodwill and with a consistent application of the relsant principles of the Charter, bearing in aind also the specific responsibilities of the secretary-General. Unfortunately, the constructive response t:!1at has been made to the internal needs of the wcxld Organization has not yet been atched by efforts to strengthen its authexity as it seeks to resolve prd>leas whim endanger world peace and security. Many of the political issues which trouble our times have their or igin in the violation of two fmduental principles of the O1ited Nations Charter - namely, the right of peoples to self-determnation and independence, and respect for the human rights of individuals. It is indeed tragic that many States are prepared to uphold Charter pr inciples in situations where their comuies are not directly imolved, but ignexe those same pr inciples when they find it expedient to do so. There needs to be a renewed mderstanding of the fact that aemership of the world Organization entails a sincere col1lDitment to the rule of internatimal law as established by the United Nations Charter and to the promtion of human dignity, m the basis of the Universal Declaratim of Human Rights. The United Natims has consistently pr~ted just and reasmable solutioos, based 00 the principles of the Charter, in order to establish cmditions of Peace in numerous CDnflict areas of the world. Regrettably, these solutions remain tmimplemented, and in consequence tensioo and cmflict cmtinue to take a heavy toll in human lives and constitute a setback to the search for stability and progress. (Mr. Barre, SOmalia) International attention is today rightly focused on the critical situation in southern Africa, but more than 20 years ago the General Assembly called for canprehensive mandatory ecooomic :sanctions in order to deter SOUth Africa's white minority from imposing its criminal apartheid plan on the black majority. We are now witnessing the inevitable confrootation between the oppressed majority, determined to regain its basic human rights at any cost, and the racist minor ity, prepared to use its oppressive police and military forces with the utmost brutality in order to retain its pr ivileged position. Without doubt, violence and bloodshed will cootinue to escalate unless the Pretoria regime is pressured i~to abolishing apartheid, releasing impr isooed leaders such as Nelsoo Mandela and taking steps to establish a truly just and democractic society. My Government joins in the call for the imposition of mandatory economic sanctions against south Africa, inclUding an oil emarga - a call which is supported by a rising tide of pUblic opinion around the world. We heartily welcome the growing recognition that this measure is the ooly Peaceful and effective means available to prevent a protracted and bloody racial conflict in southern Africa. The demand for sanctions against South Africa is made even more urgent by the Pretor ia regime's intr ans igence over Namibia's independence. In no other issue before the United Nations is the authority of the wcxld body so clearly defined and at the same time so deeply compromised as in the case of Namibia. The importance of this question is attested to by the recently coocluded special session of the General Assembly, the third 00 Namibia, which called once again for action under Chapter VII of the Charter. The special sessial could hardly have dooe otherwise in view of SOuth Africa's continued illegal occupation of Namibia, its obstructive tactics against the implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978) and (Kr. Barre, Soaalia) its policies of occupation, terrcxist aggreasion, subversion and econc.ic pressure directed against front-line States. The secur ity Council has issued a great lIMy ultiaatuas in the context of South Africa 's gross violations of internatiCl.\al la" and its breaches of regimal and international peace and seour ity. I hope that the General Assembly will call upon the Council in a strong and unified voice to enfcxce those ulti_tums. Another problem of international concern is the situation in the Horn of Africa. It is unfortunate that protracted conflict in the area has given rise to large-scale human suffering, massive destruction of property and huge refugee influxes. It is essential that concerted action be taken to rel10ge the sources of tension and conflict and to establish a solid foundation for peace and stability in the region. To this end, it is iIIperative that cCl\fidence-buUding measures first be undertaken to create a climate conclJcive to aeaningful negotiations on fundamental issues, based CI\ respect for the human rights of the peuples of the area. The Middle East is among the world's most troubled areas, in spite of the fact that the principles which sust gcwern a just and lasting settlement have been widely acknowledged. Peace in the area will continue to be elus ive unless all those coocerned exert the political will to bring about a caaprehensive settlement. My Government fUlly supports the resolutions of the General Assembly and the security COW'lcil which call for the total withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories, including Jerusalem, and the restoratioo of Palestinian rights, in particular the right to statehood in Palestine. We believe that the convening of the Internatiooal Peace Cooference on the Middle East would be a IIIlljor step towards the achievement of a just and lasting (Mr. Barre, Somalia) peace. '1'0 be effective the Conference would require the full participation on a basis of equality of the representative of the Palestinian people, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It must be recognized that time is not on the side of peace in the Middle- East. Every effort must be made to ensure that a new generation will not again be handed a legacy of hatred and despair. The grave situation in Afghanistan and the attempt to suppress the freeoom struggle of a courageous people cmtinue to be a matter of major international concern. My Government strongly supports the efforts of the secretary-General to bring about a polltical settlement based on the wi thdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan, respect for its sovereignty and nm-aligned status and the return of the Afghan refugees in safety and with honour. The proliferation of areas of conflict is clearly related to the low level of respect apparent on the international scene for principles of international law such as the peaceful settlement of disputes, nm-interference in the affairs of States and the non-use of force in international relations. In tJiis context, my Government deeply regrets the escalation of the war between Iran and Iraq, which has resulted in great loss of life and destruction of the resources of both countries and has also endangered world peace and security. we join in the lmiversal call for a sincere response to all efforts at mediation to achieve an immedia te cease-fire and to promote a peaceful settlement of this tragic confl ict. we also regret that the people of Kamp.lchea are still unable to determine their own future free from outside interference. The world colllnunity must continue to support regional and international efforts to esta..l3lish indePendence, neutrality and peace for all the countr ies of South-East As ia. (Kr. Barre, Somalia) The wcxld can 111 afford the development in Central AIIlerica of a new area of tensim and conflict. The peace initiatives of the Cmtadora Group provide a valuable opportunity for settling ~cblelDS through dialogue and negotiatim. That opportunity should not be lost. In a similar vein, we also join other States in supporting the efforts of the United Nations secretary-General to find a peaceful solution to the long-standing question of Q{prus. If the mistakes and inequities of the past are to be avoided and a peaceful and harJla'lious future achieved for the two communities of ~prus, there must. be agreement on oonstituticmal arrangements which would give equal rights to all the citizens of that State and prOYide the necessary protection and guarantees of those rights. It is our hope that the parties concerned will reach an understanding leading to an early and amicable settlement of the prcblc~. Another regimal concern of If1J Government is the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian OCean as a Zone of Peace. we hope that the Indian OCean and hinterland States, the permanent members of the security Council and the major maritime users will co-operate in efforts to convene the lcmg-delayed Conference on the Indian OCean before 1988. In our view, the convening of the Conference remains an essential step towards the attainment of the goals of the Indian OCean Declaraticn. (Mr. Barre, Somalia) The critical economic situation on our continent continues to be foremost among the concerns of African States, even though the worst aspects of the crisis have been relieved. African Governments and peoples are deeply grateful for the generous response of the international community to the plight of millions made destitute by a combination of natural and man-made disasters. Innumerable lives have been saved and hundreds of thousands given hope for the future as a result of an extraordinary exercise of good will and co-operation by the United Nations and its agencies, governmental and charitable organizations and concerned groups and individuals. However, the task of shoring up our infrastructures and economies against future onslaughts by natural and other disasters must now be undertaken. That task demands the strong resolve of African States to rectify past mistakes in development planning and to shoulder the major responsibility for their economic growth. It also demands sustained flows of development assistance to provide an essential boost to rehabilitation efforts. Africa's priority programme for economic recovery gives a clear indica~ion of the determination of African States to take the steps necessary for recovery and steady growth. I hope that the adoption, by the General Assembly at the thirteenth SPecial session, of the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, indicates a new and constructive spirit of partnership between developed and developing countries in the task of Africa's rehabilitation. Each of Africa's most aff~cted countries has its particular challenge in addition to the familiar constraints of underdevelopment. In Somalia we are doing all we can to combat drought and desertification both at the national and regional levels. It is for this reason that we contributed to the establishment of the Inter-governmental Authority for Drought and Development in East Africa. (Mr. Barre, S~lia) Somalia is of course affec~ed on a c&tastrophic scale by the problem of massive refugee flows. International assistance ensures the survival of the refugees, but their continued presence in our country for almost a decade, a~gS"".;..,:ed of late by a new influx, has placed an intolerable burden on our overstretched resources and over-used environment. We appeal to donor countries to give renewed attention to the commitments made at the Second International Confe~ence on Assistance to Refugees in Africa with regard to emergency assistance, medium-term needs and the search for durable solutions. Africa's plans for recovery and development, and indeed the development plans of all the developing countries, depend Ultimately for their success on the reform of the imbalances in the world economic system and the creation of a world economic climate favourable to development. The debt burdens impoaed by imported inflation are without doubt the most crippling of the many constraints which impade the development process. The cail of the Organization of African Unity for an international conference on Africa's external indebted~ess underlines the disastrous proportions of this problem. Clearly the gains of the thirteenth special session will be nullified unless creative solutions to the debt problem can be formulated. Narrowing the economic gap between developed and developing countries used to I be an established goal of the united Nations but it is a goal that seems to be receding from sight. The abandonment of that goal would endanger the survival of millions of people in the developing world; it would have an adverse effect on world economic growth and it would be inimical to world peace and security. The resumption of vigorous efforts to narrow the gap between rich and poor countries would be in the best interests of all the members of the world community. (Mr. Barre, Somalia) Whatever the particular economic, political or social concerns of Member States may be, they all live under the threat of global disaster posed by the nuclear confrontation of the super-Powers. unfoltu~ately, the nuclear dilemma does not involve the security and status of the nuclear Powers alone: it involves the survival of civilization, of mankind and possibly of our planet. My Government hopes that the two super-Powers are at last prepared to talk to each other at the highest level and to make serious eommit.ents to nuclear ~isarmament, to the ~rohibition of new weapons of mass destruction and to the preservation of outer space for peaceful purposes. In conclusion, I wish to reaffirm my Government's belief in the enduring validity of the principles and purposes of the United Nations We share the concern of many States over the emergence of a tendency to downgrade the imPOrtance of the world body and even to undermine its authority ~nd effectiveness. Nevertheless, it has been demonstrated repeatedly, in both political and economic spheres, that even the critics of the United Nations are obliged to turn to it when other alternatives fail. If progress towards the resolution of political problems is often slow, the fault usually lies with a lack of political will to take advantage of United Nations peace-keeping and peace-making efforts. We would certainly have to consider the United Nations an indispensable instrument of progress and peace if we only took into account its remarkable achievements in the ec~nomic, social and humanitarian fiel~s. In our complex world, limitless possibilities for the betterment of mankind exist side by side with dangerous regional and international tensions and with the threat of nuclear catastrophe. My Government will continue to do all it can to support the united Nations as it responds appropriately to the challenging problems of our times. Mr. da LtJZ (Cape Verde) (spoke in Portuguese; interpretati~i~ from French text furnished by the delegation): Sir, it is with great satisfaction that we address to the President our conqratulations on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at the forty-first session! His personal qualities as a leader and his diploMa~ic experience are a guarantee that the serious problems at present confronting our Organization will be properly dealt with so that we shall be enabled to find solutions and thereby to promcte the establishment of international confidence. We should like also to express our appreciation for the work carried out during the fortieth session, particularly during the celebrations of the anniversary of the United Nations, and to pay a tribute to the previous president, Mr. Jaime de Pinias. His presidency made a major contrihution to the improvement of the Organization's image. (Mr. da LUz, Cape Verde) We should like also particularly to congratulate the Secretary-General, Mr. Javie~ Pe~e~ de Cuellar, for the invaluable contribution and laudable efforts which he has made in the discharge of his duties. Through his wealth of experience, his personal devotion and his enlightened view of our collective pl'oblems, the five years of his term of office have been very enriching from the point of view of analysing and identifying the underlying causes of the difficulties which beset present international institutions and have also made a aajor contribution to cushioning the impact of the crisis which, as we know, is the fate of all at the present time. Cape Verde greatly appreciated his tenacity and calmness jn the difficult hours Which the international community has lived through during this time, as well as bis resolute courage when the international situation required it. Eleven years ago the Republic of Cape Verde became a member of the great family of the united Nations, its desire being to make a modest contribution to the building of a world of peace, progress and social justice. Since then the international situation has been steadily deteriorating. Reasons for optimism and confidence have rarely proved to be well fOUnded. Conflicts and disputes continue in variou& parts of the world. Growing rivalries between the major Powers, particularly in the nuclear field, have led to an increased arms race at unprecedented levels. Imbalances and inequalities be~en rich and poor nations have become accentuated, whereas despair and poverty have been growing among developing countries, essentially because of the fact that an international economic system which is no longer in step with the realities of the present day world has been perpetuated. These negative phenomena, which seriously threaten international peace and security just when our Organization was last year celebrating its fo~tieth anniversary, have been mentioned repeatedly by Heads of State and Government. (Mr. da Luz, Cape Verde) The leaders present on this occasion, conveying the aspirations and concerns of their respective peoples, have elllphasized the risk~ and dangers that beset mankind and have appealed to us to concert our efforts in the urgent task of building peace and co-operation for development, and to work toyether for the democratization of international relations. We note with deep concern that tension and international crises continue to be constant features of our daily lif~, with serious i~lications for mankind. Cape Verde reiterates its full support for the fundamental principle~ that should underlie international relations as enshrined in the Charter of the united Nations and in the Charter of the Organization of African Unity, as well as in the practice of the non-aligned countries. purthermore, we reiterate the ethic underlying our foreign policy in seeking solutions which will lead to peace and development. We are certain that only confidence and mutual respect can create a sound and lasting basis for dialogue and international co-operation. The negative trends that are today a feature of the relations be~~cn States, and which are to be seen i~ practically all conflicts and instances of tension and instability in the world, are reflected in the activities of this Organization, which came into being el years ago on the basis of the sovereign equality of States, an Organization dedicated to building peace and promoting co-operation and development among peoples. Like many countries, the Republic of Cape Verde has in the general debate in the last two years voiCed its concern over the enormous difficulties confronting this Organization and its specialized agencies in performing their duties and in pursuit of the noble objectives inscribed in their charters. (Mr. da LUz, Cape Verde) Like the overwhelming ~jority of Member States we have always defended the view that there is no alternative to the United Nations. The interdependence of today's world and the multiplicity and complexity of international life at this tiJRe require global solutions which transcend frontiers and which can be envisaged only in a universal framework such as that provided by ~he United Nations, where the legitimate interests of all countries, great and small, rich and poor, are duly taken into account. Any attempt to divert international public opinion, which is now focused on collective issues, from the institutionalized multilateral framework of the United Nations, would no doubt satisfy those interests that are prompted by the need to bring about a spirit of national affirmation and create and pave the way for th~ unilateral imposition of solutions on other countries, but it could also lead - and in fact has led - to a weakening of international instituti~ns as a suitable framework for understanding the problems affecting most States. The problems of world peace and security and of co-operation to further development and human rights are problems which, because of their global nature, affect all corners and peoples of the earth. ~hat is why attempts to find solutions to them are part of a mUltilateral, stable and proper framework in which all peoples of the world are duly represented. The need for the United Nations as the preferred, if not the sole, forum for finding solutions to our collective problems is becoming particularly acute in the present situation, where developing countries, inclUding Cape Verde, are being confronted by gloomy prosPeCts, particularly in the socio-economic field. If we were all desirous - as many speaking from this rostrum have affirmed themselves to be - of saving the world from catastrophe, of helping to raise the level of mankind and human dignity, thus creating a climate of peace and prosperity for one and all, (Mr. da Luz. Cape Verde) then all of us. and principally those countries that bear major international responsibility. should give practical effect to their commitment to fulfil the tasks of the united Nations. as well as their-firm adherence to its purposes and principles. Hitherto. unfortunately. despite the constructive statements made during the commemoration of the fortieth anniversary of the United Nations. very little has been done to eliminate the crisis and restore confidence in the United Nations system. On the contrary. that confidence has been seriously shaken by the financial crisis of the Organization. The financial difficulties are above all. as we know. a reflection of political positions which work to deny the United Nations its role as an institutional framework for dialogue on the major international issues of the present day. on the basis of the sovereign equality of States. Thus. if the financial crisis were to be resolved. this would undoubtedly help to resolve the institutional crisis that now besets the United Nations. The institutional crisis. in its turn. cannot be resolved without the political will of all countries. Our common destiny requires us to make national sacrifices in this way. There is no doubt that a great deal could be done towards streamlining the work of the United Nations in order to improve its administrative and financial effectiveness. The creation of the Group of 18 last year. pursuant to a unanimous decision of this Assembly. was dictated by the need to improve the financial and administrative activities of the Organization. We hope the work of the Group will help to enhance the effectiveness of the Organization. The Assembly must pay great attention to the recommendations of the Group and that should lead to decisions that will I,lake for a stronger United Nations. one which is more confident and better equipped to pursue its objectives. (Hr. da Luz, Cape Verde) we sbouldlike to believe tbat today we c:annot combine tbe ideals of peace with obsessive preparacion for war. one cannot invoke liberation, justice oz progress si1llply in order to disguise begelltlnlc trends or clai_. Respect for tbe principles ana nor_ goveEning international relations shouid not be llade subordinate to national interests or beeaIe lost in ubiguous interpretations. (Mr. da Luz, Cape Verde) Yet, in flagrant violation of such norms and principles, tensions are mounting and threats to the world's security multiply because of the stockpiling of nuclear weapons and the extension of the arms race into new areas. One display of strength leads to another, in violation of the sovereignty, integrity and political independence of states, and creates a climate.of instability and insecurity, particularly among the developing countries. Unprecedented acts of aggression, in total disregard of the norms of international law, are being undertaken under various pretexts against sovereign States Members of the Organization. We cannot let pass this opportunity to express our rejection of the escalation of international terrorism in all its forms, inclUding State terrorism, which, with its accompaniment of innocent victims, is affecting international relations as a whole. The causes of that phenomenon deserve greater attention from all Member states, since recourse to terrorism is all-too-often the result of the injustice, poverty and inequalities that prevail in today's world. It is essential that action be taken to eliminate that scourge by adopting measures and initiatives that take into account the need to eliminate its underlying causes. On the other hand, we cannot tolerate the use or threat of force against sovereign countries, particularly small ones. The use of force in international relations contributes to lack of respect for and weakening of the United Nations. A world in which the law of the strongest prevails is contrary to the concept of a civilized world guided by humanitarian ideals. This session of the General Assembly is taking place at a time when events in the southern part of Africa are once again drawing attention to the resistance that the forces of apartheid, racial discrimination and colonial tyranny are offering to those working for change in that part of the continent. The possibilities of an (Mr. da LUz, Cape Verde) explosion of violence, with unpredictable consequences for the continent as a whole, and for the world, are increasing. Once again, apartheid stands exposed before the international community as an abhorrent system of oppression that is historically and universally condemned, particularly in a world like our own, struggling for the ideals of peace, equality, social justice and progress, and particularly on a continent that stands to gain so much from peaceful coexistence and constructive co-operation among its peoples and States. OWing to the complex interests involved, current events in that strategic region deserve the full attention of the whole of the international community, for nothing is more urgent than that all turn their efforts and their devotion towards preserving the region from a bloody conflagration. The acts of aggression being carried out against neighbouring countries and the important aid being given to puppet units of armed bandits intended to destabilize the Governments of legally constituted sovereign countries, as well as the constant defiance of the norms and principles of international law that govern relations among States, all demonstrate the inability of the present Pretoria regime to enter onto the path of political realism and to accept the idea of the total dismantling of apartheid as the only way to defend the genuine interests of South African society as a whole. Acts of military aggression, eapecially those aimed at disrupting socia-economic activities, carried out against the front-line countries, particularly against the People's RepUblic of Angola and the People's Republic of Mozambique, are designed not only to destabilize those sovereign countries but also to stifle the economy of the entire region. (Mr. del Luz, Cape Verde) We should like to express here our serious concern at the increase in the military threats along the southern border of Angola, evidenced by the concentration of Sou~ African troops in that region, and following upon the substantial. external aid given to the armed ba,ndits of UNITA in the fora of sophisticated weaponry. We have also witnessed an intensification of the undeclared war being waged against Mozambique which, in conjunction with natural disasters, has increased the problems confronting that sister State. We consider that the whole of the international community has a duty to help the Republic of Angola and the Republic of MOzambique in their struggle to resist aggression and the attempts at destabilization of which they are victims. The critical situation in SOuth Africa has quite rightly been the ~ocus of the concerns of all countries Members of the Organization. Confronted with an imminent catastrophe that would have unforeseeable repercussions on international peace and security, it is the duty o~ the international community, and particularly of the States Members of the United Nations, in the performance of their collective responsibilities and taking into account the recommendations of the second International Conference on Sanctions against Racist South Africa recently held in Paris, to udopt appropriate measures to avoid the spread of destruction, SUffering, anxiety, death and poverty in southern Africa and to safeguard the opportunities to achieve a negotiated solution to the conflict. The first step towards such a negotiated solution must be the liberation of Nelson Mandela and the other political prisoners, recognition by those in power of of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANe) and other militant democratic forces and the initiation of serious negotiation among the parties on the future of South Africa. (Mr. da Luz, Ccepe Verde) This session of the General Assembly can be of major importance and of historic ±-port if its deliberations can generate measure~ that can bring the South African regime 'to the negotiating table. In this connection, ~nd mindful of the relevant resolutions and decisions of the Organization of African unity (OAU) and of the recent summit meeting of countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, efforts must be made to moderate the adjustments and sacrifices being made by certain countries, either under duress or as a consequence of their application of recommended sanctions, particularly those countries whose territory and population are the targets of military aggression and economic reprisal by the South African regime. In this connection we are pleased at the recent proposal made by the non-aligned countries for the creation of a fund to assist in resisting invasion, colonialism and apartheid, the main purpose of which would be to demonstrate solidarity with the front-line States and the liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia. The situation in Namibia demands our full attention because here, in the present-day international context, we are now witnessing a kind of relegation of the Namibian question to the background, as if the solution of that problem were dependent upon the overall solution of the conflict in southern Africa. We hope that the recent special session of the General Assembly on Namibia will not only breathe fresh life into the manner in which that question has been dealt with but, further, that it will demonstrate that the consistent implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) will prove to be an important contribution to reaching a speedy comprehensive solution in the region. As for the Western Sahara, the recent negotiations held in New York between the parties concerned, under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General, have given us grounds for a certain optimism with regard to the possibility of a (Mr.da LUz, Cape Verde) negotiated settlement of the conflict. We are convinced that continuing such contacts and negotiations is the only way the conflict can ultimately be resolved, and it is for that re~son that we have always, in so far as possible, encouraged those involved in that conflict to seek reconciliation through dialogue and respect £or the sacred rights of peoples to self-determination and independence, in keeping with the relevant resolutions of international ~ies on the question. Where Chad is concerned, we reiterate our full support for the actions and initiatives taken by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to bring about national reconciliation, and we continue to hope that the pressing need for peace of the martyred people of that country will be fulfilled. That is why we encourage every initiative in the African framework to bring about a lasting peace with respect for the country's independence and territorial integrity, free of outside interference. With regard to the Middle East, the continuing deterioration of the situation as well as the complexities with which is fraught deserve our organization's particular attention so that adequate solutions to the conflict can be found. Increased support for the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, would be an important step towards aecuring that people's inalienable rights. (Mr. da Luz, Cape Verde) In the hope that a just and canprehensive solC'tioo will be found ~'O the problem of the Middle East, whose acuteness is bee:omir~9 more ana JIOre e;tident, we cannot but express our support for the urgent need to convene the International Peace Conference on the Middle East with the participation of all parties to the Israeli-Arab conflict, pursuant to the Geneva Declaration aftd resolution 38/58 C, of 13 December 1983 of the General Assembly. we p~ofoundly regret the crisis in Lebanon attended with heavy loss of Ufe. We pay a heartfelt tribute to the soldiers of peace who have lost their lives in performing the noble duty of preserving peace in the service \)f the United Nations. Their sacrifice has not been in vain. Their contribution to peace will not be forgotten. In the Gllf area, the war between the fraternal peoples of Iran and Iraq ccntinues to cause untold suffering. we once ac;ain urgently appeal to the belligerent parties to put an end to this fratr icidal confl ict, which has caused such irreparable losses in human life and material damages. The situation in Central JWer ica continues to deter iorate and is a matter of grave concern to the international community, particularly t.'le question of Nicaragua, a country which, in keeping with the pr inciples of good-neighbourliness between na tions, should be able to enjoy the right to choose freely its own political, economic and social system in the interest of its people, without any interference, subversion or threat from outside. The R:!public of Cape Verde supports and encourages the efforts of the Contadora. Group and the support Group to bring about peace and stability to b'lat part of the world. In South-East Asia, efforts should be made to eliminate sources of tensicn and preserve the principles of respect for scwereignty, independence and territorial integr ity of the States in that area, inclUding Kanplchea. (Mr. da Luz, Cape Verde) With regard to "the situation in Korea, we are convinced that dialogue and cro-operation between the parties concerned is one of the essential prerequisites for the peaceful reunification of the Korean people. The initiatives of the secretary-General of the United Nations to reach a solution to the conflict in Afghanistan should be encouraged and pursued in order to promote a political solution to the conflict that respects the independence, scwereignty, territorial integrity and the right of the Afghan people to decide their own destiny without any foreign interference. The !JeOple of East Timoc, the victims of genocide waged against them by foreign forces illegally occupying their territory, have for more than a decade been waging a struggle of resistance the noble purpose of which is to recO'Ver their inalienable right to self~etermination and independence. These aspirations of the Maubere people, against whom an attempt to reduce to silence has been made, deserve greater attention on the part of the Organization to find a just solution to the question, thus preserving its credibility. We wish to appeal to the international ooumunity and, in particular, to Portugal, the administering Power of that Territory, as well as to the Secretary-General, to persist b their efforts in light of the fact that the most elementary rules of justice make it our bOlmden duty to cootinue to mobilize every possible resource in order to create the necessary canditions for the free exercise by the Maubere people of their flmdamental ri':ltlts. Initiatives to bring about disarmament are of major importance in tt~e present situatioo. Not only do they cootr ibute to reducing international tension, mainl:!i' among the SupeL-Power s, but they can at the same time pave the way to Cf,=. ''';)eratioo in the development of the underdeveloped cotmtries by making use of the tremendous economic, human and technological resources that up to nQrl have been devoted to the industry of war. For the developing countries in general and for Africa in particular, peace and disarmament is not metely a question of survival~ their eccnomic and social development depend on it. The military presence 'Of foreign oountries has been oonfirmed in the Indian OCean, despite General Assent>ly resolutions, in particular resolution 2832 (XXVI) of 16 December 1971, in which the Indian OCean was declared as a zcne of peace. Like other speakers we believe it is necessary to take the appropriate steps in order to demilitarize and denuclearize this part of the world and to turn it into an area of peace and oo-<)peration. At a time when there is a trend towards the geographical proliferation of nuclear weapons, we beli\?ve that the experience gained in the Indian OCean bears eloquent testimony to the need to avoid similar situations in the future. Here we wish to refer specifically to the SOUth-Atlantic, a region with its own identity in which the African and ratin American oountries oomprising it have particular responsibilities and interests that must be safeguarded. we believe that the international community should make concerted efforts to preserve this region as an area of peace and co-operation, remote from international conflicts, thus making a valuable contribution to promoting universal peace. PO'lerty, famine, malnutrition a."1d sickness threaten the peoples in the developing countries, thus creating an additional threat to the maintenance of international peace and security. While this situatioo can be attributed to negative internal factors, fundamentally it il:t the r,C!sult of the it_justice and the imbalance which have been created and furthered by the present international ecooomic situation. In addition to the negative effects of internatiooal economic relatioos on the eccnomies of developi":g oountries, there are the inequalities in financial flows. Liquid transfers from the developing countries to the developed countries (Mr. da Luz, Cape Verde) have reached alarming levels - $31 billion in 1985, according to a United Nations survey - whereas financial flQtls in the opposite direction, including public aid for de>1elopment, have CQ'ltinued to fall off in absolute and real terms. The reduction in public aid for developnent has increased difficulties in these countries. For many years now capital flows a'1 favourable terms have diminished, and the target of 0.7 per cent of ~p for public aid to developnent in the international development strategy for the third decade is far from having been aChieved. The solution of the economic problems of the developing countries is canplementary to resolving the problems of the developed countries. Thus it ls in the cOI1lllOn interest to strengthen co-operation for developnent and to introduce a more just new international economic order. In this process, SOU th-SOUth co-operation can play an important part and contr. ibute to creating collective autQ'lomy for the developing countr ies. Africa, which has the largest nuni:>er of least developed countries, has been the continent most affected by the present international economic crisis. This situation has been further aggravated by the disastrous effects of endemic drought and progressive desert creep. In order to confront these tremendous diffiCUlties the affected African countries have mobilized their resources in an effort whose success will depend essentially on the size and the promptness of international O)-operation, mainly that which binds them to the developed countries. Cape Verde is si tua ted in one of the most arid and inhospitable par ts of the ear th - the Bahel - and as par t of the group of least developed countr ies it has been under tak ing an arduous s tru9gle for its economic and social development. We still continue to wage the struggle we started 11 years ago when we gained independence. It is aimed at restoring balance in the eco-system to colibat (Mr. da r.Jz, Cape Verde) the effects of drought and desertification and to establish the foundations for the harmonious social and economic develc,p;l1ent of the country. EKper ience has indicated that, while the struggle for development requires popular participation and a national effort, this struggle is an important component in international solidarity. The Government of Cape Verde very mch appreciates the assistance it continues to receive from its developnent partners. We have been able to make maximwn use of this assistance, thus making a significant cootribution to solving our economic problems. The problems besetting mankind are numerous and var ied. Successive cr ises and natural calamities recur; and cooflicts persist and proliferate year after year. That is the conclusion reached by statesmen and leaders from all parts of the world who have spoken from this rostrum. In order to describe more accurately and to find a better solution to the various problems confronting us, new ideas have been put forward and suggestions and proposals have been made. However, we have not been able to observe any tangible results. In order to solve the problems related to development, peace, social justice, progress and human dignity, ideas and proposals are not enough. ?olitical will, a vision of the future, a spirit of solidarity among peoples and decisive steps towards international co-operation for developnent are essential. We have every hope that, as we approach the next century, bold decisions will be taken in order to achieve these objectives. we are cert:ain that reason and human solidar i ty will prevail.

We have heard the last speaker for this afternoon. I shall now call on those representatives who wish to speak in exercise of their right of reply. May I remind members that, in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statements in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes fer the first intervention and to five minutes for the second and should be made by repr~sentatives from their seats. Mr. VU QUANG DIEM (Viet Nam): Early this afternoon I inscribed my name to speak in exercise of the right of reply. I had intended to reply to the representative of Malaysia. However I have just received instructions from my Minister, the Head of the delegation of Viet Nam, that we need not reply. The Head of the delegation of Viet Nam will explain his position in the statement to be delivered to the Assembly on 6 OCtober 1986. I therefore have nothing further to say now. Mr. GRAREKHAN (India): The Simla Agreement signed by the Governments of India and Pakistan in 1972 provides the basis for resolVing all outstanding issues between the two countries through bilateral negotiations and peaceful means. We therefore fail to understand the reference that has been made to the so-called Jammu and Kashmir question by the Foreign Minister of Pakistan. Our position is well known and needs no further clarification by my delegation. Mr. ZARIF (Afghanistan): The delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan wishes to exercise of its right of reply in connection with the statement that the leader of the Pakistan delegation delivered this afternoon. There were several points and elements in that statement with which my delegation finds itself in full agreement• pirst, the Afghan people, true to their historic traditions and character have always waged heroic national resistance against any evil force that has intended to invade or to suppress our people. Another part of his statement, in connection with the proven indomitable courage, steadfast resolve and defiance of adversity of our people, is also accurate. But many other things in his statement are not in conformity with reality. Yes, there have been violations of the principles of the United Nations Charter in our region, affecting Afghanistan. But those violations, which are flagrant by their very nature, have not resulted from the presence of a limited contingent of Soviet forces in Afghanistan. The fact is that those violations have occurred as result of continuing armed interference perpetrated against our people, our country, our revolution and our Government from territories beyond our borders and by those forces who now speak loudly about the presence of the troops in my country. It has been alleged that almost a million Afghans have laid down their lives. To be sure, some of our people have laid down their lives very courageously in defending their country against the evil designs of some quarters, but never as a result of the presence of the limited contingents of troops in the country. The facts to which I have referred in connection with the continuing undeclared war perpetrated by the imperialist, hegemonist and other reactionary quarters against Afghanistan have affected us, reSUlting in the loss of a great -any of our people and enormous damage to our economy that now amounts to more than 40 billion Afghanis. That amounts to almost three fourths of all development investment in Afghanistan 20 years prior to the revolution. That is an unfortunate reality we shall have to make known to the international community. It has also been alleged that 5 million, or one third of the country's population, have been obliged to seek shelter ip Pakistan and Iran. That is a very false statement. The investigatio~s conducted by illpartial bodies including certain United Nations organizations have testified to the fact that the nUJlber of refugees has been exaggerated out of all proportion by those who benefit therefrom. There have been some double and triple registrations of Afghans living beyond our bordersJ there have been registrations of local population as refugees in order that they may avail themselves of the assistance provided to them as refugees. There have also been falsifications of those figures in order to obtain more assistance, not to benefit the so-callea refugees, but to get that assistance for the benefit of the Pakistani Government. There are other factors that have also resulted in the vast exaggeration of the refugee population. The most notable is that they have counted the nUJlber of nomads who seasonally migrate from Afghanistan to Pakistan during the winter and who return to Afghanistan in the summer. Those clarifications might help determine the exact number of those Afghans who have left for other territories. It has been alleged that Pak~stan is providing Islamic humanitarian assistance in conformity with its Islamic and humanitarian duties. The nature of the assistance provided to those harboured in Pakistan is clearly far from being of an Islamic or a humanitarian nature. For that reason, that assertion also is a false one. The root cause of the problem in the situa~ion around Afghanistan, which affects the whole area, including my country, lies in the interference of certain quarters against a country. The presence of more than 130 training camps for the counter-revolutionaries, the flow of vast quantities of weapons and armaments to those counter-revolutionaries, the pr~vision to them of training and of all kinds of assistance •. political, economic, diplomatic and otherwise - they are the lSain causes of the present unfortunate situation. (Mr. Zadf, Afghanistan) It has been alleged that Pakistan is sincerely and constructively working towards a political solution. We do not wish to challenge that assertion at this stage because we have achieved a lot of advancement in the process of negotiations. We should like to see that assertion proved by facts and by deeds in the process of proximity negotiations. The fact that the Assembly is ~ing kept busy with the se-called question of Afghanistan leads us to believe that tne degree of sincerity could be questioned. Futile debates in the Assembly could never help serious negotiations. Those who claim to be serious and sincere in their efforts aimed at negotiations should immediately abandon their abuse of the General Assembly and their waging of a propaganda campaign against their partner in the negotiations. Those are the some of the points I wanted to mention. There are many others on which I could touch. The meeting rose at 6.30 p.m.