A/42/PV.20 General Assembly
The General Assembly will first hear an address by the
President of the People's Republic of Mozambique.
Mr. Joaquim Alberto Chissano, President of the People's Republic of
Mozambique, was escorted into the General Assembly Hall.
The PRES IDENT: On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to
welcome to the United Nations the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique,
His Excellency Mr. Joaquim Alberto Chissano, and to invite him to address the
Assembly.
President CHISSANO: It is for me a great honour to address this
Assembly, an important forum in the struggle for the preservation of peace and the
consolidation of friendship and solidarity among peoples. The United Nations plays
an essential role in easing world tension and containing conflicts. It is the
cornerstone of closer diplomatic ties between Member States and of the struggle for
progr ess and development.
In addressing the forty-second session of the General Assembly I should like
to express my delight at seeing the presidency in your hands, Sir. You are an
experienced diplomat who has achieved a high standing in international relations
and I am confident that the present session of the General Assembly will benefit
greatly from your wisdom and evenhandedness. I should like to pledge my country's
determina tion to co-operate closely wi th you in carrying out your duties.
I also congratulate the President of the forty-first session,
Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, on the energy he
devoted in bringing that session to a successful conclusion.
I have the pleasure of conveying a message of appreciation and recognition
Your commitment and de'll'otion to the search for solutions to problems besetbtlg
humankind have earned you, Mr. Secretary-General, the admiration and esteem
accorded to great international personalities. Your name will for ever be
associa ted with the in ter na tiona1 commun i ty 's effor ts aimed at seek ing solutions to
serious problems obtaining in southern Africa. Your name will be particularly
associated with all that has been done to relieve the human suffering caused by
natural calami ties and the war of aggression against Mozambique.
Ten years ago the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique,
Mar shal Samora ~ises Machel, addressed this Assembly for the first time. He
brought a message from a country that, having just won its independence by force of
arms, fully understood the need for peace to build a future of prosperity and
well-being. Samera Machel devoted all his energies to the search for solutions to
sou thern Africa's problems.
On 19 October 1986 Samora Mache1 was returning from yet another mission for
peace and development when the aircraft in which he was travelling was diverted
from its normal route by an unregistered radio beacon (\!OR). As a result of that
divers ion, the a ircraft crashed in Sou th African terri tory, callS ing the dea th of
President Samora Machel and 34 people accompanying him. We are convinced that this
radio beacon (VOR) was deliberately installed and operated with criminal intent.
The ~zambican Gover nment reaffirms its determination to pur sue the investigation
IIItil the whole tru th is revealed. Those who assass ina ted Samora Machel are the
enemies of peace, progress and justice. Those who killed Samera Machel are the
enemies of the purposes that guide the Uni ted Na tions. In evok ing the memory of
President Samora Mache1, I should like to thank all those who, in those tragic
(President Chissano)
moments, enveloped us in the mantle of their sympathy and strengthened our
determination to pursue the struggle for peace.
My cOllltry continues to experience a difficult situation brought about by an
undeclared war waged against us by South Africa. With repeated massacres and
mass ive des truction of our social and economic infras tructur ea, this war of
aggression, which initially was led by the racist and minority regime of Ian Smith
of the then Rhodesia and was taken over in 1981 by the a par theid regime of Sou th
Africa, has reached an unprecedented scale. At va.rious moments this war has
involved ei ther direct military aggress ion by the Sou th African armed forces or
attacks by mercenaries and terrorists recruited, trained, armed, directed and
supported by Pretoria. As a backdrop to this war, and using the vast. financial and
technological resources at its disposal, the af!r theid regime r esor ts to threats,
blackmail, economic blockade, sabotage and a campaign of disinforrnation and calumny
against our country.
The Nkomati Agreement, signed in 1984 by the People's Republic of !'k:>zambique
and South Africa with a view to establishing a climate of peace and good
neighbourliness between the two countries, has not yet fully achieved its purpose.
As the Gorongosa documen ts have amply demons tra ted, Sou th Africa, ins tead of
ceasing its involvement in the aggression against M:>zambique, has escalated the
infiltration of terrorists into our country and increased military support to
them. Despite the unmasking of this scheme, through the irrefutable evidence
provided by the Gorongosa documents, Pretoria has remained captive to its plan of
waging an undeClared war against Mozambique. Despite the immense propaganda effort
made by the circles that finance the armed banditry in an attempt to give it an
acceptable face, these terror is ts and mercenar ies in the pay of Pretor ia remain
proved by, among other things, the massacres perpetra ted by the terror ists in
Homoine, Manjacaze, Mandimba, Mechungwe and Sena. It is proved by the destruction
of property and social and economic infrastructures and by the looting, robbery,
rape and sadistic mutilation of defenceless populations.
Wi thou t being exhaustive, the following are some of the nefarious effects of
the attacks perpetrated by the terrorists~ From 1982 to 1986, the terrorists
destroyed or looted 1,500 shops and consumer co~peratives~ 1,800 schools,
affecting 315,000 students; 490 hospitals, health posts and centres·, affecting more
than 2 million citizens, who lost access to regular health care. In the same
period, more than half a million people died as a direct or indirect result of the
terrorist attacks; more than half of this total is made up of children below the.
age of five.
But who are these criminals that indiscriminately sow death and destruction?
Who are these murderers that, under the command of foreigners, brutal ize and
massacre the Mozambican people? Who are these terror ists - or armed bandi ts, as
they have become known in Mozambique and throughout southern Africa? They are
agents of colonialism who were always opposed to the liberation struggle of the
Mozawbican people and who, after the triumph of this s trugqle in 1974, desperately
attempted to prevent the realization of our rights to self-determination and
independence.
In the ir ranks we find drug addicts, thieves, ou tlaws and cr irninals,
mercenaries and murderers. Their creation and leadership were dictated by
objectives and interests foreign and hostile to the most legitimate aspirations of
the f!hzambican people. On the testimony of their very creator, t.he former head of
Rhodesia's intelligence service, Ken Flower, this group was formed in 1974 in
Ian Smith's Rhodesia. It was created as a pseudo-querrilla movement based on
Ken Flower's experience gained from the Portuguese army in Angola. To this
pseudo-movement the Rhodesia secret services gave the name of MNR in the middle of
1976.
As a consequence of the war Pretor ia is waging against us, and of the natural
calamities that affect our country, 4.5 million Mozambicans have been displaced
inside the eaun try or have sough t refuge in neighbour iog coun tr iea.
In the face of this catastrophe, the international community has shown
gratifying understanding and solidarity. On the initiative of the
Secretary-General, and in response to our appeal, an international meeting on
humanitarian assistance to />Dzarnbique was held earlier this year. As a result,
United Nations specialized agencies, governmental and non-qavernmental
institutions, humanitarian and religious bodies have been giving our country
precious support in foodstUffs, clothing, medicine ,seeds and tools. ThankS to
this programme, it has already been possible to save the lives of thousands of
Mozambicans.
On behalf of the Mozambican people, I thank all the donor countr ies and the
entire international community for the support given our country. Without this
support it would have been imIX>ssible for us to cope with the countless
difficulties faced by the popUlation displaced by war or returning from
neighbouring countries where they had sought refuge.
The war in southern Africa is a creation of the apartheid regime. The forces
that carry out the massacres are an extension of Pretoria's army.
The South African regime wants to subjugate the whole of southern Africa.
That is very obvious to the countries in the region. Therefore, Zimbabweans and
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Tanzanians are today fighting in Mozambique, side by side with Mozambicans, against
South African aggression, in operations that have the logistical support of Angola,
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Zambia and Botswana. The front-line States understand that what is at stake in
Mozambique is the future of the region as a whole. The war being waged against
Mozambique is a struggle between freedom and oppress ion, between equality and
racial discrimination, between independence and colonialism.
Even beyond the borders of the front-line States, we are beginning to note I
· positive signs of co-operation intended to bring an end to this terrorism.
the case of Malawi, wi th which we have si9ned a security agreement that is bein9
implemented with positive results.
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The broad movement of solidarity we enjoy from member States of the
Organization of African Unity, the Non-Aligned Movement and the international
community in general strengthens our determination to fight and our confidence to
win.
Our economy reveals deep structural and conjunctural distortions, as a
consequence of a combination of factors such as the financial and trade imbalances,
the unprecedented reduction in prices of commodities which constitute the main
source of revenue for developing coun tr ies, unemployment, the disproportionate
incr ease in the pr ices of manufactures from industr ialized countr ies, high real
interest rates, the adoption of protectionist measures that hamper the access of
exports from developing countries to developed countries' markets, recurring hunger
\ tha t a ffects mill ions 0 f human being., the critical s H09 tion i nher Hod from
(President Chissano)
That is
colonialism; the losses occasioned by the implementation of sanctions against
Southern Rhodesia; direct and indirect military aggression and economic blockade
pursued by South Africa; natural calami ties; and our manager ial shortcomings in the
implementation of our economic policy, as recognized by the Fourth Congress of our
Party.
Of all those factors, it is the war of aggression being waged against us by
the South African regime that mos t aggrava tea our economic and financial
di fficul ties.
Between 1975, the year we became independent, and 1981 we scored successes in
our national reconstruction. Curing this period our gross domestic product
achieved a reasonable annual growth rate. Our expor ts reached a peak of
SUS 280.8 million. In the field of education, the illiteracy rate, which was
92 per centat the time of independence, was reduced to 72 per cen t by 1980. Our
success in the field of health resulted in the establishment of 900 rural health
posts. In 1981, for the first time in our country's history, every district had
the services of a health professional able to provide diagnosis and treatment.
Significant achievements were registered in many other economic, social and
cul tura1 fields. It is those successes tha t are being threa tened by the escala tion
of South African aggression.
Between 1981 and 1985 our economy registered a decline every year, which
brought a decrease in standards of living and an increase in our foreign debt.
Analysing our situation, we concluded that, although the war was the IMin
aggravating factor in our economic crisis, we could not wait until its end to adopt
fundamental measures to deal with and overcome the crisis. On the contrary,
rehabilitating our economy was a condition of paramount importance for us to win
the war.
(Pres iden t Chissano)
So at the beginning of this year our Government devised an economic recovery
programme that envisages, among others, the following measures: a new system of
exchange control that encourages exportersJ the abolition of price control on some
goods; incentive to producers by means of an incl:'ease in the prices of produce;
better management methods in the co-operatives) reol:'ganization and rationalization
of some State farms, with a resultant redistribution of land to the family sector,
co-opera tives and pr!va te farmer., and a new .alary policy. "Hh the a im of
increasing productivity.
(President Chissano)
The goal of this four-year programme is to revitalize the national economy
and to obtain a level of growth in gross domestic product of the order of
12 per cent by 1990. The assessment made of the first six months of implementation
of the economic recovery programme has been encouraging. In the first six months
of this year, industrial production rose by 34 per cent over the same period last
year. Furthermore, there is likely to be a rise of 12 to 15 per cent in
agricul tural marketing this year over 1986, owing mainly to an increase in
production in the family sector.
In general, we note that the various economic elements are reacting in a
positive way to the measures that have been taken and there are indications of a
trend towards an overall recovery in our economy. It should be pointed out that
there is inevitably a high social cost to be paid for the adoption of an economic
programme such as this one.
The international economic crisis, the impact of the war imposed on us by
Pretor ia, and the dispropor tiona te increase in foreign debt servicing that absorbs
or even exceeds our export earnings have all meant that Mozambique, like many other
developing countries, finds itself in a strait-jacket of foreign debt which, little
by little, is restraining our efforts and initiatives.
To complement our national efforts, we have negotiated the rescheduling of our
debt. In May of this year we came to a better under standing, and the terms agreed
on were reasonably favourable.
The recent meeting of the Consultative Group for r-bzambique resulted in
encourag ing promises of new resources to rev ive our economy and sus ta in a new
start. However, we note that in reality a large part of the additional resources
will enter our country only to leave almost immediately in the form of payments of
outstanding obliga tions. We therefore add our voice to the growing demand for
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profound reforms in international financial and economic relations and for lasting,
effective and equitable solutions.
In this context, we share the views held by many countries, organizations and
personalities, such as the Vatican, on an ethical approach to the issue of
international indebtedness that emphasizes the need for both creditor and debtor
countries to share equitably in the sacrifices and efforts required by the
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adjustment programmes, and criticizes the prescription of authoritarian and
technocratic measures that do not take into account the particular circumstances of
each country. This view reinforces the authoritative stand taken in favour of an
equitable settlement of the debt of the developing countries.
Some of these concerns are echoed in the Venice Declaration made by the seven
industrialized countries, which shows an awareness of the need to encourage
structural changes and to review the intolerable interest rates. It is my hope
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that this awareness will generate the necessary will to work out a just and
equitable solution of the debt problem.
The undeclared war waged against Mozambique by South Africa is part of the
latter's strategy of domination of the whole of southern Africa. The twin vectors
of this strategy are to maintain the essence of apartheid within the country, on
the one hand, and to impose South Africa's hegemony on the region, on the other.
This hegemony has been challenged by the triumph of the national liberation
struggle in Angola, Mozambique and Zimbabwe.
The attempts to mask apartheid through cosmetic reforms that do not change the
essence of the system are firmly opposed by the South African people. The
South African people are not struggling for the modernization of the racist
regime: they are fighting for a democratic society in which all women and men have
equal rights and duties, and where all - black, white, Coloured and Asian - are
simply citizens of one country.
The declaration of a state of emergency, the st.rikes, the demonstrations and
the mass arrests are clear signs of the failure of the reformist option in
South Africa. In response to the popular upr ising, the regime is becoming more
deeply entrenched in obstinacy and violence. It has now become IOOre obvious to the
international commlDlity that Pretoria is not sensitive to the demands of the
South African people for freedom and democracy and that it refuses to negotiate the
end of the apar theid sys tern.
The international community must firmly support the struggle of the
South African people lDlder the leadership of the African National Congress of South
Africa (ANC) and other democratic forces in South Africa. It should, moreover,
exert effective pressure on the South African regime to persuade it to accept the
only peaceful means of solving the conflict, namely, to abolish the racist laws, to
free Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, to legalize the ANC and other
democratic political bodies, and to negotiate with them the political future of the
coun try.
We note, with satisfaction, that wider and wider circles in the South African
white community understand the need to tread this path. The movement against
apartheid inside South Africa draws to its ranks thousands of white South Africans,
especially the young, who want to destroy the artificial barriers imposed by racism
and to play a role in building a non-racial and democratic society. Significant
political, economic, social, cultural and religious circles in the white community
are establishing contacts with the ANC in the hope of finding a solution to the
problem of South Africa.
Since its independence in 1975, the People's Republic of Angola has been
facing devastating invasion and attacks carried out directly by the South African
armed forces. It is the duty of the Assembly to reaffirm its condemnation of the
South African aggression against Angola and to demand the immediate and
unconditional withdrawal of the South African regime's troops. We reiterate our
fraternal solidarity with the people and Government of the People's RepUblic of
Angola.
Regarding Namibia, we pay a tribute to the recent proposals made by the
People's RepUblic of Angola aimed at bringing to an end South Africa's aggression
and occupation of parts of Angolan territory and creating conditions conducive to a
negotiated settlement of the issue of Namibia. We once again reject the policy of
"linkage" and demand immediate and unconditional implementation of Security Council
resolution 435 (1978). We salute the South West Africa People's
Organization (SWAPO), the sole, legitimate representative of the Namibian people,
who are struggling with courage and determination for Namibia's independence.
It is encouraging for us to note that there is, on the part of the
internatibnal community, an increasingly clear understanding of the real nature of
the conflict and the difficulties southern Africa faces. Evidence of this can be
found in the growing support that the front-line States enjoy in their efforts to
establish a lasting peace in the region. The international community must ensure
the strengthening of the defence capability of the countries in the region so that
they may effectively face South Africa'S aggression.
The international community in general and the Western countries in particular
should make a firm commitment to promote the economic and social development of the
independent countries of southern Africa. This commitment could find expression
through bilateral or multilateral channels, particularly within the framework of
the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC), which has shown
itself to be a valuable instrument in the struggle for economic emancipation and to
lessen our dependence on South Africa.
The proliferation of conflicts in Africa, the Middle East, Asia and Latin
America, the continuous growth in stockpiles of nuclear arms and other means of
mass destruction, the steadily widening gap between developed and developing
nations - all are issues that represent a grave threat to the future and the very
survival of mankind.
Despite the efforts made by our Organization in the promotion of peace and
international security, it has to be admitted that the progress achieved so far is
modest.
On the African continent, the occupation of parts of the territory of the
Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic and the denial of the right of the Sahraoui
people to self-determination and independence continue. We are still convinced
that solution of this problem will be made possible by implementing the relevant
resolutions of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the United Nations. We
reiterate our support for and solidarity with the Sahraoui people.
Speaking of the conflict between Chad and Libya, we regard as positive the
acceptance by both parties of a cease-fire, as announced in Ethiopia by the current
Chairman of the OAU. Similarly, we hope that Chad and Libya will co-operate wlth
the efforts of the ad hoc committee that recently met at the summit level in the
Zambian capital, Lusaka.
Regarding the issue of the Middle East, the People's Republic of Mozambique
reaffirms its support for the just cause of the Palestinian people under the
leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), their sole, legitimate
representative: the establishment of a free, independent and sovereign State. We
favour the convening of an international conference on the Middle East as a step
towards a negotiated settlement of this question.
We demand that Israel withdraw its forces from all Arab territories occupied
since 1967 and respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all tne States
of the region, including Lebanon.
We renew our appeal to the Governments of Iran and Iraq to bring to an end the
fratricidal war that is devastating both countries and to co-operate with the
United Nations endeavours for a negotiated settlement of the conflict.
We support the efforts being made by the Secretary-General with a view to
helping the two Cypriot communities find a just solution to the problem of Cyprus
without foreign interference.
The Asian continent continues to suffer from violence and war.
We urge the withdrawal of foreign forces occupying the territory of East
Timor, in order that the Timorese people may freely exercise their right to
self-determination and independence, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of
the General Assembly and Security Council.
We express our solidarity with the struggle of the Timorese people, led by
FRETILIN, for the attainment of their legitimate and inalienable rights.
On the Korean peninsula, the People's Republic of Mozambique supports the
initiatives of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea for a peaceful
reunification of that nation.
We encourage the Secretary-General to pursue his efforts aimed at finding a
just and lasting solution to the question of Afghanistan.
One can consider positive the results reached in the negotiations between
Indonesia and Viet Nam on the issue of Kampuchea.
My country is following developments in Latin America with attention and
concern. We express our solidarity with the people of Nicaragua in their struggle
in defence of their national sovereignty, territorial integrity and peace. We pay
a tribute to their repeated readiness to find a negotiated settlement of the
conflict affecting Central America. We are in solidarity with the struggle of the
people of El Salvador for the triumph of democracy in their country. The efforts
made in that region to resolve current conflicts by means of negotiations - and
particularly the Agreement reached by the central American countries in Guatemala·
offer hopeful prospects for the restoration of peace in the region. 1'he People's
Republic of Mozambique supports these initiatives and hopes that the international
community will do likewise.
In the South Atlantic, we favour a negotiated solution to the question of the
Malvinas. The good offices of our Secretary-General can play an important role in
this question.
Turning now to the Indian Ocean, of particular interest to my country are the
efforts being made to turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace, free of nuclear
weapons.
In this context, we urge all Member States to co-operate with the Ad Hoc
Committee on the Indian OCean, so that it can successfully complete its work and
fulfil its mandate without further delay, and pave the way for the early convening
of the international Conference on the Indian Ocean.
It is with anguish that all humankind notes that the stockpiling of weapons of
mass destruction at current levels entails in it.self the danger of destroying the
life of our planet. It is essential not, only to halt the development of these
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means of mass destruction but also to ensure their limitation and complete
el imina tion.
The People's Republic of Mozambique regards as highly significant the talks
between the Unlted States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
with a view to reaching agreements on the limitation and elimination of nuclear
weapons and other arms of mass destruction.
We welcome the result already achieved on medium-range missiles. This is a
significant step towards general and complete disarmament. We hope that the
commendable efforts made and the flexibility demonstrated by the two parties will
continue. We look forward to seeing the redoubling of the political will of all
those whose cantr ibution is relevant to the success of this endeavour. Detente
between the nuclear Powers will decrease tension and the tendency to crea te zones
of influence detrimental to the interests of the world community as a whole. The
reduction of arms will release resources that must be used to the benefit of the
harmonious development of nations, particularly developing countries.
The Mozambican people are steadfast and determined. We lcwe freedom and we
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prize independence., Now, as in the past, we are making huge sacrifices to preserve
our freedom and independence.
Today, when we take up arms, we do it solely in defence of a nation that is
ours, in defence of a freedom that was achieved through a hard-fought struggle. We
do it in defence of the interests of our people, of the objectives of our
non-align'ed state, of our ideals of liberty, peace and social progress. The
solidarity we enjoy is evidence that the international commlmity lmderstands that
this is the guiding force of our people and the main aim of our State.
In saluting the international community, governments, international
institutions - the United Nations specialized agencies in particular - and
non-governmental and humani tar ian bodies for the ass istance rendered to our
coun try, we urge them to continue and increase their suppor t so that our people may
defend themselves more effectively from the aggression to which they have been
subjected.
In concluding, I want to reiterate our adherence to the principles of the
United Nations. We reaffirm our determination to co-operate with the United
Na tions system and all countr ies in the realization of the objectives of this great
world Organization, namely, the elimination of focal points of tension) the
containment and elimination of conflicts) the establishment of a just international
economic order) disarmament) the elimination of wars, small or big, local or
world-wide; and the preservation of peace and security. Our active non-alignment
is the fOlmda tion of the strengthening of our friendship and co-opera tion wi th all
nations regardless of the economic and ideological systems they embrace. We are
always ready to co-opera te wi th all those that respect our independence and those
that wish to work with us on the basis of mutual respect and all the universal
principles of the United Nations.
I am confident that representatives will faithfully convey to their peoples
and Governments this message of co-operation, friendship and peace.
The struggle continues.
The PRFSIDENT (interpretation from Russian): On behalf of the General
Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique for
the important statement he has just made.
Mr. JoaquimAlberto ChissMo, President of thePeopleJs Republic of
Mozambique, was escor ted from the General Assembly Hall.