A/41/PV.7 General Assembly

9.  (continued~ GENERAL DEBATE Mr. VAN DUNEM (Angola) (spoke in Portuguese; English text furnished by the delegation): At the outset allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of the Assembly at this session, during which, we are confident, we shall be able to achieve the goals we shall propose in this important forum. Allow me also to avail myself of this opportunity to express our admiration of your predecessor, Mr. Jaime de Pinies, whose insight and judiciousness greatly helped us to surmount c number of obstacles and made his mission successful. We should also like to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his efforts to find solutions to the many problems facing mankind'. Mr. de Cuellar has shown great concern for the preservation of the fundamental principles of the United Nations notwithstanding the limited resources available and the adverse influence of certain Western Powers that are more interested in their own strategic interests than in joining forces to achieve international peace and security. Every year in this same place the representatives of all the nations make a pledge of peace, disarmament, freedom and development, reflecting the determination of the great majority of nations to achieve those goals and thus strive for the survival of the human race. Even given the strong will of the peace-loving countries, a paradoxical reality subsists: the world has never been as exposed as it is today to the threat of a nuclear war that could destroy its entire population. In spite of united Nations General Asse~bly resolution 3093 (XXVIII), which prescribes a 10 per cent cut in the military budgets of the permanent members of the Security Council for the benefit of the developing countries, the arms race has not been halted, and it has now reached outer space. While certain countries spend huge amounts of money on their military programmes, the majority of the developing countries face a critical economic situation that prevents them from achieving social and economic development programmes. We feel that the international community should not remain passive. In the face of this situation, we call for intensified efforts on the part of all peace and freedom-loving countries to reverse the negative trend. Similarly, Angola welcomes the USSR's initiative unilaterally to extend the moratorium on nuclear testing and its recent proposal on the gradual banning and elimination of nuclear arms by the year 2000 and the creation of an international global security system. We also support unconditionally the proposal presented in May this year by the Soviet Minister of Foreign Affairs to the United Nations Secretary-General regarding the creation of an international organization for the peaceful use of outer space, and we urge all Member States of our Organization to join in this initiative, which undoubtedly would bring benefits to all countries, regardless of their stage of development. Angola is a sovereign independent country situated in Africa, in the southern part of the continent. Since its independence 11 years ago, our country has actively followed a policy of non-alignment and peaceful coexistence. Our Constitution is very clear about our country's willingness to maintain diplomatic relations with all the countries of the world on the basis of mutual respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other countries and of non-aggression and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States in accordance with the norms of international law governing relations between independent States. Ufifc:tunately it is in that sub~eqiun u2 the Africau continent that is found the abhorrent and obsolete apartheid sYstem condemned by the vast majority of countcies. That system continues to be a destabilizing factor for the countries of the region, particularly South Africa's neighbouring countries, which are the victims of repeated violent aggression resulting from its arrogance and disregara of the resolutions of the United Nations, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organi~ation of African unity. !n spite of its st~ong traditional inclination for peace, our people ~~S not known a moment of peace since the very beginning of its independence, and our country is the victim of continuous armed aggression launched by South Africa from the illegally occupied Territory of Namibia. The People's Republic of Angola continues to be faced with an undeclared war situation created by the South African racist regime, .which has forced the Angolan people to endure enormous sacrifices as a result of the train put on our country's financial, material and human resources, which seriously affected our economic and social development. Defenceless children, women and elderly people are among South Africa's favourite targets and the racist forces constantly blow up our bridges, railways and roads and destroy our hospitals and schools, not sparing our industrial installations. Material damage caused to our country has been estimated at $12 billion. This figure does not include the money spent in youth mobilization and youth defence programmes. The South African regular army, with the collaboration of South African trained UNITA puppet groups, has perpetrated numerous atrocities and is responsible for a large number of deaths. The Angolan people, who, under the Portuguese colonial rule during the • 14 years of its struggle for national libera~ion to regain its freedom and dignity, usurped for five centuries by Portuguese colonialism, had already borne many sacrifices and lost many of its best countrymen, has longed for peace for its newly independent country, so that it could build a strong nation through its natural resources and make use of the country's huge potential for the Angolan people. The imperialist world has always tried to show the current situation in our country as a civil war, while in fact it is rather a foreign invasion of a United Nations Member State, whose territory was partly occupied by the racist South Afriaan armed fo~ces. Tha~ 16 why An~Qla eontinues to insis~ on ~he immediate --~ a'lu unconditional withdrawal of the South African forces from its territory. Racist South Africa uses the Namibian territory as a springboard for its attacks on Angola. The South African military bases in northern Namibia train the rebel and mercenary groups that infiltrate our territory. It is from those bases that the South African troops make incursions into our country and provide military support to the armed groups which operate in Angola under South African command. South Africa's acts of aggression against Angola, encouraged by successive united States administrations, started soon after our country's independence. In 1975, the apartheid regime invaded our territory and occupied the south. In the light of these facts and in conformity with Article 51 of the united Nations Charter, the People's Republic of Angola requested help from friendl:, countries. The presence of Cuban troops in Angola has nothing to do with the independence of Namibia and consequently should not be seen as a threat to South Africa, which does not share any border with the People's Republic of Angola. Conscious of the complexity of the international situation and desirous of seeing the impasse created by racist South Africa and the Reagan Administration resolved through United Nations implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the Government of the People's Republic of Angola presented, in a letter from President Jose Eduardo Dos Santos to Secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar, a negotiation package proposal, dated 17 November 1984. The racist Pretoria regime responded to the well intentioned Angolan initiative with further violent attacks on the People's Republic of Angola. Their most recent acts of aggression were the attacks on the village of Xangongo and the commercial port of Namibe, with a significant number of Angolan casualties and heavy material damage. In the last weeks, we have seen the concentration of over la South African army battalions along our southern border, a sufficient signal for us to anticipate a new major offensive against our country. By trying to make implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) depend on the removal of the Cuban troops from Angola, the South African Go~ernment, along with the Reagan Administration, resorts to an excuse an old misleading pretext in order to impede Namibia's independence and transform that illegally occupied Territory into a springboard to ke~p destabilizing Angola with sustained acts of aggression. We could not comment on the world economic crisis without mentioning the problems that are at its origin. Notwithstanding the efforts already made by the United Nations, certain developed countries still adopt policies that will not do much to help improve economic relations between developed and developing countries. In fact, as far as monetary and financial matters are concerned, the problem lies with the inadequacy of structures that no longer meet the exigencie~ of the world's economic recovery as a result of the selfish policies pursued by certain developed countries, which consequently worsen the balance of payments and the external debt of the developing countries. It is therefore important that, without delay, we concentrate on the task of restructuring the current monetary and financial system in order to enable the developing countries to share in decision-making and take advantage of eventual benefits. It is important to reflect on how far the negative changes of the world'a monetary and financial system have exacerbated the external debt crisis of the underdeveloped countries, forcing them into default. Such changes have frustrated the development prospects of those countries, bringing about critical ~litical and social repercussions. (Mr. Van Dunem, Angola) While in the first quarter of 1984 the combined foreign debt of the developing countries already reached $800 billion, today that debt is estimated at more than $900 billion, which is a discouraging factor that frustrates all optimistic hopes for development as long as the developing countries are compelled to spend larger deb~ repayments amounts than their revenues allow. The International Monetary Fund is far from having achieved the objectives set forth in its by-laws and we feel, therefore, that there is a need in the monetary and financial areas for the creation of a mechanism fo~ South-South co-operation at the regional level to alleviate and ultimately eliminate financial dependence on that institution. One of the causes of the pre~ent world economic crisis is, no doubt, the recurrent violation by the developed countries of international trade principles, rules and regulations. The proliferation of discriminatory measures imposed by the developed countries in their trade with their developing counterparts, a growing protectionist attitude and other restrictive measures are responsible for the decrease in the revenue from the exports of the developing countries, which limit their opportunities to invest in other areae more beneficial to their development. (Mr. Van Dunem, Angola) In this centext, we wish to rei terate the need for all the underdeveloped countries to ratify the Integrated Progranme for COl1l1lodities contained in resolution 93 (IV) of the Fourth United Cenference en Trade and Development, and ensure the entry into operation of the COl1l1lon Fund as soon as possible. The lack of human, mater ial, financial and technological resources in some of .. the underdeveloped countries should prOl7ide a reason for strengthening and imprOl7ing the co-operation between those countries, and it should prOl7ide strong motivation for contr ibuting to the collective and individual autonomy of our countries and strengthening their power to negotiate with the developed coWltries. In southern Africa, despite the aggressive acts of the racist regime of South Africa, co-operation wi thin the framework of the SOuthern African Development Co-ordination Cenference has made significant progress in several areas, as demonstrated by the adoption of a nunber of cenclusions and resolutions adopted at the recent sunmit conference of ~ads of State or Government held in Luanda from 18 to 22 August 1986. We realize, however, that much remains to be done on the Afr iean continent, where we have to live and to survive despite our major problems. The united Nations General Assembly's special session on Africa in May 1986, where a Progranrne of Action for African Economic ReCOl7ery and Development was adopted, constituted a positive step towards the adoption by the international community of measures to support the African cOWltries in their struggle to emerge from the difficult situation in which they find themselves. I have decided not to read out the entire text of my speech, but it will be distr ibuted. However, I should 1 ike to take advantage of the last few minutes scheduled for my speech to conment br iefly on what has already been said, especially the statement made about my coWltry by the United States of America. (Hr. Van Dunem, Angola) I have already presented the views of my country on the international situation w1th respect to souther n Afr ica. Angola is a peace-loving country whose people liberated themselves in 1975 through their own arduous efforts and the militant solidarity of friendly countries, and other Members of our Organization, of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, and of the OAU, in accordance with their pr incipl~ and the rules of international law. Angola will continue its solidar ity with and its unselfish aid to those people still fighting against colonialism, neo-colonialism and imper ialism. Its external policy is based on the pr inciples of justice, equality and non-interference in the internal affairs of Meni>er StatC3. I shoGld like to take this opportunity to recall that Angola, as an independent and sovereign State, cannot accept the use of false and distorted representations of the real situation that exists in my country to justify attempts at interference and make false accusations against us of secret motives that my country has always rejected and fought against. My Q:)vernment does not accept that type of policy, and I must reaffirm that in Angola, it is the Angolans themselves - and only they - who decide their own destiny. The frequent declaration by the united States that Angola is governed by an anti-people and repressive regime is simply a blatant falsehood and an act of interference in the internal affairs of the Angolan Government. The truth of the matter is that facts themselves give the lie to such statements and demonstrate the true situation. The truth is that for over 10 years, Angola has suffered acts of aggression conanitted by the racist regime of SOuth Africa, as a result of the help that regime has received from its allies - above all, the Government of the united Sta tes of Amer ica. The presence of Cuban forces in our country is in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations, and the result of an invitation by our Government. Cuban (~ Van Dunem, Angola) lnternationalist f-orces cu:e helping our people to defend themselves from external pressure exerted by the racist regime of SOuth Africa, and for that reason will rema in on our soil until our GoV'ernment decides to the contr ary .. I would like to recall the words of Comrade President Jose Eduardo Dos santos, in his sPeech in Cape Verde on 22 Decenber, when he said that the tension in southern Africa is tending towards a progressive aggravation because some of the Western Powers, instead of associating themselves ~ith the efforts of the international community to allOtl Namibia to accede to independence on the basis of security Council resolution 435 (1978) and t-:» eliminate the apartheid system, which undoubtedly is solely responsible for the climate of destabilization, insecur ity and conflict prevailing in that sUbregion, are seeking to protect their financial and economic interests, allying themselves with the white racist minor ity regime c.'~- SOUth Africa. Mr. KURANARI (Japan) (spoke in Japanese~ English text furnished by the delegatioo): I should like first, on behalf of the GoV'ernment and people of Japan, to. express my sincere congratulations to Mr. Choudhury on his election to the presidency of the forty-first session of the United Nations General Assenbly. I am certain that this session will be a truly fruitful one, benefiting immensely from his rich experience, keen insight and decisiveness as it deals wi th the many difficult problems before it. As a fellOtl Asian, I assure him that the delegation of Japan will co-operate in every possible way to help him in carrying out his impor tan t du ties. (Mr .. Van Dunem, Angola) At the same time, I must express our 1incere appreciation to the President of the fortieth sessioo of the General Assembly, Hr. Jaime de Pinies, for the e:ccellent manner in Tolhich he has discharged his responsibilities. Likewise, I should like to take this opportunity to pay high tribute to the secretary-General, Mr. Javier P'erez de Cuellar, tribo has been working tirelessly to resolve numerous internatiooal problems, and in so doing has traveled to all corners of the world. Before beginning my formal remarks today, I should like to express Japan's heartfelt sympathies to the people of Cameroon, particularly those who have suffered as a result of the toxic gas released from Lake Nios. Itself a country of many volcanos, Japan immediately dispatehed a survey team to see what could be done to a~eviate suffering and to prevent similar incidents in the future. Japan stands ready to consider additional relief assistance as necessary. I should also like to express our sincere sympathies to the many people tribo are suffer ing as a result of the accident Z:\t. the Chernobyl nuclear power plant in the Soviet union last Apr il. This accident has served to highlight anew the very ser ious internatiooal responsibilities of all countr ies that use nuclear energy, and in this cootext I wish to commend the International Atomic Zllergy Agency, which has expeditiously drawn up draft conventions for dealing with future accidents of a similar na ture. On the occasion of the conmemoration of the fortieth anniversary of th.e united Nations last year, delegates from around the globe spoke to the world from this podium of the founding principles of the United Natioos, its raison d'etre, and its problems. Having wea thered four decades, the United Na tions became the focus of renewed attention from all quarters. (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) The major theme of the deliberations last year was a reaffirmation of the United Natiens' increasingly itaportant. role in the search for world peace and prosperity. As was suggested by Prime Minister Nakasene, the Un!ted Nations is "the perfect vehicle fOt promoting mutual appreciatien and respet.. among the various cultures of t.ile world and for building a new and harmonious civilization for the twenty-first century. Yet, concern has been expressed that the United Nations might suff(' r fUi"lctional .?aralysis should it fail to promptl~l achieve the reforms necesSary to rectify the very serious administrative and financial situation, caused in part by organizatior,al over-expansion. At the fortieth sessien of the General Assembly my predecessor, Foreign Minister Abe, squarely addressed this problem and proposed that a group of eminent persons be established in an effort to revitalize the organization and functions of the United Nations. This proposal was based on our conviction that the united Nations is essential to the whole international community, including, of course, r.~y country, and was an expression of Japan's steadfast support for this indispensable world Organization. Happily, Foreign Minister Abe's proposal was accepted by the Member States, and the lS-menner Group of High-Level In tergOl7ernmental Experts was established. Br inging to their wor k super ior wisdom, rich exper ience, and a thorough kno,.,rledge of the acu te problems facing the uni ted Nations, th is Group has laboured intensively to produce the report it recently submitted to the secretary-General. None of the similar efforts to reform the united Nations in the past has produced as oomprehensive and constructive a report as the one submitted by this Group. I wish to pay sincere tribute to all its merrbers. The determination and vigour with which they accomplished their task are, indeed, the very attributes needed for the revitalization of this Organization. (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) The G~oup's ~eport cCi'il:ains many constructive recoiiunendations for making the Urited Natioos a more efficient organization, and I wholeheartedly support them. I very much hope that at this forty-first session the Assenbly will consider these recolllllendations and that they will be implemented as soon as possible with the support of all Member States. The tl'lited Nations should then be able to regain the trust of all the peoples of the world, gain the ability to respond promptly and effectively to any situation that may arise, and in this way serve as a model for all the bodies within the united Nations system. ~at, then, should the TIni ted Na tions do ooce it has begun to function more effectively and efficiently? What should it do to eliminate conflicts and famine, and to eradicate terrorism which has recently claimed so many victims, so that ordinary people throughout the world may live a peaceful and prosperous life, free from anxiety? What the world tod~y expects of the united Natioos is, first, the maintenance of international peace and security, and, secood, in terna tional co-opera tion for economic, social and cultural developnent. But as we witness these issues it is impossible not to address also the question of disarmament. If members will allow me to interject a personal note, I was born and raised in the city of Nagasaki in south-west Japan. Nagasaki was well known as Japan's only foreign trade port during its two and a half centuries of national seclusion, frol" the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries. In the final days of the second WOrld War, Nagasaki again became famous as the only other city besides Hiroshima to have been the target of an a tomic bomb. Returning horne 'soon after the war's end, I was confronted with the rubble that was once Nagasak i and wi th the misery of its people. I j~ined the local gaYer nment in order to put all of my energies into rebuilding the ci ty. At the same time, having wi tnessed the effect of this awesome weapon, I began to give serious thought (Mr. Kuranar i, Japan) not only as a public servant but also as a cQ'lcerned individual, to the questions of how to maintain peace in the nuclear age and how to deliver mankind from the nuclear threat. When I think about the destruction wrought by nuclear weapons, I am unshakeable in my conviction: all nuclear weapons must be abolished. Voicing such a belief is easy. Today's world would be different if statements or declarations in and of themselves could br ing about true peace and the abolition of nuclear weapons. ~at is important are deeds. However nndest, coocrete and steady action alooe can contribute to peace and the abolition of nucl~r weapons. The nuclear super-Powers have especially grave responsibilities in this effort to save mculkind from the nuclear threat. President Reagan and General secretary Gorbac:hev at their summit meeting last NOI1enber agreed that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. Before concrete action to reduce nuclear weapons can be taken, it is necessary to establish relations of mutual political trust between the States concerned. The East-West political dialogue, with impetus from last year's United States-Soviet summit, has begun to be held at a higher level and with greater frequency, and this is an important first step towards the establishment of such nutual trust. It has become a major responsibility of all countries participating in the East-West political dialogue, including Japan, to ensure that it bears fruit. (Mr. Kuranar i, Japan) For every country the issue of disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, is inextr icably linked to its own seour ity~ thus we must bear in mind that any special proposal for nuclear disarmament which does not give due consider2tion to tbe seour ity interests of other parties would be counterproductive ana would undermine nutual trust. MoreOl1er, we believe that a satisfactory system of ver ification must be established to ensure canpliance with disarmament and arms cootrol agreements and to strengthen relatioos of mutual trust. My country, in its efforts to achieve a canprehensive nuclear test ban, has proposed a step-by-step approach to the establishment of an effective ver ification system. Folladng up this proposal, Japan proposed at the Conference 00 Disarmament in Geneva last Apr 11 that more detailed seismic data should be exchanged in order to enhance ver ification capabilities and interested countries will begin doing so on an experimental basis this December. I hope that these efforts will greatly contr ibute to the goal of a comprehensive nuclear test ban. In dealing with the nuclear problem, we must face the reality that the existing nuclear balance works as a deterrent. It is therefore necessary, while oontinuing the dialogue to build up mutual trust, to make steadfast efforts gradually to reduce nuclear stockpiles wi thout upsetting a proper balance. I am convinced that that is the only way we can hope to abolish ultimately all nuclear weapons and ensure that the people of Nagasaki will be the last to experience the hor ror of a nuclear attack. In view of the especially grave responsibilities of the two nuclear super-Powers on th is issue of peace and disarmament, I sincerely hope that the United States and the Soviet Unioo will hold a second sUlIIIlit meeting soon, as agreed last Novemer, and that major progress will be made towards resolving the various issues between them, including that of nuclear disarmament and arms oontrol. (Hr. Ruranar i, Japan) we should also like to see a redoubling of international efforts at the united Natioos, at the Cenferenoe on Disarmament and elsewhere, to reach concrete agreements in the field of dj.sarmament, including especially a canprehensive nuciear test ban ~nd a ban on the use of chemical weapons. we should strive also to preserve and strengthen the regime of the nuclear Non-Proliferatioo Treaty. I renew my pledge that Japan will contribute actively to such efforts in those forums, including this General Assenbly session. Baving stated Japan's basic positioo on the issue of disarmament in general, I must here say a few words about the SS-20s that the Soviet union has deployed in Asia. Japan very strongly hopes that the negotiations on intermediate-range nuclear forces between the United States and the Soviet union will deal with 5S-20s en a global basis and lead to their total elimination, both in Asia and in Europe. While Japan has loog hoped to establish stable relations based upon I'Il1tual understanding with its important neighbour, the Soviet union, it is essential first to resolve the terri tor ial issue still pending since the 5ecood Wor l1 1 War and to ex>nclude a peace treaty embodying that settlement. I am confident that resolving this territorial issue would centribute significantly to peace and stability in the Far East and throughout Asia. Aloog with the issue of disarmament, the question of how to resolve regiooal problems and local cooflicts has an important bear ing on the issue of world peace. Although the primary goal of the united Nations is the maintenance of international peace and security, there have been over 150 local cenflicts since it was founded, many of which still ex>ntinue without any sign of abatement. I should like to turn now to some of the regional problems that confront the international conununity and Japan's policy regarding them. (Mr. Kuranar i, Japan) Qle of the most urgent among those problems is how to induce the Gcwernment of South Afr i'l.i8 to abandon its policy of !p!rtheid. This is an issue on which the entire international co,.munity must focus its attentim. Barring the vast majority of the South African people from participating in the political process and subjecting them to numerous other forms of discrimination simply because of the colour of their skin, apartheid is absolutely intolerable to all who shar.-e mankind's ideal of respect for human rights. I am gravely concerned that the situation in SOuth Africa is rapidly deteriorating because its Government not ally persists in practising apartheid but also has taken to suet. reprehensible acts as attacking neighbour ing countr ies and has declared a state of emergency throughout its territory. The situation in SOUth Africa must be resolved by peaceful means, and it is imperative that all parties concerned make every effort to avoid further bloodshed. The Government of South Afr ica has recently announced a ser ies of reform measures but, regrettably, they are not the basic reforms needed to effect the abolition o~ apartheid. Japan has availed itself of every opportunity strongly to urge the Government of south Africa to have the cpurage to take decisive political action to abolish apartheid immediately, free Nelson Mandala, legalize the African National Coogress and other political organizations and enter into discussions with black leaders. Japan maintains no diplomatic relatioos with SOuth Africa, limiting its relations to the consular level. It has imposed restrictions on relations with that country in a wide range of fields. For exanple, J~pan prohibits direct investmentJ it prohibits the export of weapons and canputersJ it has adopted trade restrictions such as those on the import of SOuth African gold coinsJ and it severely restricts sport& and cultural CQ'ltacts. On 19 sept:emer my Government (Mr .. Kuranari, Japan) announced its decision to take additional steps until such time as the Go'Iernment of SOuth Afr lea announced clear and specific measures to abolish apartheid. These include a prohibition on the import of iron and steel, restrictions on tourist travel between Japan and South Africa, the continuation of the suspension of air links with SOUth Africa and a prohibition on the use of international flights of South Afr iean Airways by government officials. While taking these lIeauures against SOUth Africa Japan intends to step up its economic co-operation with other countr ies in the region which may encounter eCQ'lomic difficulties as a result of developments in South Africa. Japan will also expand and strengthen its co-operative efforts to enhance the status of South Africa's black population. Similarly, Japan depl«es South Afr iea's illegal occupation of Namibia and we believe that illegal situation must be ended as soon as possible. Namibian independence should be achieved in full accordance with United Nations secur ity Council resolutions 385 (°1976) and 435 (1978), which constitute the only acceptable basis for a peaceful, just and endur ing settlement. Japan hopes that electioos for independence will be held under Ulited Nations supervision and that the day will soon come when we will be able to welcome Namibia to United Nations membership. (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) As for the situation in Afghanistan, Japan strongly appeals to the countries concerned to come to an agreement, through positive co-operation, with the good offices of the united Nations, for the prompt withdrawal of all Soviet military forces, the restoration of the Afghan people's right to self-determination, and a safe and honourable return for the refugees. In this connection we support the efforts of the Secretary-General in the proximity talks for the resolution of this problem. It is likewise most regrettable that the situation between Iran and Iraq remains tense, with hostilities between them continuing and even showing signs of intensifying and posing a major hazard to shipping in the Gulf. I appreciate the efforts made by the Security Council for a peaceful solution of this conflict, and call upon the Council to continue to play a just and more active role. I should also point out once again the need for both Iran and Iraq to respond to these Security Council efforts by appearing before the Council and stating their positions there. I support the efforts of the Secretary-General towards a solution of this conflict, and hope a way will be found to open a dialogue between the two parties. Japan intends to continue its efforts, in co-operation with like-minded countries, to create a climate cOhducive to peace between Iran and Iraq. Peace in the Middle East is one of the oldest and most tragic of the problems with which the united Nations has grappled. In order that a just, lasting and comprehensive peace may be achieved in the Middle East, I strongly hope that all of the parties concerned will redouble their efforts with a view to peace. Japan appreciates the sincere efforts of the parties concerned to attain peace, efforts exemplified by the decision to make 1987 the year of negotiations for peace. I assure the Assembly that Japan will also do everything it can to realize peace in the Middle East. (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) In Central Ame~ica, Japan hopes that the regional efforts will soon yield a peaceful solution.. In this context, we strongly support the efforts of the Contadora Group and other forces for peace in the region.. I find it most deplorable that, despite the resolutions adopted every yea~ by the overwhelming majority of the General Assembly, the situation in Rampuchea remains unresolved and continues to pose a m~jor threat to peace and stability in Asia.. Japan has long called for an early and comprehensive political solution of the Kampuchean problem, based on the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops and on the exercise of the rights of self-determination by the Kampuchean people. It strongly supports the efforts of the ASEAN countries to this end.. At the same time, Japan will continue its dialogue with Viet Nam and all of the other countries concerned in an active effort to create a climate conducive to peace in Inde-China. The situation on the Korean peninsula, just a st.ort stretch of water away from Japan, continues to be tense. Because this problem is one that should be peacefully resolved primarily through direct talks between North and South Korea, it is unfortunate that North Korea continues to be opposed to the resumption of talks. Japan hopes that substantive dialogue between the two sides will be resumed as soon as possible. The 10th Asian Games are currently being held in Seoul with the participation of a large number of young people from throughout Asia. Prime Minister Nakasone's attendance at the opening ceremonies is a demonstration of Japan's full support for the Games, in the belief that their success, as a prelude to the 1988 Seoul Olympics, will contribute to the stabi1ization of the situation on the Korean peninsula. Japan has often indicated that if both North and South would consider joining the united Nations as a step towards the reunification of the Korean peninsula, it would welcome and support their membership. This would contribute to relaxing tensions and enhancing the principle of universalit_ the United Na~ions. Considering that both North and South have already joinet., " _.umber of United Nations specialized agencies, I believe the time is ripe for the Organization to admit both North and South as Members. Each of these regional disputes and local conflicts has its own distinct cause, its own complex history, and it would be extremely difficult to solve them all at once. However, the United Nations must by no means remain a bystander. It is true that the United States and the Soviet Union play a major role in the maintenance of international peace and security. This does not mean, however, that these super-Powers are the only determining factors and that there is little the united Nations can do. Just as it would be a mistake to overestimate the ability of the United Nations as peace-keeper, so would it be wrong to disregard or underestimate its potential as an effective force in this field. In fact, the United Nations has already contributed to preventing and containing conflicts in a number of critical situations. Japan believes that the peace-keeping role of the United Nations should be strengthened, and in this regard I wish to make two points. First, it is imperative that all the Member States of the Organization continue to work seriously to revitalize the Security Council. In particular, I appeal strongly to its permanent members to join together to take positive steps to strengthen its functioning and to fulfil the grave responsibilities that go with their privileges. Secondly, we the Member States must reaffirm the role that the United Nations organs can play in the maintenance of peace and security, and seek ways in which (~r. Kuranari, Japan) each of our roles can be integrated with those of the United Nations. Given the way the Security Council, the General Assembly, and the Secretary-General have contributed to the prevention of conflicts through their fact-finGing, informal contacts and good offices, it would seem that the most practical approach to strengthening the united Nations peacekeeping role would be to enhance these functions. In this connection, I should like to refer to the working paper on the prevention of conflicts, which Japan and five other Member States prepar~ in response to the appeals by the Secretary-General, particularly in his annual reports. The working paper, which has been studied for three years by the special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations, is aimed at enhancing the role which the main United Nations organs can play within the framework of the Charter for the purpose of preventing conflicts from arising and eliminating the threat of conflict, thereby promoting the fullest possible use of the peacekeeping functions of the United Nations as a whole. I sincerely hope that this working paper will be adopted as a declaration of the Gene~al Assembly as soon as possible. In this way, every Member State would reaffirm the importance of world peace and its own commitment to the role of the United Nations. It is by no means easy to strengthen the United Nations peace-keeping functions. Yet I would recall here the words of Mr. Cordell Hull, the United States Secreta~y of State during the Second World War and a founding father of the united Nations, who said that what this Organization needed was time, perseverance and a spirit of co-operation. (Mr. Kuranari, Japan) It is precisely in these trying times, when the interests of countries are so intertwined, that we must, as suggested by Mr. Bull, seek to make the United Na tions not a forum for acr imooious deba te but a place where through tenacious effort: we can explore, devise and implement solutions to the many problems that confront us. A1Qlg with its p:::ace-keeping functions, the United Nations also has an important role to play in pronDting social and ecooomic development world-wide, especially in developing countries. Given that many regional conflicts are sparked by poverty and starvation, it is impossible to overemphasize the importance of that role. The developing countries of Latin America, Asia, OCeania and Africa are facing severe economic difficulties as a result, for example, of the collapse in COImlodity prices and their burgeoning external debts, and I am concerned that those difficulties may endanger political stability in those regions. Japan is determined to extend as much assistance as it can to those developing countries as they strive to overcome their eCQlomic difficulties. On the questiori of ·multilateral trade negotiations, I am pleased to report that agreement to launch a new round was reached at the General Agreement on Tar iffs and Trade (GATT) Minister ial Ccnference held just last week at Punta del Este. Steady expansion of exports is of primary importance for the sound ecooomic growth of developing countries, and I am confident that improvements in the trading environment resulting from progress in this new rOlDld will work to their benefit. As for Japan, we are continuing our positive efforts to further improve market access and to stimulate domestic demand. Our imports of manufactures and other products from developing countries are on the increase, especially with the recent appreciation of the yen, and we intend to step up our efforts for eCQlomic structural adjustment and to expand our trade with those countr ies. (Nr. Kuranar i, Japan) Despite its difficult financial straits, Japan has committed itself to disbursing at least 840 billicn over the seYen-year per 100 from 1986 to 1992, and in 1992 to providing double the amount of official development assistance it extended in 1985, in accordance with its Third Madium-Term Target. That conmitment was made in kaeping wi th Japan's policy of actively suppor ting the self-rel iant efforts of developing countr ies towards economic and social growth and improved standards of living and welfare. Japan stands ready to offer all possible support to ensure that the economic difficulties in developing countr ies do not ser iously hinder their development plans. In order to ensure that our co-operatioo with the developing countr ies' self-r eliant effor ts is managed properly, effectively, and e ffi ciently, it is imperative that they themselves draw up developnent plans consistent with changing caldi tions and their development needs. It is also important that there be in-depth policy dialogue on those developnent plans, and that arrangements be made to facilHate dynamic co-operation between the dalor and recipient countries in a genuine partnership. It will then be possible for Japan and the developing countries to draw up assistance and co-operaticn programmes best suited to the developnent needs and conditioos of the latter and establish a genuine partnership between them. Humanitar ian relief assistance to peoples in danger of starvation or suffer ing from natural disasters is another important part of Japanese official development assistance. Based on our exper iences in connection with last year's ear thquake in Maxico and the volcanic eruption in Colorrbia, Japan has strengthened its system for providing overseas emergency relief in order to respond faster and more fully to major natural disasters, including the despatch of teams of experts, and in addition to extending financial assistance. We shall work to further improve that system. At the same time, Japan has in recent years rapidly expanded its assistance to the famine-ravaged countr ies of Afr iea. The United Nations Programme of Actioo for African Economic Hecovery and Developnent adopted unanimously at the special session on Africa last May provided useful meditn- and lmg-term guidelines for the self-reliant development efforts of Afr iean exluntries and for international support for those efforts. I am particularly encouraged that the menbers of the Qrganizatioo for African Unity have expressed their determination to stand on their own feet and overoome Afr iea'~ ecooomic difficulties. Taking fully into account that Programme of Action, Japan is determined to contr ibute positively to Afr iea's medium- and long-term development by supporting, in particular, efforts to pronnte agricultural developnent and to make Afr iea self-sufficient in foodstuffs. We also very much hope that the constructive and realilstic attitudes of all the countries concerned demonstrated at the special sessioo on Afr iea will be followed up in the future Nor th-Sou th d ialoglJe. Japan has also sought to enhance its voluntary contributions to the United Na tions Development Programme (UNDP) and other programmes for ecooomic and technical co-operation within the United Nations system. As a result, Japan is now the largest or second largest coo tr ibu tor to many of the .Leading ass istance organizatioos. For the future, we intend to continue our efforts to better co-ordinate our bilateral co-operation with multilateral programmes such as the UNDP in order to enhance not only the quantity but also the efficiency of our assistance. we will do all we can to tailor our cootributions to the real needs of the recipient countr iea. This year coll'illemorates the 30th anniversary of Japan's admission to the United Nations. In the three deeades that have passed since then, the Government and people of Japan have consistently sought, in light of our bitter exper ience, to make co-operation wi th and support for the Uni ted Nadons a key part of Japan' s foreign policy. (Nr. Rutanar i, Japan) We recall that all Meuber States, upon admission to the United Nations, solemnly pledged to act in conformity with the purposes and principles of the united Nations Charter, acoer,rt the duties and responsibilities set forth therein, and use all thG. means at their command to fulfil those duties and responsibilities. Yet:, we see today conflicts in many parts of the world that probably could have been averteci had the parties rigorously obs:~::·red those purposes and pr inciples. I should like t!ruQrefore to appeal most strongly to those countries to remember their vows to the united Nations, to renew their commitment to the pr inciples of the Charter, to resolve their conflicts peacefully, and to direct their energies to the creation of oS better world. In less than 14 years, w'" ~hall enter the 21st century. We can either co-operate to bequeath to pc,.L::rity this united Natioos, which is the most universal organization ever created by mankind, or in clamouring for our own interests we can let the Organization crumble like the Tower of Babe!. The choice before us is clear. (Kr. Kuranar i, Japan) Mr. ANDRIDTTI (Italy) (interpretation from French): I should like fir st of all, Sir, to convey to you my most ~incere congratulations on your election to the preS?idency of the General Assembly. You represent a continent that plays a primary and increasingly authoritative role on the world scene and a country with an ancient civilization and traditions to which Italy is bound by ties of warm friendship and co-operation. I also wish to extend my warmest thanks and congratulations to your predecessor, AmbassaCbr Jaime de Pinies. Once again from this rostrum I should like to pay a tribute to the Secretary-Gene;;;'JI1, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, with whom we enjoy relations of profound trust and esteem, and reiterate the Italian Government's appreciation of hiR persevering efforts to promote the principles of the United Nations Charter .and strengthen the role and machinery of the Organization. The secretary of State for Foreign and Conmonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdan, in his capacity as current President of the European Community, illustrated this morning the views of its 12 member States on the major issues today facing the international community. Those views, which we share, are the expression of policies which are aimed at promoting greater stabiiitY and co-operation in international relations. The dramatic and sometimes tragic events we have witnessed in the Pilst few months have made us acutely aware, perhaps as never before, that the world in which we live is one of interdependence. We have seen how the effects of confl ict3 iJl'l~ tensions can jeopardize global security and gained a ~etter understanding of the interrelationship of the economies of different and even distant areas. We have also had direct proof that man's achievements in science and technology, both positive and negative, know no frontiers. It was for this reason that we decided to make co-operation and dialogue the central theme of the celebration of the International Year of Peace which took place in Rome last July. That celebration was, in fact, marked by a meeting devoted to "dialogue as the universal foundation of peace". 1 should like to take this opportW\ity to thank the secretary-General for agreeing to participate in the meeting and address it. Dialogue is needed more t~an ever before in the field of science. If any lesson has been learned from the tragic events of Chernobyl it is that science, in releasing new and unforseeably powerful energies and resources, has certainly opened up possibilities for progress, but has also liberated forces which could destroy us. We therefore need intensive collaboration alOOng scientists, which will prO'1e possible only if we are able to translate fully into 'reality the idea of an international scientific community without frontiers. we should, however, harbour no illusion that this scientific community will materialize spontaneously. As Government leaders, we must, rather, work to encourage its realization. We must therefore think of new instruments better suited to present needs. At the scientific meetings which took place in Erice, in Sicily, and which Italy not only hosted but fully supported, participants put forward ideas, proposals and concrete progranmes, such as the programne for open laboratories, which are, in our view, a step in the right direction and which are starting to attract the attention of Governments. The establishment in Geneva of the World Laboratory is a concrete example of the extent to which the scientific community can make a concrete contribution to the East-west and the North-SOuth dialogue and to the building of peace. Renowned scientists, academicians and Nobel Prize winners, including numerous representatives of the third world as well as prestigious institutions, have signed the constituent act of the Labor atory. Their goal is to promote science wi thout secrets or frontiers, in the just belief that the free circulation of scientific (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) information is a powerful instrument capable of creating a climate of safety and mutual trust in East and West and in North and South. In the most important negotiations on arms limitations, in which the main participants are the United States and the Soviet Union, the parties have put forward at the negotiating table various proposals which, in our view, indicate their oomnon determination to achieve reductions in the most destructive weapons. A new summit meeting between the two major Powers, while respooding to t.'le expectations of so many countries, could give an irreversible im~tus to this trend. A balance of forces at levels lower than those existing today must be achieved', but essential requirements must be respected: such a balance must be established at the global level, taking into account the interrelationship which exists between the var ious components of military equilibr ium. The Italian Government, for its part, attaches great importance to the prospects which seem to be opening up for negotiations aimed at achieving balanced reductions of conventional forces in Europe. A decisive role in the pursuit of disarmament agreements is also being played by the Geneva Conference on Disarmament. We hope that the work of the Conference will result, inter alia, in the speedy conclusion of a convention for a total and verifiable ban 00 chemical weapons. In the same spir it we welcome the constructive compromise agreement that was reached at the Conference on Confidence and Security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, held in Stockholm. We hope that this agreement will be the basis for a new and more constructive approach to a problem which is of primary concern to European countries. This agreement augurs well for the future, in our view, because it signals a more general willingness to seek compromise. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) We hope in particular that the third follow-up meeting to the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, in Vienna, will result in a qualitative change in East-West relations affecting not onJ~i dealings between States but the situation of their citizens. Another area in which dialogue and international co~peration are necessary, is that of terrorism, which is the very antithesis of dialogue, reason and persuasion. Terrorism is a grave threat to peace. No political situation, hOoliever Wljust, can justify any departure for even a moment from the principles of law. Nor can there be any justification for the conduct of those who deliberately disregard their obligation to seek political solutions to their problems, thereby jeopardizing the well-established supremacy of law over force. If we stray from the pa th of law we have anarchy and the tr illllph of irra tionality. I believe, nevertheless, that there is a grOoliing consensus on the need for a joint, organized response to that phenomenon of such alarming dimensions, beginn ing with the determination and identification of responsibilities. Solidarity in the fight against terror ism can already be seen at the regional level wi thin the framework of the European Community and that of the suJtlDit meeting of the seven indus tr ial ized COWltr ies in Tokyo, as well as in the broader fr amewor k of the United Nations. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) In this context may I recall the initiative taken by Italy - in association with other friendly countries - in proPosing a c~nvention on the safety of shipping and our support for the Canadian initiative on airport security. Moreover, Italy is convinced of the need for stricter compliance with the norms of general international law, including the Vienna conventions on diplomatic and consular relations. For this reason we recently adopted measures for the control of diplomatic pouches. We hope that other countries will follow our example, thus contributing to international co-operation in suppressing the traffic in arms. It is essential also, in my view, to work to remove those causes of tension that offer terrorism alibis which are in some cases far too easy. I am thinking in particular of those areas where crises are most acute, such as the Middle East. Throughout the area there are manifestations of a profound desire for peace, justice and attempts at dialogue which are even breaking through the traditional psychological barriers between the Arab world and Israel, and between Israel and the Soviet Union. However, we note with regret that certain preconditions are still being maintained and that there is no prospect of their being reconsidered in the future. This prevents achievement of the two necessary bases for a just and lasting solution of the Middle East conflict: the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to a peaceful and secure existence and the Palestinian people's right to self-determination. A dialogue must finally be started on that basis and in pursuance of those objectives, with the indispensable participation of all the parties concerned and the constructive support of those countries which are in a position to play a significant role in the region. Italy, together with its European partners, remains determined to contribute to that dialogue, to the best of its ability and with the utmost dedication. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) We must also wo~k to bring to an end the state of blind and chaotic violence prevailing in Lebanon and to promote a frank and sincere dialogue between all the communities of that country. Italy is contributing to the stability and security of at least part of that country through its participation in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). We believe that United Nations forces still have an important role to play in that area. That role is, first of all, the one decided by the Security Council in its resolution 425 (1978), which must be respected and implemented in its entirety. At the same time it would be unjust to ignore the positive effects of the presence of the peace-keeping Force in southern Lebanon, even under present conditions. For this reason we must carefully consider whether withdrawal of the Force would not entail the risk of further jeopardizing chances for a positive evolution of the situation. We would like to see the method of dialogue applied to other situations in areas adjacent to the Mediterranean region where distressing and dangerous crises persist and in some cases are escalating. I am thinking in particular of the conflict between Iraq and Iran which continues to cause tragic losses of life and large-scale material damage. Our Organization has repeatedly issued resolute and specific calls for peace, and no effort has been spared to initiate peace negotiations. We all remember the efforts deployed to this end by the late Olof Palme. We believe that the Security Council should make another solemn appeal for a cease-fire and a return to peace. Should such an appeal go unheeded, it would be necessary to use all the means available under the Charter of the united Nations for the restoration of order in a situation in Which it was clearly violated. At the special session on Africa held last May, Africa's problems were confronted in a spirit of constructive" realism. The African Governments recognize that they themselves bear the primary responsibility for the continent's economic take-off and have undertaken to pursue policies designed to start an autonomous development process with the co-operation of the international community. Italy intends to make a contribution to follow-up action to the special session. In regard to the central problem of external indebtedness and its consequences, I intend to inform the ministers for foreign affairs of sub-Saharan Africa of our intention when the Italian delegation meets with them later this week. Our purpose is to try to move to the stage of concrete ope~ati~e solutions, which may also serve as an experiment and an example. While the method of dialogue is making headway, for example, in the direct talks between Ethiopia and Somalia, unfortunately we find that within South Africa repression and violence are being stepped up and the prospects of peacefully eliminating a system based on racist principles are receding. The international community must continue to exert every effort to promote favourable conditions for the initiation of a dialogue between the Government and the political and social forces in the country aimed at building a society based on justice, equality and the full realization of the legitimate civil and political rights of all South Africans. The South African Government cannot continue to ignore the unanimous reprobation of the international community. The Twelve recently decided to send a clear signal to the South African Government by moving from the stage of restrictive measures to that of sanctions in the full sense of the term. At the same time they will continue to assist the black population of South Africa and neighbouring countries. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) The process of restoring and strengthening free and democratic institutions in Latin America certainly offers grounds for hope, in spite of the fact that freedom continues to be denied in a country like Chile where democratic traditions are among the oldest in the region. Political gains are, however, in danger of being nullified by a widespread economic crisis, with all its disruptive effects. We must therefore exercise constant vigilance and concretely commit ourselves to preventing social forces hostile to democracy, and the economic situation, from jeopardizing results that have been achieved at great cost. In Asia, a crisis like the one prevailing in Afghanistan has repercussions which are felt well beyond the regional context. We hope that the proximity talks held under the auspices of the Secretary-General will lead to positive developments. Italy continues to believe that a negotiated solution of that crisis must lead to a genuine and speedy withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan and the restoration of the independence and self-determination of that country. A similar solution should be sought for the question of Kampuchea. We are therefore deeply concerned at the absence of even the first signs of a dialogue capable of leading to a just and peaceful settlement of that problem. The system of dialogue and multilateral co-operation, in which we believe, must go hand in hand with a healthy development of international economic collaboration. Many problems remain to be resolved in this field. Among them, besides the problem of indebtedness - which I have already mentioned - is the need to ensure that international trade enjoys a sustained and balanced growth, which will require the elimination of protectionist practices, the removal of non-tariff barriers, and also a redefinition of national policies to support agriculture. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) The tasks confronting the united Nations affect not only relations between States but, in the current circumstances, also the well-being and progress of peoples owing to problems such as terrorism and drugs that tend to erode the very fabric of our societies. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) The problem of drugs, for instance, is an international phenomenon with complex structures and manifestations. It therefore requires an international response. For this reason Italy puts high hopes in {:u'Q action of the united Nations, particularly the United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control (UNFDAC), in this field and is m~king a substantial contribution to it in terms of efforts and financial resources. If the United Nations system is to meet appropriately such a vast range of responsibilities and commitments, it must constantly improve the efficiency of its machinery. We therefore support the action taken by the Secretary-General and the General Assembly to ensure sound, effective administration of this Organization. In that spirit we welcome the proposals contained in the report of the Group of High-Level Intergovernmental Experts. However, our goal must be clearly understood: we want to strengthen the United Nations system, certainly not promote a reduction in its role. Italy is a member of the two great, free political systems of the West, the Atlantic Alliance and the European Community. In our view this strengthens our capacity to participate fully in the life and activities of the broader multilateral system represented by the united Nations. The process of European integration, which Italy pursues with particular conviction, has the purpose of increasing the capability of European countries to contribute to stability in international relations and to removing tensions and conflicts, promoting economic and social development and co-operation and, lastly, reaffirming those values of freedom, democracy and respect for human rights that are an integral part of European civilization. It is in this spirit that Italy is participating in the building of a Europe which we believe is bound in the not too distant fugure to become the main partner of all States Members of this Organization that share the same objectives of peace and progress. Mr. TALES IBRAHIMI (Algeria) (interpretation from Arabic): Your accession, Sir, to the presidency of the forty-first session of the united Nations General Assembly is a source of pleasure and pride for Algeria - pleasure because it is a choice that rewards you for your qualities, experience and wisdom as an accomplished diplomat, which provide our Organization with good reason to expect our work to be accomplished successfully; and pride because in electing you this Assembly has paid a tribute to Bangladesh, a brother country that has found recognition in the United Nations and identifies with its ideals and values. The Organization that has entrusted you with one of its most responsible posts and paid you the highest honour is aware of the difficulty of the present and the uncertainty of the future. Your mission is not an easy one; we are all aware of that. The tasks that have been given to you are difficult ones; we are clearly aware of that also. You will need our understanding, support and co-operation, and you can expect to receive them. You may be assured of mine and those of my country. You have succeeded Ambassador Jaime de Pinies. In his brilliant career he has been a respected representative of his country and a far~sighted and dedicated servant of this Organization, to which he has given so much. I hope he will accept my congratulations on work wpll and successfully done and my cordial wishes for his health and happiness. I am very happy to see the Secretary-General fully recovered and again at the helm of this Organization, which has a secure present and future because of the courage and self-sacrifice of men of goodwill like him, who share his devotion and enlightened convictions. I can testify that the Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, works not only for what the United Nations must be but also, and especially, for what it must be as a vision of the future order of the better world that is desl~ed and expected. Against that historical background, we shall, I with him, be the builders of a new stage, and we shall also stand at his side as he strives to maintain the role of the United Nations today and expand it for the benefit of the changing world it must serve. A yea~ ago the United Nations celebrated its fortieth anniversary. A few days ago, in Harare, the Movement of Non-Aligned COuntries commemorated the twenty-fifth anniversary of its emergence in contemporary international relations. The united Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement share the same historical path. Their roads have frequently converged and their plans have always centred on oppression that must be abolished, peace for the world, and co-operation that must be established and developea between ~ations. The united Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement are advancing together patiently on the long road to freedom, peace and progress. Non-alignment is thus part and parcel of the whole range of values and ideals of the United Nations. It is completely committed to those values and to the collective work that must be done to ensure their triumph. The collective work that has not been completed is considered incomplete by the Non-Aligned Movement also. What has yet to be accomplished is an integral part of everything for which the Non-Aligned Movement is still working. A year ago here the United Nations and a few days ago in Harare the Non-Aligned Movement, in identical summaries, noted that the present world order is not the best possible one. The present order is in crisis. An order that is not prepared and has not the means to respond to the challenges ~f the latest outrages inflicted upon it by colonial or racial oppression is not the best order. An order that shows neither the imagination nor the capacity to conceive the security of those it protects except in terms of terror, which in turn generates all kinds of excesses, is not the best order. An order which, when it comes to the essential needs of our time - peace and development - can offer no alternative to this tragic (Mr. Taleb Ibrahimi, Algeria) and frightening situation of an armaments race fed by $1,000 billion and a total indebtedness of another $1,000 billion, an order that, ironically, equates resources for destructive purposes with resources for constructive purposes is not the besc order. Finally, an order in which privileged wealth is paid for at the highest price by the depr ivation of the greatest nwOOer is not the best order. Such an order is neither tolerable nor acceptable. It is an order of insecurity, instability and imbalance. It is an order of division and confrontation. It is not an order of law and equity. It is not an order which has a vision of mankind gathered together in solidar i ty • This order mus t change • The united Nations and the Non-Aligned lobvement share this determination to seek change, because the present order has clearly demonstrated its inability to be the creator and guarantor of an authentic collective security system. Similarly, it has offered boundless testimony of its inability to create the conditions and to provide the means for growth and developnent for the benefit of all. In this order, the principles which we, for a long time, believed had been laia down once and for all and enshrined and, therefore, respected, are still unfulfilled. The sovereign equality of states is challenged even here. Recourse to force in any form Whatsoever in the settlement of disputes is internationally prohibited yet, it is still looked upon with some favour. Interference or outside intervention in regional or national affairs is present and serious. The freedom of people and of States to choose their political, economic or social systems is still challenged. At their meeting in Harare, the Heads of State and Government of the Non-Aligned Movemen t reaffirmed the validi ty and justice of the policy of non-alignment as well as the impor tance of its contr ibution to balance and stability in the present system of international relations while bearing in mind what is being done by its detractors. The Non-Aligned M:>vement follows an independent policy, a policy without military, political or strategic alliances, an autonomous policy in its initiatives and actions. Having decided on the measures taken and the measures yet to be taken, the Non-Aligned Movement is determined to come to grips with the great problems of our time and to deal \:ith them. (Mr. Ta1eb Ibrahimi, Alger ia) In so doing, the Non-Aligned Hcwement has never considered, nor will it consider, itself as a fortress isolated from the affairs of the world, nor has it ever considered itself to be a simple observer merely taking note of developments. Non-alignment has its position to take and its jUdgement to make wherever tone freedom of people is challenged, where States are threatened or harmed in terms of what they have chosen to do for themselves, or where peace and international security are to be established, or where development is to be protected against the predatory dangers of others. Some wish to identify noo-alignment with a false and antagonistic logic of alliances - to say what cne believes to be the correct law is not.alignment'; to say what one believes to be justice, order and the best thing to do wi th regard to local or regional ccnflicts, tensions and global problems which the world faces, is not alignment either. Non-alignment has never meant surrender ~ silence or complacency. It is to the honour of non-alignment; it is its asset, its merit and its strength that it has never yielded to those temptaticns. This is especially true because it is difficult to SUCCUnD to the tempt.ltion to surrender, to be silent or to be complacent, given the present state of the world. No matter from what angle we look at the world, all we can see are increased signs of agony, danger and des ti tu tion. Simply to note that the valuable resources of mankind are still being used to destroy rather than to build is in itself an elCX]uent summary of the situation. The spiraling arms race is growing more diversified, more sophisticated and developed. Neither the earth nor the sea lanes, nor outer space has been spared. It is not the fault of the p:>licy of non-alignment, whi.ch has ceaselessly and unrelentingly declared that all living space is the comfllon heritage of mankind. Nor is it the fault of the policy of noo-alignment thAt it has tr ied everything to draw attention to the stupidity of a situation where man prefers instruments of (Hr. Taleb Ibrahimi, Alger ia) death to satisfaction of the most essential unmet needs of mankind. If the common ideal is to be - and indeed is of a single, united, indivisible mankind, there should be no room for anything that threatens its survival. The nuclear age given over to military purposes is the greatest of the dange~s looming over the future of the human species. No doctrine, strategy or goal can justify the existence or the improvement of such a nuclear age. Today is the best time to want to curb the arms race. As limited and weak as this approach may be, it is none the less a respectable approach. However, one must say again and again that there is no salvation for mankind without general and canplete disarmament, conceived as an integral part of an authentic dellDcratically organized and established collective secur ity system. Belief in per ipheral, selective systems of security have had their day; have shown their faults and have demonstrated their limits. The truth is that the new system of international security will be genuinely collective and democratic or there will not be a system at all. That is the only peace alternative, which is an absolutely essential ccndi tion for in terna tional r elations to be fa ir, stable and sOlD'ld. The question of peace and secur ity cannot be separated from the question of development. Indeed, each day the development crisis acquires new dimensions which point to insecurity and instability in today's world relations. In some areas this crisis takes the form of survival; in other "areas it is the laborious, costly development efforts which are being challenged or compromised. (Mr. 'l'aleb Ibrahimi, Algeria) There are facts to be stated or restated in regard to that crisis. First, we should note that the cr is is is str uctural in nature and global in impact. Indeed, the fOWldations and functiooing of the current system of international economic relations are not ada~ll~ed to current requirements for growth and developnent. The same is true of the central parameters of currency and finance, trade and raw mater ials. If we were to p:>int to the most glar ing signs of this inability to adapt, they would be indebtedness, the cootraction of world trade and the acute stagnation in the raw mater ial and commodi ties markets. secaldly, the recovery that has been presented as a cure-all to the crisis has shown itself to be fragile, precarious and without lasting force. The same is true of the chain-reaction effect that it was thought could be attributed to that recovery. Thirdly, the structural disfunctioning of the current system of international ecooomic relations, with its negative consequences for the developing world, is on the one hand destroying what has so labor iously been acquired on the other, including severe internal adjustments. Fourthly, exper iments attempted and carried out have, moreovet', strongly proved the senselessness of any solution that separates growth from development. It has now become clear that there is no effective role to be played and no possible solution other than those that include growth and development as interconnected and interdependent elements. From this comes the necessity for a renewed North-South dialogue sustained by the resolve of all and directed towards the achievement of all those global adjustments that the present crisis has shown to be so vital. Fifthly and finally, in the context of the general developnent of interna tional rela tions, the North-SOuth gap, which is growing and deepening, is fraught with danger. The growth and deepening of that gap is not measured merely by quantitative size~ the main coocern should rather be qualitative in nature. i'Ilat will the coofiguration of internatiooal relations be tomorrow as the result of an evolutioo by which some people move towards the post-industrlal revolutioo while others remain subjugated by pre-development? That question encanpasses the major political dimension of the present world economic order and of the crisis it has brought about. Mankind is thus facing other cboices, and there is only ooe that is valid - that of orderly and obstacle-free changes and transformatioos. To say that the new internatiooal ecooomic order is the necessary cboice is not to sin by utopian ism or lack of realism. As the expression of a will and of an attempt to bridge the North-South gap, the new internatiooal ecooomic order offer s a path, which some still hesitate or refuse to take but which remains the only path assur ing the stable and orderly development of wor:ld relations and leading to a universally shared prosperity. The M:>vement of Non-Aligned Countries, which has the double misfortune of counting among its menDers peoples who are still under domination or oppression and regions caught up in conflict or tensioo, was obliged to make its voice heard so that what needs to be corrected will be corrected wi th all due respect to their purp:>ses and principles and to those enshrined in the Charter of the united Nations. This is the case in southern Africa, where apartheid still imposes its outrageous laws. But the pace of history is accelerating in southern Africa, and apartheid no longer has a future there. It is the collective responsibility of the international comnunity to hasten the end of a system that has been branded a er ime against humanity. To that end, there is no way other than that of global and manda wry sanctions, commensurate with such a cr ime. For the national resistance movements - in South Africa under the leadership of the Afr ican Naticnal Coogress of South Afr ica (ANC) and in Namibia under the leader ship of the SouthWest Africa People's Organ iza tioo (SWAPO) - as well as for the froot-line States, which have known acts of aggression and occupation, we must provide some small ~fort to their just struggle. The. same law of aggression, occupation and persistent spoliation applies to the Middle Fast and Palestine. There, there is injustice to be corrected and national rights to be restored. No lasting peace can be established without the Pales.tinian people, outside the Palestinian people and, a fortiori, against the Palestinian people. The national rights of the Palestinian PeOple must be respected. That people has the inalienable right to an independent State in Palestine, its historic land. The occupied Arab territories, including Al Quds Al Sharif, must be vacated. Ravaged Iebanoo must once again be able to live in a climate of national understanding and unity and to enjoy its sovereignty and territor ial integr ity. There can be no solutioo to the crisis in the Middle East other than a global solutiM centring round the tragedy of the Palestinian people. For well known historical reasoos, the United Nations has a special responsibility in this respect. An internatiooal conference under the auspices of the United Nations remains the sole framework that would be possible, feasible or credible. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate and authentic representative of the Palestinian people, must take its place and make its voice hear. Not fa.r from that region, the distressing conflict between Iraq and Iran is cootinuing and intensifying, to the detriment of the interests of the two fraternal peoples, and is threatening security and stability in that part of the world. In the need for good neighbourliness and for a responsible, clear and courageous identification of the true interests of the two countries we can find the resources to put <;;:1 end to the state of cooflict and hostilities and to open negotiations leading to a peaceful solution •• • The President returned to the Chair. (Hr. Taleb Ibrahimi, Alger ia) In an identical approach and assessment the united Nations, the Organization of African Unity and, most recently, the Non-Aligned Movement, at its eighth summit meeting, described the conflict in Western Sahara as part of a decolonization process yet to be completed by the exercise of the right of the people of the territory to self-determination and independence. In this regard the African peace plan, which has now become a universal plan, sets out the framework, the conditions and the means for a peaceful, negotiated settlement of the conflict. The principal political guidelines of this plan concern the appeal for direct negotiations between the two warring parties - in this case Morocco and the POLISARIO Front - direct negotiations between those parties on the conditions for a cease-fire and for a referendum on self-determination and the requirement that that referendum be free from any administrative or military constraints. Within the framework of the political guidelines which the Assembly laid down at its previous session, the outgoing Chairman of the Organization of African Unity and the Secretary-General of the United Nations have striven to carry out their mission of peace. My country salutes their goodwill and persistence, and congratulates them on what they have achieved. Similarly, my country will encourage the mission of good offices in everything it may do, so that Western Sahara, too, may see the cause of freedom triump. If that cause is to find its final expression and its ultimate satisfaction in a referendum on self-determination, that referendum must be orderly and genuine. A referendum ~.l self-determination whose primary purpose is to confirm and codify a fait aCCOmpli is not a true referendum. A referendum on self-determination carried out and sanctioned by the occupying force is not a referendum. A referendum on (Mr. Ta1eb Ibrahimi, Algeria) self-determination which confines the Organization of African unity and the united Nations to a declamatory role is not a referendum. The referendum on self-determination proposed and decided u~~n now by the international community as a whole is something quite different. It is precisely that kind of referendum which must prevail, in the name of justice, law and peace in the Maghreb. In this matter it is precisely the building of a unified Great Maghred that is at stake: the area as a whole is an important geostrategic zone. Therefore, we do not doubt that it is the object of ambition and greed. Algeria has no alternative but to work for a unified, stable, secure and non-aligned Great Maghred. The ill-conceived initiative in introducing the aggressive, destabilizing zionist factor does serious harm to this worth-while enterprise, which has brought together all people of goodwill in the region. In my country we venture to believe that the course of unification of the Maghreb is irreversible. No obstacles, whatever their variety, nature or form, can stop it. Resort to force has caused a brutal outburst in the Mediterranean, filling that region to overflowing with crisis and tension. The acts of aggression committed there are inadmissible and intolerable and must be condemned. That aggression damages the collective enterprise of the coastal non-aligned countries, which have set for themselves the noble goal of making the Mediterranean Sea a zone of peace and co-operation. However, those countries find in the acts of force carried out new testimony to the need for all the things they have proclaimed and what they are work.ng for - that is, to free the Mediterranean from the conditions of war imposed upon it and to restore to it the peaceful status of a place of friendliness,meeting and enjoyment. Central America is the sUbject of this same logic of force and its effects. The rights of peoples and States and international legality have not been observed and respected. The peoples and States of the region must be able to live in harmony among themselves and with others, free from unjustifiable foreign intervention~ The Contadora Group still enjoys our confidence and support. The United Nations is experiencing a decisive crisis in its history. It is our common responsibility to understand correctly the facts of that crisis in order to deal with it in the best interests of our Organization. In this context I reaffirm my country's faith in the United Nations and, further, our overriding obligation to protect the Organization. The United Nations must be maintained, preserved and protected. International relations without the United Nations not only are inconceibable, but would be dangerous. The United Nations is the order of dialogue and co-operation; to harm it is, directly or indirectly, to harm the order of dialogue and co-operation itself. Finally, the United Nations is the most promising augury for the world of tomorrow. If it is challenged or weakened, that long-desired better world will be compromised. It is our shared goal to ensure that the United Nations becomes more efficient, effective and influential in the conduct of world affairs. If this means the rationalization of structures, better use of available institutions, the elimination of unnecessary expenditure and the abolition of overlapping of functions and duplication, no one will object. On the other hand, if all it means is challenge miltilateralism and the central role therein of the United Nations, there will be reason to question the implications of such a fatal cycle. None of us will benefit if that happens; we shall all be the losers. (Mr. Taleb Ibrahimi, Algeria) Mr. PAEOULIAS (Greece) (spoke in Greek; English text furnished by the delegation): 1 should like, at the outset, Sir, to offer you my delegation's warmest congratulations on your election as President of the General Assembly. Although our two countries are geographically far apart they nevertheless maintain close ties and sincere fr iendship. Your wide exper ience is the best guarantee that you will successfully deal with difficulties which might arise and that you will guide the work of this Assembly in the most effective way. The Foreign secretary of the United Kingdan, speaking on behalf of the 12 member States of the EUropean Conmunity, has presented the COlllliunity's position on various important international issues. Greece, oblTiously, fully shares those views. I shall therefore confine my statement to my Government's position on major world issues as well as on those which are of particular interest to Greece. A more detailed presentation of the Greek views is included in the text of my statement. Last year we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of our Organization. Much was heard on that occasion of the ability of the united Nations to contribute effectively in dealing with the multiple problems facing our world today. At the same time all speakers stated their intention to cootribute effectively to that purpose. Unfor tunately, the festive atmosphere was marred by the fact that the Member States were not able to agree on the text of a common declaration. It is a matter of regret that national oonsideratioos proved to be stronger than the effor t to reaffirm the purposes and principles of this Organization. This year we are observing another significant occasion, namely, the twenty-fifth anniversary of the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement, which since its foundation has played a significant role on the international scene. The Prime Minister of Greece, in his coogratulatory message to the new Chairman of the Movement, Prime Minister Mugabe of Zimbabwe, stated: "Greece particularly appreciates the role of the Non-Aligned Movement in internatiooal affairs and acknowledges its important contribution to the strengthening of world peace, stabiLity and development and to the proIlOtion of internatiooal detente." It was a pleasure and an hooour for my Government to be asked to participate as a guest, for the first time, in such an important world event as the Harare Summit Cooference. That 10vitatim reflects the excellent relatims we enjoy with the members of the Non-Aligned Movement, relations we wish to prollDte even further. Our 10g the year that has elapsed no significant developnent was mar ked on the major issues our Organization is dealing with. We have observed with pleasure, however, that the two super-Power s have broadened the areas of their: dia logue wi th the prospect that those cmtacts may culminate in a high-level meeting whose realizatim and success we all wish for. We are fully aware that peace on earth depends to ~ large extent on the quali ty of the relations bebleen the two s uper-Power s. International secur ity and disarmament consti tute two major goals of our foreign policy. In a spirit of collective responsibility for: world peace, the Greek Prime Minister, Mr. Papandreou, together with the leader s of the States which participate in the initiative of the Six, has cmtinued the efforts for nuclear disarmament. The Declaration of Mexico recently adopted in Ixtapa, calling again upon the two super-Powers to cease nuclear tests as well as the production and developnent of all nuclear weapons and to avoid their deployment in space, reflects the agmizing concern of our PeOples on the eventuality of a nuclear holocaust. As far as nuclear weapons are concerned Greece supports their gradual and nutual reduction by both alliances, to the lowest possible level. The canplete abolition of nuclear weapons remains for us the immutable ultimate goal. Similar ly, (Mr. Papoulias q Greece) the question of a balanced reduction of conventional arms should be dealt with. In the search for pr inciples which could ·strengthen international secur ity we should not lose sight of the close relationship between nuclear and conventional weapons. we believe that on these issues viable agreements could be reached, the implementation of t«iich could be monitored through an effective verifica tion system. May I at this p::>int welcome the p::>sitive outcome of the Stockholm Cooference on Confidence and security Building Measures and Disarmament in Europe, which we hope will contribute to diminishing the danger of war between the two blocs. I should like also to stress that the Greek Government attaches great importance to the nuclear Non-Proliferat;ia1 Treaty. The improvement of the p::>litical atmosphere, both regionally and internationally, the rentmciation of violence as a means to resolve differences and the developnent of a wide sense of secur ity are, of course, prerequisites for the aboli tion of arms systems, particularly those of nuclear weapons. It would be remiss of me if I did not refer, at this point, to the consequences of disarmament on ecooomic development, particularly in a world wi th limited natural resources. My Government is equally interested in promoting '«:he idea of the creation of nuclear-free zenes. We have consistently supported the pxoposal to make the Balkans a zene free of nuclear an,d chemical weapons. At this point I should like t,') refer to the coocern of the Greek Government arising from the growing proliferation and use of chemical weap::>ns, in centravention of existing international rules. We believe that the international community should set amongst its priorities a complete ban on the production and use of chemical weapons as well as the destruction of existing stockpiles. (Hr. Pap::>ulias, Greece) It is ooly natural that my GoI7ernment attaches particular importance to the sensitive area of the n:dii:erranean. Greece, Cl Mediterran~an country ~ith an ancient traditioo, considers developments in the Mediterrafiean as critical, not only for international relations but more specificall~' for reasCX'lS pertaining to its own security. We have therefore sincerely and consistently supported all genuine efforts to promote peace in the area, not only for the benefit of the Mediterranean peoples but also for the sake of world stability. We look f;......ward to seeing the Mediterranean become an area of peace, friendship and co~peratioo among its peoples. Within the context of problems of wider significance which transcend the limits of regional relationships, the case of human rights and fundamental freedoms should be stressed, as well as the need to promote social, economic and cultural rights. We are unswervingly convinced that strict canpliance wi th the internatiCX'lal rules adopted in this respect is an obligatiCX'l of States, not merely an optioo. The Greek Government has also repeatedly declared its conmitment to the improvement of the status of women, aiming at the total eradication of discrimination based on sex, at the national, regional and international levels. We therefore attach particular importance to the implementation of the strategies adopted at the Nairobi Cooference. (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) Iet me now turn to the problem of terrorisn, which has become a present-de.y drama. My country is situated in a geographical region where international problems have remained unresolved for decades, creating a psychology of desperatioo. Greece has been particularly afflicted by acts of terrorism, despite its efforts, within its means, to prevent them. We have rePeatedly and unequivocally condemned terror ism and adhere to international treaties aimed at coIlbating it. The peace-loving Greek PeOple abhor actions which can harm innocent people. The consensus achieved in the united Natims with the adoptim of General AsseIlbly resolution 40/61 should be used to this effect. I would also like at this point to stress that me should not combat terrorism with illegal acts. Otherwise we enter into a vicious circle leading to a dangerous escalation. There are, unfortunately, a number of subjects with which our Organization has repeatedly dealt, wi thout any progress towards their resolution. The situation in southern Afr ica remains explosive, with unfores~n consequences for peace, security and the stability in the area. Its prolongation entails broader repercussims on international relations. Greece wa tches wi th particular interest developments in the area, not only because of the overall impact of the problem, but also because a sizeable Greek community lives in south Africa. The recent grave deterioration of the situation in SOuth Africa, together with the failure of the well-known mediation efforts of the missions of the Commonweal th and the European Conununity render prospects highly unfavourable. There is obviously no intention on the part of the SOuth African Government to abolish the a~)horrent apartheid system, which Greece has repeatedly, consistently and firmly condenned. (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) (Mr. Papoul!as, Greece) . I wogld alsQ like to s ....mg!y cmdem!! cn~ again t.~e mUitary i.~terventionsof South Africa against its neighbouring countries. Greece expresses its unequivocal solidarity with the front-line States, mich should receive full international support in order successfully to cope with the threat against them. Unfortunately, the problem of Namibia is also in a canplete deadlock. SOuth Africa continues the illegal occupation of the Territory and refuses to proceed to the inunediate and unccnditional implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978) on ti.'le independence of Namibia, which we consider as the sole internationally accepted basis for a peaceful solution of the problem. My Government follows with great attention the developnents in the region of the Middle East. Last year, from this very rostrum, I stressed the principles guHing our policy with respect to the Arab-Israeli conflict. Allow me to reiterate !"l'lem, since it has not been possible, during this past year, to proIlDte the peace process effectively despi te a degree of movement. The withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the Arab territories occupied in 1967 is the basic prerElGluisite for the peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. This occupation has been repeatedly deplored by the international conununity through numerous resolutions of the United Nations, which, unfortunately, have not been implemented. we support the fundamental and inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, including their right to create their own State. At the same time we fully support the right of Israel to exist within secure, internationally recognized borders. We believe that it is only through negotiations that a canprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the dispute can be reached. These negotiations should th~refore start without further delay, with the participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) which, as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, has a significant role to play in the peace process. difficult to imagine how such a proces's could start in a climate marked by tension and efforts to impose faits accanplis. As in the case of Cyprus, we reject the policy of faits accol!J)lis and of unilateral measures, as well as any attempts at altering the demographic and geographical conditions in the occupied territories. Such actions are contrary to international law and undermine the prospects for peace. For reasons related to the religious tradition, we attach particular importance to the status of Jerusalem. In Lebanon, the recurrence of the crisis and the repeated acts of violence take us farther away from the goal to wich all interested parties, as well as those who exercise influence, naturally aspire: that is to say, to the re-establishment of the unity, scwereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. we also call upon all parties to assist the United Nations Inter im Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), so that it can fulfill the highly important task for wich it has been established. The war between Iran and Iraq has now been going on for six years, bringing destruction to both sides. My country, because of its friendly relations with bottr parties, calls upon them to demonstrate a conciliatory spir it so that hostilities might cease and negotiations start within the mediation efforts of the secretary-General of the United Nations. The situation in Central America continues, unfortunately, to remain tense. Greece is not the only country wich has stressed that the problems of the area, problems deep-rooted in the past, cannot be dealt with, let alone be solved, except through peaceful proCedures. My Government sincerely regrets that despite the help offered by the Group of Support, the Contadora process has not yet produced the expected results. we still hope that it might do so and continue to fully support it. (Kr. Papoulias, Greece) ...... .:- ...._..._.._.. .1.1;. "'0, IIUwliI:iiiY ... , The courageous efforts of many Iatin American gOl1ernments to find a solution to the loog-lasting problems of their countries should be particularly praised. We wish that the democratizatioo process in those SOuth American countries which still lack democratic institutions will be expedited. we are therefore irritated by the recent deterioration in Chile of an already intolerable situation of suppression of political freedoms and human rights. We condemn the barbarous methods of the military dictatorship ar}d express our solidarity with the people of Chile. Greece, as I have already mentioned, has consistently condemned all cases of irrvasion and occupation of countries by th;,ed Powees, as well as the policy of faits accomplis. We adopt the same position regarding the situation which persists in Afghanistan and Kampuchea, br inging great hardship to the peoples of those oountr ies. We firmly consider that the foreign troops which are in Afghan is tan and in Kampuchea should wi thdraw. fully, as soon as possible, according to the resolutions of the united Natioos. The area of the Balkans is, for obvious reasons, one of vital inter.iJt t-o t ~ t • f' Ct:eece, A lQri~ "~ai tion determines the constants in I.aalkart countr ies. Therefore, my Government has undertaken all efforts in order to improve relations with our neighbouring countries as '.l7ell as the overall 'political ~ . Clunate in the Balkans. We have noted with satisfaction that our endeavours have yielded positive results in all cases save one. Though self-evident, it is wofj:Pwhile stressing ooea again that where mutual respect existo, whet, nF? claims , . ... ~ are raised, Where established sovereign rights are not questioned, then all peoples, even those which in the past were spl it by long-standing and deep differences, can easily find the road to co-opera Hon and friendship. ,. (Mr. Pap?ulias, Greece) •• t \. the rela tions be~t!i'tfflt ~e ~ 'f~ to,.•• In 1111' :a~ch I touched upal certain major international issues. Allow me now to expand on the question of Cyprus. It is of the utmost concern to my Government, not ally because it is a mjor internaticnal problem, but also for historical, national and cultural reasons, since 80 per cent of the island's p3pulation are Cypriot citizens of Greek origin who share the Hellenic heritage. (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) Furthermore, apart from its special relationship with the Republic of cyprus, my country is also one of its guarantor Powers. Therefore, our interest in developments in cyprus, and more particularly in the illegal presence of the Turkish army there, is particularly strong. The question of Cyprus is one of those rare internathmal problems on which the world community has expressed itself practically unanim:)usly, not only on how it should be resolved but also on what specific arrangements should be included in any solution. I would refer, indicatively, to General Assenbly resolution 3212 (XXIX), Security Council resolutio., 365 (1914) and paragraph? of General Assemly resolution 37/253, according to which: "The General Assembly ••• considers the withdrawal of all occupation forces from the Rel-'ublic of Cy~us as an essential basis for a speedy and mutually acceptable solution of the problem of Cyprus". 'Ehat statement is crystal clear and unambiguous. The question of Cyprus is a problem arising from invasion and continuing military occupation. Therefore, the withdrawal of the Turkish troops constitutes a necessary prerequisite for any solution. I \IlOuld point out that very recently the sunmit meeting of the Non-Aligned Movement in Harare reiterated that all foreign troops and Turkish settlers, who already number more than 60,000, should leave Cyprus as an unconditional pre-condition of a solution. We are firmly convinced that a just and viable solution of the Cyprus question presupposes the withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from the terd tory of the Republic of Cyprus before any new consti tution enters into force. Such a solution should also provide for a system of international guarantees, non-rnilitary in character, which should preclude the possibility of unilateral intervention, so that the security of the people of Cyprus in its entirety is effectively assured. I (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) I shall not elaborate on the details of the latest initiative of the Secretary-General, both bacause that falls within the competence of the President of Cyprus and because the facts are more or less well known to all. I should simply like to stress that the draft framework agreement presented by the secretary-General cOl7ers exhaustively all the constitutional aspects of the problem, practically to the sole benefit of the Turkish side. At the same time, the questions of the withdrawal of foreign troops, guarantees and the so-called three freedoms, that is to say, the main elements of the Cyprus problem, subjects of vital interest to the Greek Cypriots, are relegated to vague and uncertain future procedures. Let me point out in this respect that the Turkish side has cynically declared that under any solutioo part of the Turkish Army would :o:emain in Cyprus and that Ankara would insist upon a system of guarantees which would give it tile right to unilateral military intervention. It is therefore obvious that the framework agreement is one-sided and incomplete. It is inconceivable that one could evaluate, let alone make comments on, that draft without first hearing, offi.cially, the position of the Turkish side on the questions of the withdrawal of the Turkish troops, the guarantees, the three freedorns and the Turkish settlers. In view of that situation, President Kyprianou submitted his well-known proposals of 10 June, whose substance is that these pending points should be discussed as a matter of pr ior ity before he would be able to take any position whatsoever regarding the draft framework agreement. My Q:)vernment fully and stroogly supports this position taken by the Government of the Republic of Cyprus, which is entirely rational, constructive and fair. We believe that these proposals of the President of the Republic of Cyprus include all the elements which would guarantee progress without prejudice to the vital i~£terests of any side. (Mr. Papoulias, Greece) 1m.y OI7erviewof international affairs would be incanplete without a reference to economic problems. In 1986 a number of important developnents took place on the international ecooomic scene. They ranged from the fall in the price of oil and lower interest rates to changes in perceptions with regard to the formulation of the economic policy at a global level. tiith in the fr amewor k of international efforts to resolve the exter nal debt problem of developing colXltries we have consistently supported the significant initiative undertaken in 1985 at the annual meetings of the International lobnetary Fund and the World Bank. We follow with keen interest the evolution of the issue. None the less we are concerned by the SlCM pace of progress. I should also like to refer to the question of world trade; Its development, the reduction of protectionism and joint enterpreneur ial activity constitute one of the most secure means of rapprochement and understanding between States with different points of view and political systems. I hope that the recent Ministerial Conference at Punta del Este, where the spirit of canpromise prevailed, will mark the starting point of a difficult process for the progressive resolution of the canplex and multidimensional p~oblem of the liberation of international trade. The international community is called upon to eliminate the persistent int>alances in the world economy through effective multilateral co-operation. The recent special sessioo of the General Assembly 00 l1.£rica, at a moment when the role of the united Nations is being reviewed, prOl7ed ooce more the importance of international co-operation. Another recent pertinent example of the value of international co-operation within the framework of the united Nations is the Treaty on the Law of the Sea, which was signed in 1982. Greece, as a maritime nation, expresses the hope that it will soon enter in to force. I (Kr. Papoulias, Greece) During the past year our Organization has been tried by a serious, ongoing economic er isis. This cannot be attr ibuted to a single cause. It is the result of many factors and must be dealt with effectively and substantively to avoid more ser ious difficulties in the future. Greece actively fo11CMS efforts for greater rationalization and streamlining of the finances of the Organizatioo. We have studied wi th great interest the oonclusioos and :ceool1lDendations of the Group of 18 governmental experts. I think we all agree that the Group carried out its ta.sk effectively and that its recollll'lendations s<lould be studied with particular attention. Our thanks should also be directed to the secretary-General, who, with his usual zeal and devotion to his mission, has worked tmtiringly in order to deal with the crisis. I should like to express my GoI1ernment's pleasure at Mr. Perez de Cuellar's complete recovery. It is only natural that ~ feel frustrated, since for many years the major international problems have continued to appear on the Organization's agenda without any substantial progress being made towards their solution. This disappointment, however, is cotmterbalanced to a certain extent by the realization that those issues are being discussed by the international community, which we hope will, as tilDe goes by, become all the more conscious of the importance of those issues for humanity's peace, progresl3 and prosper ity, all of which are mankind's everlasting wish and eternal aim. (Mr. Papoulias , Greece) Mr.. ELLFMANN-JENSEN (Denmar k) : Mc.. President, a llow me, fir st, to offer to you my sincere coogratulations on your election to the presidency of we forty-first sessioo of the General Assembly.. I can assure you of the full co-operation of the Danish delegation in the performance of the duties of your high office. Denmark's strong and persistent support, in deed as well as in words, of the United Nations is well known. OVer the years Denmark has been a major contributor to United Nations efforts in the economic, social and technical fields as well as to United Nations peace-k"eeping forces. Our contributions have steadily increased also in relative terms. This increase reflects our strong belief that in a rapidly d changing world of growing interdependence, multilateral co-operation remains indispensable. The focus of attention of the General Assembly is on what is widely seen as an acute financial crisis of the Olited Nations. We commend the secretary-General for having taken the measures approved by the General Assembly in April. They have served to alleviate the situation in the short run. It will be a main task of this session of the General Assembly to address the question of appropriate medium and long-term measures. The viability of the Organization itself is at stake. It is essential that all Member States fulfil their part of the responsibility for financing the Uni ted Na tions. Unila teral ac tion by MembeJ: States in contravention of the Charter undermines the author ity and wor k of the Organization.* *Mc. Ferm, Sweden, Vice-President, took the Chair. I we welcome the report of the Group of High-Level Intergovernmental E1cperts to Review the Efficiency of the Administrative and Financial Functioning of the United Nations. It CQ'ltains a nunber of valuable recommendations wich, it is to be hoped, will initiate a process of reform. As I see it, we must pursue two objectives simUltaneously: first, we must make a determined effort towards administrative and financial reform,; second, and probably more important, we must seek a more realistic COlllllon understanding of what can be expected from the United Nations. As in previous years a number of important internatiooal issues are before the General Assenbly. Turning first to developments in the East-West relationship, I am encouraged to note that there has been some imprOl7ement. The United States and the SOI7iet Union are prepar ing for a new summit meeting. Denmark hopes that the negotiations will prOl7ide a better climate and renewed confidence and dialogue between East and West. We should not assume that dialogue can remove all differences between East and West. It cannot. But the dialogue must address itself to the real problems and aim at concrete solutioos. The extent to which we achieve such solutions will be the proper measure of the attainment of genuine detente. Thus, detente must not be limited to efforts towards relaxation of political and military tensions. It must be comprehensive and comprise also a dialogue on humanitarian issues of direct relevance to individuals in East and west alike as well as on economic co~peratioo, trade and environmental problems. It is of overriding importance that all countries in East and west should particip:lte in this dialogue. In difficult times for the East-West relationship, contacts between the smaller and medium-sized European countr ies of East and west have helped the dialogue along. After the summit meeting in Geneva in (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) dimension. But all countr ies in Europe, allied or neutral or noo-aligned, have something to cootr ibute to the dialogue between East and west. The process initiated by the Final Act of the Helsinki Cooference on security and Co-operation in Europe forms a focal point fer dialogue and confidence-building among the par ticipa ting Cooference on secur ity and Co-oper ation in &1rope «SCE) States in Europe and Nor th America. The recent succeSSful conclusioo of the Stockholm Cooference with the adoption of new confidence and security-building measures has laid the foundatioo for imprOlTing confidence in the military field. Confidence-building is, however, a subject that cannot be limited to the military area. Canpliance with the commitments which the participating States have undertaken in the Helsinki Final Act and the Madrid Coocluding Document, not least within the human dimension, is equally important for creating confidence between East and West. The (sCE follow-up meeting due to open in Vienna this autumn will be a most important forum for efforts to intensify dialogue and imprOlTe confidenoa between East and West. At the Vienna Meeting, there will be a particular need for progress towards the solution of humani tar ian questiollSo Countries which are still lagging behind should be persuaded to improve their standards in, above all, family reunification. No State should deny a citizen the right to go abroad to be reunited with his relatives there. As a Polish philosopher has said: "I can respect a no-entry sign, but I am disgusted when I see a no-exit sign." In the field of arms control and disarmament no effor t must be spared to halt the current arms race. Only through coocrete verifiable arms cootrol agreements can a new and imprOlTed security be created at a lower level of armaments. I (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) The current arms centrol negotiations in Geneva between the tl'lited States and the Soviet Unien must lead to effective agreements aimed at preventing an arms race in space and terminating it on earth, at limiting and reducing nuclear arms, and at strengthening strategic stability. The Danish Government attaches the utmost importallce to the ongoing deliberations at the Conference en Disarmament. In particular, I wish to urge the Cooference on Disarmament to speed up its endeavours to reach agreement on initia ting negotia Hons for an early cenclusion of a canpr ehens ive test-ban treaty. Similarly, we believe that there is every reasCXl for the Conference to step up its efforts to achieve early agreement on a global and canprehensive ban on chemical weapons. The upsurge of terror ism represents an alarming aspect of the international si tuatioo posing a mortal threat to the very fabric of our societies as well as to order ly and fr iendly r elations between nations. The wor ld-wide nator e of the problem requires concerted international actioo to stamp out this evil. The proper forum for dealing with international terrorism is the United Nations, and we were therefore gratified by the adoption last year of resolutions both by the General Assembly and the secur ity Council on these problems. The entire international communi ty agreed to cendemn as criminal all acts, methods and practices of ter ror ism, wherever and by whomever coIIIDitted. We urge all Member Sta tes to intensify international co-operation to apprehend, prosecute and punish the perpetrators of such acts. There must be no safe haven for terrorists. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) '"""".: .. .:--- ~......." .... great inspiration and satisfaction, is the fact that over the years the Organization has been able to agree on an impressive body of internationally recognized human rights standards. These standards command the universal acceptance of the world community. Unfortunately, we are witnessing daily violations of these standards. Various mechanisms have been set in motion to supervise the implementation of these standards and in our opinion it is vital for the 'credibility of the relevant human rights instruments that these mechanisms be used. It is the responsibility of Governments to respect and ensure the enjoyment of human rights for their citizens, and Governments which shrink from fulfilling this obligation should constantly be reminded of their duty through the appropriate organs of our Organization, including from this General Assembly rostrum. May I now turn to another serious subject which must be of concern to all of us - the world refugee situation. It is a gloomy picture we are faced with, and our public rightly expects this universal Organization, the united Nations, to live up to its responsibility as laid down in the Charter. In the united Nations Charter we have pledged ourselves to prolOOte and encourage respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and to let the world Organization be a centre for • harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common goals. It follows from this solemn undertaking that when human rights violations force people to leave their country of origin and become refugees all other countries must take steps to alleviate the suffer ings of those people and thereby secure respect for their human rights. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) Natior-s, a."1d a source of My GcNernment wishes, during this session of the General Assenbly, to share with all representatives some concrete ideas that we have developed with a view to establishing a mechanism whereby the international community, basing itself on the principles of burden-sharing and solidarity~ could take a major step forward in solving the wor:ld refugee problom. The key elements in that mechanism are: voluntary repatr tation, regional integration, increased United Nations presence in different regions of the world, and allocation of qootas based on a United Nations scheme. we shall present our more detailed views when the relevant agenda item is discussed in the Third Committee. Racism and racial discr imination are flagrant violations of human rights. One Government in the world not only coodooes racial discr imination on its terri tory but has made racism the very essence of its social order. To maintain its abhorrent a,Eartheid system the Government of South Africa pursues atrocious repression at home, brutal aggression and destabilization against neighbour ing States, and an illegal occupation of Namibia tllhich openly defies decisions of the United Nations security Council and General Assembly. It is incull'bent upon this Organi~ation to reflect and act upon the deep concer n and indignation of the entire international community at the persistence "f such serious violations of fundamental human right~ as are being committed by the apartheid regime. But ~~theid and what goes with it ar.e more than a violation of human rights. The provocation which that system presents to the neighbouring oountries, to other African nations and to the whole world is a threat to international peace and security - a threat that will persist until Cilpartheid has been totally eliminated and replaced by a system based on democracy and equality for all South Africans. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) It is a basic ~eature of Danish policy that we believe in and strive for peaceful solutions to international conflicts. We believe that mandatory sanctions in accordance wi th Chapter VII of the Uni ted Na Hons Char ter should be imposed on South Afr iea. They are the most effective instrument available to the international community to promote peaceful change. As a ment>er of the security Council, Denmark has worked c:ctively for the adoption of such measures and will continue to do so. In the absence of agreement in the secur ity Council on sanctions under Chapter VII, Denmark has decided to take measures, together wi th our Nordic and European Community partners and on our Otln, on a voluntary unilateral bas~s. In ." fact Denmark has gone further in this regard than any other Western country. Nearly all Danish contacts with South Africa, including trade, will come to a halt before the end of this year. Our diplomacy is engaged in a systematic effort to encourage other countries to increase their contribution to reinforced and more effective international pressure against apartheid. Outside pressure is not only intended to be a signal to the South African Government, it serves as a sign of solidarity with the SOuth African popUlation and as enoouragement and an indication that an alternative can be found to violence and destruction. Let President Batha's new rigid position on what he calls "outside interference" and his increasingly oppressive policies be a warning to the international cormnunity. Delay in making the message clear to those in South Africa who hold the key may soon place the si tua tion beyood reach. We must act now. As for Namibia, the Danish Government remains convinced that security Council resolution 435 (1978) is the only in terna tionally acceptable solution to the Namibian question. Delaying tactics on SOuth Afr iea 's p?'rt cannot be tol<::rated. Namibia's independence is long overdue and should be pursued by all peacefUl means, including sanctions in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) The countries in southern Africa have for many years been important partners in Denmark's development co-operation prograll'lDe. The priority given to that region is a natura~ correlate to the restrictive measures which we have adopted against South Africa. Together with the other Nordic countries, we will work actively at the united Nations to obtain a.;reement on a cmtingency plan for economic assistance to South Africa's neighbours in the event of South African reprisals against those countries. In fact, approximately one third of our bilateral development assistance is provided to the countries of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC). At the SN>CC meeting in Halare in JanuaIy, Denmark pledged a 100 per cent increase to 400 millioo Danish kroner in its assistance to regional SADa: co-operatim. Together with the other Nordic countries and the SADCC member States, a Joint Declaration m Expanded Ecmomic Co""Operation was signed on the same occasion. The Joint Declaratioo between the SADCC and Nordic countr ies reflects the lit tual determination of the two regions to intensify co-operation and constitutes the framework for new avenues of collaboration extending beyond the traditional dCllor-recipien t rela tionship. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmar k) The economic difficulties facing the African continent remain staggering, and profound changes in domestic policies are required to turn the situation around. Against this background, the special session of the General Assembly on Africa took place at a crucial point in time. The courageous approach of the African countries reflected their readiness to seek new avenues and make a firm commitment to policy reform. Denmark regards the adoption of the programme of action by consensus as a very positive outcome of the Conference, both for the United Nations as an organization and for the Member states. But now let us not lose momentum. The real achievement is not the adoption of the programme but its implementation. Donors and recipients must both shoulder their responsibility. In the Middle East three major conflicts remain of serious concern to the world community, and not least to the countries of Europe, which have close and vital links with the area. Guided by the general principles set out by the countries of the European Community in their Venice Declaration, we have in the past year continued to support initiatives aimed at bringing the parties to the Arab-Israeli dispute together in talks for peacea v .ere encouraged by the efforts made by King Russein of Jordan to open the path to a constructive engagement of authentic Palestinian representatives in the peace process, and we were correspondingly discouraged when the King concluded that he had not been able to secure the necessary commitment from the Palestine Liberation Organization. If the peace process is to move forward, it will be necessary for those who are most directly involved and who have the welfare of the Palestinian people at heart to put their political differences aside and unite in support of a realistic and constructive engagement aimed at a negotiated peace. In this context I should like to pay a tribute to those courageous leaders in the Middle East who are showing the way by realistic and constructive initiatives to widen the dialogue. (Hr. EJ..,lfab"lann-Jensen, Denmark) In Lebanon sectarian strife continues to exact a terrible price in human life and sUffering_ We can only appeal once again for moderation and reason and a will to compromise, without which it appears the very existence of Lebanon is threatened. When the Lebanese themselves choose to build on their common humanity and engage in true national reconciliation they shall find our ready support for the full restoration of Lebanese unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity. The continuation of the conflict between Iran and Iraq, which is now in its seventh year, presents us with a picture of untold human carnage and SUffering. Both parties, as well as the world conununity and the standards of civilization, stand only to lose by further continuation of this appalling war. From this rostrum I appeal to both parties to respect Security Council resolution 582 (1986) and use the united Nations and the good offices of the Secretary-General to work out a compromise on this conflict, which need never have escalated into war and which by its nature is negotiable. In Afghanistan another war is taking place. There soviet forces conti.nue with undiminished determination their brutal attempts to suppress popular resistance within the country, with horrifying consequences for the civilian population. The Soviet occupation of Afghanistan must be brought to an end. Might does not make right, no matter how strong the Power. The Danish Government hopes that the talks held under the auspices of the united Nations, which have made important progress, will lead to an early agreement acceptable to all parties concerned and provide for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign troops. The situation in Kampuchea also remains an issue of grave concern to the international community. It is Denmark's long-standing position that a solution to the Kampuchean problem must be found on the basis of the resolutions adopted by the united Nations. In this spirit Denmark supports the endeavours of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) with regard to Kampuchea. We see merit in the (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmark) eight-point proposal of the coalition Government, which in our view represents a positive contrihution to the search for a just and durable negotiated settlement of the conflict. As to the complex problems of Central America, the Danish Government fully understands and supports the aspirations of the peoples of Central America to a life in peace and dignity, a life in countries committed to democratic systems of government, free elections, freedom of the press and respect for human rights and a life in communities that strive for a more just and equitable distribution of much too scarce resources. In our view the discrepancy that exists in most Central American countries between those aspirations and the hard realities is at the root of the present conflicts. Only the countries of Central America themselves can, within their respective borders, eliminate the fundamental causes of the current strife. What the outside world can and must do is to offer its co-operation, economic and political, to the countries of the region and encourage and support initiatives designed to fulfil those aspirations. The Danish Government continues to believe that there is no realistic and acceptable alternative to the Contadora peace process. At the core of that process lies the belief that the Central American countries themselves are responsible for solving their differences and that a lasting solution must be achieve~by peacsful means without any kind of military pressure or other forms of coercion. The global economic situation has improved in important respects over the last few years. In general, growth has resumed, inflation been brought down and interest rates reduced. Exchange-rate patterns have been brought more in line with fundamental economic conditions. However, difficult problems and uncertainties remain and pose a threat to global economic development and stability. Let me mention some of the problems that can be addressed only through international co-operation for the benefit of industrialized and developing countries alike. Since ancient times international trade has been the most powerful transmitter of growth, development and civilization that we can conceive of. But international trade is crucially dependent on the maintenance and further strengthening of the free-trade system. I should therefore like to congratulate our colleagues in Punta del Este on their success in launching a new round of trade negotiations within the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade lGATT). The result is immensely ir~rtant for international economic co-operation, but also for the political climate as a whole. Most developing countries continue to face serious debt problems, which in many cases are aggravated by persistently low prices for their exports of commodities. True, though varying in size and composition between different countries, the debt burden remains a serious obstacle to growth and development. Measures to relieve this burden are therefore indispensable. But at the same time it must be ensured that debt relief measures are adapted to the circumstances of individual debtor countries and utilized in a context of economic policy reform and structural adjustment. In this spirit Denmark has responded positively to a large number of requests for the cancellation of official development assistance (ODA) debt from least-developed countries. (Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, Denmark) Denmark's conunitment to the developing w«ld is reflected in our official developnent assistance. This year sees an extraordinary rise in Danish developn(;:,\t assistance, which has long surpassed the internatiooal 0.7 per cent target. Denmark will increase its aid volume further in each of the coming years, reaching the 1 per cent target in 1992. The multilateral developnent system is an important element of united Natials activities. The call for imprmed efficiency in the work of the O1ited Nations applies also to activities financed by voluntary contr ibutions. Im);'Ortant progress has already been achieved, not least wi th in the Uni ted Nations Development Progranme. Denmark expects all developnent organs and organizations to intensify their efforts to ensure the necessary flexibility, efficiency, co-operation and co-ordination in their work. If such efforts are to succeed, the international donor corrmunity must respond by maintaining and increasing voluntary cootributions. Denmark is prepared to fulfil its responsibility in this regard. We expect all donor countries to live up to their responsibility and to make voluntary cootributions to the multilateral developnent system conmensurate with their ability to contribute. we have watched with growing coocern the tendency in industrialized countries to solve problems in domestic economies at the expense of developnent aid. The world of today is a world with bitter conflicts rooted in opposing ideologies, competing interests and rivalling cla ims to influence and power. Haturally, all Hemer countries seek to use the uni ted Na tions for the advancement of ~.heir aims, to strengthen their ideology, their interests and their claims. So the activity of the Organization is characterized by struggle and confrontation, because it faithfUlly reflects the world we live in, and because the substance of its work is considered by its Memers to be of fundamental importance. (Mr. Ellelllann-Jensen , DenlDlJr k) BUt: even bitter debates come to an end, and mostly the end reflects recognition of the overriding need for co-operation to solve our common problems to which there can only be common solutions. The present crisis of the United Nations can be overcome if y~ strengthen the tendencies of co-operation and restrain the tendencies of confrontation. The crisis is also an opportunity. We must do our utmost to preserve and fully utilize the potential &>r action inherent in this nul:h needed Organization. We must see to it that it not only survives, but e-:"\stantly develops as a universal forum for harmon.izing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends and purposes. SUch, in brief, is the challenge to the wisdom and imagination of th is session of 'the General Assembly.