A/41/PV.22 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear a statement by the Head of Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho. Mr. Justin Metsing Lekhanya, Head of Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho. was e~corted to the rostrum.

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Head of Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho, His Excellency Major-General Justin Metsing Lekhanya, and inviting him to address the General Assembly. (M~. Abdullah, United Arab Emirates) Mr. LBKBANYA (Lesotho): On behalf of the delegation of the Kingdom of Lesotho and on my own behalf, I wish to offer you, Sir, our sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. Last year the Heads of State or Government assembled in this Hall to commemorate the fortieth birthday of the Organization, take stock of the achievements and failures of the United Nations system and, above all~ renew their commitment to the noble ideals and lofty goals of the Charter. We were gratified to note that all the leaders gathered here for the fortieth session held the common position that the lessons of the Second World War are as pertinent today as they were 40 years ago. In the aftermath of the war the world witnessed with hope the birth of the United Nations and the dawn of multilateralism. It was hoped that all nations would agree to subject their individual and nationalistic interests tv the international consensus envisaged in the Charter. It was the overwhe1.'Uing desire of the peoples of the world that the united Nations, through its Charter, should banish wars for ever from the face of the earth. A sober assessment of the role and performance of the United Nations in international affairs in the last 41 years will reveal that on the issues of war and peace the Organization has not acquitted itself too well. Since the end of the Second World Wa~ over 150 wars and skirmishes of varying intensity and duration have occurred in different parts of the world, bringing in their wake untold SUffering to millions of people. All these tragic events have called into question the effectiveness of the global machinery for the resolution of disputes. The Security Council, which is the supreme organ of the United Nations responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, has been unable to arrest situations lea~ing to war and has often remained powe~less in the face of naked aggression. At times tbe collective will of the international community has been frustrated either by the lack of political will on the part of Member States or by the indiscriminate use of the right of veto. The apparent tendency to withdraw from multilateralism and resort instead to bilateral diplomacy has weakened the international consensus, with the result that many regional and global disputes no longer lend themselves to equitable solutions. The united Nations is the mirror image of the attitude of its Member States. Without the political commitment of Memb~rs to resort to ti,e machinery of the United Nations to resolve disputes, and without the political will to abide strictly by the resolutions of the Organization, the problems of Kampuchea, Afghanistan, Central America, the Middle East and southern Africa will continue to undermine international peace and security. The shortcomings of the Organization in the resolution of regional disputes through the peaceful process of negotiations should not detract from its notable achievements in the fields of decolonization and development. The United Nations has not only ushered many of our countries into independence and sovereignty, but also helped to avert a third world war. Never before has the world enjoyed more than 40 years of uninterrupted global peace. The United Nations has thus become a unique forum where States meet and exchange views on a basis of sovereign equality. The founding fathers of the Organization had the wisdom and vision to recognize that, unless hunger, ignorance and disease were eliminated, world peace was bo~nd to be difficult to achieve. They therefore established the Economic and Social Council as one of the main organs, whose task it is to co-ordinate the developmental activities of the united Nations. It is in this area that the united Nations, through its specialized agencies, has recorded notable achievements in (Mr. Lekbahya, Lesotho) the fight against hunger and disease, especially in Africa. Millions of refugees and other stateless persons around the world have found a home within the United Nations system. We have noted with satisfaction the spirit of international co-operation that underlined the deliberations of the special session of the General Assembly on the economic crisis in Africa. African leaders have not only recognized the gravity of the economic crisis engulfing the continent, but undertaken to initiate structural reforms in their economies and also committed themselves to shouldering the major portion of the burden of financial resources needed to rekindle the flame of development in Africa. We commend the Member States of the United Nations, especially the donor countries, and also the Secretary-General for the concern they have demonstrated with respect to the crisis in Africa. Lesotho, as a member of the community of nations, is also concerned about developments in southern Africa, particularly South Africa. We seek neither to interfere in the internal affairs of that country nor to participate in the racial conflict that is taking place there. However, the situation inside South Africa and the international community's reaction to it in the form of economic sanctions have become matters of immediate concern to us in Lesotho. As the ~ssembly is aware, Lesotho is completely surrounded by the Republic of South Africa, therefore events in that country have an immediate and direct impact on Lesotho. We cannot af(~rd the luxury of ignoring the sanctions issue by pretending that it is none of our business because there is no apartheid in Lesotho. We are aware that we shall be at the receiving end of whatever economic measures are taken against South Africa by the international community. I therefore take this opportunity to address, through you, Mr. President, an urgent appeal to the world community to put together a package of measures to cushion Lesotho against the impact of sanctions. (Mr. Lekhanya, Lesotho) Lesotho, as a peace-loving country, advocates dialogue for the resolution of international and local disputes. It is in this context that we have always called on the people of South Africa, both black and white, to sit down togetber to resolve the racial p~obl~s now confronting their countryo As violence escalates in South Africa, we have to offer asylum to an increasingly large number of south African refugees. We shall continue to receive these victims of apartheid in accordance with our obligations under the 1951 Convention on refugees. Lesotho has, however, instituted, since 1983 a policy whereby refugees whose lives are in danger are evacuated to other countries far afield. In this resPeCt we wish to register our thanks to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the Governments of Zambia, Tanzania, Kenya and Zimbabwe for their assistance and co-operation in this effort aimed at securing the safety of the South African refugees. Our policy of evacuating refugees does not in any way indicate a lessening of our resolve to receive in our midst those fleeing from oppression and persecution. It is a policy based on a realistic appreciation of Lesotho's vulnerability and lack of means to defend itself. Since 1982 a number of Lesotho citizens have been caught in cross-fire during South African military attacks against refugees in our country. The people of Namibia are yearning for freedom and independence in their own country. They have sought recourse to the united Nations in the fervent hope that the illegal occupation of their country will cease. It is incumbent upon the United Nations to bring independence to Namibia without pre-conditions or linkage to extraneous and irrelevant considerations. In respect of the situation in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, Lesotho wishes to reiterate its well-known position on non-interference in the internal affairs of States. For many years now, the Organization has passed resolutions demanding the (Mr. Lekhanya, Lesotho) withdrawal of forceigD troops frQll Afghanistan and K8q)ucbee and the conplete cessation of external interference in the affairs of tho3e countries so that their peoples can e'l:ercise their right to sovereignt.y and independence without fear of foreign intervention. The Middle East, which is another hotbed of tension, has dominated the agenda of the United Nations for many y~ars. We re 9nize that the State of Isreal has the right to exist within secure and recognized pre-1967 borders and that, similarly, the Palesti1i\an people have an inalienable right to a State of their own. (Mr. Lekbanya, Lesotho) The signing of the Camp David accord between Egypt and Israel represented a significal'lt attempt to address the issues of: war and peace in the Middle East. Lesotho will continue to support all efforts towards a peaceful resolution of the conflict. A close and prooing look at the current disputes around the world, with the accanpanying nuclear-arms race between the super-powers, has revealed how precariously man stands on the brink of the abyss of total destruction. Since a nuclear war will nel7er be fought because it cannot be won by either side, nuclear weapons have beooma unnecessary. Global peace cannot be maintained by sl.iJjecting the world to a perpetual threat of nuclear holocaust. The policy of deterrence is as unsound as the concept of a nuclear war itself. The vast array of nuclear weapons and their delivery systems now in the possession of the nuclear Powers far exceeds the r equir ernents of the secur i ty of those PorIer s. In any case, we are informed that each of the super-Powers is capable of destroying humanity many times over; and yet it has always been found sufficient to destroy life once only. The question that comes to mind is why so mch human, technological and financial resources is being expended on a pointless and wasteful arms race. At a time when the world economic situation is far from encouraging, with deepening recession and mounting indebtedness in the developing world, vast resources critically needed for del7elopment are being 9:luandered on the arms race. My country stands for complete and ver ifiable disarmament. We reoogn ize the need to reduce the level of tension and mistrust that have characterized relations between the super-POrrers. We hope that the second sunmit meeting between the leaders of the United States and the Sooiet Ulion will make noticeable progress on the issue of nuclear disarmament and its bearing on international peace and security • I cannot conclude without saying a few words on the decolonization process and the piv~'tal role of the United Nations in it. Twenty-five yearfn ago, in 1960, the united Nations General Assembly unanimously ~dopted the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in resolution 1514 (XV). When the Declaration was adopted the majority of the countries represented here had rot yet shed the colonial yoke. Even as we look back with some satisfaction at the progress made ih decolonization under United Nations auspices, we notice with dismay that there still exist pockets of colonial domination in Africa, the South Pacific and other areas of the world. The peoples of the remaining colonies and dependencies deserve their place in the community of sovereign nations. I have previously alluded to the world economic situation and it is my intention to make some additional remarks on the subject on this occasion. We regret that the process of global negotiations on the new economic relationship between the industrialized countries and the countries of the third world have been suspended, with no sign that they will soon be resumed. The rising tide of protectionism, the negative flow of resources between the North and the South, high interest rates and the increasing indebtedness of the developing countries are the biggest challenge of our time. The threat of a trade war involving two or more of the industrialized countries hovers over the horizon with catastrophic implications for world trade. One of the most urgent tasks of this decade is the creation of an international regime for the regulation of trade on an equitable basis and the setting up of an efficient financing system for development and trade. The development of peace and stability in the world depends largely on the eradication of poverty and mass starvation. The widening gap between the rich and poor must be bridged. The economic disparity existing between developed and developing countries makes the establishment of the new international economic (Hr. Lekhanya, Lesotho) order Q canpelling necesFitY. Flom the standpoint of international solidarity there is no justification whatsoever for the continuation of the present order, which is character ized by injustice and gross inequities.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I thank' the Head of Government of the Kingdom of Lesotho for the important statement he has just made. Mr. Justin Metsing :tekhanya, Head of GoYernment of the Kingdom of lesotho, was escorted from the General Assellbly rostrum. Mr. 'lUDOR (Barbados): I should in my first words, Sir, express pleasure at your election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the United Nations General Assembly. May I therefore, on behalf of the Government and the people of Baruados, extend our warmest coogratulations on the fitting honour conferred upon you. Our oountr ies, Bangladesh and Barbados, have much in oonmon: a fraternity in the Commonweal th and our aspira tions as new and developing Sta tes. Bangladesh •s firm resolve in the face of great odds is a ster ling exanple of sCNereign integr ity. I should also like to express my pleasure at the return to office of the Secretary-General, whose restoration to health and h is customary vigour is most welcome. It is also fi tting for me now to pay tr ibute to your distingu ished predecessor, Anbassador Don Jaime de Pinies of the Kingdom of Spain, for the high level of proficiency with which he managed the deliberatioos of the momentous fortieth sessioo, from which many noteworthy decisions emerged. Peace remains the cornerstone of the foreign policy of Barbados: peace in the Caribbean, peace in this hemisphere, peace in the world. Two decades ago the first - and now again - Prime Minister of the newly sCNereign State of Barbados, the Right Hooourable Errol Barrow, standing at this rostrum proclaimed to all the foreign policy of our country in words which I feel compelled to repeat: -we CU'e e,xpenents of the diplolllllqt of ~~ce ald pl:ClGperity. we will be fr lends of a1::'., satellites of none. III Tbe GoIrernJIent and the people of Barbados remain l.I'limpressed by the enticeaents of begeacny, unseduced by the bias of ideology and undaunted by any coercicn from any quarter • Barbadians have learned from th~ir history as an island communi~y that there is a special ch~11enge which nature presents to those ~n &1nall islands. From our island outpost in the waters of the Caribbean we see much that is at enmity with peace - famine and poverty, disease, injustice, oppression and terrorM These war with peace because they are the enemies of growth and development. The most imminent menace to peace in our times is the arsenal of destruction which is deployed over the globe. We watch bemused as the ritual of destruction is rendered before us in th~ litany of acronyms that are both cryptic and cruel: SAK, MIRV, SDI and, quite fittingly, MAD. Indeed we watch as what is now so glibly called an arms race is destroying all around us the norms essential for international fraternity. We watch as mortal danger and fear settle over the heads of the less powerful and the weak. And we watch as the earth's atmosphere, mysterious and good, is steadily and systematically despoiled. So the signs around us are ominous. But I do not believe that our doom is inevitable. What I do believe is that the noble experiment which this Organization reflects was not attempted in'vain. The members of this body need to ponder in earnest the ideals of its Charter and do what is necessary to free the world from the menace that draws near. This is the responsibility which should be assumed by those States which sat in San Francisco and declared their commitment to a new order in the world. In the field of regional co-operation the States of Europe, with their history of bloodshed, have led the way with initiatives in this particular endeavou~. The steady growth of European regionalism must suggest to the world that enmity need not be perpetual and that swords may indeed be beaten into ploughshares. We salute too the efforts, painful though they be, which African States have made towards the unity of their continent, and I am confident that the Organization of African Unity (OAU) will ride over all those obstacles which such efforts (Mr. Tudor, Barbados) encounter and become in time the strong voicG of Pan-African integrity and pride. Equal praise is due to the members of the Association of South-~ast Asian Nations (ASEAN), whose initiatives have already produced some easing of tensions in a region from which conflict has seldom been absent. We also welcome the timely movement in the Pacific States to place firmer bonds around their common interests. In this hemisphere, Barbados, by virtue of its association with the Organization of American states (OAS), has acquired an enlarged perspective of our regional potential as neighbours once thought distant have become the staunchest of allies. Of particular significance, however, is the regional integration achieved by Caribbean States over the last decade. The Caribbean Community, or CARICOM, had its beginnings in the Treaty of Chaguaramas, which was signed in 1973. It now comprises 13 States, from the Bahamas in the north and from Belize in the north-west to Guyana in the south. In a dozen years of maturity the people of the Caribbean have grown increasingly assured that their development will come not from the over-zealous exercise of nationalism but from the patient and conti'luoUS pursuit of inter-territorial co-operation. I have made references to regionalism to suggest that the solution to what we now regard as the modern problems of man may well have its source in regional movements. Regionalism, we believe, can be a potential counterweight to the politics of superiority which holds that weak States should be silent and should be manipulated at will. It can engender renewed interdependence among States and beat back the retreat from mu1ti1atera1ism which we are witnessing these days. The context in which the people of Barbados address the question of human rights is empirical and not theoretical. We have no authority in our country except that which is laWfully constituted. (Mr. Tudor, Barbados) Those who administer the legal system are not the same persons as those who make the laws. No citizen can be punished or deprived of his freedom except he transgressed a known law, and because of this there are no prisoners of conscience in our country, there is no detention without trial and no exemption from the rule of law. Constitutional authority in our country is exercised only by those upon whom it is lawfully conferred in free elections in which citizens, either individually or in political associations, choose their Governments. Opposition to government is not only possible in the ordinary sense but is safeguarded in the Constitution, which recognizes the right of a citizen to be believe what he wishes and to assemble with other citizens to criticize and oppose Governments so long as this is done within the bounds of law and common decency. Other freedoms are institutionalized - freedom to hold, possess and bequeath private property, to worship one God or none at all, and to organize. Now I cannot say that this system is superior to all others. I merely assert that it is inferior to none. When, therefore, my delegation raises its voice in this Assembly to promote or defend human rights, it is not because we wish to interfere with other people's privacy or to dictate how they should live, but because we are persuaded that such a dispensation is the firmest foundation for the preservation of peace. My delegation therefore regards the rapid extension of human rights to all peoples not now enjoying them as an activity to which the whole wide world must rapidly turn. The regime in Pretoria - contemptuous, arrogant - has systematically deprived South Africa's majority of the means they require to achieve human dignity. The outrage felt by Barbados at this has already been voiced throughout the corridors of this Organization.* *Mr. Herrenberg (Suriname), Vice-President, took the Chair. (Mr. Tudor, Barbados) The real danger in this situation is that those States that fuJIble and hesitate in their policies towards Pretor ia may themselves - I believe quite unconsciously - have been smitten by a mUd attack of racism. I say unconsciously because anxiety to achieve a good end is often tainted by traces of self-righter.>usness. SO those that resist the application of full sanctions against Pretor ia expt'ess their concern that black babies will starve. I fio not sneer at that sentiment, because wat they fear is quite possible. It is therefore necessary for me to address this issue with some seriousness. In the first place, if the situation is such that the application of harsh measures against Pretoria can harm only blacks and not whiteSt and if this is a reasoo for hesitating to apply pressure, then !.E'.artheid is being endorsed as an unconquerable system, and unwillingness to tackle it is yet another concession to the theory and practice of ~ite supreuacy. Th~efore, the reasoo given is blatantly racist. Secondly, if it is true that a determined assault upon that regime will be particularly detrimental to the interests of the blacks, should not the nature and scope of the assault be so planned that the regime and its closest supporters share sc.:KIIe of the per iIs facing the blacks? I should like to imagine an entirely different scenar io. Suppose there were in that country a situ3tion in wich 4 million blacks ruled 24 million whites in the same way as in the rever se situation we see today, would we hear that sanctials would hurt wite babies? Would there be a policy of constructive engagement with the black minor ity regime? I wonder - I dare hardly suggest it, but I wonder - would there not be world-wide pressure to destroy such a black regime by incessant disruptions of the black-controlled economy, by a tr ade embargo, by sabotage and by Calcentrated and cencerted intelligence activity? And - here is the litmus test - would such a regime be allOilied to impr isen the white nationalist leader for 25 (Mr. Tudor, Bar bados) years on the unproved ground that he was a CaD.mist? That is not all. If the black regime promised to reform apartheid and to share power with the whites, would there not be a CCl:ltemptuous roar of disqust and scorn from some States represented in th is Assembly? I really do not need to apologize for any feeling of discomfort I might have stirred, for the scenar io I have just depicted would not, simply because the oolours are reversed, che.nge this delegation's attitude to racism. Racism in any form, practised by anyone, is odious and detestable. More than 100 new States have come into being since 1945. Nearly all of them are inhabited by dark-skinned humans, simply because the tihite populations of the globe had, for var ious histor ical reascns, not cnly exganized themselves into sovereign States in previous centuries but in most cases included within the oonfines of their States territories and peoples from other oontinents. Thus, it was left to the twentieth century to witness the upsurge of naticnalism and the channQlling of that nationalism into the creation of new States across the cootinents. However, the regime in Pretoria is not part of that historical phenomenoo. It is, rather, a I1Utation of the historical process, foe it is the sl.ccessful effort by a white minor ity, whose right to live in SOuth Afr ica cannot be questioned, to have escaped British colooialism totlile fully inheriting its legacy. The regime is therefore an international outlaw. A South Afr iean black cannot vote. Be cannot decide where he will live. He cannot choose where he will work. He cannot dive into a swimming pool before he looks at a sign, He exercises no choice in the education of his children. Be cannot move from one place to another wi thout a pass book. It is this odious system that blacks can no looger endure in their own oountry. To destroy it, they are willing to surrender their lives, for even if dying is their only passport to freedom, they intend to be free. My delegation pays a tribute to the courage of those States which have chosen not to hide behind the sufferings of the African majority. We also pay a tribute to the Congress of the United States, which only yesterday, in recollection of its own country's early revolutionary traditions, rescued the honour of the American people from the fetid embrace of the racist regime. Likewise, my delegation pays a tribute to the steadfastness of the front-line States. The peoples of Botswana, Zimbabwe, Swaziland, Lesotho, zambia, Tanzania, Angola and Mozambique must be reg~rded as full allies in this struggle. Those States must be strengthened by the provision of markets for their goods and by the establishment of such machinery as would strengthen their economic and strategic interests. Nowhere is South Africa's contempt more noticeable than in its treatment of the people of Namibia. It is now nearly 70 years since the League of Nations entrusted to the Union of South Africa responsibility for preparing Namibia for political independence. But, not content with its subjugation of black South Africans, the architects of apartheid have stealthily embarked on the annexation of Namibia. In blatant betrayal of international trust, they have openly defied the efforts of the United Nations to rescue Namibia and t._.~ claim with audacity that the issue of Namibia is now an internal matter for the Government of South Africa. The Government of Barbados has declared its support for the efforts being undertaken by the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) and it calls on the international community to pressure South Africa into ending this disgraceful hijacking of the Namibian people. The principal ingredient of peace in the Middle East is the courage to accept two realities which contentious rhetoric cannot conceal. One such reality is that Israel exists. As such, it has the right to live and to live with others in peaceful security in a world of peoples. But the Palestinian people present us with our second reality. They too exist, and they too have an undoubted right to their own home, and they too are entitled to exercise theiE legitimate rights in that national territory. My delectation believes thae, in an atmosphere of good will and moderation, the edifice of peace in the Middle East can be conpleted. There is an understanding that the destructi~rt of either party is not a prerequisite to ~ace, and there are signs, now emerging, which appear to indicate a willingness on the part of both sides to talk with each other, if a formula can be found for adjusting the problems of representation. This is a time for boldness and all the delegations to this forty-first session of the General Assembly should press forward towards it. I pledge the support of my del~ation to this end. My delegation al&" ~"n.~eW1s the deterioration in international conduct and wishes to see terroricm halted in the shortest possible time. We are persuaded that no political objective is worthy of support if, in furtherance of it, it becomes necessary to put innocent lives at risk. Such actiono, whether resorted to by States, orgnizations or individuals, are crimes and, as such, are punishable under the laws of most countries. In a year of peace, such as this one is proclaimed to be, it cannot be irrelevant for th~ international community to a~peal for restraint and moderation in all political disputes so that differences maYt wherever possible, be reconciled by discussion and consensus in preference to the use of violence as a means of solving political disputes. My delegation believes that durable solutions to the problems of the world economy can be found only through a partnership between developed and developing States. (Mr. Tudor, Barbados) Unless developing countries are able to sell their 900ds and products at remunerative prices, they will be hard pressed to pay their international debts~ and no amount of rescheduling of debts, no amount of new lending to consolidate all debta and no amount of the reduction of interest rates will address the fundamental causes of the debt crisis facing them. Such measures have their place, but only in the s~rt term to relieve pressure on developing States. My Government therefore believes that the long-term solution to the debt crisis depends on the reactivation of a vibrant international trading system. In this connec~ion we are pleased at the recent decision, reached in Punta del Este, on the start of the new round of global trade negotiations. It is our hupe that the new round will be able to agree on concrete measures to bring about the standstill and roll-back of protectionist measures and will address all outstanding aspects of the international trading system. The report of the Group of High-level Inter-Governmental Experts, which reviewed the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the united Nations, has generated a level of attention and concern unprecedented in recent times. And with good reason. Because what is at stake is the very existence of this Organization and the way in which it functions. So amid all of the deliberation, consultation and negotiation, two things seemed to be accepted by all of us: first, that it is important for all of us to settle this matter quickly and quietly; secondly, that whatever happens, the United Nations will never be the same again. My delegation believes that the report represents an excellent foundation on which to develop a series of reforms with a view to cutting the fat, tightening the belt, firming the muscle and generally improving the health of the Organization. Beyond that, a package of reform, based on that foundation, might even lead to an (Mr. Tudor, Barbados) improved process of decision-making that would satisfy the interests of all Member States, complying with the concept of universality and generally uphold the principles embodied in the Charter. It is unnecessary to say that any serious attempt at improving the operation of the united Nations should concentrate only on the working of the Secretariat. Member States must be prepared to accept some of the blame or credit, as the case may be, for the present situation. Non-payments, late payments and withholdings can in no way be attributed to the Secretariat. The political and other pressures that influence the selection of staff could hardly be countermanded by the Secretary-General who is himself appointed by Member States. The lack of co-ordination in the system could hardly have been achieved without the concurrence of Member States which are by and large represented in all the specialized agencies. Let us not tackle the mote before we have dealt with the beam. The situation in Central America is cause for disquiet in our region. Barbados wishes once again to record its support fl)r the Contadora process and the work of the Lima Support Group. We call on all parties to dismantle all obstacles to the peacefully negotiated settlement of outstanding disputes. We observe with satisfaction the extension of the democratic process within the region and we trust that its continuance will lead to the consolidation of genuine good-neighbourliness and hemispheric solidarity. Our concern extends as well to other troubled areas of the world: to Afghanistan and the violence being done to its ancient civilization; to Kampuchea, where innocent civilians daily pay the price for an ideological conflict; to the Koreas, where the demonstrated desire for reconciliation and unity is being frustrated by a boundary~ to the Persian Gulf, where a fratriciaal war has taken a toll Which defies calculation. (Mr. Tudor, Barbados) We trust that good reason will eventually prevail in the efforts now under way to end terBions in all of these areas. And we are calling for direct negotiations between the relevant parties, since w~ are convinced that those directly involved are best equipped to find the solutions to their specific problems. The manufacture and consumption of illegal drugs have now reached the proportions of an international crisis. Under let~al attack are the lives of hundreds of millions of young people and the civil order of every known society. Small island societies, like ours in the Caribbean, are particularly vulnerable to this fast-spreading menace since we are dependent upon a successful tourist industry and are ill-equipped to counter the sophisticated methods now being used by traffickers who ply this nefarious trade. The Government of Barbados thoroughly condemns this sinister enterprise and pledges its full support to the united Nations efforts to arrest the flow of illegal drugs. Barbados is also willing to co-operate with all States in the exchange of information and the institution of such measures aimed at the mutual protection of our societies. (Mr. Tudor, Barbados) This annual general debata is in my view most important, for it provides a splendid opportunity for those who desire, as strict guardians of the Charter of the united Nations, to give an account of their stewardship and to become firm craftsmen of world peace. I have shared with this Assembly some of the experiences Barbados has had in its practice of government and some of its perspectives in its survey of existing world problems. Our presence here also offers us an opportunity to deepen our faith in the Charter of this body; to meet with colleagues and explore avenues for productive co-operation among our several countries. In 1987 Barbadians celebrate the twenty-first anniversary of their political independence. In 1987 we also celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the social revolution that initiated our orientation to nationhood. In 1988 we observe the lSOth anniversary of the final phase of the ending of slavery in the British Empire. In 1989 we shall rejoice in the 3S0th anniversary of the fOUnding of our Parliament, which except for periodic elactions has met continually since 1639. These events we regard as important milestones on our way to national development; ann my delegation pledges to the Assembly that our country will continue to welcome to our shores all those for whom human dignity, tranquillity and order are the outstanding characteristics of our numan family. Mr. TRAORE (Guinea) (interpretation from French): Please allow me, like preceding speakers, to extend to you, His Excellency Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, on behalf of the people of Guinea and of General Lansana Conte, Head of the Military Committee for National Recovery, President of the RepUblic and Head of state, our warm congratulations upon his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at the forty-first session. I am convinced that his mastery of international issues, his wisdom and his outstanding personal qualities constitute a guarantee that our deliberations will be successful. (Mr. Tudor, Barbados) I should like also to extend my whole-hearted congratulations and appreciation to his predecessor, Mr. Jatme de Pinies, who so competently and diligently guided the proceedings of the fortieth session. My delegation would like also to pay a well-deserved tribute to our Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar for the perseverance and foresight he has demonstrated in defence of the cardinal principles of the united Nations Charter, always with the object of giving the Organization the impact commensurate with the noble aspirations of the international community. His annual report this year objectively describes the current situation of our Organization. The political and economic evolution of the present-day world certainly does not inspire optimism. On the contrary, in spite of legal instruments developed by Member States to make their relations sounder in an atmosphere of harmony and sincer~ co-operation, we are witnessing a multiplication of hotbeds of tension, acts of aggression, an unbridled arms race and mistrust in international relations. In the economic field, a rising tide of protectionism, injustice in trade and a worsening of the foreign debt of the developing countries all threaten international solidarity and hinder the development of the third-world countries. The system of collective security established by the Charter is constantly obstructed, since the normal functioning of the Security Council, the organ that has the main responSibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, requires in the first place a minimum of trust among the great Powers. Rare are the issues on which the COuncil succeeds in reaching a decision; and when it does succeed it is not able to implement its OW~ decisions. This is the tragic case with Namibia and also with the Middle East. Furthermore, while it was created in order to prevent conflicts and to stop tensions from mounting, the United Nations is no longer able to alleviate the consequences of those conflicts, being unable to tackle their causes because of the (Mr. Traore, GUine~) paralysis of the Security Council~ Thus Africa, Asia and Latin America have today become the distressing arena of tension and rivalry in the contemporary world, prompting many States to arm themselves even beyond their means and thus heightening insecurity throughout the world. In fact, behind a facade of international gatherings and in spite of a degree of consultations never before seen in history, the community of which we form part seems engaged in a retrenchment towards isolated national entities. The United Nations is confronted with an unprecedented political and financial crisis which makes it more difficult for it to carry out correctly the tasks . entrusted to it and which narrows its field of action. It is time, here as in other areas, for the international community to assume its responsibilities with a view to ensuring respect for the Charter. Therefore genuine political will is required on the part of all, in order to bring about positive changes which may inspire greater trust in international relations. I should like now to turn my attention to a few specific problems to which my country, the Republic of Guinea, attaches great importance. Indeed, Guinea is convinced that the policy of detente will remain devoid of real significance if it is limited in its geographical bounds and its scope. Peaceful relations between the East and the West are certainly a necessary condition for international peace and security but they are not enough unless complemented by peaceful relations in the rest of the world. For that reason, on the African continent, the obduracy of the Pretoria Government in carrying out its policy of racial repression, in spite of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, constitutes an affront to our Organization. In the case of South Africa we are faced with a unique paradox. The only regime in the present-day world which is Fascist in inspiration, it benefits nevertheless, almost unconditionally, from the support of certain countries which at the same time proclaim themselves indefatigable guarantors of respect for and promotion of human rights and democrat~c principles. (Mr. Traor~, Guinea) It is because of the multinational firms and the support of certain countries that the Pretoria racists have been able since 1948 to maintain that anachronistic system of apartheid. We are convinced that a combination of internal and external pressure through the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions, under Chapter VII of the Charter of the united Nations, remains the only way to make it possible for a democratic and multiracial society to be established peacefully in South Africa. The Republic of Guinea, while strongly condemning the repeated acts of aggression by the hateful Pretoria regime against the neighbouring and front-line States, once again expresses its unconditional support for and solidarity with the struggle of the people of South Africa under the guidance of its different national liberation movements. We request the unconditional liberation of Nelson Mandela and all other political detainees. As far as Namibia is concerned, resolution 435 (1978) of the Security Council remains the sole framework for the settlement of the Namibian question. It is up to the united Nations to ensure that it is fully and unconditionally implemented and thus to prevent all attempts to distort the process of decolonizing the territory. In this respect it is important to recall that Namibia is no sense a question of East-West relations, as some try to have us believe. It is purely and simply a question of decolonization, in which the international community has a great responsibility. Bearing this situation in mind, the Republic of Guinea will continue to give and strengthen its support for the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, in its national liberation struggle. We also believe that that independence must in no way be linked to a prior withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola, which is, as far as we are concerned, a question of national sovereignty. (~r. Traore, Guinea) In addition to southern Africa, there are many other focal points of tension on the African continent. In connection with Western Sahara, only the organization of a referendum on self-determination for the Sahraoui peoples, in accordance with the resolution of the eighteenth session of the summit conference of the Beads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and reeolution 1514 (XV) of the General Assembly, could make it possible for a definitive solution to be found to the crisis. In this connection, my delegation appreciates the efforts made by the OAU and the Secretariat of our Organization, which have mediated between the different parties to the conflict. With respect to Chad, the Government of the Republic of Guinea believes that the withdrawal of all foreign troops and non-interference in the internal affairs of that country constitute a prerequisite for the establishment of a climate of peace, harmony and reconciliation among our Chad brothers. We commend all the efforts made by the Government of Chad in this noble effort at reconciliation under OAU auspices. As for the Born of Africa, the talks that have been undertaken between Somalia and Ethiopia allow a measure of optimism that peace may be established in the SUb-region. While Guinea encourages such initiatives, it feels that peace will be lasting only if the States of the sub-region overcome their differences in the higher interests of their respective peoples. Given the injustices suffered by the Palestinian people, the RepUblic of Guinea reaffirms its staunch support for that martyred people in its struggle for recognition and the exercise of its right to existence and national identity under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), its sole and legitimate representative. We support the appeal made for the urgent convening of an international conference on the Middle East, with the effective participation of all parties concerned and, especially, that of the PLO. (Mr. Traore, Guinea) The coaflict between Iran and Iraa remains of concern to the international community and especially the Member States of t.ji~.e Islamic Conference. As a member of that organization and of the Islamic Peace COmmittee, the Republic of Guinea sincerely hopes that the parties to the conflict will demonstrate goodwill so as to put an end to that fratricidal war. In connection with the question of Cyprus, my country, while it hopes for the restoration of a climate of understanding and hariaony in Cyprus, continues to gives its complete support to the positive action of our Organization for a just and lasting solution. The situation prevailing in Afghanistan and in Kampuchea constitutes a source of concern to the international commun~ty. The Republic of Guinea, faithful to the guiding principles of non-alignment, the Organization of African Unity, and the United Nations Charter, opposes all foreign interference in the internal affairs of those two States, which should be allowed in full freedom to determine the political system of their choice. In this respect, we believe that the eight-point document prepared by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea may constitute a basis of negotiations for a peaceful, just and lasting solution to the problem of Kampuchea. In connection with Korea, my delegation hopes that an atmosphere of brotherhood and understanding will be established in that country in which the people, who have suffered division and mistrust for a long time, have accomplished notable progress towards reunification. The people of Guinea and its Government welcome the many initiatives taken to ensure the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea, as well as the transformation of the Korean Peninsula into a nuclear-free, peaceful zone. Likewise, in Central America the peaceful settlement of conflicts should go side by side with regional guarantees for security with respect to the sovereignty (Mr. Traore, Guinea) of states. May the Contadora and support groups be assured of the support and esteem of the people of Guinea for their efforts towards the restoration of peace and socio-economic development in the region. I wish at this time to touch on economic issues which are of more concern than ever before. We deplore the fact that efforts of the international community to structure more equitable relations between the developed and the developing countries have not been more successful. In fact, forced to curb their development efforts because of the combined effects of the decline in the prices of exported goods and the increases in the cost of imported industrialized goods, most of the developing countries have recorded a considerable reduction in per capita income, and some of them are on the brink of economic bankruptcy, with disastrous consequences on the economic and social progress of their population. The factors that have made their situation worse and led to a standstill and even a considerable decrease in production are now familiar to all. They are primarily a drop in the real value of public aid to development, monetary instability, fluctuation of exchange rates, a high interest rate, a steady deterioration in the terms of trade, and a virtual disintegration of the multilateral trade system, strict lending policies on the part of financial institutions, the heavy deht and debt servicing burden, as well as protectionism on the part of the developed countries. The North-South dialogue has become bogged down and has reached a dead end in all forums of the united Nations system. Some countries have even pitted some organs of the system against others, as though deliberations on international trade, industrialization, finances - for example, in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) and the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNlDO) - were encroaching on the competence of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) or the Internaticnal Mcnetary Flmd (IMF), wbUe in fact the activities of all these organizations are coDlplE!!llentary and closely interrelatee!. Such an attitude reflects a challenge by many countries to Rlultilateralism and their relegation of the fundamental problems of underdevelopment; to second place in their concerns. It is because of the distressing situation which our continerlt faces that, in May, the special session to consider the critical ecooClllic situation of our continent was held. It gave rise to great ho~ for our peoples and Governments, and prCRided an appropriate framework to further sensitize WOit'ld public opinion on the problems oonfrooting Africa. We urgently appeal to the entire international coumunity to make the cootribution requested of it to ensure effective implementation of the pr:iority economic recovery programe for 1986 to 1990 that the peoples and the Governments of Africa are committed to carrying out. , • (Mr. Traore, Glinea) The demands of development in our various nations make it more than ever necessary to coIllllit ourselves to resllq)tion of the tbrth-South dialogue and global negotiations and the pronntion of South-South co-operation, especially in the fields of science, technology and technological expertise, so as to enoourage the kind of dialogue that will ensure for our States collective self-reliance and harmonious, balanced, interdependent developnent. I should like to express my Government's appreciation to the international community and international institutions, from which the Republic of Guinea has had active support in the implementation of its economic and institutional recovery prograJlllle. Another equally disturbing subject is that of disarmament and international security. Astronomical sums which could be used for ecooomic purposes are used each year for the production of new, more sopJlisticated and more destructive weapons at a time when millions of human beings throughout the world are dying of hunger, disease and malnutrition. It is essential that the nuclear Pcwers begin genuine negotia tions in an atmosphere of complete trust wi th a view to achieving general and complete disarmament, and that outer space is exploited for peaceful purposes ooly. With this position in mind, my country encourages and desires more contacts and negotiations among the nuclear Powers to pronnte detente in international relations, especially between East and West. Furthermore, my country believes that, in accordance with the relevant tesolutions of the Organization of Afr ican Unity (OAU) and the United Na Hons, Africa must be kept outside the arms race. It is the fervent hope of tha Republic of Guinea that the future of human beings in a more calm in terna tiooal atmosphere, free of any nuclear threat, will be guaranteed. (Hr .. Traore, Glinea) In the course of its 40 years of existence the tllited Nations has done effective work to reaffirm the purposes and pr inciples of the Charter. The role and importance of tbe organization in an international atmosphere of conflict have been sUf:f:iciently demonstrated.. That is why we believe that it is more necessary than ever before to strengthen the role of our organization to enable it to be both more effective and operational. The democratic order which we cannot renounce and which is based on the equality of all sOl7ereign states finds its ideal expression in the multilateral system. It is in this conviction that Glinea reaffirms its suppor t for the United Nations as an instrument in the service of the higher interests of mankind as represented by a world of peace and progress in which man develops in fr~dom and justice. The meeting rose at 11.55 a.m. (Mr. Traore.. Gu inea)