A/41/PV.8 General Assembly

This morning the Assen'bly will first hear an address by the President of the United Mexican States. Mr. de la Madrid, President of the United Mexican states, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the united Nations the President of the united M!xican States, His Excellency Mr. Miguel de la Madr id, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President de la MADRIq, (interpretation from Spanish): Allow me to begin, Mr. President, by expressing on behalf of the people and Government of Mexico our profound gra ti tude to the in terna tional communi ty for its prompt and generous assistance following the tragic earthquakes in our country last september. The people of Mexico will never forget such a clear demonstration of world-wide sol idar i ty. I should also like to express our sincere pleasure at your well-deserved election to lead the efforts of the General Assembly, and to make known Mexico's satisfaction at the skilful and effective role played by your predecessor, Anbassador Jaime de Pinies, who guided the work of the '3eneral Assenbly during its fortieth session. I must also acknowledge the tenacious efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, who throughout his manda te has shown clearsightedness and political imagin~tion in confronting the grave challenges of the international situatioT\. His various initiatives are proof of his unshakeable commitment to . peace and co-oper ation between States. My presence before the General Assembly is meant to reassert Mexico's permanent commitment to the United Nations and its ideals. It is a commitment to the rule of law in international relations, the peaceful resolution of disputes and the search for democratic formular~ permitting peaceful coexistence and co-operation between peoples, on a just and equitable basis. A little more than four decades ago the hopes of mankind, then emerging from the bloodiest devastation it had ever endured, oonverged in the creation of a new international organization. Millions of PeOple saw in the thited Nations a unique opportunity to build an order among States that would promote progress and Wliversal well-being within a framework of peace and security. The international society of our day would not be the same without the presence of the United Nations. The fortieth anniversary of its founding provided <t\ a suitable occasion to take stock of the system. The Organization has undoubtedly helped to deactivate and reduce international cr ises that might have dagenerated into a catastrophe with irreversible consequences. Its pronotion of the decolonization progress, which has changed the political map of our time, stands out as one of its fundamental achievements. The growth of a vast system of co-operation and pluralist discussion has led to a convnon awareness of the great issues that determine the life of nations. Thanks to the formidable development of the multilateral system, we now know that, in spite of geographical, historical, cultural and political differences, we face commoo challenges that demand the conbining of efforts and a new form of sol idar i ty • However, we are still far from attaining the goals of 1945. We now live in a world that is probably more dangerous and unstable, in which the political, mil itary and technical predominance of a few has accentuated the inequality of nations. The lifespan of our Organization has coincided with one of the most dynamic and changing periods in the history of man. Scientific discoveries and the (Pres ideot de la lo'.adr id) technological revolution have transformed societies. Communications link us instantaneouoly, making us both witnesses of and participants in the most distant events. ibday all men are truly mdern. Unfortunately, this great technical capacity for oolll1lunication has not always served to further understanding_ All too often we know only the appearance of pvents and not their true significance. Mistrust, prejudice and uncertainty have not yet been banished from our midst. The juridical equality of states was enshrined in the San Francisco Charter, but mechanisms were also established to give the victor ious Patlers particular responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. In more ways than one the Charter brought together the ideals and pragmatism of a group of nations determined to prevent for ever a universal conflagration. However, some of them did not: relinquish their prerogatives and influence. (President de la Madr id) The international community was obliged to yield befoge the force of circumstances, but that responsibility, as reflected in the rights and obligations of the permanent members of the Security Council, must always be oriented and limited by the international legal order. The attributes of the permanent members are subject to lawJ they are not privileges without norms or limits. Rivalry- which was accompanied by a division of the world into zones of influence - soon led to confrontation and, as was to be expected, confrontation overstepped the bounds of law and succumbed to the frequent temptation to make indiscriminate use of force. The community of nations, which involves an implied equality of rights and obligations, was distorted by a concentration of power around two main poles. That bipolarity was able to impose its demands: alignment and subordination became a normal part of international life. To be sure, certain periods of extreme tension have been followed by others where a glimmer of understanding was seen. The confrontation to which I am referring - whose true nature and menace is seen in the terrible nuclear arsenals which have been accumulated - has been one of the central problems in international relations during the last four decades. Fortunately, the conflagration which could destroy us all has been so far avoided. Yet we are all subject to a threat the materialization of which would be irreversible. This confrontation has defined many aspects of contemporary life and has left its tragic stamp on the fate of many peoples and regions of the developing world. The evolution of our Organization is a reflection of trends in world politics. The successes and failures, the virtues and deficiencies, of the united Nations are an expression of t~e degree of commitment of Member States to international law and multilateralism. (President de la Madrid) Often, the Organization has been paralysed by a lack of political will on the part of some States, the very ones whicb, from the beginning, were entrusted with a primary responsibility for the settlement of disputes. Those States have preferred to create their own security systems, which, aside from undermining the main task of the united Nation5 in th~ maintenance of peace, have buttressed the existence of zones of hegemony. The indiscriminate use of the right of veto has all too frequently kept the Security Council from fully achieving its aims, and has prevented that important body from speaking out on events ~nd conflicts that threaten international peace and security. At the same time we cannot deny that the multilateral system has faced clear difficulties over the past several years, some structural and some politi<:al. The extraordinary growth of the Organization in recent years has complicated its operationJ its effectiveness has therefore been decreased. There is no doubt that strengthening the Organization requires changes to streamline its activities and, above all, to facilitate implementation. That would enable us to restore its legitimacy, and even, for some, its credibility. To the Organization's administrative difficulties have now been added the financial problems which are largely the result of the failure of several Member s~ates to pay their assessed contributions. The international community trusts that the ad hoc Group of 18 experts will be of assistance in overcoming these problems. In any event, the international community knows full well that our contributions to the United Nations are a legal obligation that no one can ~.pudiate unilaterally. The increasing disregard for the norms of international law and the continued unjustified use of force are particularly serious symptoms of the current situation of the community of States. Our Organization cannot and must not be seen as an (president de la Madrid) annoying obstacle to heqemonic aspirations but rather as ths only civilized possibility for coexistence in our time. The essential conditions for transforming the international order for the benefit of all are: the improvement of institutionsJ effectiveness in reaching goals; complete respect for principles; and the genuine political will to strengthen the United Nations system for the benefit of all. The restoration of confidence is incompatible with exclusivist views of the international scene and with definitions of that scene as an arena for political struggle for the defence of individual interests. The voice of the majority cannot be ignored in this forum. Disregard for its will ignores our characteristic diversity and eliminates precious possibilities for genuine, pluralistic coexistence. It is our fate all to live on the same planet, and it is our joint responsibility to make that planet habitable for all peoples, avoiding fruitless friction and erosion, which bear upon the weakest. Harmonious coexistence and civilization can prevail only if based upon respect for the rights of others and upon joining efforts to solve problems of universal interest. The grave economic and financial crisis of our time is an expression of unsolved structural problems in the international order. This crisis poses a serious threat to stability in relations among States and affects the social and political peace of all peoples. unfortunately, the standstill in global negotiations, which are of vital importance to our development, has exacerb~ted recession and impoverishment. We have repeatedly pointed to a profound unfairness in trade between industrialized and developing nations, and have demanded that the costs of growth be shared more equitably between rich and poor countries. (President de la Madrid) Obviously, the effort to achiavs 9ro~h is a major responaibility of our societies. We recognize that much remains to be done, much remains to be improved to that end. But our internal efforts will be unavailing if the world economic climate is unfavourable to us. The problems of Africa, Aeia and Latin America also involve the developed economies which have often imposed upon us conditions which are disadvantageous for productive development, technology transfers, and the marketing of our exports, not to mention the financial drain suffered by our economies. Our countries have contributed to the well-being and even on occasion to the extravagance of the more advanced countries. It is time for the more powerful to see the historical fact that their own future and security depend also on their being flexible with regard to the demands of the weaker, and by making genuine contributions to their development and thus to the common good. (President de la Madrid) . ., 1l.n appeal for joi~t responsibility in so!v!..1I1g tbe different aspects of the crisis does not mean attributing blame but rather calling on all nations to assume their commitments so as to face together what no nation can solve by itself. The search for options must take into account the close relationship between debt, trade and currency. We know that a good part of our financial difficulties derives from the enormous burden of servicing foreign debt. We need both the restructuring of the existing debt and fresh resources, but we are also convincAd that the reduction of real interest rates to past levels is urgen~ly needed and would offer equitable alternatives that would benefit the entire international financial system. We must not forget that current levels have generated substantial profits fo~ the international banks. Solution of the crisis implies an improvement in the terms of exchange. It further requires, without a doubt, the elimination of protectionism and better prices for our commodities. From this perspective I should like to emphasize the importance of the new round of trade negotiations within the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) and the need for oil producers and consumers to resume talks with a view to stabilizing the market. In such cases communication among the parties involved is an irreplaceable means of furthering the common good. Greater international co-operation and adequate financial flows are also necessary in order for our countries to develop without becoming indebted and in order to break the vicious cycle of need that condemns us to poverty. Mexi~o has been particularly scrupulous in dealing prudently with its financial difficulties. Thus far we have respected our international commitments thanks to a tremendous effort on the part of our people, whose standard of living has, as a result, been negatively affected. Though we have recently achieved important agreements with regard to managing the foreign debt that will allow for (president de la Madrid) moderate gro~h over the next two years, we are aware that such agraaments ara temporary and perhaps insufficient. That will hold true as long as we do not find long-term political and economic solutions of universal scope. The problems of energy, trade, productivity, finance and indebtedness that we all face require global and mutually acceptable solutionsJ otherwise the world economy will remain subjected to the tragic cycle of recession and recovery, which has not been unrelated to the political instability and the conflicts affecting various parts of the world. In calling attention to this sitution, Mexico expresses its full solidarity with the developing peoples that are struggling for a more just and balanced international economic oLder. We will spare no effort on their behalf in the search for just and realistic solutions through negotiations. We betray neither our sovereignty nor our historical positions in seeking, with flexibility and responsibility, agreements that further our legitimate interests. Bipolar confrontation and the intensification of regional conflicts, added to the arms race, have been jeopardizing world peace and security since the beginning of this decade. We are encouraged by the possibility of detente between the great Powers that is being renewed after a period of estrangement and uncertainty. We hope that negotiation and dialogue will reduce tensions. That is why we express our wish that a renewal of contacts between those Powers, at the highest level if necessary, will lead to permanent agreements, providing us all with genuine security. We hope that this possibility will soon become fact. We must not forget, however, that there are many other issues besides this question, so critical in our time, which do not fit into the framework of the East-West relationship. North and South must redefine the structure of their relations. Beyond any prevailing tendencies, today's world presents a diversity (President de la Madrid) that does not permit of r.igid or simple viewpoints. East and West, North and South offer a plurality of ways of life that constitutes the true wealth of today's community of nations. Every nation impresses upon its foreign policy traits derived from its own historical experience and can express in this forum, fr~e of pressure and in complete independence, its views on the international situation and the reasons for whatever initiatives it promotes. This is the highest virtue of the democratic spirit of our Organization. All voices must be heard arid considered, for political astuteness is not necessarily on the side of econOmic or military power. In its active participation in international forums, Mexico always seeks to be constructive. We do not come here to oppose anybody, or to vote for or against anybody, but to maintain and strengthen principles expressly accepted by the international community. Our political tradition and the cordial relations we try to maintain with all tbe countries of the world are rooted in our unbending conviction that the power of law is greater than the power of force. Thus we have participated in actions that contribute to the reduction of international tension and to the solution of regional problems. We have raised our voice in negotiations between the industrialized and the developing worlds. We have also made clear our commitment to the processes of decolonization, and we demand respect for human lights wherever they are violated. At the same time, historical experience forces us, faithfully and constantly, to defend the principles of non-intervention and the self-determination of peoples and to stand with conviction for the peaceful settlement of disputes and international co-operation. For the same reasons we are unwaveringly opposed to the undue use of force and to the threat of its use. Mexico maintains that full (president de la Madrid) regpect for the norms of internation~l law is an essential prerequisita of the trust and justice that must prevail among civilized nations. We all30 know that the struggle for peace and development is not an abstract task that rests upon the mere statement of principles. On the contrary, principles acquire their true meaning only as they are concretely inplemented. That is why my Government has committed itself to various initiatives which seek constructive solutions to international problems. There is a vast movement throughout the world demanding that humanity be freed from the d5nger of a nuclear holocaust. The non-nuclear countries share that aspiration. We cannot remain indifferent to a threat that affects security, impedes development and jecpardizes the survival of all peoples. Mexico has associat.ed itself with various proposals for nuclear disarmament, both Q'l the regiQ'lal and on the universal level. Yesterday, along with other Latin American colntries, we helped to br ing about the Treaty of?latelolco. 'lOday, we participate actively in the multilateral organizatil";"~ devoted to disarmament. OUr role in the Group of the Five CQ'ltinents, together with the Heads of State and Government of Argentina, Gi:eece, India, Sweden and Tanzania, fully substantiates Mexico's peace-10lTing position and its adamant will that we all be freed from the nightmare of a J?Ossible nuclear conflagration that would yield neither victors nor vanquished and would reduce several millennia of civilization to radioactive dust within a matter of seconds, making life itself disappear. In the Declarations that we have signed, first at New Delhi in 1985 and just last month in the Mexican ci ty of Ixtapa, we have stated that it is incumbent upon all men and all peoples, and not just those GoIlernments which possess the technical capacity to wreak total destruction, to make efforts to halt the arms race. We have issued a fervent appeal for world-wide detente and the conclusion of agreements aimed at halting the irrational arms race. We have also called, in both Declarations, for better use of the human and material resources which are now being squandered upon the instruments of death, and for their application to the development of peoples and the satis faction of their most urgent and vital needs. In the New Delhi Delcaration we called up:m the super-Powers to suspend nuclear tests, as a first step toward a treaty banning them entirely. We also took a firm stance against the militarization of outer space. In Mexico, we pre3ented specific proposals to verify the suspension of nuclear tests; we insisted upon the dangers inherent in an arms race in outer space; and we reiterated our conviction (President de la Madrid) that dialogue among the Powers must lead to the adoption of concrete disarmament accords. OUr statements, whose legitimacy flows from the fact that they express the wishes of all mankind, are but the first in a series of efforts that the international comnunity will have to undertake, in the hope of eradicating nuclear weapons. The great challenge confronting hUIllian intelligence as the twentieth century draws to a close is to achieve the convergence of peace, disarmament and developnent so that, joined at last, they may forge for human society a way of life and a destiny never to be renounced. The prevention of nuclear war is linked to the solution of confl icts affecting the balance of power. In various geographical areas the exercise of force and intolerance hinder chances for conciliation. Similarly, the obduracy of certain States, which insist that we view in terms of the East-West conflict the struggles for self-determination being waged by the peoples of Afr iea, Asia and Iatin Amer iea, retard and restrain· the inevitable tr ill1lph of those peoples. In Central Amer ica, the cr is is is deepen ing, and the chances for promoting a peaceful solution are often squandered and underestimated. Mexico has spared no effort in the search for just agreements that would respect the legitimate interests of all the Central American States. Thus, together with the GcNernments of Colonbia, Panama and Venezuela and with the active support of Argentina, Brazil, Peru and Uruguay, we have encouraged strategies that would lay the foundations for peaceful ooexistence and co-operation in the region. we have given detailed reports to the United Nations on the progress of our diplomatic efforts. Allow me to reiterate once again that Contadora and its Support Group cannot (President de la Madrid) ..., .': ,.' be a sub$titute for the political responsibility of the Central American Governments. Peace is their decision abOl7e all, just as it is the deci,.ion of those other States that help determine the course of events because of their presence and influence in the area. We cannot supersede the will of the parties directly involved~ but nei ther can we renain indifferent to situations that not only jeopardize regional stability and our common future but also violate the dignity of the peoples of Latin America and harm our legitimate national interests. One Sta.te·s disagreement with the political process of another State does not ~. justify, in any circumstance, the perpetration of acts that are outside the bounds of international law. Latin America has undertaken an intense diplomatic effort which cannot be ignored. Several times, as in Caraballeda early this year, the Governments of Latin Amer ica have proposed concrete measures aimed at creating an atmosphere favourable to conciliation. These measures are well balanced in regard to the effort. required of each party - whether directly or indirectly involved in the process - in order to re-establish the juridical order and facilitate the conclusion of agreements. We are convinced that our viewpoints, enshr ined in the Cootadora Treaty for Peace, security and Co-operation in Central America, renain valid in the light of current circumstances. Latin America has opened the doors to dialogue and compromise in Central Amer ica, as part of the process of negotiation and integratioo it has decided to promte. M:!xico states once again that it is fully willing to contribute to the pacification of the area. We stand for negotiated solutions to confl icts not only in the region which is closest to us but also in other areas, whether in the South Atlantic, southern Africa, the Middle East, the Mediterranean or SOuth-East Asia. We are COnVil'lced that, with an imaginative and constructive approach, opportunities for understanding can be found in each of these places 0 Wi thin the cmtext of the permanent struggle for decolmization, the case of Namibia deserves special mention. Its illegal occupation by South Africa must not be tolerated by the international community. That Territory's independence is beyond any geopolitical considerations, an it is incull'bent upon all Member States of the United Nations to ensure that it is achieved. The immexal b.ahaviour of the opprobrious South African regime, with its policy of racial segregation, similarly demands a response from our OrganizatiCXl. we note wi th interest that the trend towards the imposidon on the Pretor ia Government of sanctions envisaged in the Charter has received new and important forms of support in the COlEse of this year. The developing countries have always .recognized that the United Natioos is an essential part of any effort to pronnte the denncratization of international relations. Apart from constituting the forum best suited to guaranteeing peace and security, it has also been a privileged place in wich to discuss the most difficult problems of our time. (President de la Hadr id) It is here that the Member States have had an opportunity to examine social and eoonomic affairs that mer it a clear and effective response from the in terna tional community. SUffice it to recall that in 1987, thanks to an initiative taken by the secretary-General, there is to be an International Conference on Drug Abuse and Drug Traffick ing, at which we shall be able to examine objectively that. complex er iminal process, which involves centres of production as well as consumption. The Organization's ability to respond to the demands and needs of our time has been fully demonstrated. However, we cannot refrain from. insisting that the strengthening of the United Nations system depends pr imar ily on the political will of States to respect the purposes and principles of the Charter. We must improve the Organization and, more important than ever, we must endow it with a new legitimacy based on the lawful behaviour of all States. Force and mili tary might cannot be above the law. In our day, civilized life and the security of States depend upon our respect for international norms. If those norms do not prevail, we can hardly aspire to peaceful, stable, just coexistence. The strengthening of our Organization and its effectiveness also depend upon the prevalence of those norms. Because of their interdependence and their difficulty, wor Id problems cannot be solved solely through bilateral channels, or even by a sum of partial and fragmentary agreements. Because of their complexity, they require multilateral solutions that bring together common aspirations and achieve unity in decisions and actions. Just as dialogue and detente among the great POtler s can no longer be postponed, just as it is necessary to restructure the international economic order so that North and South have equitable shares in its benefits and hardships alike, so must the revitalization of multilateral forums become a priority item on the agenda for the remainder of this century. (President de la Ma~) It is incurlbent on the United Nations to play an essential role in building more just and democratic international relations. It is also the role of our Organizaticm to guarantee peaceful and ratimal coexistence, co-oPer'~tion and solidar ity among peoples. Let us improve it, if necessary and wherever necessary, but for as lcm9 as it endures let us recognize that it is perhaps our ooly and our highest guarantee of secur ity, peace and civilizaticm. The PlUSmENT~ On behalf of the General Assemly, I wish to thank the President of the United Mexican States for the important statement he has just made. Mr. Miguel de la Madrid, President of the United Mexican States, was escorted from the General Assembly Ball.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the French Republic for the important statement he has just made. Hr. Chirac, Prime Minister of the French Republic, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall. I (Mr. Chirac, France) Mr. TERAW TERAN (Ecuador) (intei:pi:etatl00 fi:Uii Spanish) ~ On behalf of the GOITernment of Ecuador, it is a great pleasure for Ale to extend to you Sir, our congratulations on your well-deserved election as President of the General Assellbly. It reflects just a~\\nowledgementof your personal qualities and the determination your country has shown b) co-operate in promoting the goals of our organization. I should like also to extend my most hearty congratulations to A!lbassador de Pinias on the sk ilful manner in which he directed the wor k of the General Assembly as its President. Similarly, I wish to express the gratitude of the Government of Ecuador for the tireless work carried out by the secretary-General of the United Nations, Hr. Perez de Cuellar, whose sk ill and wisdom have enabled him to discharge his delicate functions with success. Ecuador is present here during the Year of Peace, a time when the countries Meltbers of this Organization wanted to call the attention of the GOI7ernments and peoples of the world to the value of coexistence free from violence or pressure. Peace is a blending of universal values. It is a result of the interplay of certain realities. Peace is an objective to strive for and to be deserved. The basic ingredient of this ideal is the clear decision by citizens and GOI7ernments to live in harmony and mutual rp.spect. Diplomacy achieves little and international organizations make small progress if we do not start from unaltbiguous premises: good will among men; good intention on the part of leaders; and a clear perception by everyone of one's neighbours as possessing rights which deserve the utmost respect. This year devoted to peace, despite some effective results attained in various . areas, has not been characterized by any substantial progress cm the hard road of trying to turn our world towards peace. I There are encouraging signs, such as when there appear forces str~ining for understanding in the Mic.ldle East. It is extremely encouraging to find S'Jypt and Israel overcoming age-old problems. The effects of the admirable solution achieved for the lk-agle pcoblem by Argentina and Chile are still vividly recalled. However, in stern contrast, we have many other univeral problems that rerain unresolved and a significant resurgence of violence at the hands of organizations, overt or covert, which substantially disturb the tranquillity of men and even threaten the s ecur i ty of States • All ethical, cultural and political manifestations which throughout history have claimed the right of the individual human being to the respect of his neighbours and the respect of States constitute the basic pillar supporting harmooy. It follows that the O1i ted Hations Declaration of Human Rights did no more than give concrete form, in apt synthesis, to old aspirations of our cultures. The importance of that Declaration was that all the Merrber States of the United Nations consented to be boWld by it. Failure to grant those rights gives rise to the individual notion of injustice, the tendency to canplain, even violent1y~ in other words, the foundations are laid for erosioo of the peace. When Pope John Paul U, in his address on 1 January 1986, proclaimed that peace must be a value without frootiers, he was voicing a profound truth spr inging from the human coodition itself. Man, without distinction as regards frootiers, aspires to peace, because he aspires to live in surroundings where all recognize his body of rights inherent in the human condi tioo. * * Mr. GJrinovich \8yelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic), Vice-President, took the Cha ir • (Mr. 'reran Teran, Ecuacbr) Legal concepts relating to human rights must revert to the ethical purity that they have been losing over the past feti years, de~1astated by political accommodation or ideological compromise. It has become acceptable for many to recognize differences in tyPe among human beings and to accept the rights of some being maintained and substantiated within a narrow framework in which greater scope is given to might and less to human dignity. At the same time, other human beings are SUbjected to a strict scale of values which we hope can be made stricter still, but only on condition that it be universal. This distinction, sometimes subtle and sometimes clear-cut, is conferred by the political alignments or iueologies practised by Governments. Ecuador does not admit such a double standard. Ecuador reiterates the historical need to acknowledge that all men, regardless of latitutde, cultural level or economic development, have the elementary rights which mankind has declared to be inherent in the human condition. Ecuador maintains that states must contain their coercive force within the solid wall of respect for all human beings and will not tire of proclaiming this universality of rights until they find effective expression in our complex and ~, \metimes confused world. While the inalienable rights of human beings command the res~ct of men and States, the right of the peoples to choose together the form of Government and the authorities they choose is another essential principle for the maintenance of peace. Violence is used in a large part of the world to prevent peoples from having access to appropriate means of choosing an organizational system o And still in a large part of the world citizens are persistently denied the right to vote. (Mr. Teran Teran, Ecuador) The self-determination of peoples is an unassailable principle and is essential to world harmonyo It is also a reality that could be .f.arproved upon in many States. In my own country, we still have some way to go before the citizen's right to choose his leaders is fully recognized. Our Constitution contains a l~itation - which the present Government has tried unsuccessfully, alas, to eliminate - whereby the right to be elected is conditional upon membership of a political party. The voter thereby loses the possibility of electing many people because they are not members of political parties, but who may merit the citizen's trust in public officp. But, while there is room for improvement in countries that apply the principle of self-determination, there are unfortunately other countries where the possibility of self-determination is growing increasingly rare and where there is persistent denial of that principle~ The interdependence that growing intercommunication creates among human beings is gradually making survival impossible for societies in which political domination deprives men of the right to self-rule. The rule of might over men, the imposition of an institution which may be backed by the force of arms but not by the will of the masses, is gradually - becoming a historical anachronism. It is the duty of statesmen to understand that such systems, however much they may stress the sovereignty of a mandate, will never be able to clatm democracy or the support of the will of the majority. Anq . I clear-sighted statesmen must also understand that the tendency is for the wq~~~ to .••.,~l'. r r free itself from such systems and to claim, even through recourse to viole"~ means, . ..;; ~ -e.. ~ the effective expression of something that emanates from the human condit4on itself• . ~ l" it l,. Thus, the occupation of territories by force becomes daily less a~miBBi~le• .' .' i ,.. (Mr. Termn Teran, Ecuado~) The withdrawal of foreign forces from any territory directly or indirectly under occupation by a foreign army is a" categorical imperative, no matter what the continent or what justification be claimed for the maintenance of such a situation of violence. The self-determination of peoples has s rather political connotation. It is . . oriented towards the active exercise of political rights by human beings in a giveq community. But, over and above that right, today's world demands effective recognition of the right of national communities to development. Development does not automatically mean wealth. Development means~n evolutionary process that makes possible increasing satisfaction of the~eeds of human beings, families and communities. Development means the individual and collective right to acquire cultural values, to pursue a dignified material life and gradually to participate activa1y in the life of the society. Development means that the individual can hope for gradual improvement and the assurance that the Government will co-operate with the individual to that end, without impediment of any kind. But development also means - and this is a concept that seems to recede further every day - that the international community should take note of the simultaneous, common need for that phenomenon to take place all over the world. It is natural that not all communities will achieve the same degree of development, but it is also an inescapable truth that the development of some cannot continue at the expense of the vast majority. The world of today, particularly the richer countries and those that have the most influence in the international community, must, for the sake of common survival, orient their economic and social policies in such a way as to rescue those peoples whose condition is obviously deteriorating. There are whole blocs of countries - one might even say continents and subcontinents - where the gradual decline in the quality of life has become a pe~siste~t ~rob1em and has grown so extreme as to blunt the perceptions of many of those who are responsible for the international economic and political phenomena. We cannot stand idly by faced with the tragedy taking place 1n many African countries. There are not only an international financial crisis and increasingly unfavourable terms of trade, but also the gradual destruction of the environment and natural resourc~s. This must serve to single out many African countries as subjects of the most urgent international concern. The world cannot deny its responsibility, because it encouraged the process of deco1onizatibn, which was, and still is, a notable step forward in historical development. It must appreciate the new collective responsibility in a situation where lack of awareness cannot be countenanced. As part of the right to development, the enjoyment of natural resources with equal benefit to the countries concerned, is essential. Ecuador supports the need for co-operation between the country with sovereignty over a resource and the country that may have the technology to exploit it, between the country that provides the manpower ar.d the country that invests its capital and technology. We ,"-cuL\.llOne neither miserly withholding of a resource, which is then unused and brings no benefit to mankind, nor wanton exploitation, which, while of maximum benefit to one party, causes the depletion of the resource and deterioration of the environment.. In the same context, we consider that the Convention on the Law of the Sea is one of the most important contributions to international law in the past 30 years. Ecuador, together with other countries making up the South Pacific Commission; contributed to this development. It hopes to continue to initiate sound projects for reclamation of the natural rights of peoples from whom marine resources have (Mrc Teran Teran, Bcuador) been taken, without underestiuting the degree of international co-operation needed, in order to bring theIa int:o the' service of the international cOllJlunit~'. With regard to outer space, the position of Ecuador concerning its use and that of the geostationary orbit and its frequency spectrWl steJ:l8 from the same understanding. The peaceful UBe of those resources for the benefit of all States .ust be a permanent goal, while bearing in mind the special right to development of developing countries ~nd equatorial countries. The somait meeting of the Non-Aligned Countries has just taken place in Zimbabwe. Ecuador is a melllber of the Movement. Twenty-five years ago, when the >. Movement started, its fOUnding fathers stressed two attitudes towards the great Powers - independence and autonomy 0 (Hr. Teran 'reran, Ecuador) Non-alignment represented a historic response to the great Powers trend to set up hegemonistic blocs, binding to themnelves specific groups of client countries. They lost their independence, faced with the might of the Powers and ceased to direct their destinies by themselves. The history of the world was itself turning into a play between two or three hegemonies, around which several dozen satellite States gravitated helplessly. This conce~ of the wor Id was bound to generate a ser ies of negative consequences. Among them, the tendency for each bloc to protect itself, to restrict access or the presence of other blocs, to create a politico-eoonomic enclosure, to fragment the world into vert1.cal blocs, fran North to South. To break out of this unrelenting pattern, to develop the national personality, to cwercome ideological prejudice, to maintain open relations with any sector or group of cotmtries, such was the indispensable historic counterpart. The destiny of non-alignment had to be such as it is. Unfortunately, the spir it of the lobvement has hesitated a'l many oocasioos. Attempts have been made to turn it into a club of poor countries, against rich countries. At other times, and in flagrant contradiction with the essence of the Movement, b'le antithesis has been sought: alignment with specific blocs; more than alignment: true alienation. Ecuador proclaims, as it did in Barare, that it is essential to reclaim the original spirit of the MoI7ement of Non-Aligned Countries, in the ethical, juridical and political sense. Non-alignment does not mean loathing or violence; it does not mean verbiage br istling wi th epi theta; it does not mean perennial and repetitive allegations against certain countries in the western world. Starting from the concept of the scwereign equality of States, non-alignment means having an independent and open attitude, free from prejUdice and antagonism, upholding the right of peoples not to (Hr. '!'eran Teran, EcuaCbr) be swallowed up into huge, ironbound blocs of influence. Our Government will not rest until this international reality is restored. Wi th regard to disarmament, few issues have such immediacy and importance as this. Although the right of every country to naintain a force to ensure internal order and the integrity of its sovereignty is undisputable, nevertheless the enormous size of this force constitutes an unmistakable path to provocation, catfrootation and catflict. The disproportion of forces in various areas or regions, inevitably. prociJces situations of injustice and displaces the rule of law. In view of thes.e consideratiats, disarmament must be seen as a multiple process. Disproportionate spending on weapons or other military items means impairing the peoples' ability to str ive for economic and social improvement. In those regions where there is an obvious disproportion in military forces, it is essential to set up real and effective SystellS for disarmament. The international coumunity, the United Nations, must assume the task of promoting disarmament conventions, under effective internatiatal cootrol, that go beyood a mere freeze of the arms race. The case of the great POiiers deserves special attention. Ecuador encourages their cootinuing to deal with each other in order to come closer to true syst'?ms of disarmament. It is not through dramatic gestures that the arms race between the Powers will be curbed. There must be binding agreement, brought about not merely by their own conviction, but also by the growing moral pressure of the international community. The developnent of atomic weapons must particularly attract the attention of all peace-loving peoples. Atomic energy should be directed towards peaceful ends. (Mr. Teran Teran, Ecuador) Ecuador is particularly concerned about the atomic tests which threaten nature's balance on Earth. Just as the countries of Latin America did in the Treaty of Tlatelolco, our GoYernment considers it appropriate for the international community to expand the scope and the concept of nuclear-free zooes. The Pacific OCean in particular, that huge sea whose very name originated from the strOng iDipression of peace which it made on its discoverer, must become a nuclear-free zooe. The Pacific is the sea where relations of the future will more significantly gravitate. This sea, which links the coasts of Amer ica to those of the age-old continent of Asia and of the very new cootinent of Australia, is bOlUld to emerge not only as a zone with a clear economic destiny, but as a zooe in which juridical values are invested with special character aimed at the affirma tion and reaffirma tion of Peace. The very ser ious issue of the foreign debt has made little progress over the last year. Developing colUltries in particular are, to a greater or lesser degree, the victims of this acute problem of our times. The countries' massive foreign indebtedness was not due to chance, nor was it a concerted atti tude on the part of the debtors. While it must be acknowledged, and in the case of my own country I do so openly, .that ooe of the canponents of the foreign debt was the application of errooeous economic policies, the joint responsibility of the creditor countries and of the multilateral agencies is urquestiooable. Many countries, mine amoog them, believed in and practised illusory policies of developnent promotion, based on an increase of bureaucratic costs, together with a type of protectiooism favouring barely profitable activities which consumed a good part of national en<i·tgy. The immediate consequence of this mistaken coooept was to use up not only the capacity of internal savings and local indebtedness, but also to draw on the resources of (Mr. Taran Teran, &::uador) inter~ational borrowing to finance growing expenses and to bridge the balance-of-payments gap. MorecJlTer, internati'!lal lending agencies and creditor GoI7ernments fueled th is indebtedness. Their main lfDtiva.tion was probably the recycling of resources emanating from the increase in the price of oil. ~en, through a consistent policy of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, oil pr ices began to rise, a transfer of resources from oil importing countries, developed and developing alike, to oil-proc1lcing countries took place. These incremental resources are caught by the international banking system which seeks to place them not ooly within the traditional private group of clients, but also in a ni-; I market: that of Governments, including the -Governments of developing countries. This policy reached its climax in 1982 when the debtor countries' ability to pay came to an end. The solution which was found was to compel the debtor countr ies to make severe readjustments in their ecooomies to ensure effective margins for the repayment of the debt, at the expense of the countr ies 's own developnent. Initi3l steps consisted in ~educing import capacity, with the recessional effects this entails; and the next step, when this policy could no looger be maintained, was to encourage a rescheduling of the debt, on a case by case basis. Ecuador, with a relatively high per capita foreign debt, was able to renegotiate its debt over several years with the creditor countries and banks. This renegotiation meant cOJmlitting about 30 per cent of foreign exchange earnings to debt amortization. When Ecuador's economy seemed to have adjusted to this new circumstance and international trade started to flow again, a new dramatic E::;,ent occurred: oil prices suddenly fell. This time, resource transfers went in the opposite direction. Oil-producing countries, nearly all of them developing countries, transferred resources in 1986 (foIr. 'l'eran Teran, Ecuador) to the consumer coUntries worth approximately $80 billion.. It should be 'noted that the privileged countries enjoy this benefit in direct propOrtion to their cons\ll1ptioo.. ThUs, developed countries receive more than 80 per cent of this transfer of resources, while the advantage is greatly reci1ced for the consumer of developing countries.. My country lost a third ,of its export earnings in 1986. This has forced it to make new readjustments in its ecmcmy. These readjustments have been made on the basis of safeguarding the autonoll¥ of foreign trade, the basis for the free market quotations of foreign currency earned by private exports and those needed for private imports~ while oil earnings, whatever the fluctuations of the price of the product, remain earmarked to pay for the State's expenditures, including amortization of the debt. But, apart from the way in which our country is facing up to its own problem, the basic drama remains. (Mr .. 'reran 'reran, Ecuador). The debtor countries cannot be condenned to a permanent state of uncertainty and discouragement. Peoples cannot live without logic and hope. HCMever great the effort they may have to make, peoples must glimpse a more promising future. The creditor countries and the multilateral bodies must realize that a basic solution to the doot issue has to be found~ that the distressed peoples are moying headlong towards undesirable consequences~ that many Governments, unable to find viable solutions, are even yielding to wishful thinking, opting for what appears to be a remedy, but is not. It must be understood that the scope of the tragedy is not financial, but rather political and historical~ and that the bloc of debtor countries, not as a club of conspirators set against the creditor cow'ltries, but as a group having common, identified needs, will seek solutions, realistic or unrealistic, but in some way different from what the international financial conclaves may have supposed. The tragedy of the debt is directly linked to the tragedy of internatiatal trade, and considera tion of the latter issue is most timely now that a round of negotiations by the General Agreement 00 Tar iffs and Trade (GATT) is taking place in Montevideo. '.I.'he foreign debt must be paid, for reasons of international ethics. But payment is impossible unless there is a rise in the exports of the debtor countr ies. 'lb increase exports, internal adjustments in the eoonomic policies of the countries are admittedly required. Nevertheless, all efforts are useless as long as the developed wor ld does not abandon its protectionist policy. Protectiatism imposes a heavy burden on the national communities which subsidize the high cost of producing certain goods; and at the same time, it is unfair and prejudicial to the countries that could produce them more ecatomically. (Mr. Teran Teran, Ecuador) This is me of the hardest things for Iatin America to bear. On other cmtinents, our prociJcts are discriminated a9ainst~ and no hegemonic bloc applies any kind of protectimist formula in our favour. In other words, the system brings us nothing but harm. I think I can make this plea for the abolitioo of protectionism, since my country implements a free market ecooomic policy. We have no restrictions or subsidies. Access to foreign currency is free and we do not use any mechanism to caupensate exporters for the lower prices of exported goods. Thus we can, with full objectivity, call for the gradual but definite abolitioo of a protectionism which is caus ing the selective impover ishment of cer ta in areas of the world without, in the medium term, benefiting any country. The Government of Ecuador believes that terror ism and the drug traffic are two collective threats that are inter linked. The huge resources which the drug traffic can generate and the hidden, dark force bred by terrorism mesh together and encourage each other. OUr Government believes that terror ism and drug traffick ing represent two special types of crimes, whose characteristics identify them as crimes agains~ mankind. Both threaten indiscriminately, imprecisely, generically. They both cross boundaries; they both use international resources~ they both operate and strike simultaneously in many parts of the world. It is essential that the interna tiooal community act in coocert to conbat them. In accordance with the Quito Declaration against Traffic in Narcotic Drugs, of 11 August 1984, and wi th the statement of M:ly 1985 of the uni ted Na tions Secretary-General, the International Cooference on Drug Abuse and I11ici t Traffick ing has been called for JlDle 1987. Ecuador, which as of 1986 is a memer of the COtIIDissioo on Narcotic Drugs, endorses its view that traffic in narcotic (Mr. 'l'eran Teran, Ecuador) drugs must be declared a crime against humanity, and the sinister syJlbiotic relatiooship it bears with terrorism must be acknowledged. The agenda for the forty-first session of th~ General Assembly cootains an item relating to mea~ures to be taken to prevent international terror ism. Last year, m the recommendation of the sixth Committee~ and in accordance with resolutioo 40/61, the General Assembly unequivocally condemned and qualified as criminal all acts, methods and practices of terror ism, wherever and by wtllomever comitted, inclUding thc:;c ~llich jeopardize fr iendly relations among States and their security. In endorsing those criteria, we renew our appeal to qualify terrorism also as a crime against humanity. Crimes against humanity c.r~ to be dealt wi th lD'lder special norms of internatiooal criminal law. Specific shelters granted to other types of crimes would have ·to be restricted or eliminated in the cases of crimes against humanity. Special norms cm extradition should emanate from an international consensus. And let there be no cmfusion between terrorism and the policies, however repressive, of certain States that combat it. Attempts are made to. effect an ideological shift aimed at blurring the clear, repulsive outlines of terrorism, seekingtp give the same name to the sometimes extreme conduct which may oocasimally be adPpted to PlD'lish the cr ime. In no manner can the immoderate use of force be excused, nor the denial of the flD'ldamental rights of human beings, nor the wi thdrawal of persons and'1:hings from the natur 0.1 jur isdiction of their judges.. Bu t betweenth is and the mixing and cmfusing of ideas, there is a wide gap Wiich is bridged wi th ideologic:al and grat'llllatic:al twists. Terrorism, the action aimed at intimidating, by use of fear, to canpel or restrain, so that societies lose their tranquilU. ty and the centre of gravity of their own destiny, is something that has no. excuse ~·hatsoever. Ecuador (Hr. '1'eran Teran, Ecuador) is ready to co-operate openly and frankly with other comtries of' the world for the condemnation and eradication of this atrocity of our century. There have not been any favourable developments with regard to the tragedy in Central America in the last few months. The disproportionate size of the armies and of the stock of weaponsL' the immoderate and open intervention of several Powers within the area, and the continued and deplocable installation of certain totalitarian systems keep on aggravating the tensions in that stricken area. of our 1lmeri'2S.. Ecuador deeply regrets, out of continental solidarity, out of Latin American spirit, out of its perception of a geopolitical threat, this tragedy for which a remedy has not yet been found. All and any of the resources of international law are appropriate for the solution of the problem" There is no exclusive form, nor action that enjoys exclusive rights. All the resources that international law can bring to .bear must be used to solve the Central American tragedy. In the end, so long as denocracy does not find ,true and effective expression, so long as there is no elimination of the practice of forcibly canpelling peoples to accept regimes that they have not themselves fr'eely chosen, so long as it is impossible for many to live in their own country, domina;ted by tyrannical elements, peace will be a distant and almost contradictory aspiration. Peace has to come from the existence of justice and law, not from the blind imposition of force ruling mer the actions and even the conscience of .people. The inter,national comnunity, the regiooal and ad hoc forums, as well as .the Cootadora Group' itself will have to exert strong pressure to eliminate the causes of war Ot guerrillas in the Central Amer ican and to restore in the area the effective validity of the peoples' rights to self-determination, of denocra tic s}'stems and 0:6 noo-intervention. (Kr. Teran Teran, Ecuador) The Government of Ecuador lr fai thful\ f;:i.,~ its traditiona.:i !:N::"~cy of firm colllllitment to the rule of law in relatfonilt aIDO.~9 States, cor.'.'lTinced of the need to contribute to the reinforcement of a creative peace. that would enable all peoples to satisfy t:heir legitimate aspirations for progress and well-beitl9~ renews its decision to foster and strengthen friendly relations "11 th t"le Gollernments of neighbouring countries, in order to contribute to the well-being of their peoples, with whom they are destined to be closely linked~ and to create the climate for a just, peaceful and honourable solution to the territorial. problem, within a framework of uutual co-operation. Ecuador reiterates its b~lief in the validi ty of the effor ts that the United Rations is mak ing to improve conditions in the interna tional community. What has not yet been achieved must not discourage such efforts. A positive achievement shows that joint participation in forums in which the legal equality of States is recognized, is an indispensable mechanism of civilized coexistence. (Mr. Ter an Teran, Ecuador) Ecuador hopes that all states of the ~~rld which aspire to membership in the United Nations may accede to it. Particularly noteworthy is the case of South Korea, a country whose justifiable desire to joining the Organization should not be blocked by the position of third parties. We also support all principles or practices to eliminate discrimination against individuals. Race, religion, political conviction, age or sex should not be used as reasons for depriving individuals of certain rights or benefits. We therefore support the efforts of the international community to eliminate all forms of discrimination. Of special interest is the effort to reinforce the mechanisms for the peaceful settlement of disputes. For a number of reasons we consider useful the proposal to establish a commission of good offices, mediation and conciliation. And we are also encouraged to learn that the Secretariat is preparing a draft manual for the peaceful settlement of disputes. The Organization must keep progress in the field of women's rights under review. Ecuadorean legislation has eliminated all discrimination against women. The ever-increasing presence of women in the professional world, in the scientific community and in political life, is helping our society to incorporate or further emphasize the values which women seem to hold particularly dear. My country has been active in applying the strategies designed to further the advancement of women between now and the year 2000, adopted by the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the united Nations Decade for Women. It has also acted with particular diligence in the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women and in the Board of Trustees ~. the International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women. (Mr. Teran Teran, Ecuador) Finally, I wish to ma~~ a special reference to an international principle which my Government considers to be the backbone of the civilized and peacefUl development of our times. I am speaking of the freedom of the press. We must gradually mako progress in the world's ability to inform and comment regularly, using all mean~ of mass communication, without restrictions or pressure, without interference from the State or other such quarters. There are still many countries that do not recognize the need to consider this principle, that limit the freedo~ to express opinions and comment, that exercise control, on the basis of what is seen &s the official truth, the citizens' right to receive true and prompt information, and the right of the thinking man and the journalist to exerciae their informatio~al abilities. Ecuador is confident that these still considerable barriers may be brought down, gradually but firmly. Ecuador itself regards it as a duty to follow those principles which safeguard the unrestricted freedom of the press and the practical application of that principle. A diversified, broad and entirely free informational community is one of the traditional requirements of life in Ecuador and one of the reasons for the climate of peace and the constantly increasing emphasis on progress which has always been characteristic of our country. The meeting rose at 1.35 p.m. (Mr. Teran Teran, Ecuador)