A/41/PV.26 General Assembly
9. (COOtinue!) GENERAL DEBATE Hr. ACEVEDO PERALTA (El salvador) (interpretation from Spanish): I wish to convey to the President my warmest congratulations on having undertaken the highest office of the forty-fi~st regular session of the General A$semb1y of the Uni ted Nations, and we wish the President every success in th is endeavour. we are convinced that under his wise gu idance the General Assembly will be able to find formulas of understanding wich will undoubtedly contribute to a solution of the international pcob1ems we will be discussing here. Similarly, let me convey a special word of grati tude for the pra isewor thy and arduous work of the secretary-General, Hr. Javier PeJ:ez de Cuel1ar, whose dedication to the cause of peace and international co-operation deserves the firm and unreserved support of all the Member States of the Organization. 'lbday I br in9 to the Assembly a message from a heroic PeOple wo have learned, among many other th ings, how to listen to other s, but who today call on those others in an appeal for understanding of their own problems. This is the odyssey of a people, of a Government and its leader, and of an army which at a given point in its history decided, wi th epic courage, to put behind it the dark night of dictatorship and oppression. El salvador would like to tell its story once again and ask thewocld for its under standing, an under standing which could prOlTide the strong P.I'lcouragement, which it needs to press on wi th determination along the stony pa H1 towards full delOOcracy and well-being of the community. Blood, tears and sorrow have been the path we we~e fated to travel in order to win our final freedom through pluralism and social justice. And the higher the pcice that has to be paid, the more determined must be our effort, an3 the more firmly entrenched the result of that effort. El Salvador, after six years of dellDeratic revolution, is now irresistably breaking through the barriers of mismderstanding and moving with a sure step towards the consolida tion of the essential bases of a society ",i th grea ter justice, equality, solidarity and participation. This process, which an incomprehensible fate has decreed must be so painful, requires us to make an anguished appeal for the full tmderstanding of this august Assembly, which I Ml sure will never deny its recognition to the peoplras who are prepared to sacrific.'"e their lives for Peace. El salvador has changed. Even when Jose Napoleon Duar te fir st took over as President, we were aware of the great efforts and sacrifices that would be needed to develop a democracy in the particular candi tions prevailing in El salvador. Because of this, we set up a political framework that reflected the expectations of our people, so 100g frustrated. We were always aware of the tremendous difficulties involved in this project, because the strategy had to be pursued within an existing framework of radical social conflict that p.:>larized the various forces and groups, because of the cooditions of injustice and socio~cooomic marginalization involved in the structural er isis. Therefore, we drew up the general plan of gover nment· which was in fact a doctr inaire and pragnattic response to the problems of El Salvador, based on five main objectives that serve,l as the starting point in secur ing the national Wiity we ~ded to <w~rccae the crisis. T'hese goals are: huaanization~ PCIlcification, deaocratization, participation and the. recovery of the national econClly. As far as demcrati2ation la concerned, the GoI7ernmen~ has in fact: become the catalyst and generator of change by developing institutions that promote the stabUity and cohesion of our society. In that they represent new channels for the expression of the ideas, aspirations and demands of the different social groups. aat demcracy thus described is a cold concept, devoid of ve-loo, because any Cjovernent could say tbat it is coamitted to undertaking a process of this nature and scope, vithou t 'being able to 1ist any specific achievements. OUr case is different. we have opened up, without any reservation, without any false pretexts, the very heart of our COlratry to hmdreds of international cbserver s dur ing th~ four sets of elections which 'Cook place in 1982, 1984 and 1985 vi th respect to these events. Those observers have in fact given U'limpeachable testimony as to the legiti1lacy and integrity of those elections. A few days ago we realized one of the greatest hopes of our people: the establishment of a reliable, autonomous and definitive electoral process which will, in fact, ensure the democratic ideal. Our people can therefore be sure of being able in future to express their will freely at the polls and we are convinced that democracy will thus be strengthened as the electoral process is improved. As history has shown us repeatedly and dramatically, democracy must achieve its truest meaning, going beyond the politicdl and embracing all the various aspects of national life. One cannot, for example, ignore the fact that without justice, without a new law in keeping with new circumstances, democracy cannot be achieved. For this reason we are carrying out a thorough judicial reform for which special committees based on the will of the majority are working hard on draft reforms of the national codes. One of these, the labour code, is now almost ready for promulgation. Responding to the present-day demands for justice and participation, it ascribes a proportional distfibution of profits between employers and workers, thus creating a climate of eauity and uaderstanding. Similarly, ~o effort would meet with support if it did not provide a material basis for the well-being of Salvadorian society: that is, the land and those who work it. ~oday, our farmers - those anonymous ones who shape our real hopes - can, by virtue of this labour code', form trade unions freely and enjoy their collective rights to the full. Indeed, the farmers trade union movement has always been essential for our historical design. A new democracy would have no meaning unless it drew on our past, and on the genesis of our conflict, that is, the obsolete former land regime, the eternal cause of misunderstanding and injustice in the underdeveloped societies. With legitimate pride I can say to the international community that we have been able to satisfy the expectations of our people and of history because the (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) I ~grarian reform which was undertaken only six years ago, and which was one of the most deep-rooted in the history of America, has achieved its main objective. In the first two phases 40 per cent of the best land has been passed over to co-operatives and small landowners. This means that now more than 700,000 Salvadorians are enjoying a real redistribution of the agrarian wealth, with a complete restructuring of the tenancy system. But in order for this redistribution to be more effective and fair, based on a criterion of true participation, a co-operative solidarity fund has been established to ensure that all of the sector that has been reformed may participate, with the net gains, in the financing of any CO-OPeratives that are not financially viable or may undertake special projects. It is impossible to imagine that a reform as comprehensive and innovative as this, in a system of imperfect structures, would not have great problems and inadequacies, but we are convinced that with the patience of our people, with the determination of our Government, and with the technical and economic co-operation of the international community, this noble and just project, which represents a key element in our new democratic revolution, will operate better day by day and will achieve its high goal. It is important to state that this support and assistance are particularly necessary beca~se, in accordance with our Constitution, the third and last phase of this reform will be implemented next January. Under it, no individual can hold more than 250 hectares. El Salvador has changed. In El Salvador the democratization of credit has enabled thousands of workers in the city to gain free access to line of credit on the land. It is now possible to ensure that credit is not simply held in the hands of a few banking systems. We have thus been able to strengthen the new agrarian system by redistribution of credit. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) In the midst of a serious financial crisis, the result of this costly conflict, we are now valiently undertaking economic reform. This involves the modernization of the static structures of our economy, making them more dynamic and in keeping with the new situation, in which the State plays an appropriate role with regard to the economic situation to protect the majority and to ensure ~he welfare of all the people of El Salvador. In this democratic concept of participation there must be very firm control of basic commodity prices, the maintenance of low-interest rates and credits for low-income housing, with a complementary law for the renting of housing. These are all different aSPects which have been ensured at present. To this we must add that three successive salary increases have been given to public workers and thousands of small- and medi~term projects have been undertaken in the semi-urban areas, for the poorer sectors, the farmers and workers. The national plan for recovery in the economic and social sphere, uniting all of the Salvadorian peoples in a patriotic effort, will keep us united in the work of reconstruction. The magnitude of this effort on the part of the Government must be recognized, account being taken of the serious financial difficulties posed by its present structure. These reforms, together with the administrative and cultural reforms, are proof of the fact that El Salvador is fighting to consolidate a specific pattern of democratic revolution, as opposed to totalitarian Marxism and liberal individualism, which do not meet the demands of a community and a free society. In this same spirit of participation, in the economic sphere, we are also setting up a tax reform to ensure a better distribution of the tax burden on the stronger economic sectors. This has been achieved through indirect elimination of taxation and on the other hand by levying a tax on net capital and superfluous and luxury goods. This will ensure a fairer system in which ,11 Salvadorians will (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) share, in accordance with thei~ means, the costs of the present conflict. We are thus, little by little, creating a climate conducive to ensuring that the private business sector may contribute to the economic recovery. It is true that employers do play a very important role in the economic and social sphere. It is also true that all Salvadorians must contribute in making the sacrifices and efforts that are essential for social justice and to overcome this inhuman conflict in which we are involved. In this respect, we make an appeal to the private sector of El Salvador for them to set aside their do~bts, reticence and prejudices and to heed the call of their country, to follow the course of development, knowing that their efforts will redound to the benefit of democracy. El Salvador has changed. It is, therefore, a matter of great sorrow to us that this revolution towards freedom, which we are experiencing daily with blood and pain, should be misunderstood and often criticized by certain Governments, like those of Cuba and Nicaragua. They have set themselves up as gratuitous detractors of our actions. They do not consider the fact that for decades the former has been keeping its people under the iLon yoke of a one-party total and cruel dictatorship, while the other, unfortunately, is following the same path. It is sometimes difficult to understand how impossible it Is for the international systam to act with a greater sense of justice for all since no one can fail to see that these Governments have made themselves creditable oy having a ~special reporter" on human rights, whereas these human rights are being blatantly and permanently violated. El Salvador has changed. We believe that we must have a system based on the will of the majority, a system that inspires and encourages true freedom for the (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) human person, for without it there cannot be democracy. It is thus that my Government is determined to promote democracy, with full and unrestricted freedom of expression, a freedom lived and exercised daily by all the institutions in my country that enjoy this inalienable right. The Goverruent of El Salvador, presided over by Mr. Jose Napoleon Duarte, is promoting respect ~or and fulfilment of human ri9ht8~ It is in this sensitive area that RY country has made the greatest progress. It is important also to highlight the progress made in the military sector. Tremendous efforts have been made to sake our army more technical and more professional. We now have an armed force which plays an tmportant role in ensuring harmony and understanding among the people of El Salvador. It is important also to mention the sPeCific efforts made in this area which have made it possible to punish all forms of abuse of aut~~rity or any other type of indiscriminate violence. Six hundred and thirty seven arrests have been made of members of the armed forces brought to trial for various offences committed against the people. On the other hand, in the case of political assassinations, figures are clearly falli~g, if one bears in mind that in 1986 this represented only 2 per cent compared to the figures for 1980. Those figures cannot in the main be attributed either directly or presumably to any elements in the armed forces. On the contrary, the people of El Salvador have seen with sorrow and astonishment terrorist acts carried out by elements of the Revolutionary Democratic Pront-Parabundo Marti Pront for National Liberation, which sometimes included the destruction of telephone exchanges, machine-gun attacks on public transport, the burning of coffee stocks, the massive destruction of power pylons and n above all, the inhuman placing of mines designed to mutilate their victims' lower limbs, particularly among humble peasants working the land, who unfortunately are those most often hit by this form of violence, which has also often killed their children. This shows the degree of despair of the guerilla network and also explains the many desertions from the ranks of the guerilla movement and its loss of all popular and international support, and explains why it is heading for a historic defeat. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) We hope that the Special Rapporteur, in his next report on human rights, will reflect the tremendous increase in the number of desertions f~om the gueri?la movement, the deserters having joined the democratic process. Together with the numbers captured, they are received and well treated in all phases of rehabilitation, which clearly shows that these groups are rapidly crumbling; they are assured at all times of full respect for their fundamental rights by the armed forces. However, we do not ignore the fact that there are mistakes and problems but we have shown that we are determined to overcome them and to ensure that this conflict which has been imposed upon our people will be fully humanized. El Salvador has changed. My Government views with concern the attitude adopted with regard to the situation in re~pect of human rights ~n El Salvador, pa~ticularly by certain international governmental or non-governmental bodies, which are induced by certain Governments or groups which seem constantly to challenge the legitimacy of our democra~ic institutions, thus favouring the strategic policy of the rebel groups in my country. My country has spared no effort to achieve peace and justice &nd therefore it would welcome more equitable treatment by this body with regard to the progress achieved in my country with regard to human rights and fundamental liberties. We therefore hope that a more understanding attitude will be adopted, in keeping with the efforts we are undertaking at present. I would even say, with all due resPeCt, that my c~untry has considered that in view of the sincere measures adopted in this area the continuing presence of the Special Rapporteur is in fact a heavy burden for our country and it would be fairer if his mandate were not renewed. El Salvador has changed. ne believe that there can be no peace without democracy and no social justice without peace. The peace-making process must provide the necessary room for political freedom in which all sectors may participate in the business of the Stata and society without recourse to violence so as to allow differences to be overcome in the context of a frank democratic dialogue. My Government believes that peace does not simply mean reaching an agreement to settle a dispute. Pea~~ is not simply the absence of armed conflict. It has a deeper meaning. Peace means a guarantee of security for man fully to achieve his dignity amd enjoy eternal values. Peace means respect for and recognition of the ri~hts of others as an essential requisite in order to unite our efforts to overcome problems and challenges in a constructive way. In this Assembly the President of the Republic, Mr. Jose Napoleon Duarte, two years ago offered the rebels a peace proposal based on a frank and rational dialogue which would ensur~ t~e stability of the democratic process by including those groups into the social process within the framework of ou~ Constitution, which clearly provides for democracy and political pluralism on the broadest basis. That initiative, which was set out in a frankly democratic way, w~s clearly demonstrated in the two rounds of talks, held in La Palma and Ayagualo in October and November 1984. However, those meetings opened ou~ eyes to the fact that for the rebel groups constitutional dialogue was a tactic made use of for purely propagandistic purposes aimed at frustrating the expectations of peace and democracy of the people of El Salvador. They merely pretended to seek a political solution to the conflict. During his official visit in May this year to the Contadora Support Group countries, namely Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay, he offered amnesty and safety to the rebels in exchange for a clear-cut public demonstration of their willingness to renounce violence and war as a maans of achieving power. Despite (Mr. Acevedo Pera1ta, El Salvador) the rigid attitude of the Parabundo Marti Pront for National Liberation-Revolutionary Democratic Pront, my Government has supported and will continue to support the process of dialogue, ~~ause it forms part of the basic concept of order, society and life frorr- ,~hich we draw inspiration as a democratic Christian nation. Not only has this been nationally and internationally accepted as a viable ?rocess but, furthermore, a great number of members of the Parabundo Marti Front for National Liberation-Revolutionary Democratic Pront have of their own free will reincorporated themselves into a society thus showing that they reject violence and have adopted the principles and values of western democracy. In his presidential message to the nation on 1 June this year, President Duarte proposed a third round of talks which would show this unshakable political will on the part of the Government to find a democratic solution to the conflict on the basis of that frank understanding and sense of responsibility which has characterized our President. He has thus fulfilled the commitment he made in this Assembly Hall. However, those ~ho took up arms have in fact adopted an intransigent position by demanding the withdrawal of the army to an area of three hundred sauare kilometres. They wanted to give the impression that the zone was under their control, which would enable them, at the international level, to demand recognition, but this was, of course, totally illusory. Seeing their pretensions frustrated, they simply cancelled the meeting in spite of the guarantees and safeguards which the Government had offered them, as on previous occasions. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) This showed the histodcal illegitimacy of the Revolutialary DellDcratic Fralt - Farabundo Harti Fralt for Natialal Liberation - and once again demonstrated the undeniable legitimacy of the GcNernment of El salvadcx, which has brought about an unprecedented increase in its ability internationally to act both passively and actively, precisely because of the support of its people and the firm, sincere, modest and halest way in which President Duarte has set out the terms and aims of his political programme, the Gal7ernment's programme and the national thesis of dialogue. My Government remains firmly determined to exhaust every possibility of dialogue as the only way to ensure Peace on our natiooal soil. That poeition which is the result of the national consensus, can count on the full support of obedient, urquestialing armed forces, as was clearly recoglized in the message to the nation of the Military High Comnand on 19 september. As a menber of the intecnational commll'lity, El salvador has to deal with a heterogeneous structure characterized by the existence of oppositioo and dissent in an atmosPlere of ideological, political, economic and social confrontation in which the variables of the correlation of forces and world domination become the factors that determine international relations. This is because the pr inciples of nm-intervention in the internal affa ir s of other States, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, the equality of sovereignty of those States, renunciation of the use or threat of force and co-opera tion in the development of all peoples cons ti tu te today mace th an ever before the fundamental pc inciples of El salvador's foreign policy, which is rooted in good faith and respect for and canpliance with treaties. But unless complemented by the promotion and defence of democracy, respect for human rights and identification of the specific elements of our internal policy, those pc inciples would be of no value at all to El salvador's present and fu ture (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El salvador) generations. It is only logical therefore that El Salvador's foreign policy should reflect the principles, purposes, and reauirements of our internal policy. This enables us to define and establish our strategy on the basis of three fundamental as~cts: legitimacy, by virtue of the origin of the Government and the processes it has developed to defend and consolidate it; neutrality, because we do not intervene in the affairs of other sov~reign States and we respect the self-determination of peoples; and democracy, because we associate ourselves with and support, in full solidarity authentic democracies that are free, pluralistic, participatory and based on Western Christian concepts. Within that very clear-cut framework the aims and means indispensable for achieving peace stand out clearly and are seen in their true dimensions both regionally and internationally, and are implicit in our foreign policy. Thus our profound democratic, pacifist vocation and the zeal we have always shown to ensure respect for and p~omote the fundamental rights and freedoms of all peoples determines our vigorous condemnation of the South African regime for its continuing inhuman, segregationist practice of apartheid and its evil efforts to extend it to other, neighbouring States. We recommend and demand that honest and sincere dialogue and negotiations must be initiated and pursued exhaustively as the best way of finding solutions to the problems of the Middle East, Lebanon and Korea. In this regard my Government recognizes that the formula suggested by South Korea for the reunification of Korea contains positive and useful bases for the gradual achievement of that goal. AS for the regional aspects of our foreign policy, my Government considers that although it is true that the Central American crisis stems from a system of obsolete structures that no longer meet the people's need and expectation of political participation and development, the cold climate of East-West confronation has also had an impact on its development. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvad~) No one can doubt that the lack of appropriate mechanisms for the solution of regional problems has also contributed to the establishment of a situation of inc~easing failure to respect the principles and norms of international law. We therefore believe that there is a poli~ical, diplomatic, security and legal vacuum in Central America, and tbat it must be filled in order to ensure the adoption of measures and proc,rlures capable of preventing internal and external destabtlizing action against our democracies. Accordingly, the Government of El Salvador has maintained a position of total and determined support for the work of the Contadora Group, since we believe that that is the best possible way to fill the vacuum, and strengthen the principles that can lead to comprehensive, simultaneous, regional, multilateral and verifiable agreements that will undoubtedly bring about the re-establishment of peace, security, democracy and continuing development. From the beginning of the Contadora initiative my eovernment made clear its firm political desire for a peaceful solution to the regional crisis and to subscribe to its willingness to the Contadora Act. My Government has declared internationally that the Act is a unique, definitive, irreplaceable and guaranteed document. It is uniaue because it alone can ensure peace, pluralist democracy, security and economic and social development. It is definitive because it results from an overall Latin American effort within a process of serious negotiation and was approved by consenslls. It is irreplaceable because it is historically legitimate and its mechanisms are practical and sure. And it is guaranteed because of its credihility and t~e universal support it enjoys. However, the final version of the Contadora Act on Peace and Co-operation in Central America, which was presented to our Government on 7 June last, does not cover the conditions or reauirements agreed upon for its adoption and ratification in accordance with the commitment entered into by the five countries by virtue of (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) the Incument of Cbjectives of r-epteJIber 1983, which stated, inter alia: "ib stop the arms race in all its forms and begin negotiations for the control and reduction of current stocks of weapons and on the nuuber of armed troops.· (8/16041, p. 5) We must not forget that in view of the ser iousness of the Central 1\mer ican situation, all agreements and commitments entered into must be fulfilled, particularly those goverding political aspects, because that is the fundamental coodition of the success of the Cootadoca initiative. I must also reiterate the nee'il to guarantee the efficiency of the mechanisms of implementation and follC7ti-up coocerning verification and cootrol of the political commitments in the D>cument of Ob jectives • Finally, faithful to its democratic, peace-lOl7ing vocation, El salvaCbr appeals to the Cootadora Group to redouble its efforts to persuade Nicaragua to abide by the consensus formula and the understanding to be adopted in the region. It will not be possible to cootinue this action ,.r Nicaragua fails to demonstrate the clear political will and readiness to enter into, respect and comply with the commitments assumed under the Cootadoca Act. For our part, we have given the clearest proof of good faith and our undeniable wish for the internatiooalization of the dialogue and demcracy in the region, as an alternative to the internationalization of the conflict. El salvador has presented to the international community the "Cootadora l))ctrine", \1ilhich sets out the ncble aspiration of the Central American countries to keep the dark spectre of dicta tor ship out of the regioo for ever. Thus we clearly show the legi tima te and independent nature of El salvador's foreign policy and our endur ing fa ith in mul tila tera1 dialogue. El salvador has changed. Therefore, with all the confidence that my Governmen:. commands, I call uPon Nicaragua to change its incongruous atti tude, (Ma:. AceveCb Peralta, El salvaCbr) which will disrupt the regional dialogue and negotiations initiated by Contadora and Esguipulas by actions designed to resolve the ~egional conflict bilaterallYf but which could never lead to a negotiated r simultaneousr multilateral r verifiable solution such as has been proposed by the COntadora Group. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta r El Salvador) Similarly, I must urge the Nicaraguan Government to show a clear indication of good will at the regional level, ceasing to provide, in flagrant violation of international law, a permanent sanctuary for those who wish to bring about . subversion in El Salvador and internationally. The deterioration in the subregional situation makes it imperative that the Central American countries create regional institutions, and revitalize existing ones, to complement the work of the Contadora Group and allow us, the people of Central America, to find consensus solutions to our own problems, through a realistic recognition of existing factors tending towards unity or divergence. In that spirit, El Salvador is contributing actively to the setting up a Central American parliament, conceived of as a deliberating forum where it ~lill be possible to discuss and draw up agreements on the problems facing us, one which could eventually serve as a mechanism to follow up, verify and control any agreement that the Central American countries may enter into. Nobody can deny that we have given a clear indication of the political will to remove the Central American problem from the East-West confrontation, since El Salvador was the first to ratify the treaty of co-operation between the European Economic Community and the Central American countries, because we believe that improving the interregional dialogue will contribute greatly to removing the extremes of world interests in the area. As a well-known South American leader has said, "The success of the blossoming Latin American democracy depends on its capacity to resolve the great economic and social problems of our time." My Government is aware that the internal structural imbalances of the developing countries are brought about largely by the persistence of unjust international economic relations. (Mr. Acevedo Pera1ta, El Salvador) In addition to the high cost of servicing the external debt, our countries are increasingly dependent on world centres. That dependence in turn makes a significant contribution to the imbalance in our economies, refl~ted in a growing secio-political instability, which besides worsening the quality of life of our peoples attacks the foundations of our democratic processes. Many of our countries have now carried out the greatest economic readjustment possible. That has meant a high cost for us in social terms, because it has lowered productivity levels and created a fiscal imbalance between income and expenditure, making it very difficult to stabilize and revive the economy. In that situation it is essential to increase North-South co-operation. It must be based on justice and characterized by g~eater flexibility in the developed economies, which should support the structural changes in our countries, creating conditions of political, economic and social stability, and not the reverse. In his address to the Assembly a short time ago, the President of Costa Rica said: wYesterday, they (the international banks] cared little that their money maintained the rule of despots. Today, they are not concerned with the suffering of those who pay in liberty.- (A/4l/PV.9, p. 9-10) My Government urgently appeals to the Governments of the industrialized countries to understand that the worsening of the economic crisis in the poorer countries is contrary to their ~~n interests, because it deprives vast sectors of mankind of the possibility of sovereignty and self-determination, leading them to feel utter desperation and bringing about a gradual split in the credibility of the democratic system as the ideal way of life, endangering its historic justification and, on the contrary, favouring other political systems already rejected by our peoples. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador~ Finally, we must not forget that, as His Holiness Pope Paul VI said, development is the new name of peace. ~he Government of El Salvador fully shareG the concern ef the international community over the increase in terrorist acts, which are proliferating in various parts of the world and every day claim more innocent victims. The destruction of public prope~ty and the economic infrastrueture, indiscriminate massacres, the taking of hostages and the placing of bomcs in public places a~e characteristic of the behaviour of the terrorist groups that operate in my country. Having recognized the imPOssibility of gaining a political or military victory, they have had recourse to such acts to show, both internally a~d to the world at large, an apparent capacity for action, and at the same time to demoralize the public. My Government repeats its readiness to commit itself completely to join in international measures to fight such a scourge, for no ideological or political cause can make it acceptable, understandable or justifiahle that mankind should be threatened by such irrational behaviour adopted by inhuman organizations that daily distance themselves further from civilization. It would be unfair to the historic perseverance of two brother peoples, which are striving together to attain common goals, if I did not stress today before the international community, as evidence of the peaceful will and vocatioa of our Governments, the complete fulfilment of the peace treaty between the Republics of El Salvador and Honduras, signed on 30 October 1980 in Lima, by which we agreed to put an end to the differences that had once separated us. Or. the basis of that treaty we have agreed to submit jointly for consideration by the International Court of Justice our border dispute - relating to land, islands and sea - as an example of our conviction that international differences and tensions must be overcome through adherence to the recognition of the principles of internatio~al law. The conversations and negotiations held to bring about that agreement, which was registered at the O~ganization yesterday, were held in a climate of friendship and mutual understanding, which contributed to a streng~henin~ of the links of co-operation between El Salvador and Honduras. My country reaffirms its resolve to abide by the decision of the International Court of Justice on the border dispute, because we are convinced that law and justice will prevail in the decision of the highest international judicial body. Our Governments have also, with the co-o~ration of the united Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the support of the Intergovernmental Committee for Migration, drawn up a programme to create the right conditions and the necessary trust for the repatriation of the Salvadorian refugees in Honduras to take place voluntarily, in a gradual, planned manner, allowing their resettlement in their various places of origin. That is an effort being made on the basis of the highly humanitarian approach that my Government has adopted towards the conflict that we are having to live with. El Salvador believes that the values of democracy and liberty are threatened by the accelerating arms race from which the world is SUffering. It is impossible for the Governments of Central America to shoulder their historic responsibilities for the economic and social development of their peoples if they have to use their scarce resources to acquire large quantities of armaments for purely defensive reasons. Therefore, the Sandinista Government should renounce its concept of national security as involving a people in arms and the export of revolution, and should, on t"e contrary, ac~ept, as we accept for ourselves, the establishment of limits on its present arsenal, which will make possible a balance between the forces in the region, as we have proposed in the Contadora Group. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvador) I wish now to refer to the crisis that is hampering the United Nations in its attempt to achieve the purposes behind its creation and to abide by its principles. My Government does not believe th~t the crisis is purely financialJ it has deeper implications, to do with confidence in the Organization's ability to contribute to resolving the most pressing problems of our time. (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Salvado~) Therefore we are prepated to give our support to any initiatives which would lead to the restructuring of the Organization so as to enable it once again to carry out its functions effectively and once again be deserving of the confidence and trust placed in it by Member States. We should like to reiterate our appreciation for the work carried out by the secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, and we would certainly give our strong support to his re-election if that is his wish. There has been a change in El Salvador, and this brings me to make an urgent appeal to the international community, and particularly to all democratic countries of the world, to close ranks in the defence of the pluralistic and participatory democracy that is now being consolidated at the cost of great sacrifices in El Salvador and, through technical and financial co-operation, to protect it from the threat hanging over it owing to the lack of resources essential to ensure the economic, social and cultural well-being to which everyone living in a democracy aspires. We believe that one should not speak before thinking and that what one promises one should do. President Duarte and his Government are carrying out their promises; our Government knows how to govern. Hence we are sure that, after a long dark night of hatred and rancour, soon the dawn will break and all Salvadorians will proudly join in singing these lines of our national anthem that remind us that ·Peace in supreme happiness has always been El Salvador's noble dream; its achievement our constant goal; its preservation our greatest glory." Mr. GURINOVICH (Bye10rusaian Soviet Socialist Repubic) (interpretation from Russian): Many different words have been spoken from this rostrum. However, those which have prevailed are those which have not been devalued through freauent repetition over a long period of time. Their everlasting value is due to the (Mr. Acevedo Peralta, El Sal\ ..,dor) concepts they embody. ·Peace·, ·security·, ·freedom of peoples·, ·prosperity· and ·a bright future for humanitys - these are the words that fall into this catego~y. They acquire special significance when backed up with specific proposals and practical deeds aimed at translating these ideals into the flesh and blood of today's international relations and at converting them into a foundation on which the generations to come will build their lives. At present mankind is going through a particularly crucial stage in its history. Now is the time to decide whether it will continue as a history of reason and peaceful creativity or become a history of global catastrophe. Throughout the preceding millennia humanity, even in times of ordeals and wars, kept looking forward with hope to the morrow, expecting it to be brighter, to bring about more joy and a better life. At present mankind is viewing its future with alarm. This profound feeling of alarm is caused by social injustice, destruction and pollution of the environment, diseases, hunger affecting whole nations and, above all, the threat of total nuclear annihilation. Mankind will be confident of its future only when it eliminates that threat through joint efforts. The removal of the nuclear and space threat and reversal of the arms race would enable humanity to keep its civilization humane in the best sense of the word and to release resources for economic and social progress. There can be no normal life on a nuclear powder-keg. The urgency of the situation and the sheer magnitude of the challenge require fundamentally new political thinking. The stereotyped dogmas of the past, such as -might is right-, "in politics weakness is an admission of guilt-, ·containment through deterrence" and the like, are hopelessly out of date. Far from promoting the security of the peoples of the world, they place it in direct jeopardy. The (Mr. Gurinov~ch, Byelorussian SSR) Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization presented at this session alsc. stressed the need for Wa fresh beginning in efforts to overcome stalemates on major issuesw• (A/4l/l, p. 2). It is imperative to shed the dogma according to ~lich the security of one State is built on impairing the security of another. In this nuclear and space age the only real security is security for all. The new political thinking must be translated into practical deeds. Guided by the need to ensure progress in nuclear disarmament as well as in other fields, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, has suggested an urgent meeting between the highest leaders of the Soviet Union and the United States of America. That proposal has been accepted by President Reagan. As the Assembly knows, the meeting will take place in Iceland on 11 and 12 OCtober. It must give an overwhelmingly powerful impulse to negotiations and open up the shortest and most direct approach to the path leading to rasults. We regard impr,.· ~~ent in Soviet-United States relations not only in the context of the interests of the Soviet and American peoples but rather in terms of stronger security for all. It was through the desire to build a reliable road leading to exactly this kind of universal security that the States of the socialist community introduced their joint initiative on WEstablishment of a comprehensive system of international securityW for consideration at this session of the Assembly. The Byelorussian SSR, as a co-sponsor of the proposal, is convinced that relations between States must be built on the principles of peaceful coexistence and resPect for mutual interests - security interests in the first place - which (Mr. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) would be ensured through material, political and leqal, as well as moral and psychological, quarantees. They must be based on co-operation both in preserving life on Earth ant1 in solving the entire gamut of global problems on which the quality of life dept:MG. Experience teaches us that no State can reliably protect itself by military and techn.~l means alone, even if it succeeds in gaining military superiority over the other side, something which is in fact unattainable. In view of the nature of modern weapons 6 secu~ity can be ensured only through political means. The old order of things must give way to a comprehensive system of international security embracing all spheres of inter-State relations - military, political, economic and humanitarian. Such a system not only would be in utmost harmony with the principles and ~j~p03eS of the United Nations Charter but would also enhance their efficacy and the ~i~ectiveness of the Organization. It would be the only adequate response to the precarious situation in which humanity finds itself today. The United Nations, ~ihg universal both in its membership and in the range of issues it deals with, represents a uniaue international forum organically suitable for achieving that goal. The Byelorussian SSR, as a founding Member of the United Nations, is convinced that the organization, which last year celebrated its fortieth a~,iversary, is mature enoug~ ~nd rich enough in experience for that purpose. (Mr. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) we are realists and tmderstand that a canprehensive system of international security will not be brought into existence Ol7ernight just by the wave of a magic wand. Peristent efforts will be required of all States. Wlat is needed is the political will and foresight, dialogue and the ability and willingness to overcome m~pic, short-lived and selfish calculations in order to agree on Ill1tually acceptable compromises for the sake of the coumon good. To end the arms race 00 Earth and prevent it in outer space and to eliminate all weapons of mass destruction - that must be one of the principal basic elements of a canprehensive security system. The well-known German philosopher and humanist of the eighteenth century Johann Gottfr ied voo Herder wrote at a time when arms were yet primitive, if judged by today's terms: -The battle axe can create nothing, but it can cause a great deal of destruction.· The truth of those words has a thousand times grea ter thrust nowadays. The pernicious policy of the arms race has brought us to a point beyond which destructioo may be total. Time itself is now running against humanity, because new means of annihilation are being devised which mic1"lt not be subject to control at all. In these circumstances proootmcements to the effect that anyth ing but an arms bu ildup can be the cause of mistrust between States are inappropriate. Without going into scholasticism, let us aSk those who esp:>use th is pos tula te : Do arms engender tr ust? Resolute practical moves are required to break out of the vicious spirals of the internal spring of the arms race. Real opportunities for that are opened up by the line of action pursued by the Soviet Union and all the States of the socialist commtmity which reject the cliches of coofrootation, defy the stereotypes in political thinking and artificial barriers. The USSR, through its practical actions, proves its readiness to seek canpromise solutions to all problems that give rise to contrOl7er sy or suspicion. (Mr. Glr inOl7ich, Byelorussian SSR) The Soviet proposals of 15 January 1986 outlining a pcogramme for complete and general nucl.ear disarmament by the year 2000 are in line with the new requirements of today's wa:ld. Since those proposals are radical in their purpose - to rid the Farth oompletely not only of nuclear but also of chemical and other types of weapons of mass destruction - they prOl7ide for the necessi ty of appropriate verification measures and strict compliance at each stage of implementation with the principle of undiminished security for all States. They are based on the premise that the tsSR and the United States of America should set an exallPle for other nuclear-weapon Powers by taking real disarmament measures. A large-scale progranme of I'Js tar peace· providing for the developnent of diversified peaceful co-operation in outer space in the interests of all States and for the establishment of a world space organization has been submitted to the tbited Nations. This objective is in sharp cootrast to the dangerous ·star wars· plans, and it is clear to any sensible person which of the existing alternatives best serves the interests of the inhabitants of the planet. Indeed, if the objective of the total elimination of nuclear weapons is purs~d in earnest and not for the sake of mere rhetoric, wy choose to that end the much too dangerous and much too costly path for our planet of extending the arms race to outer space? i'Ily abandoo canpliance with the treaties curbing the nuclear-arms race and undermine agreements strengthening stability? I am referring here to the strategic arms limitation treaties and the anti-ballistic missile treaty concluded between the tBSR and the United States of America. Something must be tftoog here, either with logic or true intentions, for there exists a simple and straightforward way - that of a mutual stage-by-stage elimination of nuclear weapons even before the end of this century. In the absence of nuclear weapons there will be no need for defence against such weapons. (Mr. Glrincwich, Byelorussian SSR) It should be esaPias!zed that the Soviet thion aoes not confine itself cnly to sublllitting proposals. Its a:>nstructive spirit and sincerity 90 far enough to introdJce a new JIi!ljor element in international pcactice. The USSR has a.nilaterally taken large-scale -easures of restraint and aras liIlitation~ they include the obligation not to be the first to use nuclear weapons,; the halting of measures undertaken in response to the depl©;yment of united States nuclear IIlissiles in Europe,; the subsequent rellCRal from alert status of a large nullber of medium-range missiles in FAlrope'i the obligation not to place anti-satellite systems in outer space,; and, above all, the a.nilateral mocatorium valid since 6 Jl.ugust 1985 on all nuclear explosions. The lIOratoriuAl has been extended on four consecutive occasicns, although it was obl7iously a difficul.t and security-threatening decisioo for the USSR to take, in view of the unabated and p~C7/ocative continuatioo of testing of nuclear weapons in the thited States. By virtue of tbe latest extension of the moratorillD, the Soviet unioo will observe the International Year of Peace with no nuclear testing. This is a practical excnple of a truly responsible approach to the problems of today's world - an example which gives mankind greater hope to relieve itself of the nuclear threat. A mutual halt to and prohlbitioo of nuclear testing by the mSR and the united States of America are important in themselves and, moreC7/er, will constitute a real step towards nuclear disarmament. What is needed are not half-measure srosti tutes but a radical solution to the problem. The Byelocussian SSR expresses the hope that the united States will heed world public opinion and come to realize the need for hal ting nuclear-weapon tests. The objective of the gradJal elimination of nuclear weapons includes also a geographical canpooent and issues rela ted to the levels of conventional (Mr. QJrinovich, Byelexussian SSR) armaments. Therefore, and in order to help to free Eruope ef nuclear weapons, it has been pr.:oposed that nuclear medium-range missUes be eliminated from that CQ'ltinent and nuclear-weapon-free zmes established there. Besides, the Warsaw Treaty member States have also pr:oposed to the States members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and all European countries a programme for reci1cing in the near future by one fourth the armed forces and conventional armaments in Europe from the Atlantic to tbe Utals. New proposals have also been intro&1ced allowing for finalizatim without any further delay of a convention on the prohibition of chemical weapons, the elimination of their stockpiles, and the industrial base for their productim. That is but a brief, overall list of the major proposals pit fcxward by socialist countr ies. They are prepared to consider in earnest other countr ies I initiatives as well. This is our policy and it is based on the decisions of the 'tWenty-seventh CQ'lgress of the COIIIDUi'list P~rty of the SOviet Union and has its roots in today's realities. It has been dictated by our responsibility vis-a-vis the future and takes into account the legitimate concerns of all parties. If no progress has been nade so far in eliminating the nuclear space threat and rever sing the arms race, that is only because pr:ogress can be ac:h ieved solely through conbined efforts and shared awareness of our common responsibility. It is to be hoped that those to whom the States of the socialist cotIlllunity and the non-aligned col.ntrles have addressed their proposals will display genuine preparedness to engage in a two-way raovement almg the highway of disarmament. (Mr. Qlrinovich, Byelcxussian SSR) There are those that clam that their arms build-up is for the sake of negotiatioos. From there, it is but a small step to conducting negotiatioos solely for the sake of the arms build-up. Indeed, the military {Xltential intended to serve as a bargaining chip is steadily being increased. Unfortunately, it is not being accanpanied by progress at the negotiating table. Wly is that? The O1ited States does not want to accept the fact that acting from a {Xlsition of force is no way to reach hmest agreements. The logical aim of such a policy is to force me's bargaining partner to his knees and im{Xlse inequitable solutioos. That is impossible in today's world~ The end result is increased nuclear tension. Does that 'jest serve the vital interests of all nations, including the United States? Does it impart greater security to the world? The answer is self-evident; it is in the negative. It is to be hoped that the pra~atism and sense of reality that are inherent trai ts of the Americans will not fall victim to the syndrome of thinking in military terms, and that realism and awareness of the need for a joint searc:h for ways to normalize the internatiooal situatim, put an end to the senseless arms race and eliminate nuclear weapons will prevail in united States assessments and actions. The agreement between the USSR and the tbited States on the summit meeting soon to be held in Reykjavik inspires optimism. It is important that that meeting pave the way to the achievement of mecningful agreements at future talks and meetings. History has sham that militar ist policies and the desire to attain war Id domination are increasingly isolated, both morally and politically, in the internatimal arena. Vigorous attempt!.; to implant militaristic stereotypes in people's minds have not had the expected result. The debate in the General AsSembly leaves no doubt in this regard. At the same time, it can be said with utter certainty that no cne is trying to drive the tbited States into a cexner. (Mr. QJr inOl7ic:h, Bxelorussian SSR) On the cootrary, there is a common desire to involve the B'lited States of America in sincere efforts to achieve a breakthrough in international relations, to awaken the thited States to the need to fulfil its responsibility for the fate of peace on earth. Ever~ne is aware of the fact that without the constructive participaticn of the thited States of America and other countries there can be no lasting solution to the prcblem of eliminating the threat of war and the persistent regiooal conflicts and to other global prcblems. SUch an approach is manifest in the initiatives of socialist countries which envisage collective efforts, and in the Harare cbcuments of the Non-Aligned MOITement. What, then, stands in the way? To a great extent, the impediment is anti-SOITiet feeling and false perceptions of Marxist-Leninist ideology. Some people in the west have yet to realize that all peoples, cor.rnunists including, have no less a right to life, their beliefs and their way of life than have anti-conmunists. Are those in western ruling circles prepared to recognize those rights to socialism and to work together with it for peace? Can they overoome the iner tia of the anti-communist mentality and adopt the position of the peacefUl coexistence of States with different social systems? We have heard from this rostrum. allegations that Marxism-Leninism and war are inseparable. let us recall a few of the facts, which are obviously well known to ever~ne, including those that make such statements. The fir st decree of the SOI1iet State was the Decree of Peace. That appeal, by the way, was rejected by capitalist States. Peace is the basis and the immutable precept of Soviet foreign policy. It is stated in the present programme of the Communist Party of the Soviet Ooioo states that "A world without wars and without arms is the ideal of socialism." It is also well known that the USSR has never encroached upon the political institutioos of other countries, whereas the Soviet State itself has on (Mr. Qlr inaITich, Byeloruss!an SSR) mcxe than one occasion been the object of armed intervention and aggreasicn. Anti-GOU'ietism is still felt today in political circles in some western States. It is manifest in the lDlwillingness to respmd in kind to the Soviet pledge not to make the first nuclear str ike. Those unwilling to reciprocate understand that were they to do so the myth of commlDist aggressiveness would collapse aild the ideological impetus that turns the dynamo of the arms race, which yields encxlDOus profits to the military-industrial canplex, would be weakened. It is no less important to look for new approaches to the just settlement of regiooal cooflicts. The cliche of East-West ccnfrmtation is inapplicable here. It is not ooly worn out but completely distorts the reality to which it is being applied. If there is a genuine desire to extinguish hotbeds of tensim, we must tackle their soci~conomic and political roots. It is there that the true source of cooflicts is to be found, as well as in the denial of the right of peoples to self~etermination and independence, to be free to choose their own 18 th. Only through the solution of those root problems will it be possible to achieve genuine, just and comprehensive soluticns. In the Middle Fast such a settlement is possible through the collective efforts of all the parties cmcerned, on the bas is of the wi thdrawal of Israeli troops from all Arab territor ies occupied since 1967 and the exercise of the inalienable national rights of the Arab people of Palestine, including the right to self~eterminatioo and to create their own independent State. The convening, without delay, of the Internatiooal Peace Conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberatioo Organ iza tion (PlO), would be a constructive step aloog the road towards such a settlement. That is the aim of the recent Soviet proposal calling for the creatioo of a preparatory committee for that Cooference, with the participation of the five permanent member s of the secur ity Council. The peoples of Nicaragua, Afghanistan and Kampuc:hea have already DBde their choices by overthrowing anti-people regimes. All attempts to prevent them from pursuing their chosen path of building a new society should cease forthwith. The explosive situation in southern Afr iea also calls for an urgent politieal settlement. It is necessary to step up the collective search for ways of guaranteeing the secur ity of the independent Afr iean States of the region and achieving a just settlement in Namibia without delay, in accordance with tl\ited Natioos decisioos. The imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the racist South African regime would be an effective step towards independence for Namibia and the elimination of the inhumane system of apartheid. It would also help in the achievement of peace and stability, in the interest of all the peoples of the regioo, including the white p:>pulation of SOuth Afr iea. The interests and aspirations of all the nations of the Maditerranean regioo, including Cyprus~ Libya and Iebanoo, would be well served by the creation of a zooe of stable peace and co-operation in the region. We continue our consistent support for the efforts of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to strengthen peace, br ing about a relaxation of tensions in the Korean peninsula and achieve the peaceful reunifieation of Korea. The prop:>sal of the Deuncratic People's Republic of Korea to transform that region into a nuclear-free zcne could become an important element in efforts to eliminate the threat of nuclear war. The whole regioo of As ia and the Paci fie is becoming a factor of ever-increasing importance in world affairs. A broad proposal for ensuring security and co-operation in that region through the collective efforts of States, as put forward by the Soviet Tllioo, is in keeping wi th the idea of a canprehens ive system of international secur ity. (Kr. Glr inOlTic:h, Byelcxussian SSR) . The problem of human rights must also be addressed seriously and consistently. What is necessary, is not just to mention the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but also to work for the accession of States to such fundamental instruments in this fie]~ as the International Covenants on Human Rights, the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, and the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. Regrettably, few of those posing as the principal advocates of human rights, are to be found on the lists of States parties to those instruments. The Soviet Union has proposed that all Governments adjust their internal legislation to comply with international norms in this field. Such an action would be natural, it would seem, as natural as ABe, but the same advocates of human rights are not in a hurry to react positively. Respect for the socio-economic rights of peoples and for equal economic security for all States is also the key instrument to solve economic problems of the world. To ignore the demands for the restructuring of international economic relations on a just and democratic basis without discrimination, illegal blockades and sanctions, and to praise the anarchy of the market-place, is to be out of touch with reality. One might argue that this market anarchy creates wealth. Indeed it does, but only for the few. For the rest, market anarchy reveals its other face: unemployment, illiteracy, lack of medical assistance, lack of housing, injustice in international trade, the silken strangling cord of external indebtedness, and hunger that affects entire nations. Such an order is in no way acceptable for the majority of the inhabitants of our world • (Mr. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) The range of issues facing the united Nations is wide indeed. If t~ey are to be resolved successfully, it is n~~~osary to make collective efforts to increase the efficiency of the United Nations and to enhance its prestige. However, a trend to the opposite on the part of certain Western States has emerged recently, that is, to undermine the Organization, to impede its activities, to bring tough pressure to bear on some Member States and to apply arbitrary discriminatory measures against others. We are witnessing a situation whereby the United Nations is being subjected to political-financial blackmail. In any society blackmail is considered to be an abominable phenomenon. It is doubly abominable when used against this universal Organization which is the symbol of mankind's hope for a better world. What should be the position of States, if they are really seeking to promote mutual understanding and security? The present situation demands new approaches. The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, stressed recently: ftCivilization is going through a crucial moment in its development. It is high time for all those capable of reasonable and sane thinking to adopt a clear-cut and well-defined position regardless of ideological and political differences. The machinery of mankind's self-preservation should be put into operation. There is no time to waste.- Human genius has created tremendous opportunities, and at the same time it has brought about a great threat to humanity. This dual character of today's potential em~rged quite clearly against the backdrop of the accident at the Chernobyl atomic power plant, which has also affected Byelorussia; it is aggravated by the impossibility of relying entirely on technology, no matter how sophisticated (HI. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) it may be, which the tragic death of American astronauts and systematic failures of computers have made so painfully obvious. Matter can release tremendous amounts of energy, which, if it gets out of control, is capable of wiping out life from the face of the Earth. A nuclear war, should it break out, would lead precisely to this outcome. There is, however, the highest form of matter, which is intellect. It can prevent the irreparable. Persistent and sincere efforts by all States, and all peoples, not lip-service, are needed now to prevent the triumph of blind and merciless forces over the collective intellect of humanity. The goal of the United Nations and of the current session of the General Assembly is to mobilize such efforts. The forthcoming meeting of the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Community Party of the Soviet union, Mikhail Gorbachev, and the united States President, Ronald Reagan, which is welcomed with hope throughout the world, the success of the Stockholm Conference, the adoption by the International Atomic Energy Agency of important conventions which improve the security of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy, as well as other encouraging developments in international affairs, make us increasingly confident that it is possible to arrive at agreements in the interests of peace, security, freedom, justice and co-operation. Mr. BASENDWAR (Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): As I stand before the General Assembly today to make a statement on behalf of my country, the Yemen Arab Republic, I find myself at a loss. Do I congratulate the President on his assumption of the presidency, or do I congratulate the Assembly. In any case, his election could not have been a more jUdicious choice in view of his conspicuous qualities and his long political experience• (Mr. Gurinovich, Byelorussian SSR) His unanimous election to the presidency of this session can only be interpreted as an indication of the high regard in which the friendly and fraternal country of Bangladesh is held by the nations of the world. My delegation's pleasure in this appointment is all the greater in view of the fraternal bonds and ties of friendship, based on mutual respect and constructive co-operation, that exist between our two countries. I should also like to express our appreciation and gratitude to his predecessor, Ambassador de pinies, whose presidency of the fortieth session was a great honour for us. It is self-evident to say that he presided over that session with great competence and dedication, and in a manner which enabled him to merit all our approval and admiration. I must also pay a tribute to the invaluable and constant efforts made by the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, and to his well-known sincerity and determination in the service of our Organization in particular, and the international community in general. I take this opportunity to renew our sincere wishes to him of continued good health, so that he can continue to perform his arduous tasks in the best possible manner. (Hr. Basendwah, Yemen) During our last sessicn, at wic:h we celeMated the fortieth anniversary of the United Naticns, the city of Geneva witnessed the first sUDllit, after a lap;e of some years, between the two super-Powers on 20 NOI1enber 1985. BIt despi te the high hopes pinned on that meeting it did not achieve sufficient detente or improvement in the international situation in general, and in the arms race in 'particular, to restore our confidence and peace of mind about the present and future of mankind. Hence we still harbour feelings of anxiety and apprehension, because the terrible arms race is as fierce as ever and shows no signs of slackening. In addi tion to the fact that the weapons of mass destruction have not been eliminated from the arsenals, such weaPJns are certain to destroy our world. In view of the persistence of this situation it is no wooder that life on this p13l1et is subject to the danger of extinction at any moment, whether as the result either of a fit of anger on the part of one side or the other, or of an accidental error by me party. Just as our last session coincided with the first sunmit conference between ..... the leaders of the two super-Powers, fate has decreed that our present session coincides with the second sumnit - schecilled to take place in three days in the capital of Iceland - to OI1ercome problems ~ose settlement could have obviated the need for that meeting. Moscow and washington's agreement to meet at the highest level raises our hopes, and we trust that the rasul ts of the coming meeting on 12 OCtober will not be as disappointing as those of the previous meetings. To be realistic, we hope that it will lead to specific agreements that will put an end, albeit gradually, to the frenetic race to ~ocure the most deadly and destructive weapons, and will also lead to the elimination of the weapons of mass destruction in the arsenals of the two super-Power s. We also hope that the two sides will ach ieva an agreement to keep outer space free from the arms race, in the hope that it will be a re fuge for man if he has (Mr. Basa\a",ah, Yemen) nowhere to turn on earth, though God fotbid that will ENer happen. It is absurd to hear some recklessly advocating the militarizaticn of outer space, as though this planet were too small for: their destructive tendencies. Humanity faces enough danger to its presence on this planet. If the aim of this frenzied attempt to achieve supremacy CNet others is to attain sole hegemcny CNer the nations of the world, it would be useful for those suffering under that illusion to realize that the gains earned by the friendship of peoples outweigh the gains earned by brute force. This persistent arms race prompts us to wonder whether humanity has indeed attained such a degree of affluence as to permit some to expend vast sums on this frenetic race. The answer is no. What is undeniable and irrefutable is tnat many nations of the wor Id are still suffer ing from pover t;y, s tarva tion, underdevelopment and disease. Is it not then the duty of those who squander such vast sums on developing the means of destruction and amihilation to mannel those fwds, or at least some part of them, into the elimination of the hunger, poverty, underdevelopnent and disease which afflict millions of people? We hope that the two mjor Powers will continue their meetings, because we hope that they will adlieve important, speci fie results that would put an end to their frenetic rivalry in a~uirir.g more weapons of mass destruction, and thus permit them to channel tbeir energies into the service of humanity, ~md to eliminate their stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction. The United l~tions, which was created to contr ibute to the establishment of peace and secu.ci ty all oyer the world, is called upon to play a grea ter role in overcoming all impediments and obstacles on the path towards these agreements, so that man everywhere may enjoy peace of mind about his present and future. My country, the Yemen Arab Republic, cherishes its membership in the Non-Ali gned Movement because of its canple te and profound belief that, as a developing country, nm-alignment is the best aP!7zooadl it can acbpt in the face of (Mt. Basendwah, Yemen) all the pressures of international polarizatioo to which, like numerous other States it is sd:>jected. The gtowing membership of this Movement is oonfirmation of the magni tude of the grow ing reCOc.J1i tion on the part of numerous States of the importance of nm-alignment as the ideal option for maintaining their independence and na tional sovereignty, and for averting the d~J'a9er of polarization. In view of any ant>iguity that might obscure the concept of nm-alignment, I wish to take this opportunity to assure you that the concept of non-alignment subscribed to by our enlightened leadership under our bi:other the President, the secretary-General of the General People's Calgress, Colcnel Ali Abdallah sal ih, is a crystal clear ethical concept of pr inciple. Non-alignment, as a concept and in practice, certainly does not mean neutrality between right and wrong; rather it means standing by what is dght and chanpicning it and standing against wrong and resisting it. While on the smject of non-alignment I should like to express my country's satisfaction at the success of the recent sumnit Cooference of the Non-Ali c.J1ed MOITement in Har are, the capital of the fr iendly caun try of Zinbabwe. That success was one more illustration of the growing role played by the Non-Aligned MOITement in supporting our supreme international Organization and its efforts to );romote peace and justice in the world and to settle the international and regional disputes which abound in the international cemmunity. The success of that Conference also prompts us to praise the exemplary manner in which His Excellency the Prime Minister of Zinbabwe, Mr. Rcbert r.tJgabe, presided over the meetings of that Cooference, and h is constructive contr ibution to the achievements of the Ccnference, as reflected in its decisions and recommendations. We would have liked to see the United Nations entering the fifth decade of its long li fe - God willing - in a world devoid of injustice, tensiCll, and causes of conflict, poverty and hunger; but a cursory look at the globe suffices to cause cCllcern and frustratioo. However, this does not negate the achievements of the (Mt. Basendwah, Yemen) thited Nations, reflected in its success in solving some problems that have developed during the past four decades and in chaJl{)ioning the right of a nUl1ber of peoples to determine their own future and win their freedaD. But we must also acknowledge its failure to settle a numer of crises and problems and to solve lIany political questions. But it is not fair to lay blame for that 00 the. Oiited Nations alate, because its ability to take effective actioo is amditional upon the degree of interaction between itself and internatiooal forces, and it derives its strength from the responsiveness of the Meni>er States in general and the major Power s in par ticular • One of the foremost among the outstanding and perennial questions is that of Palestine and the resulting strife, which has come to be known in the IIX)dern political lexicon as the Middle East crisis. Tbirty-eight years have elapsed, yet the people of Palestine aaze still depr ived of the same right to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State on their national soil as that enjoyed by other peoples in the world who have attained their rights and gained their independence. This question has beoome a perennial item on the agenda of successive sessions of the General Assemly, as well as 00 the agendas of its subsidiary organs and bodies. The fact that this question has remained without any just solution, despite the innumerable resolutions of this Organization, is categorical proof of the success of serme States in robbing the United Nations of its role and of its raison d 'etre. (Hr. Basendwah, Ye1llen) I cannot think of any auestion which is more just and more deserving of concern and settlement than this a~esti~~, eSj-ecially since the rights of the matter. are crystal clear. Since the United Nations is unable to redress the blatant injustice inflicted upon the victimized people of Palestine and accepts the aggressor, Israel, as one of its Members, to occupy a seat in this RaIl, to run amok challenging its prestige, cynicall~! disregarding its resolutions. It is no wonder that the peoples of the world have lost their confidence in the united Nations and have even come to ridicule its existence. If the Middle East crisis involves continuous strife and is a hotbed of international tension, it is because the auestion of Palestine, which, as we have previously declared, is the crux and essence of the strife in the area, is still unresolved. But how can we find the way to a just solution of this auestion? How can we find the way to a settlement of the strife in the region based o~ justice, while Israel persists in its arrogance and aggression, occupying Palestine and the territories of neighbouring Arab States, and challenging the united Nations and the whole international community, without shame or scruple? How can we expect Israel to give up its policy of aggression and immature recklessness, and its practice of terrorism, as long as it receives all means of support and encouragement from a major international Power, the United States of America? Unauestionably the fact that the auestion of Palestine has remained without a just solution for about four decades is an affront to mankind and proof of the failure of the United Nations to discharge its role and to fulfil its duties. It is no secret that Israel is responsible for the frustration of all the international efforts and endeavours, collectively and individually, designed to settle this just auestion. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) There is near unanimity on the need to convene an international conference under the auspices of the united Nations, with the participation of the permanent members of the Security Council and all parties to the Arab-Israeli strife, but those who are blocking the convening of such a conference, and even reject the idea, are Israel and its ally, the united States. Does anyone need further proof that Israel rejects peace? But if Israel is aspiring to impose the peace of capitulation, it is badly mistaken. And why does it insist on f:hat kind of peace, and reject peace based on justice and right? Be that as it may, the convening of an international conference under the auspices of the United Nations, with the the participation of all the parties concerned, foremost among which is the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative Qf our brothers the Palestinian people, and the five states that are permanent members of the security Council, remains in our view the proper framework for seeking an appropriate formula to solve the auestion of Palestine and the problem of the Middle East, and hence to establish a just and lasting peace in that sensitive part of the world. Perhaps Israel entertains the dream that its occupation of Palestine and the Syrian Golan Heights, and the other parts it still occupies in Lebanon, will with the passage of time become an unchallengeable fait accompli, and thus acauire international legitimacy. If that is so, Is~ael must remember that Western colonialism, faced with the growing struggle of the peoples, had to depart from a large number of countries after an occupation which had in many cases lasted over a century. Thus, the fate of its occupation of the Arab terri~~ries, whether Palestine, Lebanon or Syria, will be no better than the fate of Western colonialism in the past. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) It is high time for our Arab nation to put a prompt and decisive end to its prolonged sUffering as a result of the implanting of Israel in the heart of the Arab hamelend. Tha acts of aggression and the o&imes Ou-wwitted ~~ the Zionist entity over the past 30 years are more than enough to convince even its fervent partisans, foremost among them the United States of America, of the aggressive nature of this parasitical entity and of its arrogance and folly. Rut those biased in its favour see its vices as virtues, and its crimes as acts of heroism. The United States, as a major Power, is now called upon to reconsider its position in support of Israel and to review its policy in order to play its role, with other major international Powers, in restoring justice and seeking a just solution to the auestion of Palestine and the crisis in the Middle East, in order to establish peace and justice. However, no international effort can succeed unless the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are restored and unless the occupied Arab territories are returned to their rightful owners. The Arab States have affirmed the sincerity of their wish to restore a just peace in the region through their proposal reflected in the decisions of the twelfth summit Conference at Fez, and they reiterated their attachment to that proposal at their emergency summit Conference in August of last year. Although that initiative won broad international support, Israel still rejects the establishment of a just and lasting peace, and continues to declare that rejection with arrogance and insolence. But the united Nations should not stand idly by in the face of this intransigent Israeli rejection. The United Nations must intensify its efforts to impose a just and lasting solution so that the area will not remain a hotbed of tension which could burst into flames at any moment. Sufficient proof of the gravity of the continuing crisis in the Middle East is the widening cycle of violence, which has now encroached on other areas. But those (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) who have been up in arms as a result of some individual incidents should study and investigate the causes of the phenomena of individual terrorist acts in order to eradicate this scourge. Because, had it not been for the condoning of Israel's terrorism, which claims the lives of thousands of innocents, the acts of terrorism by groups or individuals claiming the lives of other innocents would not have taken place. We are against terrorism, but resistance to terrorism must also be aimed against Israeli terrorism. Hence, those who condemn individual terrorism only, should also condemn Israeli terrorism, which is practisea against the people of Palestine and Lebanon under the eyes of the whole world. There is no more heinous crime than collective terrorism. It is unacceptable that some parties on the international scene should view terrorism the way an Arab poet describes it: the murder of one person in a jungle is an unforgivable crime, while the murder of an entire people is open to debate. The logic of the double standard is completely unacceptable. Individual terrorism, no matter how heinous, cannot be eauated, in terms of either responsibility or results, with the terrorism practised by a State which, I regret to say, belongs to this and to other international organizations. putting an end to Israeli terrorism and its occupation of Palestine, Lebanese territories and the Syrian Golan Heights, and the restoration of these territories to their rightful owners, would eradicate the phenomena of individual terrorism, which is considered a natural result of the negation of justice and the prevalence of the law of force, usurpation and aggression. It is truly regrettable that the beginninq of our current session coincides with the seventh year of the long and bloody war between Iraq and Iran. This is a (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) costly war. Thousands upon" thousands have fallen in this war, to the point where its victiJas have exceeded one million. Numerous installations in both countries have been destroyed, and much of the infrastructure has also been destroyed. The Yemen Arab Republic, which has consistently called for an end to the bloodshed, sees this raging war as a wanton absurdity and a depletion of the capabilities of two peoples to whom we have been bound by ties of religion and good-neighbourliness since ancient times.* *The President took the Chair. (Hr. Basendwah, Yemen) we appreciate the endeavours of the secretary-General, the Organization of the Islamic Ccmference, and the Non-al.igned M:>vement, and welcomed the initiative of Iraq last August and its readiness to accept a cease-fire. we therefore hope that Iran, for its part, will adopt a PJsitive attitude by resPJnding to that initiative and accepting the offers of mediation, because these continued hostilities threaten the enti~e area and are jeopardizing international peace and security. The world should not stand idly by watching this bloody human tragedy. Hence we call uPJn the major PC7tler s, and those in a PJsition to do so, to play their role in PJtting an end to this destructive war before its sparks fly out in all directions to start a greater and more destructive fire. Putting an end to this tragic war calls for the observance by the belligerents of an immediate cease-fire, the withdrawal of all forces to the internationally recognized boundaries and the holding of direct negotiations that would preserve the legitimate rights of each, in accordance with the rules of international law. Hel1ce, Iran must express its readiness to agree to this and to follow the example of Iraq. As regards the problem of Afghanistan, which remains unchanged, the Yemen Arab Republic, while welcoming the declaration by the Soviet tbion of its intention to withdraw seven of its battalions from Afghanistan before the end of the year, supports all international efforts and endeavours directed to achieving a peaceful solution to this problem through negotiation among the parties concerned, with Cl view to enabling the Afghan people to exercise its right to sovereignty and to the choice of its own social and economic system free from all external pressures. We feel that any approach to solving this problem must provide for the need for the refugees return to their homes as soon as possible, and the cessation of all forms of foreign intervention. (Kr. Basendwah, Yemen) While the problem of Cyprus still remains unresolved because of the difficulties encountered during the negotiations between the representatives of the two communities, it demands a redoubling of the international effort by the United Nations and an intensification of its endeavours to guarantee a continued dialogue between the two parties to the dispute, because dialogue is the optimum means of achieving a satisfactory settlement which guarantees for all freedom of religion and coexistence on the basis of equality of rights and duties within a single independent Cyprus. In Africa, the occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of Pretoria is another grave challenge to the international community. Despite the numerous decisive resolutions adopted by the United Nations, the Pretoria regime arrogantly rejects them all, and insists on continuing its usurpation of this Territory. Faced with this intransigent rejection by the racist regime, we must increase our support for the people of Namibia, under the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), its sole legitimate representative. This calls for increased pressure b}r the international community to break the vicious circle of this perennial problem by putting an end to the occupation of the territory by the racist regime of South Africa. The actions and crimes of the racist regime against the Namibians and their militant leadership violate the most fundamental human rights and all the resolutions of the Organization in general, and Security Council resolution 435 (1978) in particular. Unless these resolutions are implemented, the Namibian people will remain a victim of the most heinous form of aggression, oppression and injustice practised against it by the racist regime of South Africa. Despite the continued condemnation by the international community of the practices of that odious regime, the mere presence of wh~ch is considered an affront to humanity, it still persists in defying world pUblic opinion and all (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) resolutions of the thited Nations and other organizations, and in ccntinuing its fiagral'lt violations of all international laws a."'1d ncxEiiS. In southern Africa itself, the SaBle regime is still practising the hideous policy of apartheid, using all forms of hWDiliaticn, torture and oppressicn to deny the indigenous mjority all its rights and to maintain its domination by oppressing the heroic resistance. It is no wonder that this regime has no other ally or champicn but Israel, since birds of a feather flock together. lbth regimes are not cnly alien, but also have a racist and fascist doctr ine. This binds them in an unholy alliance of collabocatien far remOl1ed from ethics, henour and all other fWldamental values and norms. It does not surpr ise us that Israel sides with the racist regime of SOuth Africa, but we are surprised to see it getting support fran States which pay lip service to freedom and consider themselves the chanpions of human rights. But why should we feel surpr ised when those same States also suppoct I srael, the first ally of the Pretoria regime, and its oounterpart? Wi th respect to YDrea, my delegation would like to eXIXess its satisfaction at the desire of the Korean people in North and South Korea for reunification, and hopes that this lofty aim will be achieved peacefully and democratically, free from all external pressure cx influence. While my COWltry feels highly gratified at the restoraticn of democracy in some Iatin American countries, it is following with great ccncern the news about the armed clashes currently taking place in Central llmerica. But we are firmly convinced that the solution to these problems lies in resort by the parties concerned to dialogue and peaceful means to arrive at a formula that will guarantee to each people in the area the right of self-determina tion and the right to choose its own regime without any foreign pressure. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) The fact that the structure of current international economic relations remain unchanged, despite the obvious injustice" it entails for the developing countr iea, will remain a major cause of tension in our world, because it has a cootinuing effect in widening the gap between developing and developed countries. This is because the latter regard the former as cheap sources of raw naterials and as open mar kets for their manUfacturers, instead of regarding them, as they should, as their partners in canplementarity. The absence of the necessary equal footing between the two sides can lead only to more poverty for the poor and greater wealth for the rich. In addition to the dangers inherent in the unjust international economic si tua tioo, the proli fera tion of adverse phenomena in the world econany, such as fluctuating currency exchange rates, the decline in comnodity prices, the establishment of tariff and non-tariff barriers against exports from the developing countries, and the hampering of the transfer of technology from the industrial to the developing countries have all been exacerbating the ecooomic crisis faced by many developing ccuntr ies. While that has already been demonstrated by the depression and stagnation in internatiooal trade, the difficulties and pressures being endured by some countries burdened with debt, and in the falter ing development plans in many third world countries, resulting in a decline ir,. their social and economic growth rates, could, if the situation continues, lead to even more serious consequences. unless the countries of the North are sufficiently responsive in their dialogue with the countries of the SOuth and make some of the coocessions needed from them, the world may suffer an eccnomic catastrophe whose effects will not be confined to the developing countr ies but will inevitably spread to the industrial countries, and be reflected in the stagnation of their industr ies, depressed mar kets for their products and the deter ioratioo of their economies. (Mr. Basendwah, Yemen) In order to improve the quality of life in our wcxld, there must be an absence of all forms of exploitation fr01l1 international economic relations, so that there is an international economic order based on justice, interdependence, and complementarity, because the injustice suffered by the deVeloping countr ies in their dealings with the developed colmtries will adversely affect all peoples, whim in turn would lead to the emergence of political pcoblems that would recilce many parts of the world to chaos. Political coexistence among the various nations of the wor Id calls for the establishment of healthy relaticns among them on the basis of ecooomic interdependence and canplementarity, if not on a mity of interests • Any hope for the recovery of the wor ld econoIl¥ will remain an illus ion unless ccnfidence is restored in the relations amcng the various parties. Moreover the wealth with which some States in the world are endowed, or which they gained in the Past while other peoples were slun:bering, and which has provided the basis of their growth and developnent, should not be the source of happiness for the few and misery for the many, if mankind is not to remain for ever divided between rich and p:>or. My country's choice of the democratic approach represents a final and irrevers ible decision. The general elections held a few weeks ago to broaden the base of the General People's CQ'lgress and the subsequent electioo of the members of the Standing Committee of that Coogress by the representa tives of the popular electoral base in full freedom and integrity, as acknCM1~dged by both citizens and observers, was an affirmation of the determination of our national leadership, headed by our President, the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and the Secretary-General of the General People's Congress, Colonel Ali Abdullah Saleh, to press ahead alcng the democratic path. (Mr. Basendwah, Yesen) The unity of Yemen is the loftiest objective of our peoples, and our national leadership loses no opportunity of affirming its commitment to that objective. We are still working with our brothers in the southern part of Yemen in order to achieve that objective as soon as possible. Finally, I renew my call to the United Nations to redouble its efforts to solve all problems and questions, foremost among which are the questions of Palestine, the Middle East, South Africa and Namibia, so that they do not remain perennial items on the agenda of successive sessions of the General Assembly, as has been the case for years - nay, for decades - thereby making it possible for the Organization to regain its prestige and capability in the eyes of all peoples and nations. I pray that God may grant guidance and success to the Assembly in the performance of its task. ADDRESS BY MR. ALSADIG AL-MAHDI, PRIME MINISTER OF THE REPUBLIC OF THE SUDAN
The Assembly will now hear a statement by the Prime
Minister and Minister of Defence of the Republic of the Sudan,
Mr. Alsadig AI-Mahdi.
Mr. Alsadig AI-Mahdi, Prime Minister of the Republic of the Sudan, was
escorted to the rostrum.
I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister and
Minister of Defence of the RepUblic of the Sudan, His Excellency
Mr. Alsadig Al-Mahdi, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.
Mr. AL-MARDI (Sudan) (interpretation from Arabic): I extend to you, Sir,
my sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of the forty-first
session of the General Assembly. We would also like to thank the outgoing
President for his contribution in presiding over the previous session.
(Mr. Basendwah, Yemen)
I address the Assembly today in the name of the Sudanese people, who suffered
years of misery and hardship under the rule of a tyrant who imposed an oppressive
internal policy and adopted a subservient foreign policy thus making the Sudan a
sou~ce of sadness and gloom. Freedom of expression in the Sudan became taboo,
freedom was non-existent and the individual citizen was under a state of siege,
threatened with detention, murder and limb amputation all in the name of religion.
This was a distortion of a religion which uniQUely sets adequate means for
preventing crime before punishment and considers social factors as a cause for
leniency and mitigation. It is a religion with an all-embracing outlook that
grants rights first and punishes transgressions second. Under that despotic
regime, the Sudan continued to be a source of tragic news, due partly to acts of
man and partly to natural disasters such as drought, desertification ~nd famine.
Today, i bring to this Assembly and to the international community good news
from the Sudan. The drought is now over and the country is able once again to feed
its people from its own resources. In the sphere of human endeavour, our people
have, for the second time in one generation, risen to topple the tyranny of the
despot in a popular movement of containment in which the people's uprising was
complemented by the armed forces. This helped bring down tyranny without loss of
life or property. A transitional civilian and military regime then came into power
and ruled for ~ne year on the basis of a national entente. At the end of that year
there were free general elections throughout 90 per cent of the country. The
absent vote of that 10 per cent was due to security reasons. A Government was
returned wlth the support of 80 per cent of the members of the Constitutional
Assembly and 90 per cent of the voters. It is a Government which draws support
from the grassroots of tu~ populace.
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
The newly born democracy in the Sudan guarantees fundamental rights and
freedoms, upholds the independence of the Judiciary, the rule of law and the
freedom of religion. It has gone farther than the safeguarding of political rights
and the freedom of expression and has striven to achieve ethnic and regional
balance in the exercise of power, as well as regional economic balance, so that
political democracy may go hand in hand with economic and social democracy.
This new Sudan is aware of the fact that it does not exist in a vacuum. It is
cognizant of its deep Islamic, Arab and African roots and its awareness of these
facets of this adherence reconciles their demands with an openness to the
experiences of humanity and its intellectual, political, social, economic and
technological achievements. Sudan, having completed the setting up of political
institutions which will reflect its new orientation, has now launched a
comprehensive national economic plan for the achievement of development with
equitable social objectives. This new plan will put an end to the economic
dependence to which my country fell victim, so that our economy may stand on our
own indigenous capabilities. Our development plan will be an exercise in human
engineering, aimed at saving the country from the accumulated shortcomings of the
past years and ensuring a better more equilable life for our people.
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
This commitment to demcracy makes it imperative to resort to peaceful means
in solving problems, avoid military adl1enturism and take up arms only in
s elf-defence.
Oniy dictatorships resort to military adventurislD, as a means of diverting the
attention of the people from their misery and seeking false glcxy. The dellDcracies
of free peoples are accountable for their actions and can propagate their ideals
only through dialogue and persuasicin. The Sudan's experience has taught us that
dicta tor ial regimes are a psychological burden that weighs heavily on their peoples
since they impose deceitful and oppress ive policies. They are also a poli tical
burden that entails degradation and oppressioo, an ecxmomic burden because they
squander resources through ill-cooceived expend!ture, and a milltary burden because
they lead to internal confrootation and external adventures. The Sudanese
experience has also taught us that a political system based 00 freedom of choice
and committed to the objectives of social balance and justice is indeed the most
appropriate choice, the choice most in keeping with human di91ity and the surest
way to stability and the attainment of peace, both internally and externally.
The new, promising Sudanese syste-.n, which has put an end to the flow of gloomy
news and opened a new chapter of aspirations and hope, has galvaniZed the Sudanese
people and given people every'ibere cause for optimism. There are, nooe the less,
hurdles in its path, and attempts are made to drag !t back to a state of chaos and
desp:>tism. I shall highlight four of those hurdlf''''' because of their importance and
because the international oonmunity has a crucial role to play in their reIllO'l7al.
The first problem is desertificatioo. Many human factocs have cootributed to
the encroachnent of the deser t on my country. Ill'dcon~it'ed cgr icultural Clnd
pastoral policies, deforestatioo, lack of adequate fire cootrol in the rural areas,
and failure in the area of the protectioo of the environment and vegetation.
Conceptual and administrative shortcomings have conbined with these natural
(Hr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
national, regional and continental factors and caused desert encroachment of about
10 kilometres a year. In the Sudan, we give high priority to this problem and
shall first undertake to increase the awareness of the people in this regard and
put into effect sound and comprehensive plans to combat desertification and
preserve our natural resources, which belong to both present and future generations.
An integrated national, regional and international effort must be made to
stUdy the causes of desertification, plan its containment and provide the
technical, financial and administrative means to combat it. In this regard, we
commend the contribution of the United Nations and request that it be intensified
and given the SPecial priority it deserves so that man may not lose irreplaceable
resources.
Secondly, with regard to the refugee problem, Sudan has offered and continues
to offer hospitality to the refugees who flee across its eastern, western and
southern borders. Th~ir numbers have increased enormously and now make up more
than 10 per cent of Sudan's population. Such huge numbers put heavy burdens on
Sudan's shoulders, some visible and quantifiable, others invisible and
unauantifiable.
Sudan is committed to the principle of non-interference in the internal
affairs of its neighbours and would like to see the refugees return voluntarily to
their home countries. To that end, Sudan will spare no effort to find ways and
means of bringing about the national reconciliation which would ensure their
voluntary repatriation. Pending the achievement of that objective, it is essential
to control the presence of refugees in Sudan in such a way as to ensure their
living conditions and security and provide them with the necessary educational and
health facilities, while avoiding an adverse impact on the life and security of the
Sudanese people.
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
Planning requirements cannot be met and the financial, tedlnical and
administrative resources necessary for the achievement of those objectives cannot
be prOl1ided frcn SUdan's resources alone. The international COIIIIIlDlty must join
in, and any failure to do so will certainly obstruct the SUdanese endeavour.
Our COlDtry has been visited by a ~:!.\tea Nations inter-agency Mission
representing many disciplines. The MisSiOll has submitted a report the general
thrust of 1llhich we support and welcome. we call for the intensification of efforts
in the light of the contents of that report with a view to resolving t~e probleJlls
of refugees in the SUdan and supporting the SUdanese econaay by eliminating the
adverse effects of the presence of refugees. we appeal to the international
canmunity to make available the human and material resources necessary for the
achi~lement of that objective.
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, SUdan)
The third pccblea is that of extecnal debt. '!'bat debt vas incurred by an
unconstibltimal, illegitiJlate regime and now amounts to sore than double our gross
na tional pcowct. The cost of its servicing is far gr'!ater than the total of our
export earnings. In such a situation, is it reascnable to call upon SUdan to repay
the loans that have mtured 1Iiben it has just emerged from a situation in which both
morals and prodJction were sabotaged in such a way that SUdan, a COtmtry that once
enjoyed relative prosperity, was Ixought into disrepu te and mendicancy?
The first step that we shall take is to review the figures of that external
debt so as to distinguish between Vlat is legitimate and what is not. Matured
loans will have to be dealt with, but not on the customary comercial basis. Our
repayments will have to be wi th in the limits imposed by the need to give priori ty
to the livelihood of the Sudanese people and to t:rovide a reasenable level of
services for them and the level of development that the country requ ices. Those
are pr ior ities that no sane per sen can ask us to ignore. In the light of those
priorities we shall alloca te a certa in percentage of our export earn ings to meet
par t of our rev ised exter nal debts.
Wh He we declare this ooImli tment, we shall continue to appeal to the rich
creditor countries to take account of the circumstances that led to the
accumulation of debts, especially in SUdan, which lost much of its human and
mterial resources during 16 years of havoc and repressien. While it my be our
legal duty to remain oomitted to repayment of our debts, can it be a duty from the
point of view of justice? we shall centinue to appeal to centinue to the rich
countries to follow the example of Canada and Italy, which have taken decisions to
alleviate the debt burden by freezing the debts or cancelling them altogether.
Having said that, we must hasten to add that such measures will prove futile unless
they are acecmpcuied by ecenomic and poli tical reforms through which the gains
accruing from such measures of alleviatien are invested in developnent, in order to
ensure a better 11 fe for the depr ived classes.
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
The fourth problem is that of the rebellion in some parts of southern SUdan.
First, objective, internal factors have caused tensia'l between the north and the
south of the COlntry, the most important being religious and ethnic differences and
differences in the levels of economic and social progress.
seccndly, those objective factors have been canplicated by age-old historic
and other factors created by cola'lial rule, when it followed its so-called policy
on the south, between 1918 and 1948. That policy remoulded old ca'lflicts into new
shapes.
Thirdly, since Sudan's independence Sudanese society, especially in the north,
has witnessed an Arab national renaissance mOl1ement and an Islamic awakening.
Dur ing that per iod some sector s of the popula tion in the south have developed an
increasing consciousness of their African and Christian identities and a greater
feeling of being def)rived of participatia'l in public life and of having a lower
eCalomic standard of li fee The juxtaposition of those factors has led to poli tical
and cultural cur rents in the north and the south flowing in opposite directia'ls.
Fourthly, under ooe-man rule there was implementation of the decisions of the
All Sudanese Parties Coogress, reSUlting in the signing of the 1972 agreement,
which achieved the necessary recoocil ia tion and prOl1ided room to embrace the
character istics of the SOIJth. But, surpr is ingly, that author itar ian regime
reversed its stance and imposed a'l the south policies that broke the agreement;
even worse, it shattered those respected and protE:~ted characteristics when it
introduced lIIhat it called Islamic laws. In essence, that was nothing more than a
wicked attempt to consolidate its one-man rule and intimidate all its opponents -
Muolims, Chr istians and other s - in the name of I slam. Those policies were opposed
by many in the south, who regarded them as a flagrant example of the Gover nment 's
reneging on the peace agreement and of religious intolerance and oppression.
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
Fifthly, as being fully aware of the _~itude of the problen, the present
political leader ship in the SUdan has called for the conven ing of a national
constitutienal cenference to exaJline those and other proolells in the country as a
whole so as to ar rive, through dialogue, at an agreement to lay just and acceptable
fOm'ldations for dealing with the following problems: first, the problem of
religim and politics, wbich has to be solved in a way that will satisfy the
aspirations of Muslims, Christians and the followers of other creeds within a
moder,. dellOCratic political and constitutional system; secondly, the problem of
r.atimal identity and cultural and ethnic diversity, which must be solved in a way
that will define the various identities and their means of coexistence; thirdly,
the question of equitable participation in plblic and political life, which must be
dealt with in such a way as to ensure respect by the major ity of regional and
ethnic rights in an equitable partnership; fourthly, the question of ecenomic
developuent and the coDlDitment to an equitable distr ibutim of wealth and public
services and development opportmities.
These four points throw light en the objective and internal causes of the
problem of the south. It is obvious that they are to be fOm'ld on the same scale
in other countr iea; they are not unique to the SUdan.
(Hr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
Although SUdan" is aJIQ'lg those countries coofrooted with problelllS caused by a
backward structure of national unity and the trauma of modernization b)gether with
the caaplexities of the increasing consciousness of origins and roots, it stands
out as a country that is able to diagnose and recognize its own problems and has
the determination to resolve them peacefully through political dialogue.
The movement engaged in the present insurrection, which is causing destructioo
in some Parts of the South and tIlbich endangers the lives of some of its civilian
inhabitants, is quite aware of the peaceful and conciliatory policies of the
GoITernment. It has openly nade this awareness known in a public statellent on
14 August 1986. In spite of all this, hOliever, the insurrection movement has opted
for the rejection of the GoI7ernment's stance and chose to escalate its terrorist
activities against civilians, the aged, women and children. The most heinous of
those terrorist acts was the downing of a civilian aircraft and the killing of all
of its 60 passengers.
The ter rot is t natur e of th is movement no longer needs proof. Its deeds and
declarations speak for themselves. trllat really needs proof is the movement's
inability to make independent decisions and its subservience to the hegemony of a
foreign country which uses it for its own interests.
Through our own contacts and discussions, it has become clear to us that it is
feasible to reach an agreem~t with the insurrection movement but only if orders to
the contrary are not dictated to it by the foreign circles that want to use it to
block the reconstruction of our country. Those foreign circles fully dominate the
decisions of this insurrection movement, which calls itself the SUdan People's
Liberatioo M<wement, by harbouring it in their territory, facilitating its
recr uitment activities, supplying it with arms, providing it with training, a radio
statim for broadcasting its propaganda and beaming military orders to its forces,
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
and also providing it with food, supplies, logistical support and transport
facilities.
In its internal dimensions and root causes, the conflict can be addressed by
the Sudanese parties in a way that would have required or necessitated no debate or
involvement on the part of the United Nations. However, the insurrectioo movement
has gooe beyood its SUdanese dimension and has become a terrorist instrument of
foreign aggression. It is in this context that it is now necessary for the United
Nations to be made aware of the objective realities of the situation, realities
which we have already placed before the Organization of Afr iean Unity.
The new demcratic SUdan toI'hich draws inspiratioo from its past and looks
hopefully towards its future is moving towards natiooal reconstruction internally
and just peace externally. It is determined to overcome all obstacles. The
international cormnunity is called upon to play its role in creating a favourable
international environment based 00 co-operation and non-aggression.
The internatiooal cormnunity is preoccupied with many issues but here I should
like to draw attentioo to five important questions.
The first concerns the United Nations itself. The United Nations is the only
world forum where Menber states can exchange views and experiences and peacefully
resolve conflicts on the basis of equality. Together with its specialized
agencies, it has played a considerable role in the maintenance of peace and the
promotion of international eoonomic and technical co-operation.
The united Nations menbership has grown steadily over the past 40 years. Its
bodies and cormnittees have indeed multiplied. This expansion has had a negative
impact on the effective utilization of its resources and its ability to co-ordinate
its numerous and sometimes over lapping activ ities. It has become necessary now to
study the administrative and financial shortcomings of the Organization with a view
to drawing up a comprehensive plan to improve its administrative and financial
performance along the lines of the recommendations of the Group of
Intergovernmental Exper ts.
In the light of the experience of four decades, the Charter of the United
Nations should be revised to incOl'p«ate new prOl1isions, such as ecCllomic rights,
protection of the envirooment and outer space, and particularly to enhance the
effectiveness of the means of maintaining Peace and security. In this cootext, we
believe that permanent membership of the secur ity Council should be expanded to
give a seat to every recognized regiooal group and that the General Assen'bly should
be empowered to override, by a certain majority, a veto in the security Council, in
order to ensure that no one permanent menDer nay be able to paralyse the
international will as expressed by a large majority of Member States.
Going beyond cri ticism of the functioo ing of the Uli ted Nations to questiooing
its value is an unfortunate trend that represents an attitude of despair and offers
oblivion as an alternative to imperfection. The proper attitude now is to
recognize the imperfections of the Org~nization, remove their root causes and make
the United Nations lNhat we all wish it to be, now and in the future.
The second question is that of the arms race. It has beoome part of human
nature to be armed and militarUy ready, as a reflection and a result of social and
other forms of competition. Hcuever, this has nOo1 reached a point where not only
are human and other resources wasted, and the em ironment polluted, bu t humani ty
itself is threatened with extinction. Halting the conventional and nuclear-arms
race, through bila teral or multila teral negotiations, is therefore of vi tal
impor tance so that we may release the necessary resources for global prosper ity,
protect the env ironment and, above all, avoid a nuclear holocaust.
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
It is the duty of all mankind to reach an agreeJIent to protect outer space
from the arms race, limit and eliminate arsenals of destructive weapons and ban the
development and stockpiling of chemical and biological weapons. The greatest
threat to humanity today is the development of highly destructive nuclear weapons,
the existence of large stockpiles of such weapons, sufficient to destroy the whole
world many times over, and the cQq)uterization of control over the complex weapons
systems. Everyone, no matter how reckless, knows that there would be no victor in
a nuclear war. Modern nuclear capability is like a boomerang; one cannot hit a
target without hitting oneself. Fe~r alone ensures that no conscious decision to
start a nuclear war will be taken, but what of a compute£ error? A nuclear war
triggered by computer error is a possibility and a threat that should be seriously
contemplated. It is a moral responsibility of the international cOE~~nity in
general and the members of the -nuclear club- in particular to give earnest
consideration to such dangers and ways and means of defusing them. It is in this
context that we welcome the forthcoming Soviet-American summit and hope that the
two super-Powers will spare no effort to make it a success, in the light of the
great expectations of the peoples of the whole world.
The third question concerns the international economic order. Response to the
challenge of overcoming underdevelopment and achieving development is a major
responsibility of the developing countries and their peoples and Governments.
Determination, mobilization, serious planning and effective management are
necessary to achieve that goal. However, as long as imbalance and inequity of the
the international economic, financial and trading systems continue, the
international climate will remain unfavourable and impede the achievement of
development and social justice.
(Mr. Al-Mahdi, Sudan)
Several proposals and recommendations from various sources - notably the
Brandt Commission - have emphasized the positive role that the developed countries
can play in creating a favourable international economic climate. Action on those
proposals is urgently needed.
Long and useful deliberations have taken place in the united Nations, in
particular during the special session on the critical economic situation in
Afr ica. Many African countries are becoming incre,asinc;ly dependent on external
financing. Developed western countries are busy praaching to and lecturing
Africans, while developed Eastern countries are busy criticizing western policies
and positions. Those attitudes are neither healthy nor helpful to Africa. African
countries should shoulder their national responsibilities and mobilize the national
energies and capabilities. The international community should respond by creating
the necessary international economic and financial climate, which should be
characterized by a rational distribution of global resources and the much-needed
reform of the economic, financial and trading systems. That reauires a degree of
political will in developed countries to strive to promote on a global scale the
kind of prosperity and social peace that they have achieved.
I shall now refer to five hotbeds of tension that constitute a major challenge
for the international community and call for serious, intensified international
action to resolve them and thus defuse the threat they pose to peace and security.
The first is Africa's hotbed - South Africa and Namibia. The very existence
of the system of apartheid in South Africa is an affront to humanity. It is
absolutely necessary that the international community adopt a firm and unambiguous
stand against that abhorrent regime through the imposition of comprehensive
mandatory sa~ctions until it is brought down or made to agree to set up a just
deJ&OCratic system based on majority rule. We welcome, in this context, the action
by some Western Governments and parlia-ents, most recently the United States
Congress. We hope that those first steps will be followed by others and
consolidated to ensure the effectiveness of sanctions against the racist Pretoria
regime in SOuth Africa.
The continued illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist Soutb African
regime, in violation of the relevant united Nations resolutions, constitutes one of
the principal sources of changes to international peace and security in Africa.
That, too, reauires firm international action to isolate the racist regime and
force it to withdraw unconditionally from Namibia and thus enable the Namibian
people to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence.
The second hotbed is the Arab's major cause - the question of Palestine. Just
as the intransigent and ag~ressive policies of racist South Africa constitute a
threat to world peace, so the usurpation by Israel of the rights of th(1
Palestinians and its occupation of neighbo~ring Arab lands since 1976 constitute a
similar threat to world peace. A just and lasting peace can be achieved only
through full recognition of the rights of the Palestinians to self-determination,
to return to their homeland and to create their independent State on their national
soil of Palestine. It is evident that the best forum for the search for a just
peace would be provided by the convening of an international conference under
united Nations auspices, with the participation of all the parties concerned,
especially the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole legitimate
representative of the Palestinian people.
(Hr. A1-Mabdi, Sudan)
The next burning issue is the primary Asian prOblea, namely, that of
Afghanistan. We look forward to an independent Afghanistan, free frOll any foreign
presence. In that connection we welcc.e the partial withdrawal of Soviet troops,
which we hope is a first phase to be followed by others. We also welcome the
Afghan-Pakistan negotiations and hope that they will b3 widened to include all the
Afghan parties so that a comprehensive peaceful solution say be achieved. We also
commend the efforts of the United Nationa Secretary-General and call upon him to
play a role in realizing that objective.
The fourth hotbed of tension is in Central America. The solution to that
problem lies in the stro~ tide of democracy that has arisen in the region. We
hope that that tendency will be consolidated and that it will be accompanied by the
cessation of foreign intervention and interference, so that the countries of the
regiot~ m~i' enjoy democracy and national independence.
The next world problem is also a problem for the Islamic world in particular,
namely, the Gulf war. No one can dispute the fact that the Gulf war has resulted
in huge losses of lif~ and property; nor can there be any disagreement that the war
will not resolve the long-standing, historical differences between the warring
parties. It must be stoppe~, and all problems, inherited and new, must be resolved
through peaceful negotiations.
It is legitimate to ask how that war can be stopped. If the answer to that
question is not to lead to a dead end, the ending of the war must be based on a
clear desire on both sides to stop it and on agreement on how best to do· so.
Various parties, such as the Muslim ulema and Islamic popular movements, must play
a part in putting an end to the war. The United Nations, too, has a role to play,
in investigating the underlying causes of the dispute and the events that led to
its outbreak and in assessing the resultant losses and determining the reparations
that can pave the way to peaceful consideration of the issues involved.
While calling upon the Muslim ulea and Islamic popular movements to
contribute to creating a climate of opinion on ways to put an end to the war, we
also call upon the United Nations to renew and continue its endeavours to bring the
war, which has resulted in such enormous losses, to a just and definitive end. The
achievement of a just and decisive conclusion to the war has become both an Islamic
and a humanitarian duty.
The United Nations is called upon to contain all these hotbeds of tension, the
existence of which constitutes a major challenge to the international community and
at the same time presents the Orqanization with an opportunity to prove its worth
and its relevance to the well-being of mankind and its aspirations to a better
future.
The new Sudan, together with all other well-intentioned members of the
international community, stands ready to play its part in enhancing the mission of
the United Nations and improving its performance, in order to make it a true
guardian and impregnable bastion of peace and international co-operation, the
prereauisites for survival on this planet, which the revolution in communication
and technology has turned into a village with a common destiny.
On behalf of the General Assembly, I thank the Prime
Ministe~ and Minister of Defence of the Republic of the Sudan for the important
statement he has just made.
Mr. Alsadig AI-Mahdi, Prime Minister of the Republic of the Sudan, was
escorted from the rostrum.