A/41/PV.23 General Assembly

9.  (cmtinued) GENERAL DEBATE Mr. SAIDlVAR (Paraguay) (interpretation from Spanishh I wish first, on behalf of the GoITernment of the Republic of Paraguay, to offer a cordial greeting to the President of the fo~t.y-first session of the General A3sembly of the United Nations, the Minister for Foreign Affairs for Bangiadesh, Hunayun Rashid Chouc:llury, and to express our most sincere hopea that the Assembly's debates will result in fruitful resolutions in the icnterest of internatimal peace and security. We also wish to extend greetings to the secretary-General of the Organization, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to wan we express our whole-hearted gratitude for his cOlllnitment to the tasks of the Organization, which he serves faithfully as a man of international $tature and the highest official of the tbited Nations. Paraguay is present in the Assembly in the spirit it has always shO'tin, in the firm belief that the role \d1ic:h the Uti ted Nations is cal:led upon to play in the worid should be one of most effective, pra9I\atic leadership, in the interest of the maintenance of international peace and security, in an environment of order and compliance with international law. We cannot lnlder stand the equivocal conduct of some countr ies l large and small, which oppose the participation of the united Nations in cmflicts, relegating the lnliversal Organization to the positioo of a passive onlooker in the interplay of world or regiooal interests. The Republic of Paraguay notes with growing cmcern the incorrect position of those that, ignoring the counsels of reasm and internaticn.al practice, are against the direct participation of the tbited Nations in the various cmf1icts throughout ':..~e world. Paraguay has confidence in the Organization and vrcmts to see it become more active every day for the benefit of man in all regions of the wodd. The Paraguayan people are celebrating this InternatiCl'lal Year of Peace with festivals and other commemorative events. we enjoy peace and live in peace wi th our neighbours and brother countries. we enjoy peace, and the Government and people wexk toge ther to achieve ecooomic, social and political development, seek ing to ensure the continuous imprcwement of our democratic institutions and of the living standards of our people. The Paraguayan people, which freely and democratically elected the constitutional President of the Republic, General of the Army Alfredo Stroessner, know that they have a strong, stable Government which, within a framework of loyalty to the Constituticn and the law, is working for peace and the continued developnent of the country, without allowing any adver se forces to stand in its way. There have been no insurrections or fighting between brothers and fellow 00untr y!!Ian 0 The black legend about paraguay' spread in international circles has been laid to rest and even the most fanatical oppaumts of the GoI1ernment of President Stroessner have to admit that under his leadership peace is a reality and that the CO\mtry mOlTes forward every day towards ~dle goa;l. of permanent well-being for the Paraguayan people. The international press, in the past incorrectly or only partially informed, has now ascertained that there are periodic elections in Paraguay, in accordance (Kr. Saldivar, Paraguay) with the Constitution, and that the legislative Ixanch of Government canprises two . houses, which include representatives of three .p:>litieal parties" legally registered, within a system of denocratic pluralism and participation. The jUdiciary acts independently in accordance with the Constitution and within the system of the independence of the bt'andles of Gcwernment. The rep:>rt of the Seeretary-General on the work of the Organization for the current year, apart from being a valuable cbcument outlining the most important aspects of present world problems, is also a rigorous introspective analysis of the Organization itself, its accanplishments, its frustrations and, above all, its prospects for the future, which are viewed with quiet confidence. The treatment of the various issues that rela te to the primary objective of peace in all the regioos of our troubled wor ld, which are increasingly interdependent, reflects a valuable effort of abjectlvi ty and balance and honesty of purp:>se and method that puts that effort above all interests that do not coincide wi th or could prejudice the posi tive fu ture of mank ind. We comnend the imp:>rtant wor k cbne by the Secretary-General and enclose his wise comments and conclusions, which carry for all nations ill message of faith and hope. We follow with particular attention the work and negotiations in the sphere of disarmament. we believe that it is an offence against the world to cootinue wi th the arms race, which involves many countr ies - not only those with high levels of ecooomic development, but also those with limi ted resources • (Kt. sal~var~ Paraguax) This is ooe of the most urgent p.~oblems on our agenda, because while hunger and malnutr ition cause the death of thousands of innocent children, all over the world multi-million dollar sums are spent to purchase weapons of death and destruction. The Republic of Paraguay devotes a large share of its income from the n~tional budget to development in all areas, wi th the valuable co-operation of friendly countries and international organizat~ "'nS, such as the United Natioos Development Programme, the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank. Much has been said, both within and outside the United Natioos, on limiting nuclear and conventional weapons and on disarmament in generaL We fervently appeal to all the countr ies represented here to end the arms race so that peace wi th justice may serve as a bas is for international life, in accordance wi th the hopes of all the people on earth. There are some questions that seem to have heen left completely outside the work programme of our Organization. It is time that the interests of certain oountr ies and the ideologies of certain Governments did not prevent us from determining, for exanple, a precise definition of ~at is Raggression" in the field of international law. It seems paradoxical that while we continue to witness armed conflicts in various parts of the world, it has not been possible for United Nations bodies to arrive at an objective definition of the word Raggression R• Paraguay hopes that the united Nations will maintain and increase its effective role in the maintenance of international peace and security. To this end we agree that it must strengthen its negotiating capacity in areas where there are disputes. This must be the heart of the Organization's work if there is to be an effective peace in which men of good will can find a haven from war and destruction. We continue: as in the past, to condemn the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviet Unioo. We also coodemn the invasion of Kanpuchea by Viet Nam wi th the help of a super-Power. In both cases our comtry has supported all the resolutions adopted by the United Nations calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops and supporting all the efforts undertaken in a spirit of good will to find a peaceful and rational solution to these contentious disputes. 'l'he Republic of paraguay is amazed to see that the war between Iraq and Iran, virtually undeclared as far as international law is ooncerned, is (xmtinuing the cruel coofrootation between two nations which desire nothing but peace. we hope that the Uni~d Nations will be able to find a solution sa~isfactory t.Q both sides. Similarly, we trust that there will be a just solution of the Cyprus proolem, in accordance with the rules of law, a proolem which remains on the list of serious unresolved proolerns. We consider that the proolems of the war in the Persian Gulf and tbe question of Cyprus must be settled through direct negotations between the parties involved wi t:h the help of the Organization. 'l'he question of the Middle Fast deserves special attention. 'l'he existing si tua tion in tha t region is truly a cause for coocern for the peoples of the wor ld. The time has come for the Sta te of Isr ael to live in peace and harmony with the Arab countries of the regioo. 'l'o that end the thited Nations must intervene effectively and to practical effect, first of all eliminating the outside influences involved in this conflict. Resolution 242 (1967) remains the keystooe of any solution to the conflict~ it represents the only viable, humane and worthy course for all negotiation between the parties. Paraguay desires a harmonious coexistence for all the peoples of the region. we' have fai th in the work of decolooiza tion ",*,ich the thi ted Nations has long been carrying out. Faithful to our stand for freedom and for respect for the self-determina tion of peoples, we support its policy, abays provided that it does not seek any interests other than those of upholding the free expression of the (Mr. Saldivar, Paraguay) will of the communities involved within the framework of respect foe internatiooal law and the ps=inciples of nen-interference in the internal affairs of States and the integrity of nations. Consequently we maintain that in accordance with the Charter and the relevant resolutioos of the seCUI: ity Council, Namibia has a tight to self-determination and independence. The universality of the United Natioos is one of its most important attributes. It is h~d to see how the work of the Organizatioo could have practical effect outside the context of univer sa1ity. We therefore believe that the Republic of Korea has every right to be a Hemer of the Organization. This positioo is based 00 the peace-lO'ling and progressive spir it of its people and Government and the respect tIlhich the Republic of Korea has always shown for the mandates of the United Natioos in a volatile area of the world. We advocate the reunification of Korea through the peacefUl means of dialogue and negotiation, and we regard as oonstructive steps towards the attainment of this final objective both the ccntinuation of direct talks between both parties and their admission to membership of the United Nations. This is also the case of the Malvinas Islands, tIlhere two fr iends of ours, the Republic of Argentina and the United Kingdom are confronting each other. ~re we have naintained the urgent need for a negotiated and friendly solution, in accordance with the ps= inciples of international law, on the bas is of acceptance that this is a dispute about sO'lereignty. In line with this spirit we support all steps which may be taken to find, through negotiation between the parties, a just and lasting solu tion to this problem. (Hr. Sa1divar, Paraguay) The Central. lunerican problem is of coocern to the :Republic of Paraguay and to the American continent as a whole. ~ must state here that that problem has roots outside the region and that the expansiooist interests of a super-Power that has no business in this part of the world are playing a decisive role and prcwoking a logical reaction on the part of the other super-Power, which cannot allow the defence of the western and Christian world to be endangered. In that regard we coode11l1, in the name of the principle of non-intervention in the internal affairs ef States, the intrusioo of the SOviet unioo into the Caribbean and Central America, directly ex indirectly. Meanwhile, time passes by and matters become entangled and confused, resulting in the intrusion into the very heart of Central. America, where North and SOUth Amer ica are linked: of a country with a stroog ideological and logistical commitment to the expansiooist interests of a super-Power from another cootinent. It is with legitimate concern that we must state that the chapter 00 the wor Id ecooomic situation is an increasingly disturbing ooe and portentous of a serious situation capable of leading the world to a collapse of the financial and commercial order. To the classic dilemma of the problem of North-South relations, rooted in the permanent decline in raw lIB ter ial prices and increase in those of manufactured goods, with the staggering result of a permanent deterioratioo in the balance-of-payment ratio of the developing countries, we are now faced with the burning question of foreign indebtedness. That problem is not only economic or financial in nature. The renewal or renogiation of foreign debt are not the only things at stake. It is not merely a matter of playing with figures, increasing or decreasing interest rates or amortization ins tallments. The OU'er-all problem of foreign debt has political and social implications of such far-reaching consequences for the third world that the (Mr co 5aldivar g Paragl!aYl highly industrialized and ridl comtries have the unavoidable obligation to solve it as soon as· possible in order t-.o avoid a more severe economic recessioo that could lead us to the brink of the abyss that already yawns in our path. What can be done by countr ies whose expor ts do not enjoy stable pr ices on the international market, that have cootracted debts to develop such exports and that, owing to lack of resources, are unable to amortize those debts? The problem challenges the right of all peoples to theiI very existence and calls int.> question the position of the rich and wealthy nations confronted with such poverty, such despair and such real hunger. As in the past, the Republic of Paraguay continues to be concerned by a scourge that affects every continent and that, instead of gradually abating, is steadily on the increase. We refer to international terrorism, a tragic plague of the nodern world, ~ich criminally and without pity strikes at innocent lives anywhere in the world on the most futile pretexts and with goals that cannot be achieved. We cannot agree that terrorism is justified by some underlying causes, even though we recognize the reality of some of them. It is time, however, that nations represented here unite to condemn the wave of ter ror ism from wherever it may come, without concessions to anyone, to any group or COlK'ltry. There is no action or phe.'lomenon that can justify terrorism for its own sake, much less allow certain territories serve as training-grounds for terrorists or allow some countries to help such barbarians by selling or donating weapons and explosives. In this area the prestige of the Ulited Nations is at stake for, if this question is not solved once and for all, the Organization runs the risk of being left without legal or moral grounds for its existence and for the role it is called upon to play in alleViating the problems of the world. The Republic of Paraguay, a land-locked State, recently ratified the Ulited Nations Convention on the law of the sea. It did so in the context of its cmfidence in the just cause of land-locked nations, since the Convention ensures th~t important group access to and participatial in the resources of the oceClns. It has also ratified its legitiJlBte right to uansit to and from the seas through the territories of neighbouring maritime States. we believe in the moral and legal values of our organization and its work to achieve codificatioo of internatiooal law, a matter that would have seemed utopian a few years ago. we support the work of the tbH:ed Nations and its ocgans, such as the E::onomic and Social Council, in the field of the advancement of women, the protection of children and all questions to safeguard the dignity of man at all levels, without distinction as to sex, religioo or race. Paraguay has always co-opera ted wi th all agencies of the Dli ted Nations system, including the united Nations Comnission on Human Rights, in a spir it of understanding and commitment to the cause of human rights. This year the Government of Paraguay received the visit of an independent expert 00 human rights, a representative of the aforementiooed Commissioo. That expert worked freely and held talks with· persons he wished to see, travelling throughout the country without interference of any kind. He saw wi th his own eyes the freedom of speech and press that prevail in our country, freedoms that the biased, whose motives are unavowable, try to deny 1.1 international forums. I wish to note our reoognitioo of the co-operatioo we receive from the United Nations Developm(nt Programme. Unfortunately, that co-operation has been curtailed because of bUdgetary constraints that have their or igin in the cuts in contribu·tions made by the wealthiest industrialized countries. we urge the more developed nations to increase their generous oontr ibution to that Programne to enable it to work towards its important objectives, which benefit the less-developed peoples. (Mr. Saldivar, Paraguay) liJclear-weapon-free zcnes and denuclearized zooes continue to be of essential importance for the fublre. We reaffirm th'E! principles embodied in the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which stipulates that rati.n 1lmerica will be a region free from such dangerous weapons. On the basis of the recent disquieting exper ience that threatened not only Europe but the entire world, the united Nations must establish standards to regulate the compulsory maintenance of safeguards against the expansion of erwirOlUDental pollution around thermoouclear stations ur nuclear plants. All that can be done in t.'is field will be pr3C4lutionary and ~ill avoid serious problems in the future. We view with pleasure the proposal of the Government of Brazil on the setting up of a zooe of peace and co~peration in the South Atlantic. It is a plausible initiative for all neighbouring coWltries of the region, whidl are continuously in search of peace and which view wi th apprehension the events that took place in the region not too long ago. That initiative deserves comprehensive analysis by the AsseIIbly. The Republic of Paraguay, whidl lives in peace and co-operation with its neighbours, as proved by the joint cons truction wi th the Federative Republic of Brazil of the Itaipu Dam, the wo~Id's largest hydroele<:tr ic plant, which is already producing electric energy for development, and the Yacyreta Dam, lDldertaken jointly with the Argentine Republic and whidl is currently under construction, hopes that the United Nations will be the mos~ fruitful means of bringing about peace and international security throughout the world and aIOOng all peoples of the Farth. we hope that the task of the Organization and of all its system and agencies will br ing about the effective solidar ity of those nations that can do the most to aid the developing and least developed countries economically. Only in this way and within that spirit of co~peratioo, disinterest and altruism for the development of everyone will we be able to cOll:Juer the obstacles (Mr. Saldivar, Paraguay) that today still exist a1 the way to our goal - mankind living in peace, with SOCial and economic justice and without any lesting danger to international peace and security. Hr. KRAVETS (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russic:m): The United Nations has entered its fifth decade at an extremely troubled time, when mankind is faced with a histoa;ic'choice - either to accept the inexorable drift to nuclear self-annihilation or to avert the catastrophe through our cont>ined efforts before it is too late and to choose the path leading to a lasting and guaranteed peace. The refinement of nuclear weapons and the desire to extend the arms race to outer space through the implementation of the adventuristic ·star wars· programme being stubbornly pursued by aggressive imperialist cii:'cles, first and foremost by the United states, increase the danger of war many times OI1er and pose a genuine threat to destroy civilization aL-d. life on Earth. The world has reached a point where it is imperative fully to realize the disastrous nature of the course of a further build-Up of armaments. Governments must demonstrate a heightened sense of responsibility for- the fate of mankind. The.authors of the Mexico Declaration were perfectly right to state that saving the world from war by building up ever greater arms arsenals is as impossible as trying to cure a drug addict by giving him ever greater doses of drugs. The most important of all problems - that of survival - can be resolved only by mak ing a fundamental about-turn towards a truly safe world. It cannot be resolved by way of militarization, by undermining the security of others or by setting international security against national or regional security. In the modern nuclear and space age, no State, howeveL' powerfUl, can ensure .its own securi ty through mili tary and technical means alone. (Hr. ~aldivar, Paraguay) Genuine security can only be universal, 1JUtual and equal for all. To that end, it is essential to rise abO'l7e narrOlrl national interests and differences in ideology or world outlook. This can only be a,....i.eved through coIlbined efforts and through broad and constructive co-operaticm by all States irrespective of their political or social systems. SUch were the incontrOl7ertible conclusions reached by the Communist Party uf the SOviet Unicm at its twenty-seventh Congress. The foreign policy programme aoopted by the Congress represents .. fusion of new political thinking with a platform \')f concrete actioos aimed at imprOl7ing the international situation, eliminating the threat of nuclear war and creating a oomprehensive system of security in the world. The socialist States, including the Ukrainian SSR, have submitted for consideration at this session of the General Assembly an item entitled "Establishment of a canprehensive system of international peace and security". There was some speculation that this collective proposal by the socialist countries was a mere repetition of the provisions of the United Nation3 Charter and of other documents previously adopted at the United Nations. Peace and international security are, indeed, the primary goal that this Organization is called upon to {;Alrsue. However, the truth and higher meaning of our proposal is the idea that wile proclaiming peace and'security, we should initiate specific effective actions towards their practical implementation. We believe that our proposal is extremely timely. It is dicta ted by the imperative need to take immediate and urgent measures to prevent nuclea.r catastrophe. The socialist countries are ready to <x>~perate actively with all States to achieve that goal. We are convinced that the time has oome to adopt a new approach to the problem of universal security and to bring both actions and political thinking into line with the realities of the nuclear and space age. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) In his speech in VladivOS\~ok on 28 July of this year, the General secretaryof the Central Committee of the Communist party of the SOviet union, Mikhail Gorbachev, emphasized that -thE"1 present generations have inher ited numerous difficult and pa inful problems. In order to advance towards solving those problems it is necessary to jettisc:n the dead weight of the past and to seek new approaches, guided by a sense of responsibility to the present and to the future.... 'lbday more than every before, it is important to mobilize the potential of OOillllon sense that exists 1.."'1 the world and the partnership of reason to stop the drift towards disaster.- (Kr. Kravets, U1crainian SSR) The thited Nations must do its utmost to ensure that the peoples of the w«lcl enter the third mil1.enium as truly united nations. The delegatim of the Ukrainian SSR calls on all States Meabers of the thited Nations to join actively in the establishment of a comprehensive system of internatimal peace and security and to mark the International Year of Peace by taking vigorous action in this area. The comprehensive system of international peace and security that we propose would encanpass the mUitary, political, eccnomic and humanitarian fields. It presupposes unconditional renunciation of war, both nuclear and conventional, and of the use or threat of the use of force as a means to. resolve political, eccnomic, ideological or other disputes between States. It was with great ~tisfaction that we welcomed the agreement on a meeting between the leaders of the mSR and the United States of America - the General secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist party of the SOI1iet union, MikhaU sergeiyevich Gorbachev, and the President of the United States of America, Rcnald Reagan - at Beykjavik, Iceland, on 11 and 12 october this year. All those who cherish world peace and tranquillity expect that meeting to yield concrete results that will serve to imprOl1e SOI1iet-thited States relations and the international situation as a whole. It is important for people everywhere in the world to realize that the buildup and refinement of nuclear and comentional arsenals and attempts to extend the arms race to outer space cannot strengthen the security of anyone, but will rather lead directly to the destruction of civilization. The misfortune we experienced last April - the accident at the Chernoby1 nuclear power-plant, were cnly a small portion of the accumulated nuclear power went out of control - served as one more gr im warning of the unfor seeable danger s inherent in the nuclear age. This calls for a great sense of respons ibility and a new approach to the scientific, technological and pol itical realities of today's world. The accident resulted in loss of life and caused enormous Bater ial and moral damage. All the necessary resources and the scientific and technical potential of the entire SO\'iet Union were mooilized to deal with its consequences. That enabled us within a short space of time to limit the scope of the accident and to minimize its severe consequences. The lessoos of Chernobyl compel all of us to treat the problem of nuclear safety with the utmost seriousness and responsib1ity. we welcome and support the measures and action taken in this respect by the Internatiooal Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) • aJt securi ty becomes mean ingless if the ma in danger is not el iminated: the possib1ity of the deliberate, intentional use of the catastrophically destructive power of the atom for nuclear purposes. i'ilat happened at Chernobyl is but a pale shad::lw of the threat posed by thermonuclear weapons. Nuclear safety on earth is inconceivable without a cessation of the ccncrete preparations for nuclear war and without the total elimination of the means of waging nuclear war. To that end, the collltries of the socialist commlllity have undertaken a nuuber of major pr incipled foreign policy actions. Here, the progranme proposed by the Soviet unicn for the total elimina tion of nuclear and other types of weapons of mass destruction everywhere before the end of the century constitutes a real milestone. The noble purpose of that programme is to remove the nuclear threat without shifting the burden of resolving this key issue onto the shoulders of our children. But the prospect of overcoming the negative, confrontatiooal tendencies which have been on the rise in recent years is not to the liking of certain quarters in the West. The military mach ine of the North Atlantic Treaty Organizatioo alliance, far fron showing any signs of slowing down, is actually accelerating in all areas of the arms build-up. (Mr. Kt cwets, Ukrain!an SSR) The ·star wars· progra.Illme is going full sPeed ahead. The creation and developnent. of newer and newer systems of weapons for strategic offense is being steppe~ up. In order to clear the way for those weapons, existing treaty constraints are being brushed aside without hesitation. That is particularly obvious fran Washington's attitude towards the second Treaty on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms (SALT 11). The newest United States missiles have reached the Treaty ceilings, and that is why the tklited States is renouncing both SALT I and SALT II. That kind of political ·logic· opens the floodgates for an uncm trolled arms race. The General Assembly is duty-bound to take a stand of principle on those . actions and to affirm unalIbiguously the importance of preserving and expanding the existing system of agreements in the field of arms limitation and disarmanent. The outcome of the Stockholm Conference on Cmfidence and security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe is compelling proof that, given the political will and the desire, it is possible and feasible to cmclude military and political agreements between States with differ ing social systems. That is an example of how detente can and must be restored and how a new, stable structure of internatiooal relations can be organized. There are political decisims that play a decisive role by giving rise to new tendencies which open entirely new \lBYS for the development of the international situation. The Soviet Unial's decision concerning the moratorium on nuclear tests is undoubtedly ale of these. The SOl/iet {hion ~s unilateral cessation of nuclear tests, which has been in force for CHer a year now, is a pr actical example of a foreign policy of peace and international security. We favour not merely the cessation of tests, but a treaty-controlled ban on nuclear testing~ of all steps toward arms limitation now feasible, such a ban would be the most rapid and most radical. The cessation of tests wouJ~ in fact halt the arms race in its most (Mr. Kravets, Okrain!an SSR) dangerous area.: the developaent and ia~oveJlent of new types of nuclear weapons. Al- that would reaain would be to deal with the quantitativE> aras race, which seems to be a less difficult task. The cessation of nuclear tests muld lead to a radical change in the public and political cliEte in the wocld, Md could do so aore effectively than a..iY one-time measures. An atmosphere of greater confidence aJDOng States would be cr~ted, which would be of paramount importance foe the resolution of other outstanding problems and conflicts, particularly since compliance with an agreement banning nuclear tests can be guaranteed by absolutely l:eliable means of verification and monitoring. Today even the smallest nuclear explosion can be detected. The most convincing indication of hew seriously each of the nuclear Powers views the question of disarmament, international security and the cause of peace as a whole is their respective atti tudes towards halting nuclear tests and towards the early formulation of a treaty banning them caapletely. The United States of America categorically opposes the cessation of nuclear tests. Since the introdlction of the Soviet moratorium it has set off 21 explcsioos. Three additional tests - the aonneville, Budy and Belmont tests - are scheduled for October, and in ~ceJIber the llli ted States intends to carry out a nuclear test code-named ~idd1e tbte-. What is the purpose of all this? The answer is clear~ the development of a nuclear-pllDped laser for the notorious system of the strategic defence initiative requires about 100 nuclear explosions. The re fusal of the Uni ted States to s top nuclear-weaPOn tests despi te the resolute demands of the world public mnvincingly refutes the Administration's assurances that the United States is seeking to save mankind from nuclear weapons, (Hr. Kravets, Ukrain tan SSR) which is ooe of the argumen.ts it also uses in its attempt to justify the implementation of the sCH::alled strategic defence initiative, which is actually aimed at the aCXIuisition of a nuclear first-strike- capability. The time has come to make use of all existing leverage and possibilities, including the tremendous potential of the Uni ted Na tions, to prevent the introcilction of weapons to oliter space. A basis for finding a mutually acceptable solution to the problem of preventing an arms race in space exists. The USSR favours a ban on the developnent, testing and deployment of space str ike arms, under effective verificatioo, and it has proposed that important partial steps be t'lken in that direction, such as agreement not to withdraw dur 10g the coming 15 years from t.'le anti-ballistic missile Treaty, the cooclusion of an international agreement on the immunity of artificial Earth satellites, agreement not to develop new anti-satellite systems, and the elimination of existing anti-satellite systems. Specific ideas on the subject have been presented both at the bilateral SOI/iet-United States negotiations and at the Conference 00 Disarmament. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrain ian SSR) In response to the appeal by the General Assembly, the Soviet union proposed in a letter of 12 June 1986 addressed to the U~ited Nations Secretary-General that immediate action be taken to achieve a twofold objective: to stop the preparations for ·star wars·, which would lead to nuclear suicide, and adopt instead the alternative of exploring outer space through the joint efforts of States for the benefit of mankind. Questions pertaining to the practical implementation of that initiative should be considered at a special international conference and resolved by an international agency to be established for that purpose. In that case appropriations running into trillions of dollars would be put to proper use. We urge the current session to make an important contribution to preventing an arms race in outer space and establishing eQUitable co-operation in the peaceful exploration of outer space. The cause of saving mankind from the threat of nuclear war would be significantly served by resolving such urgent problems as the strengthening of the non-proliferation regime and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free zones in all parts of the world. Specific proposals made by socialist, non-aligned and neutral countries on these subjects are well known. The socialist States believe in a comprehensive approach to the disarmament problem and ensuring that the elimination of weapons of mass destruction is backed up by significant reductions in armed forces and conventional armaments. This QUestion is becoming a matter of increasing urg~ncy for the present and future of the European continent. Ways of resolving this problem can be found in the large-scale programme for reducing armed forces and conventional armaments from the Atlantic to the urals, put forward in Budapest last June by the Warsaw Treaty member States. Those proposals take into account the position of Western European States which believe (~r. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) that nuclear disarmament in Europe should go hand in hand with reduction of conventional armaments. Making the world safe is inconceivable without chemical disarmament. The Ukrainian SSR takes a favourable view of the efforts of the Conference on Disarmament to work out an international convention on the sUbject. It is to be hoped that the convention will be completed by 1987. We support progosals fo~ establishing chemical-weapon-free zones in Central Europe and the Balkans, which is the objective of the well-known initiatives of the German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia, BUlgaria and Romania. It is imperative for the General Assembly to call upon all States to refrain from any action which could impede negotiations on banning chemical weapons. A substantial contribution to curbing the arms race and to disarmament would be made by implementing the proposals of the socialist countries on the mutual non-increase in military spending, non-use of armed force, and the maintenance of peaceful relations between Warsaw Treaty member States and the countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). The countries of the socialist community attach great importance to holding in 1987 an international conference on the relationship between disarmament and development. It is to be regretted that such a conference could not be held this year. The militaristic principle of armaments instead of development should be replaced by the normal state of affairs - disarmament for development. In the current difficult and dangerous situation in the wo~ld all the resources of the United Nations should be mobilized to take specific action to defuse conflict situations and settle contentious issues by political means through collective efforts, with unconditional respect for the independence and the right of peoples to determine their own destiny. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) Tensions still exist in the Middle East, cr~ated by the aggressive designs of Israel and the anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian policies of its protectors. Recent events have amply demonstrated the untenable nature of separatist and defeatist deals towards which the Arabs are being nudged by the United States and Israel. A just settlement in the area can be achieved only through joint efforts, with equal participation of all parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). The overwhelming majority of the States Members of the United Nations support the idea of convening an international conference on the Middle East. An appropriate preparatory committee within the framework of the Security Council could immediately start work on preparing for such a conference. We must also note a further exacerbation of the situation in the Mediterranean as a result of militaristic actions designed to implement the doctrine of -neo-globalism-. It was manifested in acts of aggression against sovereign Libya, which provoked protests and indignation throughout the world, in the blackmail campaign against Syria, and in the continuing aggression against Lebanon. The Ukrainian SSR strongly advocates turning the Mediterranean from an area of military and political confrontation into a zone of stable peace and security, and supports the steps that are being taken by peace-loving States to improve the situation in the region. We want to see a just solution to the Cyprus auestion, on the basis of the ~elevant United Nations resolutions, without outside interference and with due regard for the legitimate inter~sts of the two communities. We believe that the convening of a representative international conference is a realistic means of achieving that goal. Holding such a conference would help to resolve such aspects of the problem as the establishment of a system of effective international guarantees, withdrawal of foreign troops, and the elimination of all foreign military bases and facilities. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) In the guise of hypocritical arguments about -freedom-, -democracy- and -humanism-, a policy of State-sponsored terrorism is being pursued against the countries and peoples of Central America, and the material base is being expanded for unleashing a major armed conflict in ttaa area. Subversive activities by the united States have particularly increased in recent times when there have appeared hopes for success in the Contadora process. The Ukrainian SSR expresses its total solidarity with the just struggle of the Nicaraguan people to defend the independence of their country and strongly condemns the escalation of aggressive actions against Nicaragua. The resolution of the crisis in Central America is possible only within the framework of a peaceful political settlement and on the basis of generally recognized rules of international law. The Ukrainian SSR supports the proposal by Nicaragua to turn Central America into a zone of peace and oo-operatic~, free from foreign military presence. The representative international conferences held this year have more than ever before focused attention on the need for an immediate political settlement in southern Africa. The racist Pretoria regime is defying the whole world by stepping up repression of the civilian population, refusing to grant independence to Namibia, which it occupies, and committing acts of aggression against its African neighbours. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR shares the conclusion reached at the non-aligned summit at Barare that it is only through the most resolute action, including the imposition of mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, that it is possible to eliminate the shameful system of apartheid and implement United Nations decisions concerning independence for Namibia and the establishment of peace and stability in the interests of the peoples of the region. The forty-first session of the united Nation General Assembly should (Mr. rrravets, Ukrainian SSR) become a new phase in mobilizing the efforts of the world community in the struggle for the speedy eltmination of apartheid. Serious concern has been caused by United States actions aimed at annexing the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands - Micronesia - and turning it into one of its military and political strongholds in the Pacific OCean. By depriving the Micronesian people of their right to genuine freedom and independence, the administering Power has grossly abused the mandate entrusted to it by the Security Council and failed to mget the objectives of trusteeship. We strongly support the demand by non-aligned countries for the immediate implementation of the Declaration on decolonization in the case of Micronesia. The Ukrainian SSR supports the realistic proposals of Viet Nam, Laos, and Kampuchea for the establishment of a zone of peace, stability and co-operation in South-East Asia. We support the peace efforts of the Democratic People's RepUblic of Korea to secure the withdrawal of united States troops from South Korea, the development of peaceful dialogue between the two parts of the country, and the turning of the Korean peninSUla into a nuclear-free zone of peace. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) Of great importance in improving the international situation is the programme for secur ity and peaceful co-operation in the Asian and Pacific region proposed by the Soviet union last July. 'By creating favourable ccnditions for the solution of a whole range of problems, including the problem of a political settlement of the situation arQund Afghanistan, that programme is a manifestation of good will and a responsible approach to dealing with the main problems of today. The series of measures set forth in that programme, including the prevention of the proliferation and build-up of nuclear weapons, the reduction of naval activities and cuts in armed forces and conventional weapons, not only constitutes a basis for regional sec:ur ity in Asia and the Pacific but can also become an integral part of the global system of security for all. The normalization of international economic relations has become a trUly urgent task. The plight of developing nations and the neo-colonialist exploitation of their natural and human resources are fundamental and root causes of the political tensions and conflicts in various parts of the world. Imperialist PCMers, taking advantage of the predicament of the developing countries and their huge foreign debt, interfere high-handedly in the internal affairs of countries and block the process of their economic liberation. In these circumstances the struggle for international economic security as an integral part of a comprehensive system of international secur ity has come to the fore. The Ukrainian SSR takes an active part in united Nations efforts to encourage and promote basic freedoms and human rights and conscientiously fulfils its obligations under relevant international agreements. We cannot at the same time fail to note the hypocr isy of some Governments, prepared to pay endless lip-service to the sanctity of the rights of the individual while shamelessly violating the rights of .;lntire peoples in the Middle East, in southern Africa, in Central America and in Asia. To that end, they are resorting to undeclared wars, subversive acts, (Mr. Kravets, Ukrain ian SSR) acts of State-sponsored terrorism, slanderous propaganda ~cmpaigns, economic pr:essure and blackmail. In order to increase the effectiveness of the wor le of protecting the peoples of the world from outside encroachments, the General Asseltbly should, we believe, begin to work on the concept of the rights of peoples, which constitute the basis fex implementing human rights. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR has outlined its approaches to the solution of urgent international problems in the sincere hope that progress can be achieved, even at this current session, in defusing some of the existing conflicts. In view of the world situation the wo'Ck of the United Nations General Assembly must be conducted in a constructive spirit and the businesslike deliberations at this session should cootribute to mercoming the barriers of enmity and mistrust and promote the improvement of the international climate. In the words of Vladimir Shcherbitsky, merrber of the Poli tburo of the Central COIIUDittee of the COimlunist Party of the Soviet Union and First secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of tr,. j~aine: -In a nuclear age there is simply no reasonable alternative to peaceful coexis tence... While calling upon representatives of other States to treat our initiatives wi th the utmost seriousness, we, for our part, are prepared to lend our support t.O a.IlY proposals that would contr ibute to the strengthening of peace and the development of international co-operaHon. The experience of the Ooi ted Na Hons in its work of more than 40 years has shOwin that what is needed to improve the international situation is the conbined efforts of States, tolerance and a willingness to adopt compromise decisions. In a nuclear age, mankind can survive only together, moving forward step by step fr:om today's mer-armed and exceedingly dangerous wor ld towards a minimally armed and safe wor ld of the twenty-fir st (Mr" Krave.ts, Ukrain!an SSR) we can take the first step along tbat road here and now, at the century. forty-first sessioo of the united Nations General Assembly. Mr. BARO !Niger.} (interpretaUoo fran French): On 24 october 1985, the colllllunity of nations celebrated the fortieth anniversary of the united Nations. In a world suf"t:ing from countless problems and frustrations, that event gave rise to oomfort and hope because it served as an occasioo for ;:::.1 of our oountr ies, through their representatives et';. the highest levels, to reaffirm unequivocally their oolIUDitment to the principles and ideals of the united Natioos Charter and to renew their commitment to usher in a new era in which today's serious and canplex problems can be faced collectively in a new spir it and with a new awareness of our interdependence ano. vt.u: shared responsibility. That furnisheo vs with a just assessment of the challe..,ges we must face, challenges that, by their very nature, make isolated approaches inoperative and suicidal. In particular, I am thinking of the crucial questions of peace and development. Prese..'lt and future generations will judge our actions on the basis of what we do today and will do tomorrow, and especially at this forty-first session of the General Assenbly, to preserve peace in the world and to find answers to the pressing questions of hunger, pover ty and underdevelopnent. I wish to stress the importance of the task the Assenbly has unanimously entrusted to you its President. His talents as a skilful and exper ienced diplomat, a representative of a country, Bangladesh, whose commitment to the ideals of our Organization is well knCMn, will certainly contribute to the success of our work. I should like, therefore, to convey to him the pleasure felt by my country, which shares with him a community of Islamic culture and destiny, at his election to the pr.esidency of the fOtty-first session of the United Nations General AsseIIbly. My delegation will fully support him in the accomplishment of his task. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrain ian SSR) His predecessor, Aubassador Jaime de Pinias of Spain, was a deserving President of our Assembly. To him, we extend the compliments and highest esteem of the delegation of the Niger for the important cootribution he made to the work of our Organization. Our preceding seSsion laid the groundwork for a solid platform of collec:ive actioo for the commcn gooO, thereby arousing hopes with regard to man's determination to face adversity, to master and control his own baser nature and to work resolutely towards the building of the safer and more united world for which we all long. The proclamation of 1986 as the International Year of Peace is a further mark of our Organization's determination to harmonize the efforts of the international COImlunity in establishing an atmosphere that can ensure the maintenance of universal peace. More than 40 years after the end of the last world conflict, that universal peace continues to exist, notwithstanding the breaches and threatened breaches that still occur in many places in the world. If we truly want to succeed in this work of peace for the benefit of the whole of the world community, we must ensure the strict implementation of the fundamental pr inciples of our Organization. In th is connection, refraining from the use or threat of the use of force, the peaceful settlement of displtes, respect for the sovereignty and territor ial integr ity of States, respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and independence, are moral and cul tural values to which each of our nations is coImlitted. At the same time, they are imperative norms of international law to which our Governments have fully subscribed. As the lasting expression of the deep and legitimate aspirations of mankind, such values and norms enbody our common fate. More than a code of corlduct, they are a solid foundation upon which relations between peoples and nations must be based. (Mr. Rako, Niger) It would appear that all the conflicts and dangerous situations in the world today arise from deliberate violations of those principlesr but also from the serious and dangerous decline in the duty to co-operate and work together for the establishment of a new international economic order that would guarantee every people more harmonious and lasting developmentr as set forth in the United Nations Charter. We must therefore work together to adopt the measures needed to deal with the many situations the persistence of which seriously threatens international peace and security and reflects badly upon the credibility of our Organization. The policy of apartheid of the minority regime in Pretoria, its illegal occupation of Namibia and its repeated acts of aggression against the front-line states have created an explosive environment in the southern part of the African continent thus endangering peace and security not only in the region but in the world as well. In occupied Namibia, we see a continuation of delaying tactics intended to thwart the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of that Territory. This allows for the continuationr among other things, of the systematic plundering of that country's vast natural resources, which are then sold cheaply on the world market by the South African regime. In regard to its neighbours, South Africa is also pursuing, and has long done so, a policy of aggressionr destabi1ization and intimidation. Never before have arrests, torture, mass murder and systematic v~olations of the law and morality that govern the external conduct of States been practised with such cynicism and on such a vast scale as has been done by the South African regime. In the face of the infernal cycle of violence that today characterizes the situation in that part of the African continent and in the face of the serious dangers this poses to international peace and security, the time has come to go (Mr. Bakor Niger) beyood the usual jeremiads, verbal coodemations and resolutions that are not in fact resolutions. The minor ity racist regime of Pretor ia has today finally provided the community of nations with proof of its blinChess, its intransigence and its total disregard for law and universal morality. More effective means of pressure must necessar ily be adopted urgently to support the struggle of the oppressed peoples of SOllth Africa and Namibia, as well as the froot-line States. Niger's position is perfectly clear 00 this matter. His Excellency General seyni Kountche, President of the SUpreme Military Council and Bead of State of Niger, reaffirmed this at the last sunmit meeting of the Organization of African Unity (OAU): "We must lend effective, appropriate and constant assistance to the liberation movements, as well as to the froot-line States, in their struggle against oppressioo and aggressioo. Indeed, the time has oome for the adoption of coocrete and immediate measures to make the apartheid regime consider the situation and give way. Those measures must undoubtedly include eoonomic sanctions, t«lich the international community and, partiCUlarly, the industrialized countries, must issue and apply in order finally to isolate those men who would deny man." The immediate and effective application of the reoonmendations of the i'brld Conference on Sanctions against Racist SOUth Africa held in Paris in June 1986 and of the International Cooference for the Immedia te Independence to Namibia held in Vienna the following mooth, as well as those of the eighth Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Countr ies in Harare in september and the recent special session of the General Assenbly on the question of Namibia, would no doubt canpel the Pretoria regime to respect the decisioos and resolutions of our Organization and finally to grant independence to Namibia and to proIOOte within South Africa a deIOOcratic (Mr. Bako, Niger) multiracial society where the freedom, equality, dignity and well-being of all would be recogn ized and guaranteed. The great tragedy of our time that is taking place in southern Africa has not, however, nade us forget other situations of ccnflict that still pre9ail on our oontinent. As neighbours of Chad, a country with which we have ties of all sorts, we cannot renain indifferent to the situation of prolcnged war and instability that has affected that country for several years na-r. As neighbours, we have come to know Chad, its people and its problems. The people of Chad has deep aspira tions to peace. Like all other African peoples, it hopes to build a viable State and to set down the basis for its ecooomic and social development. Rich in history, proud of its past, it is today fighting with the strength of despair against the demons of disooity and dislocatim. These are legitimate aspirations. From its neighbours, with which it has cultivated friendship, from Africa, to which it firmly belmgs, and from the in ternatimal ccmmmity, usually so ready to help, Chad expects understanding, support and assistance. It expects to be understoOd in its fierce will to renain itself and to be supported and assisted in its fervent hope to live in peace and to advance its developnent. Peace and developnent are also relevant matters in North-West Africa and, more generally, in the Maghreb, that rich and promising part of our cmtinent, the natural evolutioo, course towalCds unity and progress of which have been sla-red down, impeded and even handicapped by the cmflict arising from the decolmization of the former Spanish sahara. Closely tied to the peoples of the Maghreb by history, geography and culture, Niger cherishes the profound hope that the joint efforts of the secretary-General of the united Natioos and of the current President of the Organization of African Unity to organize a referendum 00 the question of self-determination will succeed in the near future. Africa, already facing the challenge of racism and besieged by so many problems inherent in its level of development, can only hope for the establishment of a climate of peace in its midst and of an atmosphere of confidence, tolerance and good neighbourliness among all - a cOndition without which it cannot victoriously confront the pressing needs of building a better future. Other hotbeds of tension are giving rise to anguish and distress elsewhere and are also rightly of concern to the Assembly. The Middle East, that region near the African continent whose stability undeniably has a strong effect on world peace, has for several decades been the theatre of ceaseless confrontation arising from a situation of injustice that has been created and maintained and for which the united Nations has a responsiblity to which it remains fUlly committed. In this region of the world, so already battered by several conflicts, Israel has established a permanent climate of instability by developing a sustained policy of expansion, the major objective of which is to prevent the realization of the fundamental and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and to finalize the illegal annexation of the Golan and the occupation of Al Quds Al Sharif. Loyal to its consistent policy in that regard, Niger for its part will continue to support the just cause of the Palestinian people and to militate for the total withdrawal of Israel from all of the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, inclUding Jerusalem. In that connection, Niger is pleased to see that chances for the convening of an international conference on the Middle East are beginning to appear and are increasing. The continuation of the fratricidal conflict that has set Iran and Iraq against each other for six years now is a source of serious concern. The United Nations, through its secretary-General, has repeatedly taken action to end that devastating and deadly conflict. Those efforts deserve to be continued and supported by us all. (!~.r. Bako, Niger) The bcutal intrusion of fcxeign forces into Demeratic Kaapucbea and Afghanistan and the continued occupation of the territories of those two non-aligned countries have consistently been fomd repr~ensible and condeuned by the General Assembly as serious challenges to the principles governing friendly r elations between States. We continue to support that point of view, to call for the total evacuatioo of occupatioo troops from the territories of those two comtries and to call for scrupulous respect for their sO'1ereignty, territorial integrity and status as non-aligned States. We similarly remain vigilant with regard to the tensioo in the Korean peninsula. we encourage ccntinued efforts to bring about the reunification of this prestigious nation through peaceful means. Whether it be in Africa, Asia or Latin America - that other region of the world subject to serious utileavals - the true peace that we seek cannot be fully attained as lcng as divisicn and discord exist among natioos and as loog as the profoiuod aspirations of peoples to justice and to social progress cootinue to be disregarded and flouted. In addition to these numerous conflicts which bring sUffering and grief all over the world, there are other challenges to the future of mankind. If we do not decisively meet those challenges there can be no genuine lasting peace on earth. Among those challenges is the serious, deep-seated and long-standing crisis in the world economy. Its root causes lie in the persistence of an unjust and ineauitable international economic system marked by a continuous fall in commodity prices, by protectionism and restrictive trading practices, by monetary and financial instability and by the growing indebtedness of third-world countries. The situation is particularly critical for the African countries whose economies, already structurally fragile and vulnerable, have been further shaken and dislocated. In recent years some of these countries have experienced considerable slowing of their already low growth rates. The critical economic situation in Africa reflects both the scope and the effects of the crisis: the inability of the continent which was the cradle of mankind to achieve self-sufficiency in feeding its peoples, a situation inherent in the difficulty of rebuilding our agriculture~ to build the infrastructure needed to irrigate our dry regions~ to make our regions more accessible in order to permit a better flow of products~ and to establish a true African policy of complementarity and co-operation among Sta~es in such areas as the fight against desertification and the important field of water management. To all those difficulties we add others no less burdensome, concerning the education, health and housing of our peoples, whom we wish to enable to lead healthy lives in order to participate more actively and with greater honour in the development of our continent and of the world. Africa is in the pitiless clutches of a drought, which has greatly reduced available water and arable land, destroying plant and animal life in vast areas, and killing thousands of men, women and children by hunge~ and thirst. (Mr. Bako, Niger) In connection with agriculture, the most recent report on Africa of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) states that pe~ capita pr~uction has fallen nearly 20 per cent since 196n, while the rate of growth of the population has increasea by 3 per cent per year. That report states also that if things remain as they are, per capita production will fall another 30 per cent in the coming 25 years. The report further predicts that eventually the African states will, with few exceptions, will be forever condemned to dependency in satisfying their food reQUirements. That situation is of grave concern to African Governments, which have attempted to deal with the situation at the national, SUb-regional and continental levels. At the national level, African leaders are redefining agricultural strategies and are working to maintain, diversity and rebuild vegetation, to protect the soil, to develop water resources, and to provide security in crop by promoting and developing crop production and animal husbandry. Considerable efforts to co-ordinate these national initiatives are being undertaken at the SUb-regional and continental levels. In the Inter-State Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel, nine countries have formulated a concerted rehabilitation programme which gives priority to water management, to the campaign against desertification by means of reafforestation, to the development of agriculture and livestock raising, and to building up of buffer stocks of grain. At the continental level, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) has devoted much consideration to ways and means of dealing.with the situation. Thi~ has led to the establishment of the Special Emergency Assistance Fund for the Struggle against Drought and Famine in Africa, which is in operation now, and to the adoption of the Priority Programme for Economic Recovery in Africa. (Mr. Bako, Niger) Clearly, Africa should not rely solely on outside assistance, but must make use of its own resources and intelligence, which will be its weapons in a victorious war to secure freedom from hunger. Only a pragmatic strategy based on basic requirements and the political will to undertake the needed reorientation of social and economic systems through revised agrarian methods and policies can lead to a solution to the problem of food. But Africa, which contains the majority of the world's poorest countries, cannot by itself meet this enormous, serious challenge posed by Nature. In that connection, Niger welcomes the great step forward taken at the special session of the General Assembly on the critical economic situation in Africa. It was possible at that special session to formulate and adopt a Programme of Action giving high priority to agriculture and related sectors. Its implementation will promote the rapid recovery of the African economy. Africa has conveyed its great appreciation for that initiative and for the solidarity of the international community i~ committing itself to stand by Africa and sUPF')rt it in its search for development by Africans and for Africaus. As an expression of our joint political will, the United Nations Programme of Action for the Economic Recovery of Africa, 1986-1990, is a contract of solidarity. Meetlng the terms of that contract requires the same political will, fostered by a clear awareness that the future of Africa is indissolubly linked with the progress of the world. I wish now to pay a tribute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his effective and diligent work towards the success of that special session and towards its positive result. His interest in Africa and its problems and the attention he has devoted to them are nothing new, We of the Sahel know of his commitment, because on his own initiative he (Mr. Baka, Niger) undertook a cClq)aign to mobilize the assistt;;,,~e of the international community during the terrible drought of 1984. We are grateful to him for having always worked in favour of a just and peaceful world, and for his vision of a future based on mutual assistance and interdependence. We must pursue this action for Africa and broaden it to encompass other priority areas. I think here especially of the worrying problem of indebtedness. Niger joins the many other anguished voices calling for a joint solution to this problem, the ruinous effects of which are jeopardizing economic and social achievement in many countries. Through his intelligence and thanks to extraordinary scientific and technological progress, mankind has moved somewhat further into areas of the universe. But we must recognize today that there is one technology the development of which can only lead to the downfall of mankind: the manufacture of weapons of mass destruction, which become more sophisticated every year. We cannot but be shocked that the two super-Powers alone possess a nuclear arsenal sufficient to destroy our world several times over. Even more inadmissible is the fact that every year colossal sums are devoted to the development of n~~lear weapons. Once that sum was $800 billion; today more than $1 trillion is devoted to the production of these deadly machines, at a time when so many people languish in horrific poverty and destitution. It cannot be over-emphasized that the arms race can never serve the interests of stability, peace and security. On the contcary, it is a source of tension between the super-Powers and even of confrontation which would be fatal for mankind. The nuclear-weapon Powers, especially the two super-Powers, therefore bear an important responsibility in this regard, and must do everything possible to avert the risk of nuclear confrontation. The only way to do this is to engage in sincere (Mr. Bako, Niger) dialogue with a view to formulating urgent disarmament measures leading to a gradual reduction in nuclear weapons until th~ir complete elimination. In this connection, the Government and the people of Niger welcome the initiation in March 1985 of negotiations between the two super-Powers on intermediate-range and stategic nuclear and space weapons. A seal of approval was affixed to that dialogue at the meeting between the leaders of the two countries, held at Geneva in November 1985. We hope that dialogue will continue shortly at Reykjavik, and that it will lead to effective agreements aimed at general and complete disarmament. (Hr. Bako, Niger) Those, in our view, are the mjor cballenqes of our time, daunting cballenges in view of their nature and scope, but their solutions are vital for the future of mankind, and fOie internationa1 peace and security.- 'rhe thited Nations must deal with those challenges if it is not to founder and bring the wllole world down with it. This is a categorical iJl.perative. Millioos of people throughout the world are increasingly expr:essing their firm opposition to the arms race and their unfailing abhorrence of; !£artheid and racial discr imination. Millions of voices are continuously heard denouncing the cootinuation of sources of tension and calling for a more stable and fraternal world. . In 'view of all those situations, and in view of the tidal Wave of t;he brl!tal, savage and vile force of terroriSll, the noble attitude o{ millions of men and women who voice every day their lOl7e of peace, justice and freedom, constitutes for our Governments and for our Organizatioo, a source of inspiration and an encouraging reassurance of the value of our work here. we are cominced that we must not resign ourselves to the -many serious diffiOJlties that are endangering universal peace. This is our world and we, together, bear the responsibility to preserve and imprOl1e it, for present and future generatioos. Hr. HILAIRE (Haiti) (interpretation from French); I would fir st like to express my de1egaticn's warm ccngratulations to AriDassadorChoucl1ury on his election to the presidency of the forty-first s~sicn of the United Naticns General Assen:bly. This great hooour paid to him is tmdoubtedly also a well-deserved tr ibute to the Republic of Bangladesh, which has oonstantly endor sed and actively prom::>ted the thi~ Nations aims of peace and co~peration. I also wish to convey to Mr. Jame de Pinies, his predecessa:, our ccngratulations on his brilliant performance as Presid€nt of the last session. (Hr. Bako, Niqer) It is a great hcnour fee me to speak in th is august AsseDbly on behalf of a people which, with exemplary courage and at enQrlDOUS sacrifice, has just brought to an end the 100g night of oppression that descended upon Haiti almost 30 years ago. l'oday, the freedom won by rebel1ioo is being consolidated through dialogue. The people, too loog Cll7erlooked, fully intends to take charge of its destiny and, under the leadership of the Natiooal Governing Council, which wishes to act as the executor of the will of the people, the normalization of life is continuing. we have undertaken a coherent, realistic programne of actioo, aimed primarily at establishing democracy on a solid foundatioo that will preclude any attempt to bring back tyranny. It provides for reforms to pcomote and guarantee the functiming of authentic deIIDcracy based 00 the participation and consent of the governed and str ict respect for their fundamentaJ. rights in full accordance with the purposes and principles of the thited Nations Charter. In pursuit of this programne, a poltical time-table has been drawn up with specific dates for the different stages that should lead, in Novenber 1987, to free and fair elections and, in February 1988, to the establishment of a democratic GCII7ernment in keeping wi th the aspirations of the Hai tian people. Political prisooers, without exception, have been freed~ there has been a mass return of exiles of all poll tical persuasions~ and the many decrees which in the past had unjustly robbed many of our countrymen of their nationality and goods have been repealed. At the same time, new legislation has been enacted on the formation of political parties, freedom of the press, and the establishment of a Constituent Assembly with the task of prepar ing a new, fundamentally democratic consti tutim by the end of 1986. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) Also, an electioo, for the first time, of rural administrative comcils has pi:avided an essen"tial stage in the p;:ogr~ of action designed to encourage t..tle rural masses to participate actively in the natioo.ls life from henceforth. Furthermore, the Haitian Government is keenly aware of the need for large-scale actioo to deal with the grave ecooomic and social problems inherited from the former regime and to promote the structural changes that will make it possible to meet the expectations of the people. In this regard, the President of the National Governing Council, Lieutenant-General Benri NaD'{)hy, recently made the follow ing statement: "What \'Je must do is lay the foundations of healthy politi ~l democracy and bring about a significant and lasting transforllBtion of the living conditions of 6 millioo Haitians, 75 per cent of whom live belCM the absolute poverty threshold.· Thus, the Government has resolutely embarked 00 the task of bringing about the necessary changes for the sound and effective management of the natiooal ecooany and public finances and to create the conditioos peeded for sustained developnent. Of course the 1lBin effort must be a na tiooal effort, a1 though we must not underestimate the assistance that the internatiooal conmunity is giving us in one form or another. Indeed, we attam the greatest possible importance to the praiseworthy and persevering efforts of Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Ulited Nations secretary-General, in terms of the mandate entr.usted to him by the General Assembly to mobilize and co-ord ina te for the benefit of the Republic of Haiti a substantial flCM of aid which will make it possible for Haiti to overcome the:! structural obstacles and adverse ccndi tions that stand in the way of its social and ecooomic developnent. My delegation wishes to take this occasion to pay him a special tr ibu te for those efforts. (Hr. Hilaire, Haiti) BG/ll A/41/PV.23 49-50 The Haitian Government is also pleased to note the understanding ~at has been shown in various organs and institutions of the united NatiCXls system and the constructive atti tude of Meut-er States t which have spmtaneously come forward to co-operate with us in a spirit of solidarity with Haiti and its people. This co-operation will certainly hasten the advent of the just and demcra tic society we so earnestly desire. * *The President returned to the Chair. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) It is in a context of violence and disturbing decline in the level of international the forty-first session of the General Assemhly is meeting. The Organization's repeated appeals to Member States to refrain from the threat or use of force in international relations have gone largely unheeded. Today, no part of the world is untouched by the crisis situation created by evermore numerous sources of conflict. Reaffirming its faith in our Organization, the Republic of Haiti, in the light of the ideals and principles of the Charter, wishes to clarify its position on the principal problems of international peace and security. The situation in southern Africa is marked by the persistence of two major challenges: the sorry question of apartheid and the 20-year-long illegal occupation of Namibia. Resorting to unprecedented oppression that has already caused more than 2,000 deaths over the past 18 months, the white majority persists in imposing its will on the black majority, the Coloureds and front-line countries, in addition, it refuses to leave Namibia, notwithstanding the demands of the United Nations. Nothing, therefore, could be more natural than for our Organization to take the lead and in using law, logic and common sense to oppose brute force in the service of blind passion, selfish interests and unwholesome prejudice. If, in the case of this conflict as in the case of so many others, its efforts have not yet met with success, that is due in large part to the collusion between South Africa and certain Governments that claim to oppose apartheid but at the same time refuse to match their words by deeds. The magnitude of that undisguised complicity is evidenced by their actions in the SecuI'ity Council, which have resulted in protecting Pretoria so far from comprehensive mandatory sanctions, which are the only means of facilitating a peaceful negotiated solution. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) None the less, we have been encouraged by the determination of the Namibian and South African peoples, which, under the le~dership, respectively, of the South West Africa P~~ple's organization (SWAPO) and the South African liberation movements, are struggling by all possible means to put an end to what could be described as the scandal of this last part of the century. Nearer home, in Central America, the situation remains critical. For Haiti, which has made non-intervention, non-interference and the right of peoples to self-determination the bases of its foreign policy, the efforts of the Contadora Group provide the best chance of a comprehensive peaceful solution. They deserve our whole-hearted support. with regard to the conflict over the Malvinas, as we call them, we remain concerned at the absence of practical results. Our position is that reflected in resolution 40/21, adopted at the last session of the General Assembly, of which we were a sponsor. In essence, that resolution called for the resumption of negotiations between Argentina and the United Kingdom, without pre-conditions. Equally alarming for the international community are the situations in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, where the presence of foreign forces of occupati.on poses a threat to regional peace and stability, damages efforts towards co-operation and compromises opportunities for development. Notwithstanding the opinion of the vast majority of the international community and the unflagging efforts of the Secretary-General, no progress has been made towards political settlements that would end the indescribable sufferings of the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples. Jealous of its independence, Haiti has always opposed and will continue to oppose foreign intervention and occupation of any kind. We reaffirm our opposition to the presence of occupation forces, the withdrawal of which is the essential factor in creating conditions conducive to negotiated solutions that recognize the sovereignty, independence and non-aligned status of Afghanistan and Kampuchea. (Hr. Hilaire. Haiti) Still with regard to Asia, the Government of the RepUblic of Haiti is following with attention the moves to~ard~ th~ r~unificatio" of the Ko£ean flation. It is pleased at the results already achieved and we unreservedly support the idea of the admission of the two Koreas as Members of the united Nations, in the hope that that integration would not only make it possible to hear at last the voice of the Korean pecpl~, but, fUi:thei:, facilitate the effective rapprochemen:'~ of those two States by leading to a relaxation of the tensions in that part of the world. In the case of Cyprus, the Republic of Haiti, which has always recognized the virtues of dialogue and working together to solve problems, believes that that country's situation is not irremediable. While reaffirming our full support for the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity of Cyprus, we appeal to the parties concerned to support the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring about a constructive dialogue aiming at a just and lasting solution to the problem of Cyprus. As for the conflict between Iran and Iraq, we remain greatly concerned by the enormous loss of human life, the squandering of tremendous economic resources and the threats to regional peace and security involved. In this connection, all parties in a position to exert any positive influence on the bel1igerents should pool their efforts to prevail upon them to end the hostilities. Those and other confrontations, in addition to acts of terrorism, are only prolonging the sufferings of the peoples of the region. We reaffirm our solidarity with martyred Lebanon, the innocent victim of a situation that appea~$ to be beyond its control. In the same context, there is the question of Palestine, which remains at the core of the Middle East conflict. We reaffirm our support for Security Council resolution 242 (1967), which recognizes as an essential element for the esablishrnent of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East the withdrawal of (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) RM/12 A/41/PV.23 54-55 Israel from the occupied territories and acknowledgement of the right of every State in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries. We also support the legitimate demands of the Palestinian people, which, like all other peoples in the world, is entitled to its homeland. The picture wo~ld be incomplete were it confined solely to situations of armed confrontation withnut taking into account potential sources of tension or friction that could degenerate into conflict. As we know, the economic noose that is tightening around so many peoples is creating a flow of large numbers of emigrants to other shores and countries in search of a better life. Haiti has not escaped that situation. We are well aware of the difficulties created by this flood of emigrants without resources and of the problems it can cause the host countries. We are determined to continue to take steps to stop it. However, we vigorously protest against their maltreatment, harsh exploitation of their labour and the utter contempt with which they are all too often treated wherever they happen to end up. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) We appeal to the humanitar ian s entiments of the peoples of the O1i ted Ha tions to respect the dignity of those starving castaways. Here, again, we should like to be able to count on the experience and assistance of the canpetent agencies of the United Nations. Aloogside those focal points of tension and conflict that it is possible to localize geographically, there exists another form of violence, wich strikes all parts of the planet just when it is the least expected and the victims of which can be women, children, the elderly and the ailing. The ~public of Haiti vigorously oondemnsthat unrestrained and blind violence which oonstitutes international terror ism and we oall upon the international community to c:o~perate in fighting it and el iminating the causes likely to engender it. As we consider terror ism here, surely we should also consider the folly of the arms race. The world1s arsenals are daily filling with terrifying weapons - chemical, biological and nuclear, as if conventional weapons were not enough. Mankind has imperceptibly beoome accustomed to the idea of an armed peace, of the balance of terror - there is even talk of invulnerable security - without realizing that the human race is being forced daily to live aloogside means that are more than sufficient to wipe it off the face of the Earth. Space as well seems to be scheduled to become a theatre for that operatioo of extermina Hoo, for terror must henceforth affect the wole world. We urgently appeal to the super-Power s to renounce th is nuclear madness and to heed the voice of reason in order to stop this side of the point of no return that they are approaching at dizzying speed. We are gratified by the overtures recently made on both sides and we view with satisfaction and hope the manifestation of that willingness to talk which is undoubtedly the first step towards ooncerted action and solidarity. What is at stake is vital for humanity, for it is nothing less than the survival of us all. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) We eaU upon the super-Powers, under the aegis of the Organizatioo, to come up with a realistic plan for balanced disarmament in order to make peace possible. The wocld. needs to devote all its resources - both human and naterial - to solving the economic crisis which also is world wide. It affects all nations, the most highly developed as well as the least developed. 8Jt· for the latter, its effects are devastating. In a market which they do not control, the prices of the developing countr ies I exports have been steadily falling. At the same time, those of their imports have steadily increased. Despite a significant drop, the oil bill remains pt"ohibitive foe the developing countries that do not promce oil. The result of this situation can be seen in an increasing balance of trade defici t which alooe is capable of upsetting the fragile ecooomy of the least advanced coUltries. If, with the sustained and noo-inflatiooary growth recorded over the past four years in most of the industrialized colmtries, the risk of an aggravation of the crisis may seem to have been averted, the present situatioo nooe the less proves that it would be illusory to hope that the recovery in the North would alooe be enough to create the fundamental conditioos for accelera~d developnent for the third woeld. Despi te the undoubted improvements that can be seen notably in the perceptible progress in world trade and the drop in interest rates and inflation rates, statistics clearly show that apart from certain rai:e successes, there has in fact been no serious reduction in the degree of the cr is is affecting the developing nations.' MoreOll'er, real per capita income remains at a standstill or has dropped, as is the case on the African cootinent, where it remains on the average at its 1970 level. In regard to La tin AlDer ica, a recent report put out by the EConomic Commissioo for La tin America (ECLA) in Apt il 1986 notes that the per capi ta gross domestic proCbct in 1985 'WS no higher than in 1977. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) At the same title, with an average of 3 per cent of gross domestic product devoted to annual interest payments on its external debt, the third world has gradually entered into a true vicious circle, against wich the weak measures adopted so far have prOl1ed ineffective. In brief, the developnent of scores of countries throucj1out the world has slowed down for the past 10 years, as is stressed in the 1985 Report 00 World Developnent put out by the ii>rld Bank. In this regard, the Haitian delegation must refer to the particularly alarming situation of the least developed countr ies which, because of their structural handicapS, resin the most vulnerable and are ultimately the most seriously affected by this state of affairs. The recent SUbstantial New Progranme of ktioo for the 1980s has, at the halfway stage, drawn up a report of bitter failure - two thirds of the least developed countr ies today have an income lower than that at the beginning of the decade. That Programme clearly demonstrated that if the international conmunity did not urgently adopt the necessary measures to put the Programme fully into effect, that tendency towardE decline in the ecooomic situation of the least developed countr ies would become even wor se and would hO\Te the most serious consequences for their people. It is time to call into question the structures of inequality, the failures of the mchinery of international solidarity and the lack of political will, sometimes verging on indifference, as the result of which such setbacks have become poss ible. This leads us to wooder what the final record of the Th ird tlli ted Na tioos Developnent Decade will be if fundamental changes and the appropr iate and essential transfers of resources capable of infusing the third world countries with a new growth dynamic are not rapidly effected. (Hr. Hilaire, Haiti) In ~at measure will the international commlX\ity be able to respond to these expeuta tiOiiS? "' .... _.L .:_ .L.'O" .L;:Ji ta'ie crucial quasticn i,., the convict!m that any true solution lies in a new vision of interdependence, wich would bring the developing COuntr ies into full association with the economic expans ioo and prosper! ty of the affluent colX\tries and would in that regard proIOOte a better balance at all levels of the North-South relationship. Finally, we cannot fail to mentioo the growing ravages of the international drug trade, to which there should be a rapid and effective response. The Government of the Republic of Haiti, for its part, is taking the necessary measures to combat this problem and is ready to take an active part in any internatiooal action aimed at eradica ting it. These are all question which the united Natioos is working tirelessly to solve and which would themselves alooe justi fy an increase in its resources and the unreserved support of its Members. (Mr. Hilaire, Haiti) Of course, the limitation of its means can result only in the limitation of its action. For us, the small countries that benefit most from the Organization's ass istance programmes, the budgetary constraints imposed upon it are a source of grave concern, even alarm. The United Nations makes up for so many deficiencies - those that come from us ourselves and those that come from OIl tside - and its role as an agent of progress and international co~peration is so well known that there is no need for me to dwell on it. In t.'le final analysis, the Organization cannot respond effectively if we in the community of States lower the prestige of its organs by failures, by making excuses, by simply ignoring their recommendations and decisions, and by encroaching on their powers and canpetence, or if procedural subtleties or cleverness reduce the Organization's budget and thus its role in wor ld affair s. No~e of us, large or small, stand to gain from that. Without a stroog and effective tbited Nations, the situation in the world can only get worse. Let us rally round and revitalize the tbited Nations and restore to it the means to act so that it nay realize its ideals of peace, justice, solidar ity and progress. That is the challenge we must all help it to meet. That is the wish of my delega tion. ADDRESS BY MR. DESIRE D. BOUTERSE, HEAD OF OOVERmENT OF THE REEUBLIC OF SURINAME