General Assembly — Session 42

Most active countries

• Cyprus
  2
• Canada
  1
• Panama
  1
• New Zealand
  1
• Indonesia
  1
• France
  1
• Uruguay
  1
• India
  1
• China
  1
• Chile
  1
• Kenya
  1
• Central African Republic
  1
• Colombia
  1
• Costa Rica
  1
• Denmark
  1

Top agenda items

• General Debate
  2 mtgs
• (con ti nued) <RITlCAL EmNCMIC SI'IUATION IN AFRICA: UNITED NATION::; PROGRAMME OF ACTION FOR AFRICAN EmNJMIC REmVERY AND DEVEWR-iENT 1986-1990: (a) REIDRTS OF THE SECRETARY GENERAL (A/42/560 and Corr.l, A/42/674 (b) DRAFT RESOWTlDN (A/42/L.11/Rev.1) (e) REOORT OF THE FIFTH OJMMITTEE (A/42/854) The PR.ESIDENT (interpretation from Russian) ~ I wish to remind representatives that the debate on this item was concluded at the 50th plenary meeting, held on Tuesday 27 Oc tober 1987. In connection with this item, the Assembly has before it draft resolution A/42/L.11/Rev.l; the report of the Fifth Committee on the programme budget impl ica tions of the draft resolution has been issued as do cu men t A/42/854. I call now on the representative of Zambia, who wishes to introduce the revised draft resolution. Mr. ZUZE (Zambia)~ On behalf of its sponsors, I wish to take this opportunity to introduce draft resolution A/42/L.ll/Rev.l submitted under agenda item 21, "Critical economic situation in Africa~ United Nations Programme of ACtion for African Economic Iecovery and Development 1986-1990". It will be recalled that the original draft resolution on this agenda item was introduced by the Zambian delegation on 26 October this year. At that time we invited all interested delegations to join the African Group in working out a text which could command the support of all so that the negotia ted draft resolu tion oould be adopted by consensus. For more than one and a half months, in tens ive negotia tions have been conducted under the stewardship of one of the Vice-Presiden ts of the General Assembly, the Permanent Re pres enta tive of Singapore, His Excellency Ambassador Kishore Mahbubani. I wish to express our sincere gratitude to Ambassador Mahbubani for his dedica tion and untiring efforts in mak ing it POSI ible for all delega tions to par ticipa te in the long and di fficul t negotia tions. I ",ish also to convey similar sentiments to other merrbers of his delegation who worke :I hard in co-ordinating the negotiations among various delegations. While the revised draft resolution before the Assembly remains essential] r an Afr iean text, it also contains input from many other interested delegations wt tell participated in the negotiations. I can therefore state with confidence that the text we are nO\ll consider ing is the culmination of compromises achieved in thOf ~ negotia tions. The main message of the draft resolution is intended to alert the international community to the critical economic situation now being experienc Id 11 Afr ica. The in ten tion is to give a preliminary assessment before a thorough l ld detailed review of the implementation of the United Nations Programme of Actie , is under taken by the Assembly. In the main, the dr aft resolution before us takes note of the considerab) t effor ts and sacri fices being made by African countries in the process of implemen ting the Progranune of Ac:tion and recogn izes the effor ts of those donm: countries and multilateral financial and development institutions which are assisting those African efforts, in the hope of giving more encouragement to t ds vi tal process. There is recognition of the fact that the critical ecooomic situation is still a part of the African image. Indeed, the difficult economic situation with which African countries are confronted is amply borne out by the informatioo contained in the secretary-ceneral's report. In addition, a large nunber of African countries are still being stricken by natural calamities, such as drought, desertification and gr asshopper and locus t infes ta tions, wh ich are ser ious obstacles to economic and social development. N:ltwi thstanding the adver se impact of low productivity levels and the lack or slow rates of structural transformation of the African economies, the unfavourable external environment and exogenous oonstraints have sharply aggravated the crisis and will con tinue to threa ten any chances of the recovery and development of the oontinent. In particular, there is an urgent need to improve the terms of trade for major export products of the African coun tr ies and to address the crucial issue of the outflow of scarce resources through debt servicing. It is of paramount importance that creditor countries, including multilateral financial and developnent institutions, pay particular attention to the deve10pnent and investment needs of African countries when considering terms and conditions for resolving the debt problems of each country. Any adjustment efforts instituted for African economic recovery should include at least a positive element of growth. In short, adjustment progranunes undertaken should be growth-oriented. They should seek to introduce permanence into the critical areas of growth, including productivity, and the maintenance of the provision of basic economic and social services. The result of declining export earnings, increasing debt servicing obligations, now estimated at fl14 billion annually, and diminishing external capital inflows will CXlntinue to have a negative effect on recovery and developnent in Africa. While we note that some measures have been taken to increase the flows of multilateral financial resources to Africa, the overall resource flows are still far short of African requirements. At a time when African economies are drained of resources, to the tune of $33 billion in 1986, as a result of the fall in export earnings and debt-servicing obligations, total resource fla.ls to Africa were a mere S18 billion. Al though this amount represents an increase over the 1985 level of $16 billion it is nevertheless lower in real terms. Thus an effective approach must be sought to solving debt and comrrodi ty problems and providing adequa te resource flows to Africa wi thin the context of recovery and developnent. Such an approach must first and foremost take into account the interrelationship of the debt problem, export earnings and resource flows. We need to look at some of the initiatives and proposals which have been made in various international forums but have never left the drawing boards and see if we can strengthen and translate some of them into concrete measures and actions which can be collectively and effectively implemented by the international comnunity with a view to assisting Africa to sustain its own efforts towards recovery • In brief, these are some of the issues which the revised text of the draft resolution addresses. The issues are of cri tical impor tance to the understanding and putting into effect of the measures outl ined in the recovery progranme. Ag was unanimously agreed at the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly, when the Programme of Action for African EConomic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 was adopted, a review and appraisal of the implementation of the Prograrrune will be undertaken by the M Hoc Committp.e of the Whole of this Assembly. That is schedUled to take place in early September next year - just nine months from now. It is the sincere hope of the African Member States that a positive attitude to that review will guide the deliberations at that session, as it is my sincere hope that the draft resolution which I have just introduced will oomnend itself to wide support by this Assembly or, better still, to consensus adoption by consensus. The PRES ID ENT (in terpreta tion from Russian): The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolution A/42/L.1l/Rev.1. May I take it that the Assel'lbly adopts the draft resolution? Draft resolution A/42/L.1l/Rev.l was adopted (resolution 42/163).
  1 mtg
• (continu~d) MINUTE OF SILENT PRAYER OR MEDITATION The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Russian) ~ We are no.r coming to the end of the forty-second session of the General Assembly. I invite representatives to stand and observe a minute of silent prayer or meditation. The members of the Assembly observed a minute of silent prayer or meditation. CLOSURE OF THE FORTY-SEOJND SESSION The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Russian) ~ I declare closed the forty-second session of the General Assembly. The meeting rose at 11.15 a.m.
  1 mtg
• (con tinued) REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON RELATIONS WITH THE HOST mUNTRY (a) REroRTS OF THE: SECRETARY-GENERAL (A/42/l95 and Add.l) (b) DRAFT RFSOWTIONS (A/42/L.46 and A/42/L. 47) Mr. SEVILLA B. (Nicaragua) (interpretation from Spanish): The delegation of Nicaragua is taking part in this resumed forty-second session of the General Assembly, called to continue consideration of agenda item 136, "Repor t of the Commi ttee on Rela tions wi th the Host Country ", because of the importance my country attaches to the united Nations Charter, to compliance in good faith with international obligations and to observance of treaties and the international legal order in general. We should recall that the General Assembly, in adopting resolution 42/210 B on 17 December 1987, reaffirmed that the Headquarters Agreement was applicable to the Permanent Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to the United Nations and that the host country therefore had to comply with the obligations entered into under that Agreement and should refrain from taking any action that would prevent the discharge of the official functions of that Mission. Nevertheless, as is well known to all, the President of the United states of America, in disregard of this resolution, on 22 December 1987 signed into law the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1988 and 1989, Title X of which, the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1987, established certain prohibitions regarding the PLO, inter alia, a prohibition to establish or ma intain an office, headquarters premises or other facili ties or establishments wi thin the jur isdiction of the Dni ted sta tes. That Act, which violates the very Constitution of the United States since it disregards international obligations entered into under the Headquarters Agreement, obviously does not take account of the fact that the presence in New York of the Permanent Observer Mission of the PLO is not a privilege granted by the host country, since that Mission was invited under General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974 to participate in the sessions and work of the General Assembly, as well as in all interna tional conferences convened under the auspices of the united Nations. Given this situation and the relentless but unsuccessful efforts of the United Nations set forth by the Secretary-General in his reports (A/42/9l5 and Add.l), we should bear in mind that if this law is implemented the United states Government will be flagrantly viola ting the Uni ted Na tions Charter, the Headquarters Agreement and international law, which does not establish differences or exceptions for any Sta te. In dealing with this problem - which concerns not only the Permanent Observer Mission of the PLO but each and every Member of the united Nations since what is at stake is the future of the Organization and international legal order - we must fully support the Secretary-General in his defence of the Headquarters Agreement pursuant to the procedures set forth in section 21 therein, in order not to permit implemen ta tion by the Un! ted Sta tes Government of a law which disregards and violates the international legal obligations entered into by the t,Jnited states under the Agreement. Moreover, because of the seriousness of this matter, we consider that the General Assembly should immediately request the International Court of Justice for an advisory opinion, so that the Organization's supreme legal body may determine whether the United States of America is under an obligation to enter into arbitration in accordance with section 21 of the Headquarters Agreement, since that country maintains, contrary to the opinion of the Secretary-General and the vast majority of Members of the Organization, that no dispute exists and that therefore that section of the Agreement does not apply. We cannot fail to note that implementation of the united States Government decision would also violate the national identity of the Palestinian people and would hamper all activities being carried out by the organization to achieve a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Therefore the United Nations has the moral and legal duty to ensure that the rights of the Permanent Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization not be undermined or in any way affected; to act otherwise would be to strengthen the dangerous trend of replacing legality wi th the law of the most power ful. The facts show that at present the host country is not acting in accordance with the law of nations, as it should as a Member of the united Nations, a signatory of the Charter and a permanent member of the Security Council. Consequently, Nicaragua believes that only the concerted determination of the international oommunity can stop the United States Government from adding a further serious violation to the list of its already countless violations of international law. In conclusion, we reiterate our solidarity with the Palestinian people and its vanguard, the PLO, its sole, legitimate representative. Mr. MANSARY (Sierra Leone) ~ This resumed session of the Genera ~ Assembly has been convened to consider an issue wi th extremely ser ious practical implications for international relations. While past sessions of this type have generally sought solutions to problems between States, this time, unfortunately, the United Nations is itself cast in the role of adversary, compelled to insist on respect for and the discharge of time-honoured obliga tions toward.s it. It is obvious that the purpose for which the Organization was conceived cannot be fulfilled in a climate of prolonged uncertainty over the fate of the legal sta tus of a Member or Observer. It is in that light that the recen t Fore ign Relations Au thor iza tion Act of the host country, as it applies to the s ta tus of the Permanent Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), causes deep concern. That concern over the viability of the Organization under such circumstances was clearly anticipated and addressed by the Charter, whose Article 104 provides that "The Organization shall enjoy in the terr itory of each of its Member s such legal capacity as may be necessary for the exercise of its functions and the fulfilment of its purposes". We have already been reminded by several delegations that the basic provisions governing rela tions between the United Na tions and the host country are embodied in the Headquarters Agreement of 26 June 1947 which, inter alia, states in its section 11 that the Government of the host country shall not impose any impediments to transit to or from the headquarters district of persons invited to the headquarters district by the united Nations, a status which the Palestine Liberation Organization enjoys with the United Nations as a consequence of General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974. Of special significance in (Mr. Mansary, Sierra Leone) this context is the provision of section 12 of the Agreement, which states that the provisions of section 11 shall be applicable "irrespective of relations existing between the Governments of the persons referred to in that section and the Government of the United States". (resolution 169 (rII) B) Wh He we note and appreciate the subs·tantial declarations made on this matter by the Secretary of Sta te of the Uni ted Sta tes of America, we regret the apparent absence of tangible effect by those declarations on the prevailing climate of uncerta inty over the applica tion of the leg isla tion. It is now clear, in the light of the Secretary-General's latest reports on the issue, that those declarations cannot dispel our misgivings. It will bode ill for the international conununity at large if the participa tion of an Observer or a Member Sta te in the activi ties of the uni ted Na tions can no longer be assured, not because of proven violations of the Charter or the Headquarters Agreement, but primar Hy because of perce ived incons istencies in its relations with the host country. The adoption of resolution 42/210 B by the General Assembly last year was evidence of the broad consensus shared by the membership of this Organiza tion on this issue. As a delegation, we had hoped that wiser counsel would prevail and that awareneSs of the adverse legal consequences resulting from the legisla tion would ensure a speedy resolution of the matter. We are distressed that, as the Secretary-General admits in his report, this does not now seem possiblp.. We are grateful for the efforts the Secretary-General has made in trying to secure from the host Government a definitive position regarding the application of the legislation. HCMever, in the absence of such clear position after an extended period of negotiations, we are inclined to support the Secretary-General in his (Mr. Mansary, Sierra Leone) demand that the provisions of section 21 of the Agreement must be invoked to end the impasse. It cannot be in the interests of the Organization or any of its Members to continue to hold in abeyance an issue of such significance while denying recourse to the relevant remedial procedures. The Sierra Leone delegation expects that every delegation here w ill make maximum efforts to ensure a speedy settlement of this unfortunate situation. We would hope especially tha t the instinct to preserve the eloquent record 0 f resp3ct for international treaty obligations which adorns the history of the United States of America will eventually prevail. This reconvened session will have achieved enorm:>us success if it gives inspiration to that instinct. 1 1 1 Mr. PERERA (Sr i Lanka) ~ This is the fir st occas ion on which I, as the representative of Sri Lanka, have had the privilege of addressing this Assemb11'. But prior to this, yesterday, I had an even more unique opportunity of presiding over th is Assembly even be fore, so to speak, I 11 fired my fir s t shot". Mr. P reS ident, I offer you my congr atulations on your election to th is high office and on the sk ilful and efficient manner in which you have conducted the delibera tions of the forty-second session of this Assembly. I also take this opportunity to extend my felicitations to the Secretary-General for the excellent manner in which he has fulfilled his responsibilities vis-a-vis the United Nations. The General Assembly has resumed to consider the implementa tion of a law which may impede the function ing of the Permanent Observer Miss ion of the Palestine Liberation Organization (pro) to the United Nations, a Mission which \<Ias established at the invitation of the United Nations and has been functional for the last 13 years. When the action leading to the enactment of this law was considered last year, the General Assembly, by its resolution 42/210 B of 17 December 1987, requested the host country to abide by its treaty obligations under the Headquarters Agreement and refrain from taking any action that would prevent the discharge of the official functions of the Permanent Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization to the United Nations. That resolution also requested the Secretary-General to take effective measures to ensure full respect for the Headquarters Agreement and to report on further developments on this matter. In pursuance of this request \<le have before us the reports of the secretary-General (A/42/9lS and Add.l). From these reports it would appear that there have been no substantial developnents leading to a satisfactory resolution of the dispute between the United Nations and the host country. My delegation would like to express its appreciation to the secretary-General (Mr. Perera, Sri Lanka) In consider ing the question before us, we should remind ourselves of the importance of upholding the independence and integrity of the United Nations and the purposes and pr inciples of its Charter. Wi thout guar anteeing these basic safeguards, the Organization will fail to fulfil its objectives which are of paramount importance to the interna tional community. Amongst these pr inci pIes is the universality of the Organization which ensures wider participation in its work by its Members and other invitees. This is particularly important in respect of achieving the pr incipa1 objective and purpose of the United Nations, the maintenance of international peace and security. Our failure to ensure such participation or a departure from this conunitment may lead to an erosion of the foundation of this Organization and its collective responsibility. Hence, any impediments imposed on delegations which are invited by the United Nations to take part in its collective efforts in the pursuit of its objectives should be viewed as contrary to the principles and ideals enlfjhrined in the Charter of this Organization. My delegation therefore firmly believes that universal participation in this Organization should be jealously guarded and all possible action taken to safeguard this inheren t right of its Members and invi tees. The Palestine Liberation Organization was invited to the United Nations by the General Assembly in its resolution 3237 (XXIX) of 22 November 1974. The Permanent Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization was established in accordance wi th tha t resolution and the Head}uarters Agreement of 26 June 1947. We concur with the Secretary-Generalis position that under the provisions of this Agreement "there is a treaty obligation on the host country to permit the Palestine Libera tion Organ iza tion Observer Miss ion personnel to enter and rema in in the United States to carry out their official functions at the United Nations (Mr. Perera, Sri Lanka) We also observe from the secretary-General's report in document A/42/9l5 that the Department of State of the United States repeatedly took the position that the uni ted Sta tes was under an obliga tion to permi t pales tine Libera tion Organ ba tion Observer Mission personnel to enter and remain in the United States to carry out their official functions. However, my delegation regrets to note that there has been no progress since the adoption of resolution 42/210 B and the action initiated by the Secretary-General at the request of the General Assembly. It is the earnest hope of my delegation that the host country, even at this stage, will respect the Charter principles and legal obligations in terms of the relevant provisions of the Headquarters Agreement and settle this dispute amicably. Mr. KITTIKIDUN (Lao People's Democratic Republic) (interpretation from French): Comrade President, my delega tion would first of all 1 ike to thank you warmly for having been kind enough to reconvene the forty-second session of the General Assembly. We would also like to thank the Secretary-General for the submission of his reports (A/42/9lS and A/42/915/Add.l). We have been listening very closely to the discussion here. Its great importance escapes nobody. In our opinion, this is a matter that relates to the strict implementation in good faith of international law. It is also a question involving the very future of this lofty Organization, the United Nations. In the search for a proper solution to this disturbing problem, wisdom demands of us a spirit of compromise and strict respect for international obliga tions. The international community is still shocked at the decision by the United States Congress calling for the closure of the Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to the United Nations by 21 March at the latest. In taking that decision, the United States Congress flouted the principles and norms I of law, betrayed the interna tional commitments of the Uni ted States and did not contr ibute in the slightest degree to the international community IS effor ts to prorrote the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. The problem facing us is not a bilateral problem. In no circumstances and in no case can the principle of reciprocity operate within the context of multilateral diplomacy. For one reason or another the Uoi ted Sta tes Congress may have decided to take a hostile attitude towards the Palestine Liberation Organization, but it has absolutely no right to close the PLO Mission, which is accredited to the United Nations and not to the host country, the United States of America. Under the letter and spir it of the 1947 Headquar ter s Agreernen t, signed between the Uni ted Sta tes Government and the Uni ted Na tions, the PLO Observer Miss ion has the same pr ivileges and immunities that the United States Administration recognizes in respect of the entire United Nations diplomatic community. Under international law and practice, in no circumstances can an international problem be made subject to domestic legislation, and it is crystal clear that the case now before us falls solely under the author i ty solely of in ter national jur isdiction. In his report in document A/42/9l5, the Secretary-General points out that the members of the PLO Observer Mission are, by virtue of General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX), invitees to the United Nations and that the United States is under an obligation to permit PLO personnel to enter and remain in the United States to carry out their official functions at the united Nations under the Headquarters The decision to close the PLO Observer Mission to the United Nations which was taken by the United States Congress is without any doubt very closely linked to the Middle East problem, the core of which remains the question of Palestine. In searching for a lasting peace in that tumultuous region, the international community has been constantly advocating the holding of an international conference, in which the five permanent members of the Security Council and the parties concerned, including the PW - the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people - must participate. To the deepest regret of the overwhelming majority of the states Members of the united Nations, one permanent member of the Security Council has spared no effort to obstruct implementation of tha t healthy initiative. The overall situation in the region continues to worsen. The bloodshed in the west Bank and Gaza, where the Pales tin ian people en masse are engaged in a vigorous uprising against Israeli occupation, is still far from over. If the decision of the United states Congress were to be implemented, that could further worsen the already explosive situation in the region and make the attainment of a just and lasting peace in that part of the world even more uncertain. Lack of understanding and rigidity must be replaced by peaceful coexistence, co-operation and strict respect for the law. The par tidpa tion of a very large number of speaker s in this discussion clearly shows the gravity of the problem before us. An approach that is unjust and contrary to international law can only jeopardize the very existence of the United Nations. There would be an unprecedented infringement of the authority of the world Organization. Indeed, the world knows that it is not Ear the host country, the United States of America, to apply the Headquarters Agreement as it sees fit . (Mr. Kittikhoun, Lao People's Del1'Ocra tic Republic) In the interest of the Uni ted Nations and in the interest of peace in the Middle East, the delegation of the Lao People's Democratic Republic appeals to the host country to reconsider, in full awareness of the facts, the decision taken by the United states Congress and to adopt the necessary measures, in accordance with international law, to remedy this unfortunate situation that has been thrust upon us. Mr. VELAZQ) SAN JOSE (Cuba) (interpretation from Spanish) ~ At a time when casualties are mounting every day because of the repression carried out by the Israeli occupation forces in the Palestinian territories, at a time when accelerated negotiations are under way in an attempt to perpetuate the Israeli presence in Gaza and the West Bank, we have resumed the forty-second session of the General Assembly to consider the unilateral action taken by the Uni ted Sta tes Government, which, in violation of the Headquarters Agreement of 26 June 1947, is trying to close down the Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to the United Nations. It is difficult to limit this discussion to purely legal issues when Israeli repression in the occupied territories runs parallel to the diplomatic offensive of the United States Administration here at the United Nations. In both cases - and not by chance - the target is the Palestinian people and its sole and legitimate representatives. Thus, \oJe cannot view this debate in isolation from what is happening in the occupied Palestinian territories. For those who have protected Israel by means of their veto in the Security Council are the very ones who today wish to close down the PLO offices at the United Nations. Hence, the illegality of the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian and Arab territories goes hand in hand with the illegality of the decision taken by the United States Administration. The determined struggle of the Palestinian people will end the former; the Gener al Assembly must take a firm stand to end the latter. The PLO Observer Mission to the Uni ted Na tions was established in 1974 by virtue of General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX). Hence, its activities are guaranteed under sections 11, 12 and 13 of the 1947 Headquarters Agreement, signed between the United Nations and the United States. (Mr. Velazco San Jose, Cuba) (Mr. Velazco San Jose, Cuba) The PLO Observer Mission is not accredi ted to the Uni ted Sta tes Government. It is not at the mercy of decisions taken in Washington. It is accredited to the Dni ted Nations and as such has a right to ma inta in an office in New York and to participate in the work of the Organization, and the host country has the obligation to ensure its normal functioning. Anything which counters the above is a violation of the Headquarters Agreement and cannot be allowed. What is at stake here is not merely the existence of the PLO office, but also the very agreements which led to the establishment of our Organization on Un ited Sta tes soil. Today the victim is the PLO. Who can guarantee that tomorrow it will not be another Observer Mission or a Member country? The Government of the United States must respect its legal obligations and immedia tely accept the binding procedures provided for in section 21 of the Headquarters Agreement. Any action which deviates from this course will have serious implications for the future of this Organization and will even further undermine the foundations of multilateral diplomacy. Mr. BARNETT (Jamaica): It is unfortunate that after 40 years an issue such as this one should have come to the Assembly. The generosity of the United Sta tes in offer ing the site for the establishment of the Uni ted Na tions Headquarters has always been acknowledged, and the Headquarters Agreement between the Uni ted Na tions and the Uni ted Sta tes, as host coun try, was desi gned to be the legal framework for the continued presence of this international institution. It is a fundamental agreement. Its provisions clearly mark out the ground rules allowing for an easy and amicable relationship between the two parties. Its provisions provide for procedures to enable possible conflicts and differences of opinion to be resolved. (Mr. Barnett, Jamaica) The proposed closure of the PLO Observer Mission to the united Nations in acrordance with the Foreign Relations Authorization Act, Fiscal Years 1988 and 1989, Title X, raises issues of importance to the United Nations and to international relations generally. The legal position has been clearly stated. The secretary-Generalis position, as outlined in his report in document A/42/915 and its addendum, has been clear and correct and is supported by the generality of this body. The position taken by the united States State Department, as well as hy the Secretary o~ state of the host country, has been in keeping with the provisions of interna tional law as we know them. The problem is not merely the applica tion of section 21 of the Head:.ruarters Agreement, namely, whether a dispute is said to exist between the United Nations and the host country and upon the recognition that the dispute exists the further steps to be taken in accordance with that section to resolve the dispute. On the face of it, they are a reasonable set of procedures capable of being adopted by reasonable men under reasonable circumstances. Unfortunately, even if we were to admit of reasonable men and reasonable procedures, we would be mistaken or foolhardy to ascribe the circumstances as reasonable. Yet it is precisely on occasions when circumstances are not reasonable why it is necessary to abide by the settled and accepted procedures of the law. Interna tional organiza tions cannot function properly in an uncerta in legal environment, nor can binding legal obligations freely entered into be discarded on whims. As the Secretary-General's report states: "... for the United Nations the question was one of compliance with international law. The Headquarters Agreement was a binding international instrument the obligations of the united States under which were, in the view of the Secretary-General and the General Assembly, being violated by the (Mr. Barnett, Jamaica) A host country has special obligations and responsibilities which must strictly be adhered to. This is not to say that Missions accredited to these organizations do not themselves have obligations and responsibilities. They do. For example, they are obliged to conform to the requirements of domestic law. But in the case of the PLO Observer Mission, there has been no allegation made to the effect that it has been, or any member of it has been, in breach of domestic law which would warr ant puni tive action aga inst it. But the context within which this issue must be played out is a continuing Middle East cr isis as well as the competi tion and conflict of power and interest between at least two branches of government of the host country. Unfortunately, it has become a fashion for the united Nations, in some way or the other, to be the butt for parochial or constituency electoral considerations. And out of this very often emerges a tendency for ra ther selective applica tion or discriminate interpretation of international law or contractual obligations. Whilst the law does not take account of the competi tion between branches of government, the competition or conflict affects the status of international law and the United States relation to it and can therefore be a source of instability. So notwithstanding the existence of a reasonable procedure, even if it were followed, there cannot be any assurance that something similar will not occur in the future. Parenthetically, one must ask what sort of solution is possible which will not still leave the dog chas ing its own ta il. Hence the gravity of the precedent tha t would be established were the PLO Observer Mission to be allowed to be closed even for the briefest moment. It is our hope that the matter can be speedily settled but in such a way as not to undermine in any way the continued validity and integrity of the Headquarters Agreement. Whatever we decide, the opportunity must be taken to reaffirm certain principles of in terna tional law rela ting to the rela tionship between international treaties and domestic legislation. Mr. MAHALLATI (Islamic Republic of Iran): Sir, allow me to express my delegation's pleasure at seeing you once again presiding over the General Assembly of the United Nations. In view of your diplomatic experience and the commendable manner in which you have presided over the forty-second session of the General Assembly, we have no doubt of its continued success in its endeavours. The forty-second session of the General Assembly has been resumed to consider a serious subject dealing with the integrity, independence and survival of not merely one of the Observer Missions - namely, the Palestine Libera tion Organiza tion (PLO) Observer Mission - but of the United Nations as a whole. The resumption of the forty-second session of the General Assembly is the result of the serious violation of the Headaquarters Agreement by the host country. The General Assembly at its forty-second session, the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the Committee on Relations with the Host Country have all voiced their opinions as to the illegality of the bill that was being considered in the United States Congress at the end of 1987 and that was designed to shut down the PLO Observer Mission to the united Nations. The United Nations in general and the Secretary-General in particular have taken an explicit posi tion in this regard. On 22 October 1987 the Secr etary-General sta ted: "The members of the Palestine Liberation Organization Observer Mission are, by virtue of resolution 3237 (XXIX), invitees to the United Nations. As such, they are covered by sections 11, 12 and 13 of the Headquarters Agreement of 26 June 1947. There is therefore a trea ty obliga tion on the host country to permit Palestine Liberation Organization Observer Mission personnel to enter and remain in the United states to carry out their official functions at United Nations Headquarters." In his report to the General Assembly (A/42/91S) the Secretary-General reiterates that the obligations of the united States under the united Nations Headquarters Agreement are being violated by the decision of the host country. General Assembly resolution 42/210 a, adopted on 27 December 1987, emphasized the fact that the Permanent Observer Mission of the PLO to the Uni ted Nations is protected by the provisions of the Headquarters Agreement and called upon the host country to abide by its obligations under that Agreement and to refrain from taking any action that would prevent the discharge of the official functions of the PLO Mission in New York. Attempts have been made to advance an awkward reasoning for the host country's violation of its treaty obligations by making references to various branches of the united States Government. Such reasoning is irrelevant in international law. A State as a whole, not any particular branch of it, is a party to an international treaty, and the State as a whole is responsible for observance of its obligations under the treaty. The 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Trea ties is also qui te clear in this respect and reads, in part: "A party in an international treaty may not invoke the provisions of its in ternal law as justi fica tion for its fa ilure to perform a treaty." The united Nations Headquarters Agreement was formulated with the principal a im of protecting the independence of the Uni ted Nations and preventing the organization from being inescapably affected by any unilateral decision or action by the host country • The question of Palestine and its sacred cause constitutes the lOC>st central issue a ttended to in the Islamic Ummah and has constantly been an issue under consideration by various gatherings at the United Nations. 't'his Assembly too has been called upon to consider whether the long-standing norm and precedence of the (Mr. Mahallati, Islamic Republic of Ir an) Uni ted Na tions, as well as the aspira tion of the dispossessed na tion of Palestine, should be abandoned because of the unwarranted decision of the host country, in violation of its treaty obligations, aimed at diverting public attention from its internal political problems to external issues. Under circumstances when in the occupied territory murder, looting and savagery against the victimized and oppressed people of Palestine by the regime occupying Al Quds prevail, the Government of the United States, in addition to its blatant creation of obstacles in the way of the realization of the rights of the Palestinians and its aborting of the resolutions of the Security Council against the regime occupying Al Quds, has continued its manipulations to such an extent as to create an abnormal situation in the international Organization itself. The United States Government has never ceased to try to exploit all international organizations for its own short-sighted and expedient political goals. This is not a fact newly being revealed to the Assembly. Allow me to quote the Permanent Representative of the host country himself when, on 25 February 1988, in his statement before the Joint Human Rights and International Organizations and International Operations Sub-Committees of the House Foreign Affairs Committee on issues relevant to the united States relations with the united Nations, he stated: "If the United States intends to use the united Nations as a serious arm of our foreign policy in Iran-Iraq, the Middle East, Afghanistan and other areas, we must treat it as a serious institution." Those words speak for themselves and need no elaboration. This is the sad mentality prevailing among officials of the host country. It is more distressing to hear such a statement from those officials who work closely with the Organization. The Islamic Republic of Iran believes that under these circumstances of the epic struggle, martyrdom and self-sacrifice of the Palestinian people, who reject all submissive approaches and are inspired only by Islamic aspirations against a well-equipped military regime, the closing down of the PLO Observer Mission represents a calcula ted plan and a conspiracy by the regime occupying Al Quds and the United States Government to undermine the sanguine struggle of the people of the occupied territories. Should the practice of the host country to treat Permanent and Observer delegations in accordance with the biases emanating from its bilateral relations and political considerations become acceptable, there will be much room for regret, because, obviously, the PLO will not be the last delegation. The Islamic Republic of Iran requests all Permanent and Observer Missions to support the struggle of the Muslim people of Palestine and to condemn the role of the United States and Israel in the matter under consideration. In conclusion, it should be stressed that this whole issue is not just a question of the closing of the PLO Office, but that it also involves the very credibility and integrity of the United Nations as an independent Organization capable of executing its duties regardless of the biases and whims of the host country. It is therefore of the utmost importance for all Member States to express in unison their outrage against the closing of the PLO Office, not only in defence of the rights of the Palestinian people, but also in defence of the independence and integrity of the United Nations as a credible - and indeed, viable - international Organization. Mr. JOSSE (Nepal): Allow me at the outset, Sir, to express my delegation's pleasure a t seeing you once aga in guiding the Assembly's deliberations. I should also like to convey our great appreciation to you for the expeditious manner in which the forty-second session has been reconvened to resume consideration of the agenda item before us, entitled "Report of the Committee on Relations with the Host Country". ) 1 \ 1 Wi th regard to the subject of our debate, I wish at the very beginn ing to record my delegation's deep gratitude to the Secretary-General for his comprehensive reports (A/42/9l5 and Add.l) submitted pursuant to resolution 42/210 B of 17 December 1987. We pay tribute to the Secretary-General, as chief custodian of the united Nations, for all his endeavours to protect and prolTOte the interests of the United Nations, particularly as they relate to the 1947 Headquarters Agreement, now under close scrutiny by the international community. Before proceeding any further, I wish to underline my delegation's total agreement with the views and assessment of the Secretary-General with respect to the implications of the signing into law on 22 December 1987 of the host country's legislation, which would result in the closing down by 21 March of the New York office of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). My delega tion views the proposed move by the Gover nmen t of the host country, the United States of America, with profound disappointment and dismay. Our attitude has been conditioned by a number of very important factors, which vary from the practical, political and moral to the strictly legal. Among the practical, political and moral considerations are those that concern the timing of the measure to still the voice of the sole, legal representa tive of the Palestine people at the United Nations, which representative has been functioning through a Permanent Observer Mission at the United Nations since 1914 by virtue of resolution (Mr. Josse, Nepa 1) In this context, my delega tion has not only taken note of recent United States initiatives in the Middle East, but has not forgotten the sombre implications of the unprecedented continuing fX>pular uprising of Palestinians in the occupied territories and the outcome of recent Security Counil deliberations. Similarly, on grounds outlined earlier, my delegation cannot but wonder what the long-term effect of the closure of the PLO Observer Mission will be, not only in the Middle East, but for the overall international political environment. Such concerns notwithstanding, my delegation desires today to confine itself to the legal implications of the host country I s proposed move to shut down the offices of the Palestine Liberation Organization in New York, the Headquarters of the Uni ted Na tions. On the bas is of a careful examina tion of the Agreement between the United Nations and the United States of America regarding the Headquarters of the United Nations, of 26 June 1947, my delegation is convinced that such a step would consti tute a clear violation of the solemn commitment undertaken by the Uni ted Sta tes - by Article IV of that Agreement - not to impose any impediments to transit to the Headquarters district of persons invited to the Headquarters dis trict by the Uni ted Na tions on official bus iness. As the establishment of the Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization in New York followed recognition in 1974 by the General Assembly of the right of the Palestinian people to independence and sovereignty in Palestine and its conferring of full Observer status on the PLO as the sole representative of the Palestinian people, any move to close the PLO Observer Mission to the United Na tions by the host coun try woul d represent precisely such an impediment to members of the PLO Observer Mission in the discharge of their important duties at the United Nations. (Mr. Josse, Nepa 1) My delega tion is no less disturbed by the long-term and general impli ca tions of such a violation of the Headquarters Agreement, which is binding in international law and on whose continuing viability and integrity the day-to-day functioning of the United Nations rests. For a country that is as profoundly conunitted to the United Nations as Nepal has always been, any development that is likely to threaten or weaken it can hardly be condoned, much less welcomed. After carefully stUdying the relevant reports of the Secretary-General, my delegation fully endorses the position that a dispute exists between the United Nations and the United States concerning the interpretation and application of the Headquarters Agreement. We therefore join previous speakers in urging the host Government to abide by its international legal obligations and to resolve the dispute before us through the procedure spelt out in section 21 of the Headquarters Agreement. We firmly support the Secretary-General's action in invok ing tha t procedure by nominating an arbitrator, and consent to the setting up of an arbitral tribunal, in the expectation that the host country will do likewise • It goes without saying, of course, that pending a decision by the arbitral tribunal, we would hope that the decision of the host country with respect to the Palestine Liberation Organization's Observer Mission in New Yor k would be held in abeyance. Mr. INSANALLY (Guyana) ~ Item 136, which the forty-second session of the General Assembly has reconvened to consider, has proved to be one of the most contentious issues on our agenda. The issue has in fact become an irritant in relations between the United Nations and the host country, the United States. (Mr. Insanally, Guyana) For reasons not yet fully appreciated, the American authorities have acted to terminate the observer presence of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in New York. This step, in the eyes of the overwhelming majority of Member States, violates the provisions of the 1947 Headquarters Agreement and consequently has been condemned as arbitrary and unacceptable. The attendant controversy can hardly be said to be in the best interest of the world Organization, and should therefore be settled as quickly as possible. It is our hope, Sir, that, under your continuing guidance, the Assembly will be able to put an end to this unfortunate dispute. Essentially, the question is now a legal one, calling for a strict interpretation of the Headquarters Agreement. The action of the host country has been duly reviewed by the Assembly in resolution 42/210 B of 17 December 1987 and has been deemed to be in clear violation of international law. In response to the manda te of tha t reso1u tion, the Secretary-General has sought to persuade the Uni ted States Government of the need to respect the obligations which it freely contracted 40 years ago and which, in law, it cannot avoid today. His efforts have been commendably diligent but thus far regrettably unsuccessful. In the resu1tinq impasse, the Assembly must there fore, on the basis of the reports submi tted to it in documents A/42/915 and Add.l, decide on the cour se which must now be followed. This should pose no difficulty since the Headquarters Agreement has already established, in section 21, the procedure to be adopted in the event of a dispute as to its interpreta tion or application. The parties are clearly obliged to proceed to the creation of an arbitra1 tribunal which, given the appropriate compromis, can meet forthwith to examine and hopefully resolve the dispute. In the absence of agreement on this step, the only alternative procedure is recourse to the Interna tiona1 Court of Justice for an advisory opinion. In look ing a t the substance of the issue, my de1ega tion fa Hs to see how the Palestine Libera tion Organiza tion (PlO) can be denied, wi th any justi fica tion, the place which has been properly accorded to it at the united Nations by this Assembly. Through resolution 3237 (XXIX) of 1974, the organization was granted observer status and invited to participate in the work of the United Nations. This invitation came in recognition of the fact that the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) was an authentic liberation movement representing the interests and welfare of the Palestinian people. Created in 1964, the PLO is the visible embodiment of the Palestinian national consciousness and has, over the year s, proved itself to be the legitimate defender of the Palestinian cause. It is therefore not surprising that the Non-Aligned M::>vement, at a very early date, accepted the Palestine Libera tion Organ iza tion as a full member and the sole, legi timate representa tive of the Palestinian people. This acceptance was prompted by the recognition that no contemplated settlenent of the Middle East problem could be "comprehensive, just and acceptable" wi thout the participa tion of the PLO. The Movement firmly believed that the Palestine Liberation Organization was entitled to engage, on an equal footing, in whatever negotiations might be held with a view to achieving a definitive solution to the problems of the Middle East. The PLO has in fact been notably active in the search for regional peace and by determined and effective leadership has deroonstrated its capacity to represent the Palestinian people. The positive role of the PLO is therefore undeniable and cannot safely remain without acknowledgement. At a time when the situation in the Middle East has become cri tical, the participation of the PLO in the search for a peaceful solu tion will become increasingly useful and necessary. There is now before the international community a proposal to convene an international peace conference at which another determined effort may be made to bring peace to the region. Within the past year, the proposal has gained wide acceptance and engendered fresh hopes for a peaceful solution. We must therefore attempt to open rather than close the doors to dialogue. We must accordingly plead for the continuing presence of the PLO at United Nations Headquarters so that it can be a part of the peace process. The practice of diplomacy, by which States seek to develop their internationa relations, is based on a set of universally accepted rules. This code of behaviou has evolved over centuries from the realization that, in order to avoid conflict, (Hr. Insanally, Guyana) dialogue and negotiation must be allowed at all times to flour ish. To this end, States have seen fi t to crea te a number of international insti tutions thr ough wh ich By mutual they might work to enhance fr iendship and Co-opera tion among themselves. consent, they have endowed these bodies with the necessary pr ivileges and immunities so that they might be allowed to perform their designated functions insulated from all external vicissitudes. It is dangerous and deplorable, therefore, whenever these conventions are jeopardized by the non-acquiescence or the threat of non-acquiescence of any sta te to its legal commitments. Treaties must be observed, including the united Nations Headquarters Agreement. For this reason, my delegation joins in the urgent appeal to the host country to reconsider its position in this matter and to comply with the obliga tions which fall to it under the Headquarters Agreement. Any fur th er temporizing will only do irreparable harm to the world body which we are all pledged to defend and preserve. Mr. ZUZE (Zambia): We are meeting in this Assembly to discuss subject- matter of fundamental importance to the existence of the United Nations. It is a crucial issue of direct relevance to the cherished and cardinal principle of respect for international treaties which govern the conduct of interna tional. relations as well as the behaviour of Member States or organizations. At the core of our debate is the violation of the United Nations Hea dquarters Agreement by the Government of the United States of America through its passage of the Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 22 December 1987, Title X of which, the Anti-Terrorism Act of 1987, inter alia, prohibits the continued ma intenance of the Permanent Observer Miss ion of the Palestine Libera tion Organiza tion (PLO) to the United Nations in New York. It i.s our view that this law, which takes effect on 21 March 1988, contravenes its appreciation to the Secretary-General for his commendable efforts and measures taken in accordance with General Assembly resolution 42/210 B of 17 December 1987. The secretary-Generalis decision to invoke the dispute settlement procedure set out in section 21 of the J.\greement has the full supp::»rt and sympathy of my delegation • (Mr. zuze, Zambia) As one of the major Powers, and as a founder Member of the Organization, the united States enjoys a special position and status in the family of nations. The tradi tional commitment to the pr inciples of freedom and liberty - sui tably symbolized by the Statue of Liberty, proudly and prominently mounted for all to see - bestows upon the united States a singular and inescapable responsibility to ensure full respect for international law and to safeguard the interests of the weak and of those engaged in the just struggle for self-determination. Indeed, it is a historical fact that the United States is itself a product of the freedom struggle. In that regard we wish to make an earnest appeal to the United States Government to defer application of the law in question to the PLO Observer Mission; failing that, it should accept that a dispute does eldst with the United Nations, and respond positively to the call for arbitration, which is the remedial mechanism set out in section 21 of the Headquarters Agreement. It is our view that a dispute came into existence at the time of the passage of the law relating to the closure of the Permanent Observer 1o1ission of the PLO. The PLO has over the past 13 years enjoyed the legitimate status of invitee of the United Nations. During that period it has acquitted itself with remarkable responsibility and has carried out its functions with diligence and dignity. Indeed, as the sole, authentic representative of the Palestinian people, its assured presence at United Nations Headquarters and its active participation in the work of the Organization are invaluable and indispensable to the success of the genuine efforts of the international community to achieve a just, comprehensive and lasting peace in the Middle East. That fact must be dUly recognized by us all. The PLO Observer Mission must not be prevented by any means whatsoever from discharging its legitimate functions as a duly accredited mission to the united Nations. It is the considered view of my delega tion that the ma tter under discussion directly affects the integrity, image and independence of the United Nations as the embodiment of multilateralism. There is no need for me to stress that for over 40 years multilateralism has played a pivotal role in the orderly conduct of international relations. It must therefore be strengthened, not weakened, and any attempts to undermine it or subordinate it to national or narrow sectional interests must be firmly and vigorously res isted by us all. The United Nations Headquarters Agreement is, in our opinion, a symbol of time-tested principles and practices of interna tional law which have long governed the conduct of international relations. The decision by the United States to abrogate the Headquarters Agreement is retrogressive and is at variance with ongoing earnest efforts to promote the progressive development of international law and to strengthen the role of the Organization. Let me conclude by reiterating my delegation's conviction that the decision by the United States Government to close the PLO Observer Mission to the United Nations constitutes a premeditated violation of international law and, if implemented, would set a very dangerous precedent. For not only would it jeopardize the inviolability of similar and other international agreements but it would also serve as a pretext for arbitrary unilateral expulsions of other duly accredited missions which might be perceived as hostile to the host country. As a matter of principle, my delegation will oppose such actions. The PRES IDENT (in terpr etation from Russian) ~ In accordance with General Assembly resolution 3369 (XXX), I call now on the Permanent Observer of the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Mr • ANSAY (Organization of the Islamic Conference): Mr. President, I t-.hank you for this opportuni ty to address the General Assembly, on behalf of the Secretary-General of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, at its resumed forty-second session on the very important issue before it. At the outset I should like to extend to you the profound gratitude of my organization for having resumed the current session of the General Assembly on such short notice. We are gratified that, under your able guidance, the Assembly's deliberations are bearing fruit. I should also like to avail myself of this opportunity on behalf of the General Secretariat of the Organization of the Islamic Conference to express our heartfelt thanks to the secretary-General for his tireless efforts and most valuable contribution towards the implementation of the Headquarters Agreement. This particular meeting of the resumed forty-second session of the General Assembly is taking place under the grim shadow of the brutal, systematic beatings and wanton, unprovoked killings perpetrated by Israeli authorities against innocent Palestinian men, women and, especially, children whose only crime has been to call for their inalienable national rights. These unprecedented acts of cruelty are being vigorously condemned not only by world public opinion but by Jewish people themselves, both outside and inside Israel. We of the Organization of the Islamic Conference firmly believe that this Assembly too will assume its responsibility in taking the effective measures urgently required to bring these genocidal acts of cruel ty to a prompt end. The Organization of the Islamic Conference, having met in New York on 22 February 1988, decided to support fully the request of the Arab group for the resumption of this session of the General Assembly in order to complete consideration of agenda item 136. We are all aware of the developments that (Mr. Ansay, Organ ization of the Islamic Conference) strongly that the occasion for the request should never have arisen~ unfortunately, pr ecisely the opposite has happened. Now the problem has reached a stage where the issues confronting the General Assembly are of formidable dimensions. The report of the Secretary-General submitted to the General Assembly on 10 February 1988, in pursuance of resolution 42/210 B of 17 December 1987, set out in no uncertain terms the important legal issues involved in this question, pertaining to the fulfilment in good faith of obligations of the host country under international law. As indicated by the Secretary-General in his report, the members of the Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) are, by virtue of General Assembly resolution 3237 (XXIX), invitees to the United Nations and as such should be in a posi Hon to discharge their official functions wi thout impediment, irrespective of the nature of the relations between the host country and the Palestine Liberation Organization. In the light of both the letter and the spir it of sections 11, 12 and 13 of the 1947 Headquarters Agreement, there is no doubt a t all that, as host coun try, the United States is under an obligation to permit PLO personnel to enter and remain in the United States to carry out their official functions. The situation we face today obviously concerns not only the Permanent Observer Mission of the Palestine Liberation Organization to the United Nations in New York, but the entire membership of the united Nations, as a matter of principle, since it has direct bearing on the proper implementation of the Headquarters Agreement. (Mr. Ansay, Organization of the Islamic Conference) Respect for and fulfilment of the obligations arising from this basic Agreement is of profound significance, because its infringement can have serious repercussions on the ability of the Uni ted Nations to function effectively in New York as a univer sal organization which should rema in at all times and under any conditions accessible in an unimpeded manner to the representatives of all parties - Members, observers or invitees of the United Nations - to any international dispute. On 17 December 1987, in its resolution 42/210 B, the General Assembly reiterated that the Permanent Observer Mission of the PLO to the united Nations is covered by the provisions of the United Nations Headquarters Agreement. The General Assembly called upon the host country to abide by its obligations under this Agreement and in this connection to refra in from taking any action that would prevent the discharge of the official functions of the PLO Mission in New York. At the same time the Secretary-General was requested to take effective measures to ensure full respect for the Headquarters Agreement and to report without delay to the General Assembly on any further developments in this matter. However, in spi te of the appea ls by the Dni ted Na tions, the legisla tion, including the provision that affects the status of the PLO Mission and runs counter to the international obligations of the United States, was given the status of a legal Act of the United states when it was signed into law on 22 December 1987. In his report submitted to the ASsembly in document A/42/91S, the Secretary-General correctly stated that the obligations of the United States under the Headquarters Agreement are being violated by this Act. We would like to express our firm support for the course followed by the Secre tary-General in seek ing legal remedies wi th in the framework of section 21 of the Headquarters Agreement. Indeed, it is clear that any dispute between the (Mr. Ansay, Organization of th Islamic Conference) United Nations and the United States concerning the interpretation or application of this Agreement falls under the procedure of arbitration stipulated in this section. We have taken note that the United States Administration itself has not lost sight of its legal obligation to maintain the current arrangements for the PLO Observer Mission. In fact, an effort has been under way to examine the possibilit of interpreting the law in question in conformity with United states obligations under the Headquarters Agreement. Despite this fact, the legislation that establishes prohibi tions wi th regard to the PLO offices in the Uni ted Sta tes directly contests the treaty obligations of the host country. The combined effect of resolution 3237 (XXIX) and the Head:Iuarters Agreement together with Article 105 of the Charter of the United Nations, imposes a clear legal obliga tion on the Government of the host country to permit the PLO to maintain offices in New York accredited to the United Nations. The secretary of State of the host country himself acknowledged the existence of this legal obligation in a letter dated 29 January 1988 addressed to the United States Senate. On numerous occasions several other members of the United States Administraion, including the Legal Counsel of the State Department and the Unite States Mission to the United Nations, have expressed the same opinion. The legal opin ion expr essed in that letter from the United Sta tes Secretary of State is shared by the Secretary-General and the Uni ted Na Hons Legal Counsel, " 10, as recorded in paragraph 49 of the report of the Committee on Relations with th~ Host Country contained in document A./42/26, stressed that the key point of the letter by the Secretary of State was that the United States was (Mr. Ansay, Organization of the Islamic Conference) "under an obliga tion to permi t PLO Observer Miss ion personnel to enter and remain in the United States to carry out their official functions at the Uni ted Na tions". The Secretary of State also very accurately stated in his letter that the PLO Observer Mission is accredited not to the United States Government but to the United Nations. Notwithstanding all these efforts, no positive development is yet discernible. Consequently, the Secretary-General has felt the need to report to the General Assembly in accordance with the terms of resolution 42/210 8. We would have liked to see better use made of the negotiations and consultations between the United States and the united Nations by activating the dispute settlement procedure provided in the Headquarters Agreement. It is to the credit of the United Nations that its Legal Counsel recommended that, if the PLO Observer Mission was not to be exempted from the applica tion of the law, the parties should proceed to arbitration. Failure to take this step has created a vicious circle which, in order to be broken, now requires the intervention of the General Assembly. This Assembly has been convened today because in some ways the fate of the United Nations itself is at sta!<e. In addressing the specific issue of the PLO Mission, we are seeking preventive measures to protect not only the PLO but also the United Nations as a whole and the Headquarters Agreement and, by extension, all missions accredited to the United Nations. There is no doubt tha t the Headquarters Agreement is binding under international law. As previous speakers have mentioned here, one of the maxims of international law is the principle of pacta sunt servanda. Apart from creating an unheard of precedent which would probably nullify the most significant multilateral (~lr. Ansay, Organ bation of the Islamic Conference) precedent that might result in allowing any country to renege on its legally binding international obligations simply by enacting, at any time of its choosing, legislation allowing it to ignore the stipulations of otherwise binding international agreements. Does the United States realize the abhorrent consequences that might ensue from such an act? If it does not, then it is high time that this Assembly brought it to its attention by unanimously supporting the proposed draft resolutions before us. The action which the General Assembly is requested to adopt is actually intended to prevent the United States from bringing a legal catastrophe upon itself and upon the world at large. To the best of our recollection the Un i ted Sta tes is a pa r ty to the 1969 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, which unequivocally stipulates that a party to an international treaty may not invoke the provisions of its internal law as justification for its failure to abide by a trea ty .
  1 mtg
• (conti n ued) GENERAL DEBATE Ms. GRANT-WOODHAM (Jamaica) ~ Twenty-five years ago, following the a ttainment of its independence, Jamaica's first policy sta tement was made at the seventeenth session of the United Nations General Assembly, under the presidency of an illustrious citizens of Pakistan, Sir Zafrulla Khan, from the Group of Asian Countries. Today the presidency is in the able hands of a most distinguished representative of the German Deroocratic RepUblic. This is indeed testimony to the important contribution which the varying political, economic and cultural systems can bring to the global search for peace, development and stability. My delegation congratUlates you, Mr. President, and all the other officers on your election to the leadership of this Assembly. We anticipate that under your guidance there will be marked progress in the search for effective, durable solutions to some of the issues which confront us. The forty-first session of the General Assembly benefited from the expert leadership of Foreign Minister Choudhury of Bangladesh. We cannot overstate the value of h is con tr ibution to the ach ievements of that sess ion and we commend him for it. When we look at the sta tement we made at this rostrum 2S years ago we see that much the same issues remain. Of course, it would be too much to expect that within this arbitrary 25-year period, this quarter-century, human nature would have been so al tered as to make conflicts and wars and social and economic problems disappear. In fact situations which demonstrate the persistence in the in terna tional community of a lack of respect for the pr inciples of the Char ter concerning the peaceful resolution of conflicts, non-aggression and the non-use of force or the threat of force continue to abound. Nevertheless there have been improvements. The world has also experienced vast political, economic, scientific and technological changes, some of which today challenge man to cope adequately with the accelerating pace of the convulsions surrounding him. Today we contemplate a General Assembly agenda which is much larger than the one we looked at 25 years ago. SOme of the i terns are new, but all concern the persistent effort to use this Organization and the forum it affords to deal with living on this planet. Whether defined in political, economic, social, cultural or technological terms, they are all fundamentally related to the basic question: how do we cope or how are we coping? Today, after 25 years, the United Nations can proudly point to its record on decolonization. Since 1962, when Jamaica and five other countries took their seats as States Members of this Organization, 49 others have broken the shackles of colonialism. This is a great achievement; yet we still have a little way to go. SOuth Afr ica's continued defiance with respect to the independence of Namibia is a major blot on the record. South Africa has maintained its oppressive rule over Namibia the better to facilitate its plundering of Namibia's resources, in defiance of the international community. South Africa's policies are as unconscionable today as they ever were. ' Yet the failure to deal with them rests squarely on those cOlmtries whose policies have ,prevented the implementation of the enforcement measur es possible under Chapter VI I of the Char ter. Jamaica reitera tes its call for Security Council action under Chapter VII to ensure the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). We reaffirm ou~ total rejection of the concept of linkage and restate our firm belief in the legitimacy of the struggle of the SOuth West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people. (Ms. Grant-Woodham, Jamaica) In 1962 Jamaica proposed to the General Assembly that an in terna tional year for human rights be declared. This was observed by the international community in 1968. Since 1962 much work has been undertaken in the Uni ted Na tions system, resulting in the adoption and entry into force of several very important conven tions for the promotion and pro tection of human rights. My delega tion notes wi th satisfaction the work of the several commi ttees established under the var ious human rights instruments and of the united Nations Commission on Human Rights. Nevertheless, flagrant violations of human rights continue in many regions of the world. How can the world continue to tolerate the vicious system of apartheid - a gross example of human rights denied? For our 25 years as an independent country, despite several changes of Government, our people have supported the Government's stance against the apartheid system. During those years we have seen the inhuman situation which is the result of this abhorrent system grow steadily worse as it claims the lives of thousands of innocent victims, including children~ as it allows thousands, including children, to languish in jail without trial~ as it leaves further countless thousands, including children, both physically and elTOtionally maimed~ as it denies 25 million persons who constitute the black population some of their most fundamental human rights - thus seeking to impose on the majority population a kind of modern-day serfdom for which Pretoria's only justification is the colour of a person's skin. We have seen the growing resentment and anger of an oppressed population. We have watched with deep concern as the situation has developed with a frightening inevitability to the point of explosion. We have seen the way in which this racist regime wilfully and cynically manipulates all efforts to negotiate a peaceful solution to the growing crisis. And we have watched with dismay as the international community has un·animously condemned the apartheid system but nevertheless has failed to agree on measures to bring that system to an end. But we have also seen the influence which economic pressure has on that regime and we maintain and remain convinced that the implementation of comprehensive mandatory sanctions is the only option for a peaceful solution of this intolerable situation. Strong and concerted international action against apartheid must match the int~national condemnation which is so freely expressed. The front-line states against which Pretoria has committed acts of aggression and sabotage must be able to rely on the effective solidarity of the international community as they seek to eliminate the dependence on their economic linkage with South Afr ica and imprOl1e their capaci ty to defend themselves aga inst Pretor ia IS continuing aggression. The situation in Mozambique and Angola cries out for concerted international attention. will this be just another General Assembly from which only strong an ti-aear theid resolu tions emerge? From time to time we ask our selves what is th e use of the Un i ted Na tions? Bu t we know that whatever its shortcomings that the past years have revealed it is an indispensable institution. Whether in the Middle East, where the central issue of the right of the Palestinian people remains unfulfilled and the right of Israel to a peaceful existence within safe and secure borders must be assured, or in Kampuchea, or Afghanistan where we call for the wi thdrawa1 of foreign forces to enable the peoples to exercise fully their right to self-determination, the United Na tions mus t have an increas ing role to play. Jamaica con tinues to suppor t an international conference under United Na tions auspices to design a comprehensive settlement in the Middle East. The same is true of Kampuchea. In Afghanistan the un tiring efforts of the Secretary-General and his representatives must continue to be supported by all. In the Gulf Jamaica believes that the United Nations has an important role to play in the achievement of a peaceful solution. We support security Council resolution 598 (1987) and the continuing effor ts of the Secretary-General to fashion a settlement in the area. Jamaica is of the view that a cessation of the war between Iran and Iraq is a vital pre-condition for stability in the region and for peaceful passage of maritime traffic. It is therefore essential that both Iran and Iraq comply with the demands of the international community for a speedy solution to their conflict. We are encouraged to hope tha.t violation of the territorial integrity of Chad will be pu t to an end soon now that the Organization of African Uni ty (OAU) has again become very actively involved. In our region, the conflict of Central America did not exist in its present form 25 years ago. But the seeds were there. The longstanding social and economic disparities have given rise to conflicts into which, more recently, ideological differences have intruded. We have followed closely and have supported diplomatic initiatives to bring about a negotiated settlement acceptable to all the parties involved in that reg ional conflict. Time and time again our expecta tions have been dashed as an effective solution elUded these efforts. We were, however, encouraged by the Agreement signed on 7 August in Gua temala by the five Cen tral American Presidents as a demonstration of their determination to resolve their differences through dialogue. The Government of -Jamaica wishes to commend the longstanding and painstaking efforts of the Contadora and Support Group and their contribution to this latest developnen t, and also the role of Pres ident Ar ias of Cos ta Rica, whose proposal formed the basis for the Agreement. It is our hope that the parties to the Ag reernen t will respect those commi tlnen ts and that implemen tation will follow the agreed schedule. We urge the international community to support this endeavour to generate peace, stability and development in the region. In particular, we would urge all those States external to Central America and which have interests in the region, to support fully this noble endeavour and thus allow the Central American States to resolve their conflict without external intervention. Whatever the regional confl ict may be or wherever it is, one major issue overhangs us all, and that is the thr ea t of nuclear war and the pers is ting race between the super-POW'ers to acquire more sophisticated nuclear weapons systems. The united Nations has been strenuous in its efforts to put a stop to this madness. In 1962 Jamaica expressed its concern at the escalation of the arms race. Today, 25 years later, the si tua tion is infinitely more dangerous. We continue to urge and support the adoption of measures for the achievement of general and complete disarmament. We expressed our optimism at the news of the agreement between the two super-Powers to eliminate one entire class of nuclear weapons. This is a major event for the international community. But we should not be euphor ic. There are still enough nuclear weapons to destroy civilization several times over. Hence, we must persist in maintaining the pressure on the nuclear Powers·. At the same time, the race for the accumulation of conventional armaments must not become a substitute for the race in nuclear weapons. A few weeks ago the Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development ended. We deeply regret that all States did not participate, but we believe that the message which emanated from the Conference will find a ready, positive response among peoples of the East and West, of the North and South. The par adox of mill ions of dollar s spen t in weapons of mass des tr uction, in order to maintain peace and security, while millions of people remain in abject poverty and deprivation, cannot continue. We have had occasion to refer to new kinds of problems with serious international impact, among which were international terrorism, illicit trafficking in drugs and the debt cr is is. Jamaica condemns international terrorism whether it be state-perpetrated or from any other source. We are concerned and appalled by its random and destructive natur e ~ by its abil i ty to weave a web of fear, hos til ity and dis tr us t among nations and peoples, th us gnaw ing away a t the fr amewor k of peace, stabili ty and good will which the United Nations has so painstakingly sought to develop. We are fully committed to the adoption of measures to eradicate international terrorism and will continue to support efforts to this end. The international corranunity has recognized the need to close ranks in the fight against drug abuse and the illicit traffic in narcotics. Conferences at global, regional and subregional levels have fostered action by the large major ity of States to wipe this evil from the face of the earth. Not only are we concerned about the irreparable damage to our people that can result from drug abuse, but we are gr avely troubled by the security implications, as the illicit traffic is inevitably linked with international crime, which respects no frontier. The multilateral plans of action which resulted from the various conferences, in particular, the International Conference on Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking which was held earlier this year, reflect our commitment as sovereign nations to co-operation in the relentless struggle against drug abuse and illicit trafficking in drugs. We believe the development of in terna tional law, through the adoption of a convention on this matter, could greatly enhance this international campaign. On the occasion of the twenty-fifth anniversary of our membership in the United Nations, my Government would have liked to be able to state unequivocally that considerable progress had been made in promoting the goals and principles of this Organization in economic developnent. Regrettably, we are unable to do so. The challenge of development is even more pressing than it was 25 years ago when the world economy was vibrant. Despite the significant advances made during the last two decades in liv ing standards to which the United Na tions system has made valuable contributions the developing countries have been facing unprecedented economic difficul ties in the 1980s. These difficul ties threaten the economic and social gains made by, and the stability, of our states. Developing countries are being encouraged to pursue export-led growth but, at the same time, the very industrialized countries which encourage this path to growth are seeking to erect protectionist barriers around their own uncompetitive domestic industries. This leads to a reduction in the level of exports from developing coun tr ies to developed country markets, to a fall in foreign exchange earnings, and therefore to a reduction in the capacity to import goods necessary to sustain our economies. The imbalances wi thin the world economy are thus perpetuated. The new round of mUltilateral trade negotiations which was launched at Punta del Este, Uruguay, in September of last year, emerged in response to the overall continued deterioration in the international trading environment and the need to halt this trend by restoring international trade to agreed mUltilateral discipline. The contracting parties to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), face new challenges as they negotiate a wide range of trade related issues during this round. Jamaica attaches much importance to these negotiations as we feel that agreed rules and principles, which seek to provide a stable, practical and secure international trading environment, not only ,help trade, but foster the climate for foreign investment. The burden of external debt has now become the greatest obstacle to economic development. The gap between average living standards in developing countries and those in the developed wor Id has widened and there are growing dispar i ties between different parts of the developing world. We believe that our creditors are now fully aware of the need for creative and positive action on their part with a view to alleviating the situation. The view that the external debt problems of developing countr ies would become manageable within a brief period is no longer realistic. The focus on short-term stabiliza tion programmes supported by the In terna tional Monetary Fund and the rescheduling of bilateral obligations through the Par is Club and commercial debt directly wi th commercial banks have to be re-examined. New thinking must take into account the capacity to service the debt and the situation of small middle income countries with high debt service burdens and limited room for additional indebtedness. The resumption of a growth path must be a fundamental objective. The Prime Minister of Jamaica has put forward a proposal which, we submit, can assist in co-ordinating and improving approaches to the debt crisis. The proposal is for a new type of policy-based lending programme which directly addresses the need for both debt service and secure economic growth. This facility, to be offered by multilateral financial institutions, would be conditioned on the basis of a targeted reduction of debt service ratios to sustainable levels over a programme period, geared to release sufficient disposable resources to achieve targeted growth. As a parallel programme, the Paris Club and commercial banks would also condition their multi-year rescheduling to the targeted debt service ra tios. We would welcome discussion on this proposal in the Second Committee, and we solicit the support of Members of the United Nations for what we are convinced is a useful and constructive initiative in the complex search for solutions. I am convinced that there is wide agreement that a solution to the debt problem will not only assist in improving the economies of developing countries, but will also form part of a broader solution of the problems which together contribute to the present stagnation of the world economy. The seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD VII) which was recently held in Geneva, was eagerly awaited by the countries of the developing world. It presented an opportunity for the international community to seek concrete solutions to the many problems which beset the world economy. We looked to that forum for policies and measures which would revitalize development, growth and international trade and foster a more predictable and supportive environment. UNCTAD VII was not the resounding success for which we had all hoped. The decisive action that the current world economic situation required was not forthcoming. However, it was an im£X>rtant advance in multilateralism and interdependence. It was a renewed commitment to UNCTAD. The incernational community recognized that the four-yearly UNCTAD conferences continue to provide an opportunity for frank and useful discussions of development issues. The final act of UNal'AD VII, that consensus document which brings together the assessment of world economic trends, pOlicies and measures in the areas of resources for development, commodities, international trade and special measures for the least developed coun tr ies, will remain an impor tant policy document for implementing reforms to the international economic and financial systems. Jamaica remains fully committed to multilateralism and will continue to play a positive role in the programmes and projects sponsored by the insti tutions of the United Nations. We expect that these programmes will complement those introduced at the national and regional levels. We believe that our efforts, coupled with those introduced and developed by the wider international community, will assist us in achieving our national goal of a better life for our people in a peaceful, secure and stable international environment. We note with great satisfaction that major progress has been made in the Preparatory Commission for the International Sea-Bed Authority on the problem of overlapping claims. This good news should help to convince the remaining doubters about the viability of the regime that the members of the international community fashioned by consensus. We expect the meeting in December to be successful. It continues to be our hope that ratification of the Convention will move speedily along. Jamaica recognizes that the United Na tions can be effective only to the extent to which we, the Member States, seek to make it so. There have been recent indications of a disposition to do that. We are encouraged by this. The United Nations is all of us. We all share the responsibility to use it to help make a better wor Id. Mr. 'JX)'!'U (Romania): Your election, Sir, to the high post of President 0: the forty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly gives me the pleasant occasion to extend to you my heartfelt congratulations and best wishes fo full success in the accompl ishment of the miss ion entr usted to you. I feel especially honoured to present from the rostrum of this high forum the considerations and proposals of the President of Romania, Nicolae Ceau~escu, on th ma in issues of international life and on the ways to solve them, in accordance wit the interests and aspirations for peace, independence and progress of the Romaniar people, and indeed of all peoples of the world. ~nalysis of the evolution of international life reveals a picture which is utterly disquieting. (Mr. Totu, Romania) The world situation continues to be particularly serious and complex. The arms race has assum~d disturbing proportions. Nuclear tests aimed at the steady development of weapons of mass destruction are still going on. This has harmful effects on the natural environment and, in fact, on life on earth. At the same time, far from diminishing, the conflicts, crises and hotbeds of tension in various regions of our planet have even worsened, thus generating new threats to the peace and security of mankind. The policy of force, of threat of force and gross interference in the internal affairs of other states continues unabated. These manifestations are incompatible with the principles and norms of international law, morality and ethics. Furthermore, the world economic crisis has become more serious and more profound, affecting all States. Its adverse effects are being felt primarily by developing countries, Whose situation is already tragic. In the view of Romania, and President Nicolae Ceausescu, the sole, compelling alternative at present is to reverse the dangerous course of events and bar the road which leads to a nuclear catastrophe. A new world war is inconceivable, for it would mean the practical annihilation of life on our planet. Hence the need to renounce, once and for all, the wrong and outdated conception upheld by some nuclear-weapon states that nuclear weapons strengthen security and contribute to the maintenance of peace. Romania considers that the fundamental problem of our era is to halt the arms race and pass on resolutely to disarmament, in particUlar nuclear disarmament, to defend the supreme right of peoples and individuals alike to peace, life, and a free and dignified existence. In its overall international activities Romania devotes all its efforts to a permanent dialogue and wider and more diversified contacts with all States, irrespective of their social system. Firmly underlying all its relations are the principles of full equality of rights, respect for national independence and sovereignty, the non-use of force or the threat of force, non-interference in the internal affairs and mutual benefit. In view of the unprecedented scope attained by the arms race, in particular the nuclear-arms race, and the need for determined measures in the field of disarmament, we deem it necessary for the Assembly to give these issues top priority at the present session. We believe that all States must intensify their endeavours and actions in order to achieve this objective. Romania and President Nicolae Ceausescu propose that the General Assembly launch an appeal to the Soviet Union and the United States, since their positions are very close, to conclude without delay, as of this year, an agreement on the elimination of all medium- and shorter-range missiles from Europe and the whole world. At the same time, the General Assembly should call upon the countries that have nuclear weapons on their territory to renounce them and refrain from raising obstacles of any kind to the achievement of an agreement. Furthermore, all countries in Europe and elsewhere in the world should be called upon to act resolutely in order to achiev~ such an agreement this year. We welcome the recent Soviet-American understanding in principle in this respect and express our hope that the accord will be signed at the summit meeting to take place in the autumn of this year. Taking into account that nuclear tests are stepping up the arms race while having damaging effects on the environment, the General Assembly should address an appeal, primarily to the United states and the soviet union, but also to the other nuclear-weapon States, to halt nuclear testing and any other activities designed to develop and improve nuclear weaponry. Similarly, all the States of the world should be called upon to undertake to use nuclear 1 . 1 energy exc US1Ve y for peaceful purposes, for the benefit of humanity at large. While according priority attention to matters relating to nuclear disarmament, Romania holds the view that resolute and tangible measures are also needed to reduce conventional armaments, troops and military expenditures, which this year topped $1,000 billion for the world as a whole. Consistent with its proposals in recent years in this field, Romania proceeded to a unilateral reduction of its weapons, troops and military expenditures by 5 per cent, following a national referendum in which practically all the people took part. In this way, the Romanian people asserted its will and determination to act unflinchingly in favour of disarmament and peace. In our view, the adoption of unilateral disarmament measures by States would constitute a practical way of passing from words to deeds and making real progress towards general disarmament. In the same spirit of a new approach to disarmament problems which requires that all possible avenues be explored, Romania considers it necessary for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Warsaw Treaty countries to start as soon as possible negotiations on conventional disarmament, with the participation of other countries of the European continent. I Bearing in mind the increased role that the united Nations should assume, Romania proposes that the General Assembly take action to prepare and finalize a complex programme of nuclear and general disarmament, to be submitted for adoption at the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament, Scheduled to be held in 1988. The programme should lay down measures for the phased elimination of all nuclear weapons and the substantial reduction of conventional weapons, troops and military expenditures, as well as for the prohibition of the production of chemical weapons and the destruction of existing stockpiles. We believe that this programme should specify the need for the various problems and issues relating to nuclear and conventional disarmament to be resolved independently, without some being conditional upon others. Following the same line of thought, Romania helieves that the preparation and adoption by the United Nations of an international document setting forth the principles that should gove,rn negotiations among States on freezing and reducing military expenditures would have a stimulating effect on the efforts of the world community in the field of disarmament. It is of special importance to halt a.ny measures designed to militarize outer space, which should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes in the interest of all mankind. As the grea t number of sa telli te launchings have harmful effects on the natural environment of life on Earth, we propose that the General Assembly address an appeal to all countries launching satellites to limit such launchings. Likewise, we propose that the General Assembly call upon all States of the world to start early negotiations to regulate the use of outer space for peaceful purposes only, and to establish a rational system for its use as an asset of all mank ind. The interests of international peace and security make it increasingly necessary to set up nuclear- and chemical-weapon-free zones, for developing good neighbourliness, mutual understanding and co-operation. It is in this spirit that Romania takes consistent action towards turning the Balkans into a zone of good neighbourliness, peace and co-operation, free of nuclear and chemical weapons, foreign troops and mili tary bases. In this respect, it is of special significance to recall the recent proposals advanced jointly by Romania and Greece to convene in Bucharest a high-lellel meeting of Heads of State and Government of the Balkan coun tr ies. Equally, Ibrnania upholds the setting up of n uclear- and chemical-weapon-free zones in nor thern and cen tral Europe, as well as on other continents. We consider it necessary for the United Nations to encourage initiatives designed to establish such zones, including nuclear-weapon-free ci ties and towns on various continen ts. Such moves are 1 ikely to strengthen confidence and secur ity at the regional and world lellels. Against the background of the ever-closer interdependence that characterizes today's world, and bearing in mind the evolution of international events, Romania proposes that the United Nations address a general appeal to all States in conflict . d It should also call upon all Sta tes to br ing their mili tary opera tlons to an en . to proceed to the settlement of all pending issues and disputes between them by peaceful means, through negotia tions. The General Assembly should call for the cessa tion of any form of mili tary opera tions dur ing negotia tions, from the ir beginning. The Security Council, or a United Nations special body, should be empowered b mooi tor the implementa tion of obliga tions assumed as to the cessa Hon of mili tary achy ities throughout the negotia tions and to ensure the solution of the issues through negotia Hons. As regards the situation in the Middle East, the stand and the actions taken by Romania and its President are consistently aimed at ensuring a global, just and durable peace, based on Israelis withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories, on recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to set up a Palestinian State, and on a guarantee of the independence and sovereignty of all States in the region. We consider that a realistic way of bringing peace to the Middle East is to convene an international conference on the Middle East, under the auspices of the United Nations, to be attended by all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), Israel and the permanent members of the Security Council. We believe that such a histor ic Ghance for the much tr ied region of the Middle East finally to find its tranquillity and peace should not be missed. wi th regard to the Iran-Iraq conflict, Roman.ia welcomed the Secur i ty Council r esolu tion which favour s the cessa tion of the war wi thout delay and a pol i dcal settlement, by means of negotia tions, of all the issues between the two countr ies. We also support the action of the Secretary-General in this ma tter. We stand firmly for the renunciation of all acts conducive to an extension of the conflict. It is impera tive to wi thdraw all foreign mili tary ships from the Gulf, to step up efforts towards the cessation of the Iran-Iraq war and to ensure free navigation in that region, as well as in all other oceans and seas of the world. Similarly, Roman ia suppor ts any actions and ini tia tives favouring peaceful solutions to the conflict situations in Central America as, indeed, in other regions of the world. In this context, we believe it necessary for the General Assembly to work out the mandate for finalizing t.he initiative which Romania took at preceding sessions on resort to a united Nations commission of good offices, mediation or conciliation for the peaceful settlement of disputes. We also think it necessary to start the elaboration of an international document on the developnent and strengthening of good-neighbourly relations between States and to dev ise me thods conduc ive to the s tJ;: eng then ing of the Uni ted Na tions role and capacity to work for the maintenance of international peace and security. Consistent with its policy, Romania firmly upholds the peoples' national liberation struggle, and lends its active support to the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) in its fight for Namibia's independence. We strongly condemn the racist, apartheid policy of South Africa and that country's hostile acts against neighbour ing independent and sovereign States. We favour the taking of tangible and effective actions aga inst the pretor ia racis t minor i ty regime. We reaffirm our solidarity with, and active support for, the position and ini tia Uves taken by the Democratic people's RepUblic of Korea, and its political and diplomatic efforts and actions aimed at bringing about. the peaceful, delOClcratic and independent unification of Korea. In the present condi tions of the world economy, which is beset. by continued cr is is phenomena both in the economic and the monetary-financial fields, the economic situation of developing countries has worsened considerably, while the economic, technical and scientific gaps separa ting them from developed countries We have recently witnessed a proliferation of protectionist and discriminator barriers to international trade, in particular to the exports of manufactured products from developing countries, coupled wi th a decline in the prices of their export commOdities. However, the most serious problem faced by developing countries is the burden incurred by their foreign debts, the value of which has ne r reached the colossal figure of 1,000 billion dollars. Therefore, President Nicolae Ceausescu considers that the General Assembly should adopt an appeal to be addressed to all creditor developed countries and to all banks and international financial institutions to the effect that they should establish a moratorium of at least five years on all credits given to developing countries by the economically developed countries and by banking institutions, inclUding the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. The appeal should include a demand that a ceiling of not more than 5 per cen be fixed for rates of interest on existing credits. It should also ask that the principle be established that rates of interest on future credits should not exce d 4 to 5 per cent~ that banks, in their turn, should pay interest of up to 5 per CE .t on the ir respective deposi ts; and tha t commercial credi ts should be repa id in compliance with such norms and understandings as are agreed between the parties. (Mr. Totu, Romania) At the same time, the General Assembly should make an appeal to all States to renounce any protectionist and discriminatory measures, any artificial barriers and any restrictions and auotas in the field of international trade, and to apply firmly the provisions of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) on the granting of most-favoured-nation treatment. The situation of the world economy calls for a resumption of the dialogue between developing countries and industrialized countries. In this respect Romania has proposed that an international conference be convened within the United Nations, to be attended, with equal rights, by both developed and developing countries. Such a conference should have the purpose of seeking mutually acceptable solutions to the economic problems, including that of foreign debts, in order to eliminate underdevelopment and establish the new international economic order. To increase the United Nations role and contribution to the political nd economic settlement of the foreign-debt problem, on a global basis, it appears necessary to set up, within the framework of the United Nations, a special body on the foreign-debt problem which should discuss and make proposals on concrete and effective steps to be taken in this field. The proceedings of the recent International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development made it strikingly clear that, while at the world level there exist numerous unsolved economic and social problems of a most serious nature, the arms race absorbs huge resources every year, thus becoming an increasingly heavy burden on all peoples. The message which the President of Romania sent to the Conference contains a set of proposals designed to freeze military bUdgets at the 1987 level and to reduce them in the initial phase by 5 per cent. The resources thus saved would be used both to meet internal socio-economic needs and to increase the contributions to the united Nations technical assistance programmes. Now, at the confluence of our century and the third millenium, science and technology have become a decisive factor of progress. But in this area of human endeavour also, yawning gaps have been created between economically developed countries and developing countries. Here too it appears both necessary and urgent to agree, within the united Nations framework, on the proper methods to be used so that all countries, primarily developing countries, may benefit from the major gains of human genius - hence the need to convene a second United Nations conference on science and technology for development. The complex and particularly serious situation of international life in the political, military, economic and social spheres requires the democratization of international relations and respect for the sovereign right of all States, irrespective of their size, their economic or military strength and their aocio-political system, to participate, on the basis of full equality and mutual respect, in the solution of all problems of concern to mankind. In that light, we stand for the strengthening of the role of the United Nations and the other international organizations, so that their activities may be focused on the settlement of the cardinal issues of today's world. Life and its realities call for strict observance of the principles and norms of international law in relations between States and for the establishment of a comprehensive system of peace and security in the interest of all peoples. We hold the view that there is a need to improve and simplify the machinery of the United Nations Secretariat. We are also convinced that the Organization's temporary financial difficulties should not result in a decline in its essential political and economic activities or in alterations of the democratic structures of the united Nations. The point of view of Romania, of President Nicolae Ceausescu, on the main issues of present international life gives expression to the constructive vocation of the Romanian people for peace and large-scale international co-operation. At the same time, it constitutes an ardent call on all States, peoples and realistic forces to join efforts in order to remove the danger of war, once and for all, to exclude force from international life and to establish a new world, a world of peace, understanding and co-operation. Mr. TREIRI (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (interpretation from Arabic): I should first like to extend to you, Sir, our sincere congratulations on your election to the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. I am absolutely sure that your long experience and your well-known skills ensure positive results by this important session. We are particularly pleased to see in the Chair a representative of your country, which is a friend of the Jamahiriya and linked to it by strong relations of friendship and understanding. I assure you of our readiness to co-operate fully with you as you discharge your high task. I express my country's appreciation also to Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, who presided over the forty-first session of the Assembly with outstanding skill. We believe that his guidance as President played a large part in the success achieved by that session. I pay a tribute also to secretary-General Javier Perez de Cuellar for the efforts he has made and continues to make to promote the role of the Organization and to achieve its purposes and principles, particularly in the maintenance of international peace and security. I also congratulate Ambassador Joseph Verner Reed on his appointment to the post of Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs. This is the forty-second session of the General Assembly of the united Nations, an organization which, despite its shortcomings and the loopholes in its Charter, remains the only hope that the international community has for the achievement of peace and security based on justice, and of the well-being and eauality of peoples. The peoples of the world - and it is they who are mentioned at the very beginning of the Charter - have always looked to this Organization to fulfil their hopes and aspirations, in freedom, justice and equality. When the Organization was established, everyone believed that that would be the beginning of the end of existing international struggles and struggles based ~ hegemony and racial and ethnic discrimination. (Mr. Treiki, Libyan Arab Jamah iriya) The whole world opposed nazism and fascism as aberrant phenomena. The family of nations joined hands to eradicate those dangers and to stem their tide. Libya, which was one of the victims of fascist aggression lost more than half its population opposing and resisting that aggression during a long and bitter period of struggle, fully appreciates the importance of the world's and mankind's victory over fascism and nazism. In the field of decolonization the United Nations has achieved many successes and victories. The struggle of peoples in all the continents of the world, and in our African continent in particular, has been crowned by many victories, which led to the demise of colonization and the smashing of its chains. However, those victories in fighting fascism and nazism achieved by the community of nations have J encountered many setbacks because of the emergence of imperialism, racist Zionism and neo-colonialism. Today we see entire peoples facing extermination or dispersion. The tragedy of the people of Palestine, a tragedy caused by the alliance between imperialism,. world Zionism and colonialism, is seen in the attempts to eradicate the Palestinian people. That tragedy can indeed be considered the worst tragedy in our contemporary history. The united Nations, which was used as an instrument to legitimize the aggressor and deprive the victims of their rights I through the creation of the Zionist entity, has a moral responsibility to correct that histor ical mistake. The establishment of the racist regime in South Africa - the counterpart of the racist regime in Palestine - through the same instrument is but another example I of the historical tragedies being forced upon peoples. The violation of the rights of millions of African blacks in South Africa and Namibia and the inhuman treatment meted out to them make this a shameful chapter in the history of our time. The racist regime in South Afr ica can be ended only if imper ialist sta tes ceaSe theil direct support for that regime. Furthermore, the independent of Namibia, to whic I imperialist Powers are attempting to create obstacles and which they are trying I prevent by creating new conditions, can be achieved rapidly only on the basis of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We believe that the time has come to impose economic sanctions on the racis' regime to force it into line with the will of t.he international community. We further believe that the racist regime must allow the people of Azania to determ: ,e its own future in freedom and without any pressure whatsoever, so that we may at last hear the voice of the black majority, which has not been allowed to be raisl at any time in the past. Nor has that majority been allowed to participate in ruling its country. Stability and peace cannot be restored to Azania unless the national rights of the black majority are fully recognized. Despite the attempts by mankind and the family of nations to achieve peace, the savage campaign by the United States Administration against small countries .d peace-loving peoples cannot but make the picture a very depressing picture and underline the nature of the State terrorism practised by that Administration. Mi IY peoples have been in the past and continue to be subjected to that imperialist campaign, whether directly or indirectly, in everyone of the world's five continents. The Vietnamese people was subjected to mass extermination; Grenada' IS subjected to direct invasion and occupation~ Nicaragua has been the subject of siege and aggression~ Cuba is the SUbject of aggression; Libya was the victim of direct aggression from the north, while today it is subjected to the same aggression On its southern borders; Palestinian refugee camps have been and (Mr. Treiki; Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) continue to be destroyedJ there have been and continue to be attempts at the mass extermination of the Palestinian people, inside and outside occupied Palestine, with the use of American weapons of destruction and with the support of the American Administration. That Administration has provided the Zionist entity with all types of weapons to commit aggression against the Palestinian people and expand, at the expense of neighbouring Arab countries, in the Galan and in Lebanon. Furthermore, American imperialism does not hide its enmity towards the Arab world and has widely proclaimed its stra tegic alliance wi th the Zionist enemy. Old, traditional colonialism, which was kicked out of the front door, is today trying by all possible means to return through the back door. French colonialism, which suffered many setbacks in the African continent, faced defeat in Algeria and was forced to leave its colonies in the African continent, is today attempting to return through the back door. French bases on the Afr ican continent, and in the Pacific and Indian OCeans are all a direct threat to and aggression against small countries and peace-loving peoples. The continuing occupation by France of a part of the African continent, is in the case of the island of Reunion, and other parts of the world, such as New Caledonia, where the will of the people is being misrepresented, are outstanding examples of the remnants of this abhorrent colonialism. Libya, which was one of the victims of aggression and direct French int.ervention, cannot but draw the attention of the international community and the world to the danger of French occupation, intervention and presence in the African continent, particularly in Chad. We have heard the Foreign Minister of France speaking of the "responsibility" of France. What responsibility is he talking about? Is it the responsibility of the wolf to its victim? Is it the responsibili ty of the master to those he wishes to continue to enslave? What ri' has France to intervene in Africa? Perhaps it is the right of the wolf as compa to the lamb. We say to the French Government from this international rostrum th the time when colonialism could use its heavy stick has gone for ever. Algeria is no longer French. Viet Nam, following DienBien Phu, is no longer French. Libya is no longer part of the fascist empire of Mussolini. The age of colonialist and fascist treaties and conventions to divide the world and its people has also gone for ever. May I also recall that Libya, wh ich fough t fascism~ Libya, wh ich 106 t half its population defending its land and waters, will not give up any part of its territory under any condition. Aouzou is Libyan and will remain so. We do not need any French scrolls or documents to prove it is so. We believe in the inel7itability of the victory of peoples, despite all the tragedies and pligh ts to which humani ty has been subjected. The presence of such a large number of Member States which struggled in the past against colonialism and which struggle today against imper ial ism is resplendent proof tha this tory cannot be rolled back~ it is proof of the inevitability of the victory of peoples. Despite the attempts of imperialist Powers to divide peoples and to sow seeds of dissent among them, we can still say, and say emphatically, that the wor Id today realizes more than at any time in the past the true nature of colonialist-imperialist plots. What happened in 1948 when plots were made to par ti tion Palestine, disper se its people and legi timize the aggressor will not be repea ted in the name of the United Na tions. The United Nations today is very differen t from the Un ited Nations of yes teryear • For the United Nations to undertake its role fully, it must be changed in a way that will never allow the Organization and the mel'\i)ers of the international communi ty to ignore new poliHeal and economic realities that have emerged on the international scene. The paralysis of United Nations resolutions, the rejection of its will, indeed the flouting of the United Nations and the non-observanace by some major Powers of their commitment to the principles of the Charter and the Univen .1 Declaration of Human Rights must not be repeated. Certain rights and privileges of some States - the right of veto, for example - runs counter to the simplest rules of equality among Member States provided in the Uni ted Na tions Charter - are an obstacle in the way of a truly effective role for the United Na tions in the main tenance of inter national peace d security. The right of veto has been continually used against the international will to defend the aggressor and justify aggression and occupation. The time ha, come for the international community to get rid of that privilege, which is clear y counter to the principle of equality among Member States provided for in the Char ter of the Uni ted Na tions. We welcome all agreements between the two super-Powers to achieve disarmamer and peace. However, as small peoples we have learned from our experience not to e over-optimistic. Imperialist Powers will not give up their ambitions or their objectives of hegemony and domination. Imperialist Powers exploit all attempts peace-loving States to achieve peace and use every opportunity to attack small peoples, usurp their riches, monopolize their wealth and destroy their economies, I have said that, despite the achievements of the United Nations, hotbeds 0: tension, dispute and war exist in many parts of the world. Those Powers which reject peace and justice feed those disputes and, indeed, they lead to the fannil of more such disputes in order to tryout their weapons and achieve their imperialist aggressive aims. The time has come for the United Nations to achiev peace and security, based on the interests of peoples, not on those of the monopolies. The war in the Gulf must be brought to an endJ it is a war between two neighbouring Muslim States whose resources must be devoted to the interests of (Mr. Treiki, Libyan Arab J amar ihi ya) their peoplesJ their joint efforts must be devoted to standing together with other Islamic and Arab countr ies in the region against the joint imper ialist-Zionis t threat. Only the imperialist Powers have an interest in the continuation of this war - a war through which those imperialist Powers attempt to gain a stronger foothold. By amassing forces' in the region they wish to inflame that war. We express support for the Secretary-GeneralIs efforts to end that war as soon as possible, in accordance with the relevant united Nations resolutions. The situation in Latin America and Central America cannot be improved and peace cannot be restored to those two regions unless the imperialist intervention is brought to an end. Imperialism is supporting mercenaries in the area. We salute the efforts of the Contadora Group and the Support Group in Central America as represented in the Guatemala agreement, which we believe is the only way to solve the problem. We should also like to emphasize our support of, and solidarity with, the peoples of Nicaragua and Cuba against imperialist intervention and aggression. I have mentioned attempts by imperialism and colonialism to sow seeds of dissent among African brothers. Allow me to say that the solution to the Chad problem can be found essentially - as has been emphasized by various parties and even by Mr. Habre himself - in an end to French intervention, the withdrawal of French and imperialist Powers from Chad, and achievement of national interests among all Chadian factions. The Jamahiriya has always expressed its willingness to help in solving the Chad problem. Libya recently declared, through the leader of its Revolution, that it would leave the Chadians to solve their own problems and that it no longer considered that there was any problem whatever between it. and Chad. Furthermore, Organization of African unity (OAU) and the good offices committee assigned b~ that organization at its most recent meeting held in Lusaka to deal with the Chad problem. To date, the problem of western Sahara has not been solved in accordance lith the resolu tions adopted by the Uni ted Na tions and the Organ iza t.ion of African Unity. We support the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations lnd the Secretary-General of the OAU' to solve the problem in accordance wi th the relevant resolutions and in a way that would ensure justice and equality. The Jamahiriya, which has 1,900 kilometres of coast on the Mediterranean, is very keen to see it become a sea of peace and security for all Mediterranean coun tr ies and for the world as a whole. Sea continues to be a region of tension owing to the presence there of imperii List ) :::::-f::.::-a::t:::esan:.::::r::l:::-:::::i::::tw:::i:::: ::::s~n.::: ::::::, an: the possibility of new conflagrations in that area. However - and most unfortunately - tl It f j ~ i t j ! Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library Libya has been the vic tim of treacherous American mili tary aggression dur ing which the waters and airspace of that sea were used. That aggression was directed against Libya in an attempt to abort the Libyan revolution and to kill its leader. In General Assembly resolution 41/38 the international community clearly condemned the aggression after having first agreed at its forty-first session to include an item in its agenda - item 142 - to discuss the issue. The solu tion to th e Cjpriot problem can be achieved through co-opera tion between the two communities in Cyprus, Greek and Turkish, on the basis of a united, non-aligned Cyprus and the elimination of imperialist colonialist British bases there. The Jamahiriya supports the efforts of the Secretary-General towards the achievement of a peaceful and just settlement of the question of Cyprus. In the Asian continent we notice many hot sp;:>ts of tension. My country, which enjoys excellent relations with the Asian States believes that efforts to solve the problems and eliminate these hot spots of tension must be continued. The agreement signed by the Foreign Ministers of Indonesia and viet Nam is likely to resolve problems in the area in a way that will guarantee the rights of their peoples and their socio-economic choices. We in the Arab wor Id have been subjected to effor ts to div ide us. We fUlly appreciate, therefore, the importance of the remification of Korea in a peaceful framework. We support dialogue and mutual understanding towards that goal and we call for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Korean land. I cannot fail to mention here, hCMever briefly, the international economic situation and the economic crisis faced by the peoples of the world, particularly the third world. The international economic crisis is becoming more grave every year, and it is the developing countries, my country included, that are most seriously affected. Indeed, the peoples of those countries are already bearing th br un t of those consequences. In fact, the developing countries have begun experiencing the effects of economic stagnation, as reflected in their inability t achieve the economic growth needed to guarantee a minimum level of developnent and progress. The least developed countries face the spectre of hunger and poverty as well as deterioration in all sectors of their economies, particularly in the African and South-East Asian regions affected by drought. The international economic crisis can be appropriately addressed only if the world moves towards dialogue and attempts to eradicate the factors that have provoked it, in the forefron t of which is the flagr an t injus tice being imposed on the developing and the least developed countries because of instability in international economic affairs. The developed countries must restore balance if they are to avoid the effects of the current imbalance from spilling over into their own economies. Tariff barriers on imports must be removed. Furthermore, the developed countries must devote more attention to achieving real stability in the international monetary sys tem. The North-South dialogue will succeed only if the developed countries make concessions wi th regard to their selfish goals and exercise the moral responsibil i ty they bear towards developing coun tr ies. That dialogue can be enhanced by a genuine South-South dialogue and solidarity among third world coun tr ies. The world is going through a critical stage of large military blocs and many imperialist and cOlonialist interventions~ hence it is in dire need of the Non-Aligned r-bvemen t. The Jamah ir iya strongly suppor ts that M::>vemen t, for we are fully convinced that it has a constructive role to play to decrease tension and (Mr. Treik i, Libyan Arab Jamahir iya) achieve in terna tional peace and secur i ty. We in the Non-Aligned Movement are this year celebrating its twenty-sixth anniversary. On this occasion we hail its many successes, some of which, unfortunately, have made many of its members the object of imperialist campaigns merely because they have held strongly to the principles and objectives of the MOITement as the sole hope for humanity. May I, in conclusion, say that prorroting the role of the United Nations - an Organization the imperialist Powers wish to weaken - will be a true guarantee for the achievement of its objectives~ international peace and security. Attempts to solve disputes outside the United Nations and dividing the world into blocs can only lead to undermining the Organization. Small countries, which make up the CllTerwhelming majority of the member ship of this Organ iza tion, bear the fundamental responsibility to support the Organization because small countries, inclUding Libya, can but consider their membership of the Organization as one of the best guarantees of their independence and freedom. For that reason we must foster mutual effective co-operation in order to enable our Organization to fulfil its role free from any hegemony or intervention. Mr. HALEFOGLU (Turkey)~ I take pleasure, Sir, in congratulating you on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. I wish you every success in discharging this important task. Our goal should be a constructive session where moderation will pre'l1ail. I am confident that you will guide the wor k of the General Assembly wi th diligence and skill towards that goal. I should also like to take this opportunity to pay a warm tribute to the President of the forty-first session, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, Minister fc Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh. During the last session important decisions wer. reached, in particular on the efficiency of the administrative and financial functioning of the united Nations. Mr. Choudhury personally contributed to the achievement of agreement on this vital issue, and the General Assembly was able under his guidance, to function effectively despite the constraints arising frol the financial situation of the Organization. I would equally like to pay a special tribute to our Secretary-General. T] United Nations and the Members of the Organization have continued to benefit fr. n his dedicated efforts on a wide range of international issues. I reiterate our confidence in him to promote greater international understnding and harmony. The tasks of preserving peace, resolving international problems, strengthe lng international security for all and creating a more equitable economic environme: ( continue to challenge our nations and Governments. Increased confidence-buildi: and international co-operation are the key to dealing effectively with many of those challenges. From our vantage point between the continents of Europe and Asia we have always appreciated the value of and given firm support to the efforts towards stabilizing and improving East-West relations. Mindful of our geographic locat )n, we have supported in the field of arms control and disarmament those initiative that have a chance of being translated into concrete, balanced and verifiable measures without diminishing the individual or collective security of any count ~ or group of countries. These considerations will continue to shape our approac to disarmament questions. We are pleased to note that there are at present new opportunities for genuine progress in East-West relations. Important steps have already been taken on the difficult road towards arms control and disarmament. We welcome the agreement in principle reached between the united states and the Soviet Union for the elimination of all their medium- and shorter-range nucl.ear missiles. We have always supported the idea of the complete eliminat ion of medium-range nuclear forces through the global application of the so-ca1led double zero option. The agreement will go down in history as a major step forward, since it will entail meaningful and reciprocal reductions in the nuclear forces of the two major Powers for the first time in the nuclear age. Chancellor Roh1' s declaration on the Pershing la missiles is an important and constructive step that facilitates that agreement. It is our hope that this agreement will pave the way for a treaty at the level of strategic weapons. The momentum that current1y exists in the arms-control field must not be allowed to ebb away. We believe that arms-control efforts should be considered as an integrated whole in all its dimensions, be they nuclear, chemical or conventional.. An agreement on medium-range nuclear forces in Europe will accentuate the urgent need to address the question of conventional forces in a meaningful way. It is not possible to deal with nuclear weapons in isolation if we are seeking enhanced security. If there is no progress in the near future in the area of conventional arms control, further reductions in nuclear forces may indeed prove to be very difficult to achieve. There is a pressing need to establish a conventional balance in Europe at the lowest level possible, from the Atlantic to the Urals. Turkey participates actively in the negotiations to this effect currently under way in Vienna. I wish also to stress, as we have done in previous years, the growing urgenCj of concluding an international convention on the general and complete prohibition world-wide of chemical weapons and on the destruction of existing stockpiles. The success of arms-control initiatives depends in the first instance on the establishment of an environment of confidence among the parties concerned. In thi connection I would underline the importance of the Helsinki process, which has contributed to bringing about an environment in Europe through which unprecedented progress in nuclear-arms reductions has come within the reach of mankind. All three dimensions of the Helsinki process, which deal, respectively, with security, economic relations and humanitarian issues, are of equal importance for the establishment of mutual confidence and fruitful co-operation in Europe. During the past year, as the attention of the international community has focused ever more on the continuing war between Iran and Iraq and the situation in the Gulf, that tragic conflict has caused further devastation and Buffering, and i poses a growing threat to regional and international peace and security. We are deeply concerned by this situation. We maintain the hope that rsolution 598 (1987) will provide a suitable basis for both countries to bring the war to an end. We hope that the Secretary-GeneralIs contacts in the region will contribute in concrete terms ~6 the peace process. Since the outbreak of hostilities between our two neighbours we have maintained friendly relations based on mutual confidence with both parties, while remaining strictly neutral. We believe that we can contribute to the peace process. The escalation in the Gulf and the tensions that have arisen in the region have further complicated the situation. In this respect, we have been trying to eliminate the misunderstanding caused by a lack of communication and to maintain a dialogue among the countries concerned. We remain ready to do everything in our power to be of assistance in this respect, white pursuing our friendly relations with all sides. In the Middle East, the Arab-Israeli conflict still awaits a just and lasting solution. There is a definite need to reactivate the search for peace. During the past year the idea of an international conference has gained ground. Turkey supports all initiatives which might lead to a just and lasting peace. Representation of the Palestinians in such a conference is an important issue. The views of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people should also be given due consideration in this regard. We continue to support full recognition of the right of self-determination of the Palestinian people and the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories under its occupation since 1967, including Jerusalem. The ultimate aim should bea just and lasting settlement which would create the conditions whereby all the nations of the region can live in peace and prosperity within secure and recognized borders.
  1 mtg
• (continup.d) SCALE OF ASSESSMENTS FOR THE APPORTIO~ENT OF THE EXPENSES OF THE UNITED NATIONS (A/ 42/92 5/Add. 4) The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Russian) ~ Before turning to the remaining items on our agenda, I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to document A/42/925, addendum 4, which contains a letter addressed to me by the Secretary-General informing me .that, since the issuance 0 f his communica tions da ted 29 February, 1 and 18 March and 16 August 1988, the Dominican Republic and El Salvador have made the necessary payment to reduce the ir arrears below the amount specified in Article 19 of the Charter. May I take it that the General Assembly duly takes note of that information? It was so decided.
  1 mtg
• (con tinued) . GENERAL DEBATE Mr.·SHEv.ARDNADZE (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (interpretation from Russian): The Soviet delegation has instructed me, Sir, to congratulate you on your election to the honourable post of President of t.he forty-second session of the General Assembly of the united Nations. One of the rules of procedure of this Organization reserves a minute for prayer or medi ta tion. Each sess ion of the Uni ted Na tions Gen eral Assembly is an occasion for reflection on the fu ture of the war Id. Today the war Id is on the threshold of great changes and our thoughts are about that. For the first time in history, the idea of nuclear disarmament is close to the beginning of fulfilment. It is not a new idea. What is new is that this is proving to be possible. only yes terday, all we could see ahead of us was a blank walb today we can see far ahead. Two thousand warhea~s are but a small part of nuclear arsenals, but that is a big enough part for": i ts ~isappearance to give to the world a new vision. The agreement on these weapons is only a small part of what has happened. SOmething much more important has taken place: the Soviet union and the united states have finally spoken together the first word in a nuclear-free vocabulary. When that word becomes deed, the world will also gain new knowledge. It will become oonvincea that nuclear weapons and secur ity are not synonymous and that secur ity becomes stronger when those weapons disappear. For the present, that principle is being established in a specific case, but it is already being established in practice. The whole question now is whether we shall be able, proceeding from the same logical premise, to abandon the entire nuclear arsenal rather than just a part of it, to scrap all weapons of mass des tr.uction. The Soviet Union is convinced that we shall be able to do so. The launching pad is small but it provides a boost to a great undertaking. The recent agreement may be followed by an accord on the reduction by as much as one half of strategic weapons - provided, of course, that the Treaty limiting anti-ballistic missile system is preserved. Today there is an increasingly realistic prospect of a convention on the prohibi tion and complete des truction of chemical weapons. We can expect a productive deve10(;lllent of the parallel process of reduction of conventional weapons based on the concept of sufficiency. There is a possibility of making headway because we have bold ideas and willingness to remove the remaining obstacles. An affirmative answer to the question of whether it is possible to scrap nuclear arsenals will become a reality if the international community once again helps us. There is no need to compete here for the palm of victory, which does not go well wi th the 01 ive branch of peace. I could descr ibe how the Soviet Union has wor ked towards the global double zero, but let others claim the credi t if they wish. For that matter, if we have to compete in something it should be only in nuclear disarmament. What is important for us is that what was sought has now been achieved and the outcome is not at var iance wi th the will of the majority. We are moved by the enthusiasm with which the world has welcomed the agreement. It convinces us once again that we are on the right track. Listening to the voices of approval and solidarity, which drown the morose and solitary voice of the nuclear profi teers. your Sooiet calleaguet. wi thout si>aring the euphoria and yet wi thout curbing the optimism, keenly feel that today all of us here are truly united nations - united not merely by formal membership in this Organization but by a common destiny and a shared objective. We thank you for this wonderful feeling. It should be treasured and carried further. (Mr. Shevardnadze, USSR) Thank you for the atmosphere of unity of thought, co-operation and support which alone could have produced an agreement. In this sense the agreement is yours. And the fact that it belongs to everyone is, as we see it, the best guarantee of its implementation. "We were born to live together. And our community is like an arch which holds up precisely because its stones prevent each other from falling •••• One is amazed by the ability of human thought to establish the supreme ethical law for all times. "We were born to live together", so wrote Seneca to Lucilius many years ago in his Epistles, but it is only today that this idea is being understood as the imperative of our time. Today, Lenin's Decree of Peace is perceived as a message of supreme morality addressed to our time. The repUdiation of secret treaties, open and public conduct of international affairs, the immediate withdrawal from the war and the rejection of War as a method of resolving conflicts reflected, even as far back as 1917, a common need, which has now become the will of the entire international community. A long and difficult road must be traversed fOr human thought to become action, but it does happen sooner or later. When, in Washington, we were discussing the techniaues of the destruction of nuclear warheads we were suddenly struck by the fact that only a year ago this had seemed something well beyond our grasp. Our American partners can confirm this. It is hard to find words to express this. Let us just say that the past gives a powerful impetus to the present, and the present gives guarantees to the future. "The reality and the guarantees of a secure world" is the title of Mikhail Gorbachev' s article pUblished before this session began, and it conveys the gist of our thinking today. A secure world is possible. It is possible because anything else is too dangerous. The possibility of a secure world is commensurate with the need for it. This is the reality. As for guarantees, we see them in a comprehensive system of security. It is the natural task of the United Nations to give inspiration to and take the lead in building such a system. This, reduced to a concise formula, is the logic of that article, which develops the doctrine of a secure world. It stems from the history of our country and is the fruit of political thinking that honestly analyses the entire preceding period. In this context I would venture to remind the Assembly tha tits forty-second session coincides with the eve of the seventieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. This is our celebration and we are not imposing it on anyone. The feelings aroused by the birthday of our State are ours. Nevertheless, I would venture to share with representatives my thoughts on some of the international implications of that date. I do not think that it can be disp.uted that the nctober Revolution was one of the major events of this century and has had a tremendous impact on the destinies of peoples, not only those of the former Russian Empire. We think that the process of renovation which is under way in our country is more than just a str ictly domestic affair of the Soviet Union. It is impossible to descr tbe as purely the concern of the Soviet Union its desire to do away with one of the products of the cold war, which is the splitting of the world into hostile alliances. All this, naturally, is also part of the objectives of perestroika - c>ur process of change - while glasnost - openness - and dialogue are, as logically, its instruments, in both domestic and foreign policies. Between these two there exists a direct and open relationship and one cannot he implemented without the other. (Mr. Shevardnadze, USSR) This, and this alone, allows me, when speaking about the seventieth anniversary of our revolution, to invite you all to take thought together. If we have a concept of a world revolution, which is most closely linked with the process of revolutionary change in our country, we make no secret of it. It is this: organizing the entire human community on the basis of recognizing peace as the supreme valueof existence, human life, freedom and dignity as a general yardstick, and peaceful coexistence as a universal principle of relations among States. This concept, proclaimed in the Political Report to the 27th Congress of our Communist Party, has been substantiated by a series of practical steps taken by the Soviet union. Perestroika has also heralded major changes in international affairs. It should not be obstructed. But, of course, unlike the position in 1917 or 1918, in 1987 no external action could halt our revolution. Today we live in different times, and it is a different country. And that could be one of the greatest achievements of the October Revolution. The price of this was enormous. It was set by the foreign intervention and the civil war; the ruined economy and the economic blockade; terror and the attempts to subvert the foundations of our multinational state; Nazi aggression and the cold war, which was imposed on us; nuclear blackmail and constant attempts at political diktat. Not a single day passed without our having to pay the highest price. Unlike many other revolutions, the October Revolution was almost bloodless. Unlike many others, its architects never intended to build their temple on blood; they never thought, as had many before them, that cruelty, violence and fear were the best glue for cementing their ideal. It was the policies of conspiracy, terror and intervention against Soviet Russia that made it shut and lock its doors and cut itself off from a hostile world. (Mr. Shevardnadze, USSR) In order to survive it was necessary to do the maximum within the historically minimum space of time. A chronic lack of time and unending pressure on all fronts also helped create the conditions which resulted in innocent victims and irreparable losses. We are saying this for all to hear: there is not and there cannot be any justification for that. We do more than just say it. As heirs to both victories and defeats, achievements and mistakes, we are doing our utmost to consolidate the victories and to prevent even the slightest possibility of the errors being repeated in either domestic or in foreign policies. This is a distinctive feature of our pet'estroika, its dominant trend, any indicator of the vigour and health of our society, a guarantee of its future, of its profound internal democratism, openness and integrity. And there is no need to engage in linguistic research to try to prcwide listeners with an English equivalent of the word glasnost. One might go astray in a foreign language, as has indeed already happened wi th the same speaker, who claimed that ther e is no word meaning "freedom" in the Russian language. It is generally dangerous to play with words in this forum in which by no means everyone is ready to applaud insults summarily flung at entire countries and peoples. Freedom does indeed serve peace - but it is not the freedom that is interpreted as licence to interfere in the affairs of others and to finance counter-revolution as a most profitable business. As for our perestroika, no one should be a prey to illusions. We shall not turn aside from the main road or borrow from others their norms and rules of democracy. We t.hank them for their advice, but we shall conduct perestroika according to our own design, on our own socialist basis. Allow us to determine for ourselves what the Soviet union is going to be and that will be what the Soviet people want it to be. Those who want to support us will also support the project of rebuilding international relations on a broad democratic basis. They will support the concept of a nuclear-free world and all actions to resolve the knottiest issues of world politics. For here the interests of most members of the community fully coincide. This rostrum is not a pulpit for preaching "free enterprise". This Hall is not a schoolroom or a un iversity audi torium in which one can teach lessons in rhetoric or lecture the international cormnunit:y on the manners of "good political behaviour". It .is even less worthy to adopt the tone of pastoral admonition and tell the Organization that "sometimes it has strayed" and "it is time for it to come home". One can say, however, that th is ros trum and this Hall are the very place where new pol i tical th ink ing should be expr essed. However much the world is split by confrontation and hatred, it is united in facing the need to preserve itself and to perpetuate mankind. From this objective reality there emerges another guiding light for new political thinking: in our time, the correlation between the national interest: and the interest of all mankind has changed. It has changed in the sense that t.ruly national interests cannot be opposed to common interests. If, on the pretext that something is contrary to the interests of national security or to considerations of national prestige, one rejects everything that is born of the political thinking of the systems or gover nment.s that one does not like, then, sooner or later, this will boomerang on the genuine national interests of one's own people and State. New political thinking must put an end to that. New political thinking will put an end to it if it is put into action. And there is no doubt that it will be, for action, unity of concept and implementation, of thought and its realization, of word and deed, are crucial conditions for the existence of mankind. New political thinking will inevitably make its way, for it is nourished by some remarkable elements: by the accumulation of progressive political experience I by strictly scientific analysis, evaluation and forecasting of contemporary realities) and, ultimately, by the freedom of new political thinking from national narrow-mindedness that provokes animosity towards countries, groups of countries or social political systems. In this regard, let me say that the policy of host.ility towards socialism is now bankrupt, both in theory and in practice. (Hr. Shevardnadze, USSR) The very fact of the establishment of the United Na tions contained the embryo of the new political thinking. Even at that time its principles were embodied in the articles of the United Nations Charter,which is undoubtedly one of the greatest statutory instruments of all time and of all nations. The fact that our Organization has been functioning for over 40 years now is testimony to the tr iumph of mank ind' s common interests over nar row-minded nationalism and great-Power atti tudes. In fact, all the post-war decades have been nothing but the history of the struggle between outda ted poli tical concepts and the new poli tical thinking that was born in the agony of war. When life on earth depends on one's ability to destroy it 20 times over, there is something wrong ei ther with oneself and one' s trust in such a guarantee of life, or with the very idea of deterrence. Most likely, it is both. New political thinking exposes the absurdity of the idea of safeguarding anyone's security with nuclear weapons. However, a question immediately arises: Is it possible to ensure peace by other methods and, indeed, do such methods exist at all? New political thinking answers: Yes. And here again I should like to focus on a comprehensive system of in terna tional security. As emerges clearly from Mikhail Gorbachev's statements, we envision its forma tion as a mul til inear process extending over time and implemented through collective efforts. In essence, its objective is that peace should be ensured exclusively by the United Nations and its security Council on the basis of strict observance of the principles and provisions of its Charter. I anticipate a question here: If that is your objective, then what is the meaning of your proposal? After all, the Charter of the United Nations already exists and the universal organiza tion for peace is functioning. Let me remind the Assembly that the United Nations was established for a world free of nuclear weapons and that its Charter was, naturally, designed to solve the problems of such a world. Nuclear weajX)ns gave rise to a different reality which, in the final analysis, made it impossible to use the United Nations fully as the principal mechanism for the maintenance of peace and security. It so happened that the nuclear tumour limited the scope of, and the possibilities for applying the Charter. Now the prospect of militarization of outer space threatens to erode its principles even further. There should however be no question of adapting the Charter to the realities of the nuclear and space age or, still less, of wrecking it. The Charter is a great document, which even today contains all the necessary provisions to enable mank ind to 1 ive and solve its problems wi thou t war. However, even the Charter cannot do the impossible. No organization, no set of rules, no code of behaviour can save the world in the few minutes between the launching of a missile and a nuclear holocaust. If and when the implementation of the "star Wars" programme begins, the "shagreen lea.ther" of that time interval will shrink even further. And yet that programme has been touted here once again as a way "to ensure a safer world". This is not so. And here I will refer to a person whose statements have been quoted so readily by the President of the united states - even the day before yesterday. (Mr. Shevardnadze, USSR) That person is academician Andrei Sakharov, who said: "My opinion as regards this programme is different from that of the Reagan Mmin is tra tion. • • It is also wrong to ass er t tha t the exis tence of the SDI programme has made the Soviet Union negotiate on disarmament. To the con trary, the SDI programme impedes the negotia tions." If we are to believe an academician in one area, why should we not believe him 1n another, in which he is really a qualified expert and a profess ional? Leave the ocean of space to peaceful vessels, so that fu tur e gener ations - our children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren - will not have to build space minesweeper s. Excluding the nuclear and space component from the security equation is the only path towards real security. We regard a comprehensive system of security as a kind of interim programme for reasserting the role of the united Nations and its Charter as the primary instruments for peace. What, then, are the practical aspects of a comprehensive system? Throughout the past year the sponsors of the resolution on this question have held consultations with Members of the United Nations and discussed their proposal in in terna tional forums. As a result many things have now become clear er, our ideas have become more concrete, and an atmosphere of teamwork has arisen. The system is tak.ing precise shape in all its four aspects: politico-military, economic, environmental and humanitarian. In the politico-military area, it comprises the obligation of Governments not to be the first to use nuclear weapons or any force or threat of force~ making military doctrines exclusively defensive in nature; making public data regarding defence expenditures and calendars of exercises and manoeuvres; the adoption by all of the princi pleof non-offens ive de fence, and in.s ti tu ting a reliable st& t&m of ver ifica tion. We are convinced that a comprehensive system of security ""ill also provide the key to the settlement of situations of regional conflict. That may bE! one of the roost difficult tasks of today. In this connection I shall venture to make a brief digression to address some ideas presented here the other day. I am referring to the statement IMde here by the President of the United States the day before yesterday. I am not going to reI ish engaging in polemics ",i th him. The eli1lO tions aroused by the agreement we have reached, my status as a guest and re·spect for seniority restrain me from taking up, point by point, allegations and arguments that a.re groundless 1n the extreme. But since the Pree ident mentioned the human hear t - cla 1ming, as it were, a monopoly on h av ing a hear t \ofh ile deny ing it to 0 th er s - I should l1k e to say the following. It is hear tless to declar e r e9 ions and con tinen ts zon ea of spoecla 1. in ter es t for the so-called free world out of which it pumps in to its own econaliy resources belonging to other peoples. It is heartless to recruit and !OllllTilIU"eena,riea, to proclaim them freedom fighters, and to pay millions of dollars fOr the murders committed by them. It is heartless to paJt into the hands of bandit:,s wceapons they use to shoot down civilian aircraft. The human heart is an extremely sensitive organ, and it shudder s at such treatment. Those who halle not suffered have no compassion for anyone. As for WI, we kn~ wha t war on our own terri tory means. There fore it: is not foe the saJ(Q of rhetorical effect that we declare our support for the efforts of the United Nations. It plays an extremely important peace-making role in Afghanistan, where the mission of the Personal Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General organically combines with the policy of national reconciliation. It is now becoming increasingly clear that the Afghans themselves are able to decide the fu ture of the ir own coun try and indeed are doing so. This new encourag ing trend is in keeping with our sincere des ire to wi thdraw Sov iet forces from Afghanistan as soon as possible, and in this we are meeting with the full understanding of the Afghan leadership. In Central America, the States of the region themselves have made impressive headway towards a long-awai ted peace. Their success is shared by members of the Contadora Group and the Support Group and by all Latin American countries. Dialogue between the coun tr ies of Indo-China and the Association of SOu th-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has revealed promising elements. The policy of national reconcilia tion is also beginning to work in Kampuchea. Real possibilities exist for the settlement of the Korean problem. The yearning of the Korean people for an eas ing of tension in the peninsula and the wi thdrawal of foreign troops and nuclear weapons cannot but evoke sympa thy. The united Nations has a detailed plan for giving effect to the resolut.ion on the granting of independence to the Namibian people. Its implementation would also constitute a major step towards a settlement of the situation in southern Africa. A consensus is emerging in favour of convening a conference on the Middle East problem. In Cyprus, our Organization and its Secretary-General have also been taking vigorous action and refusing to retreat in the face of obstacles. Here is our view of the situation in the Per sian Gulf. It has become critically dangerous and might get out of control. We are not at all pleased that the development of events - which we war ned was quite possible from the very ou tset - shows that we were right. The greater the military presence, the higher the probability of yet ano ther conflict and the involvement in it of 'a State not belonging to the region. This is a source of great. anxiety to us~ it also strengthens our resolve to act in a sober and carefully considered manner and leads us once again to emphasize the question of removing the danger of a massive mili tary pr es ence • In the circumstances, it is extremely important to preserve the unity in the Security Council. That is not an end in itself, but a prerequisite for implementing resolution 598 (1987). In their individual actions, each member of the Council must abide by the resolution's requirements and not violate them. The safety of navigation in the Gulf can and must be ensured by the entire world community, on whose behalf the United Nations will be acting. If necessary, appropriate and sufficient forces should be made effectively available to it, and the Soviet Union would agree to such a decision. It is necessary to secure, concurrently and immediately, a cease-fire between Iran and Iraq and to work for the fulfilment of the Secretary-Generalis mission with respect to an impartial body to investigate the question of responsibility for the conflict. The Security Council should receive a report within a clearly established time-frame. This would also make it possible painlessly to withdraw foreign naval and other armed forces from the Persian Gulf. It is very important now, in our view, to keep our composure and render every assistance to the Secretary-General and the security Council. In the economic field, a comprehensive system of secur i ty seeks to promote co-operation that would be free of confrontation and would cover the entire system of co-ordinates of international economic relations. A failure to resolve issues in this area is fraught with an explosive potential which, if detonated, would spell catastrophe for mankind. (Mr .. Shevardnadze, USSR) The picture Qf prosperity painted here the day before yesterday fades in the harsh light of reality. It is hard to imagine a- "march of democracy" in the developing COWl tries saddled as they are with a trillion-dollar debt. It is impossible to talk seriously of equal opportunities when a n~, technological, variety of colonialism is at work. It is imperative to act. We believe that the international community could reach agreement to reduce interest payments on bank credits, institute further benefits for the least developed countries, limit the annual debt-service payments of each developing country to a fixed portion of its annual export earnings, accept export products of debtor nations as paymen t for their debts and remove protectionist barr ier s to their imports, and refrain from charging additional interest for loan-payment rescheduling and debt refinancing. These, of course, are only suggestions for discussion, but even now consideration could be given to devising a programme of immediate action to ease the debt burden of the developing wor Id. OVer the long term it is also necessary to res tructure the en tire international monetary system. And, of course, nothing would be more conducive to the economic developnent of nations than the most far-reaching programme of disarmament. We are familiar also with a different viewpoint which does not acknowledge the relationship between disarmament and development. There are some who explain poverty by the inability of people to work and build their own lives. This is but another form of outright racism. No people is without talent or incapable of creating material and spiritual wealth. It is just a matter of different condi tions that ei ther help a people to realize its potential or thwar tits effor ts to do so. The elimina tion of economic discrimination creates favourable conditions for people to prosper economically and spiritually. The environmental aspect of the proposed concept reflects the evolution of thinking about the relationship between man and nature. The achievement of mankind's environmental security is as imperative as the threat of an ecological disas ter facing it is real. Today we must realize that the protection of the env ironment must be ensured on a world-wide basis. Confronta tion narrows the scope for concerted action, while co-operation can expand it. Our concept provides for a set of measures in this area. The human dimension is the pr imary yardstick for a comprehensive sys tern of security. Nations can and must co-operate in establishing the best international conditions for safeguarding the fundamental rights and freedoms of the individual everywhere, delOOcratizing internal conditions and building trust and harmony on that basis. We should together begin to devise a broad range of practical steps in the humanitarian area, prom:>te co-operation in eradicating apartheid, racism, chaUVinism, nationalism and discrimination on those bases, deal jointly with the problems of national minorities and refugees, and safeguard the rights of emigrants. We sOOmi t that for Sta tes and nations trust begins at home and that to a large extent it is based on the unity of words and deeds and on complete accord between political declarations and actual positions. Our domestic and foreign policy is and will continue to be guided by that principle, and we reserve our right to demand the same of all other Governments, our partners. The political, social, economic and cultural rights of the individual should be safeguarded on the basis of generally accepted international instruments. That is the way it should be everywhere. The countries that have put forward this proposal do not cLaim a certificate of copyright. The system of security grows out of what has already been accomplished in the process of the peaceful coexistence of nations in the post-War years. It grows out of the activities of the United Nations. It is rooted in a broad legal foundation and the treaties which restrain the arms race. It is rooted in the negotiations on the central problems of our time and the codification of human rights standards, in regional security-building processes and in the Non-Aligned Movement. As a logical result of the development of mankind's common culture in this century, that system promises to become in the future a framework for the collective application of the creative efforts of all countries and peoples. Today, when 2,000 weapons can be removed from the face of the earth, when a historic breakthrough has been achieved in a 42-year-long trend, such a system reflects what we believe to be a genuine, irreversible process: a product of will and perseverence. For we are indeed born to live together and we shall stand together if we become an arch in which we support each other. Our Assembly session provides the best occasion for reflecting on this. Its time should not be taken up with confrontation and hostility. I tell you frankly that the world is tired of that. There have bee~ too many quotations intended to prove that you are dealing wi th the spawn of Hell. That is simply not serious or well founded. There have been too many accusations that detract from the dignity of nations. It is time for us to proceed to earnest dialogue) time to get down to business. In these moments, as we stand face to face with the past and the present, we are keenly aware that when this pause for reflection is over we shall once again have to act, and again act.* * Mr. Jacobovits de Szeged (Netherlands), Vice-President, took the Chair. Mr. NGARUKIYIN'lWALI (Rwanda) (interpretation from French): States Members of the United Nations have faithfully adhered to a well-established tradi tion and come to their annual meeting, arranged so that they can together consider in a constructive dialogue the problems facing the international oommunity. Every session of the General Assembly oonstitutes an ideal opportunity t.o reaff irm our oommi tmen t to the fundamen tal purposes and pr lnci pIes of our Organization as set forth in the Charter. The Charter oharges Member States with the mission of working for peace and contributing to the development of international rela tions for the purpose of promoting the prosper i ty and economic and social progress which all peoples desire. This Assembly provides the framework within which efforts to imprOV'e the lot of mankind on the basis of the ethical standards shared by all countries that cherish peace, freedom, equality, justice and progress are harmonized. On joining the United Nations as its 97th Member, on 18 September 1962, the Republic of Rwanda solemnly expr essed its determination to abide by those eth ieal standards, which are based on equal rights for all peoples and the ideal of peace and co-operation expressed in San Francisco in 1945. The Republic of Rwanda hopes that: this ideal will take ever more concrete form and that the efforts of all Member States will ensure that our Organization can carry out the mission assigned to it. Rwanda will always be among the eoun tr ies eager to wor k in th is sense. At this session the commitment we entered into in this respect. in 1962 takes on a particular signifioance, for this is the twenty-fifth anniversary of the independence of the Republic of Rwanda and its admiss ion to the Uni ted Nations family. In recalling this dual anniversary! wish to reaffirm on behalf of the Government of Rwanda the Republic of Rwanda's support for the objectives laid down in the Charter. This support is accompanied by the hope that the negative factors that imperil the attainment of these objectives will gradually disappear. One of those negative factors is the policy of certain countries which are reluctant to accept the principles based on universal legality, other such factors are the oppression of peoples who legi tima tely des ire respect for their inalienable rights and the persistence of sources of tension and conflicts in the world. These factors cause acute concern at the present time when the world community should be devoting its main efforts to meeting the challenges brought about by the economic imbalances that afflict the developing coun tries. Far from decreasing, the economic difficulties, on which the General Assembly puts growing emphasis, are increasing and taking on new dimensions that bode ill for the progress that all peoples desire. The world economy is still exper iencing a crisis which threatens the very survival of the countries of the third world and could thwar t their arduous developmen t effor ts. The crisis is essentially structural in nature for it affects the mechanisms which govern international economic relations at the present time and has an increasingly negative effect owing mainly to the instability of financial markets, the continuing deterioration of terms of trade, the stagnation in the raw materials marke ts and the debt problem. The persistence of these forces is a serious obstacle to the development effor ts of the coun tr ies of the th ird world, which are thus caught up in a complex and dangerous spiral of the constant deterioration of the world economic situation and the inexorable reduction of their resources, their purchasing power. They are therefore in danger of falling into a state of chronic underdevelopment. At every suitable opportunity the international community ernphasiz,es its concern over this situation, stating that lasting growth for the countries of the third world depends upon increased financial flows to them, more balanced trade and a realistic, concerted approach to solving the problem of indebtedness. Consideration of development and economic growth viewed in these terms was a feature of the Seventh United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), which took place in Geneva las t July. The pragma tism and realism tha t character ized that Conference should give a new impetus to the resumption of the Nor th-SOu th dialogue. Among the r esul ts that give cause for optimism regarding the likelihood of finding satisfactory solutions to the most urgent economic problems facing the international community are the provisions made to implement the Common Fund for Commodi ti es. The developing coun tr ies whose economies depend largely on the expor t of their raw materials are indeed pleased that UNCTAD has attributed so much importance to this ques tion and is consider ing it from the angle of reducing the nega tive impact of success ive fluctua tions in commodi ty prices. The in terna tional commun i ty refuses to accept the inevitabili ty of the decl ine in and instability of prices confronting third-world producers which must deal with the combined effects of the crisis and the fall in their revenue in international markets, where raw material prices have collapsed and are now lower than they have been for 50 years. UNCTAD VII showed that the time has come not for resignation but for realism, the kind of realism that should lead to new efforts to ensure development, taking inoo account the changes caused by an increasingly obvious interdependence which demands that there be solidarity and complementarity in the promotion of universally shared prosperity. The challenges the third world must face require such an appr6~'ch, which should be geared towards solutions expressing the collective will to bring about growth and development for the benefit of all parties. In this content the commitments endorsed in UNCTAD should now lead rapidly to concrete actions with a view to overcoming, in sol i oar i ty and complemen tar i ty, the ongo ing crucial problems in the area of international economi,.c relations. The current session of the General Assembly provides an excellent opportunity to bolster the optimism aroused in th is respect by the consensus that emerged from the debates at UNCTAD VII and to spell out the priorities that were adopted with regard to improving the lot of the poorest countries. In this spirit, w1 th regards to the clearly expressed des ire to channel a larger share of developnen t a id to the least developed countr ies, the Assembly is called upon to carry out a more thorough debate with a view to having the international conununity clearly define the ways and means to be mobilized to overcome the obstacles standing in the way of the development of third-world countries. In particular, production capacity must be increased, as must financial resources devoted to development aid~ and the constraints inherent in the external debt burden must be alleviated. ~rhe debt problem has caused the most acute concern for the third-world countries, in particular African countries. For Africa, the external debt is a heavy burden, a bottle-neck in the developnen t process, for it is one of the many negative factors that are undermining its ability to pay, while the imbalances in international economic trade from which it suffers are being exacerbated. Africa hopes that its partners will take measures to alleviate its external debt burden, which is primarily linked to the economic and financial constraints flowing from deterioration in the terms of trade, together with a deteriorating ra' naterials prices that create chronic deficits and heighten the crisis in the entire continent, where growth has collapsed. The international community is now well aware of the need to create a more stable economic environment in order to promote development in 'Africa. More than a year and a half ago the General Assembly adopted the United Nations Programne of 'Action for African Economic Recovery 1986-1990. The adoption of that programme was not an end in itself, but an important step in efforts to strengthen active solidarity with a view to restoring 'African economies. Since that time African countries have, and at great sacrifice, made certain structural changes. 'Africa has thus demonstrated its willingness to deal, in a responsible manner, with the serious problems jeopardizing its developnent. It is comforting to note that our partners, for their part, have decided to support the efforts of African countries. This commitment must nOo1 take the form of concrete action with measures making it possible to improve the international economic climate and establish developnent programmes enjoying a significant increase in financial resources originating from both bilateral co-operation and institutions specializing in multilateral co-operation. That is how the constructive dialogue that marked the special session devoted to the economic problems of Af,rica will - above and beyond enhancing the awareness of priority aspects of the developnent problems facing an entire continent striving for survival - help to generate efforts aimed at prolOOting a more active form of sol idar i ty. The Gaver runen t of Bwanda attaches gr ea t impor tance to th e effor ts th e international community is called upon to make in this connection, in particular to foster co-operation based on consultations with mutual respect for each partner and taking into account the needs, reali ties and interests of everyone in order to reach a genuine contract of solidarity that leads to meeting the challenges of the times and those flCMing from the expectations and aspirations that regulate the progress of individual countries and peoples on the pa th to development, and provides a constantly renewed dynamism adapted to the needs of the fu ture. Against the background of the concerns arising from the persistent economic crisis, the international community must also deal with political problems that engender insecurity, tension and even open conflict. This is true of the explosive situation in southern Mrica, which is the resui t of the practices of the racist minor i ty regime in Pretor ia - a reg ime continually at odds with the international community because of its policy of apartheid, its illegal occupation of Namibia and its acts of destabilization and intimidation against the front-line States. The Pretor ia regime stubbor nly clings to its ou tmoded anachronistic policies. It has shown an unwillingness to change that is unacceptable and stubbornly refuses to take into account the legitimate aspirations of the South African majority. It has engaged in stalling manoeuvres to delay the independence of Namibia and made of its neighbour s targe ts of its Sta te ter ror ism. The intransigence and arrogance of the champions of the policy of apartheid is an outrage to all countries that cherish peace, justice and freedom and are convinced that the Namibian people must exercise its right to self-determina tion, that the South African people must be allowed to realize its aspirations to democracy and that the countries of southern African must be allowed to enjoy a climate of security conducive to stability a~d development. wIth regard to the problem of Namibia, in particular the Rwandese Government believes that the settlement plan contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the only appropriate framework for a .solution in keeping with the need to realize the right of the Namibian people to live in freedom and dignit: In the firm belief that the ethical standards based on the principles of international law will overcome the unacceptable claims of the Pretoria regime, I cannot fail to reaffirm the unswerving support of the Rwandese Republic for the freedom fighters who are battlil)g this retrograde regime. Similarly, we continue to support the front-line States, which the South African leaders are trying to subdue by making them the victims of blackmail, destabilization and economic saJ?Otage. (Mr.· Ngarukiyintwali, Rwanda) Apart from the si tuation in southern Africa, where the odious system of apartheid gives rise to oppression and violence, there are sources of tension elsewhere on the African continent and elsewhere in the world. Notwithstanding the constant appeals made from this rostrum for respect for the fundamental principles of the united Nations Charter, which all States Members of our Organization are committed to respect and promote, international peace and securi ty are endangered by the tendency to support the principle that might is righ t. For certain peoples - in particular the Sahraoui people and the Palestinian people - the implementa tion of the principle of self-determina tien is still but a pious wish, while non-interference in the internal affairs of other states, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity and the peaceful settlement of disputes are principles that continue to be violated. The situations Lebanon, Afghanistan and Cambodia, as well as the war between Iran and Iraq, thus continue to be of grave concern to the Organization. Regarding especially the fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq, the in terna tional community must persist in its solemn, repeated appeal to the belligerents to seek an appropriate solution, in keeping wi th the provisions of the Uni ted Na tions Charter" to their conflict. The Republic of Rwanda believes that, faced with situations such as these, the establishment of a genuine clima te of peace in the world depends on effor ts by individual States scrupulously to respect the provisions of the United Nations Charter, while encouraging mutual trust and collective security and rejecting confrontation and violence. At each session the debates in the General Assembly reflect the anxiety of thE international community caused by the uncertainties that loom over the future of mankind because of the dangers inherent in the arms race. At the recent In terna tional Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development stress was rightly laid on the need to promote peace, security and disarmament in the interest of increasing the resources available for the struggle for social and economic progress. The Rwanda delegation hopes that, in keeping with the conclusions reached at the end of that Conference, specific provisions will be adopted to remove the threat to mankind posed by the arms race and to carry out the transfers that would make possible spectacular scientific conquests and impose awareness of the correlation established between disarmament and developnent, between the needs of security and the expectations of peoples in search of progress and prosperity. In this context, the Government of Rwanda attaches great importance to efforts to intensify the constructive dialogue that will give effect to the conviction that secur i ty needs demand ever closer co-ordination wi th the stakes of development considered in the light of the solidarity and complementarity that are a necessary par t of in ter national rela tions. Whenever appropr iate the Governmen t of Rwanda recalls the fact that the Organization recognizes that divided nations are entitled to seek ways and means to regain their unity, without outside interference or pressure. In this spir it, I should like to emphasize once aga in the Republic of Rwanda's interest in and the importance that it attaches to efforts to further the normalization of relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic. We hope that those efforts, supported by the collective conscience of the German people and responding to their ardent des ire to keep that conscience stead fast, will enable them to recover the unity to which they aspire as an integral part of their hed tage. Moreover, and still with reference to the United Nations Charter, the Republic of Rwanda supports initiatives aimed at bringing about the independent, peaceful reunification of the Korean nation. The United Nations embodies the sublime ideal of promoting within the international community the values and virtues inherent in aspirations to peace, freedom, justice and social and economic progress. As an institution, it is at the service of peoples which share those aspirations and of Member States, so that they may maintain and develop relations based, above all, on equality and mutual respect, as well as on the awareness that they must act together, co-ordinating their efforts to bring under control the factors and events that influence the future of humanity. U is in this spir it that the Republic of Rwanda solemnly reaffirms its unswerving devotion to the principles of the United Nations Charter, in the hope that the dialogue and the concer ted effor t of Member States will give concrete expression to those principles and reinforce the role of the Organization. In this context, we assure the Assembly that the delegation of Rwanda will play its full part in ensuring that the forty-second session of the General Assembly will contribute to the attainment of the objectives of the Organization. In addressing to you, Mr. President, as other speakers before me have done, heartiest and warmest congratulations, I stress our conviction that your prestige, your long experience and your eminent quali ties will help guarantee the success of the work that will be conducted by the Assembly under your leadership. The delegation of Rwanda wishes also to pay a tribute to your predecessor, who directed the work of the forty-first session of the General Assembly competently and tactfully. ,f',l' I pay a tri6ute also to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the steadfast commitment he has shown in carrying out his functions in such a way that our Organization can continue to serve the interests of peace, solidarity and co-operation between nations. His oomrnitment has earned him the great appreciation of the GOITernment of RWanda. OVer and above the success of the work of a session of the General Assembly, the success that the Uni ted Nations has in carrying out its mission is and will remain dependent upon the determination of all Member States and of each Member State. There must be a determination to work for a new international order, which can come about only through a policy of entente and co-operation among States, nations and people. There must be a determination to participate in the building of a community based on world-wide solidarity and on co-operation that promotes mutual enrichment and development thanks to the shar ing of knowledge and sk ill, thanks to fruitful exchanges in the spheres of the economy, education, culture, inforrna tion, science and technology, and thanks to the will continually to broaden the dimensions of international relations, giving pr ior ity to those factors that foster balance and harmony. That determination must find concrete expression on every level of the relationships each State hopes to maintain and develop on the international scene, and in signing the united Nations Charter the Republic of Rwanda evidenced it. Guided by the Charter's inherent spirit, Rwanda will always play its part in efforts to bring about the triumph of the ideal to which we subscribed 25 years ago, an ideal that put the world on the path of dialogue, solidarity and complementarity with a view to fUlfilling the aspirations of all peoples for peace and prosperity. \ Mr. MABROUK (Tunisia) (interpretation from French): It gives me great pleasure to convey to the President the congratulations of the Tunisian delegation on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. We are confident that, given his well-known experience and skill, he will conduct the proceedings at this important session with the utmost efficiency. I can assure him of Tunisia's co-operation with his country, the German Democratic Republic. Our two countries have always maintained excellent relations of friendship and co-operation. I am also happy to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, who presided tactfully and effectively over the work of the forty-first session. Our deep appreciation and sincere gratitude go to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Peres de Cuellar, for his dedication and f~r his eminently active role in the service of the Organization and in pursuance of the noble objectives of its Charter. In mounting this rostrum, from which the world's conscience is periodically expressed, sometimes in anguish and sometimes inspired by hope, I venture to request attention so that I may enumerate a distressing series of problems that have often been raised in this prestigious forum. I have, frankly, felt tempted to limit this statement to making a strong appeal for a radical change in all of us, namely, that in our deliberations we set aside individual problems and current differences and - in our thinking, in our statements and in the formulation of our resolutions - acknowledge the absolute primacy of a common creed based on the Declaration of Human Rights and the Charter of the United Nations. For it is time - I might say it is high time - to enforce compliance with those two instruments, which are not impractical products of man's idle invention but, indeed, irrefutable commandments and fundamental precepts that govern the conduct of each and everyone of us. It is indeed high time for States in their relations to eschew their obsession with issues deriving from dogmatic allegiance and with conventional rifts that result from a kind of short-sightedness in the evaluation of international relations. It is time for us to join together in exorcising the demons of aggressiveness, hegemonism and tyrannical power so that mankind can finally live in peace and the peoples of the world can prosper through exchanges founded on fraternal relations. I would have liked to conclude by saying that, but this session has begun at a particularly critical time. The world is going through a period of turmoil, and the direst threats are gathering momentum in more than one region of our planet. In addition to the long-standing conflicts that have preoccupied the Organization almost since its inception, such as the problems of the Middle East and southern Africa; in addition to the serious problems afflicting Asia, where both Afghanistan and Kampuchea are still occupied by foreign armies, and in addition to the convulsions in Central America, we now have a protracted war in a particularly sensitive region, which compounds the frustrations of the peoples of the Middle East, who have contributed so much to the development of civilization. I refer to the war between Iran and Iraq. may even jeopardize the future of those two great countries. All our efforts should be directed towards bringing that tragedy to an end. It is urgently necessary to establish a just peace, with no victor and no vanquished, in order to terminate that particularly lethal and unjust conflict, a conflict that is all the more unjust as it involves two nations whose confrontation violates the very concepts of their traditional faith, the Islamic religion, which preaches peace, brotherhood and tolerance for all mankind. The resolution adopted by the Security Council concerning the war between Iran and Iraa seems to us to offer hope by the very fact that it appropriately strengthens the role assigned to the united Nations in Chapter VIr of the Charter. By assuming the task incumbent upon it, our Organization can and must enforce solutions wherever peace is threatened. The authority of the United Nations must be the guarantee of law and peace. That is my country's position. Tunisia, inspired hy Bourguiba, a champion of peace and the brotherhood of peoples, has solemnly vested supreme authority in international legality and the world conscience. That authority is in perfect concord with the authority deriving from the spir i tual values bequeathed by the Islamic message, to which my coun try, while welcoming dialogue and keeping ~ce with progress, remains absolutely faithfuL I must express my sorrow at seeing the Islamic message perverted and bereft of its real meaning because of some individuals and some terrorist organiza tions decei tfully ar roga ting to themselves a mission of redemption while actually furthering their own political ends or unleashing a fanaticism foreign to the real meaning of that message of Islam. Unfortunately this has been turned to their own account by the disparagers of Islam. Thus, a whole campaign of pro~ganda has been mounted against the sacred tenets and cuI ture of Islam, propaganda that is sometimes based on ill will but most often on ignorance. In this all-embracing world of ours, how can we refuse to recognize the plurality of cultures, their originality, their message, their own dynamism and the ir evolu tionary processes? In fact, the self-styled dominan t cultures and civilizations simply reject what, through ignorance, they fail to understand. Let us therefore face up to the vit.al necessity, in an international community that has become one and indivisible, of dialogue between cultures and civiliza tions. There is certainly one country which in its life, history and institutions has given us an example of such a dialogue, a coun try which is today endur ing a tragedy that envelops its terr i tory, its iden ti ty and its very exis tence, a coun try which certainly does not deserve such a fa te - namely, Lebanon. No one wi th any sense of justice or respect for human values can ignore a cry that arises from the depths of his conscience, a cry that betokens h is sorrow, indigna tion and, above all, his solidar i ty. Without claiming to solve the world's problems, it must be said that, by its history and geography, its culture and economy, and inspired by its universalist vocation, Tunisia is deeply sensitive to all the upheavals convulsing our modern world. Being both African and Arab, both Islamic and Mediterranean, Tunisia is situated at the crossroads of all the currents and turmoil that afflict the international community. That is why Pres iden t Bourguiba, the founder of moder n Tunis ia, as a profound peace-loving man, has always given priority and deep thought to all the proble~s that have persistently beset the region. As regards one of the problems that is most difficult and important because of its historical and strategic implications, namely, the Middle East problem, ever since 1965 President Bourguiba has advocated recognition, as is now desired by all, of both the Palestinians and the Israelis, rejecting the racial confrontation aspect of this tragedy of historical, strategic and cultural-social dimensions. It is now essential for all of us to acknowledge the cogency of this approach, and the Arab countr ies, for their part, endorsed if not the letter at least the spiri t of this approach in the Fez plan, which they adopted v irtually unanimously in 1982 and which constitu tes a realistic basis for solv ing the Middle East problem and especially that which lies at its very heart, the Palestinian problem. We are all aware, however, that for so long as Israel refuses to recognize the Palestinian personality and its right to self-determination and independence all effar ts to reach a peaceful solution are doomed to failure. It takes two to negotia te and reach agreement. For tuna tely, voices are now being raised in tha t country in favour of recognizing the Palestinian fact, which is an irrefutable reaU ty. There is no doubt that if IsraelIs allies were themselves to accept this fact the international conference which We so earnestly ad'locate not only could be convened but would lead to the desired results. We hope that the efforts made in this direction by the Secretary-General will be successfully pursued so that the triple message of the one and only God, invok ing peace and brotherhood, may once again resound from Jerusalem. Then, and only then, will genuine co-operation among all the countries of that region so crucial for the world, namely, the Medi terranean, be established. It is always with a sort of nostalgia for the past that people speak of the Mediterranean region, overlooking the fact that even today it is the principle area in which almost all dilemmas are concentrated - and sometimes confront each other. Alas, it is precisely there that the problems and contradictions of East-West and North-South relations intersect. The establishment of peace in this region of exceptional geostrategic importance would constitute an incomparable foundation for building a more brotherly, more interdependent world. The active participa tion of the grea t Powers in a conference on the Middle East could only help to further the necessary solutions and compromises. Moreover, they would be giving not only their own direct endorsement but also that of the Security Council and the United Nations as a whole. It is the security Council that must at all times be the overseer of efforts to solve all the serious conflicts that ,threaten international peace and security. We shall not resort to an apocalyptic view of the future of our planet, where problems are indeed world-wide in scope. Rather, we shall strive confidently to emphasize the many signs and glimmers of hope that appear here and there. 'lbday we are relieved - and this feeling has been confirmed by the statements we have heard - to catch a glimpse of the possibility of a return to more harmonious relations between East and West, which holds out the promise of a slowing down of the armaments race, in other words the beginning of real nuclear disarmament, and above all the hope of seeing West and East helping to solve the vital problem of peace in all regions of the world. Indeed, such concord WOUld, among other benefits, open the way for the normal operation of the Security Council, the only organ capable of eliminating the many dispu tes thatare decima ting the peopl es of the th ird werId in the Middle East, Africa, Asia and Latin America. Thus, in the efforts to ensure fulfilment of the legitimate aspirations of sou thern Africa the Securi ty Council has already made a major, indeed decis ive, contr ibution by adopting resolution 435 (1978), on Namibia. This is the only way to bring about the solution of that problem, for which the Uni ted Na tions will continue to bear particular responsibility until the total independence of that coun try. Whether Namibia'or apartheid is at issue, it is also high time for the will of the Security Council - as I have already said - to become, for everyone, an incontestable rule of conduct for our countries in their international ~elations in a world that is at last banishing recourse to force and aggression. The sUfferings inflicted by the apartheid regime on the black people of South Africa will not crUsh its heroic struggle for liberation. Given South Africa's refusal to compromise either on Namibia or on apartheid, the Security Council must impose the requisite mandatory global sanctions ~n order to stop the massacre of populations whose only crime is that they aspire to liberty. It is in the light of this problem and of all the other problems confronting mankind that we judge the scope and nobility of the role of the united Nations. We are therefore fully confident that the Security Council will fulfil its responsibilities under the Charter. Convinced as we are that grave dangers and perils threaten our world, we would like to believe that we are witnessing the dawn of a general awareness of the major problems of our time, be they political, economic or humanitarian. Accordingly, only the resumption of a serious, in-depth North-South dialogue inspired by our faith in the natural interdependence of peoples - in a community in which differences in the choice of ways of life cannot override strictly human aspirations and problems - can rescue us from the economic, financial and social anarchy characteristic of our present era, an era that is marked everywhere by the resurgence of poverty and violence, by persistent and spreading unemployment and by the irresponsible destruction of our environment. There is a major problem that persists in the minds of the international community. Because of its universal and lethal character, it must continue to engage the serious attention of our forums: I refer to the problem of international terrorism and the taking of innocent people as hostages. These attacks on people's safety and dignity constitute a challenge that outrages the human conscience. This form of violence, particularly odious because it is carried out in a blind and craven manner, is perpetrated indiscriminately against innocent victims who, by chance or coincidence, happen to be in the path of the killers or thei r bombs. Tunisia proclaims once again its condemnation of terrorism in all its forms and reaffirms its intention and determination to work for the enforcement of measures proposed by the General Assembly and of all other ways and means of putting a stop to this terrible scourge. The deterioration in the sense of humanity in countries where the need has not arisen, the frustrations generated by the situation in the Middle East, the persistence of white segregationist domination over the peoples of South Africa and Namibia, and the armed conflicts in Asia and Latin America all contribute to a distressing picture of world-wide anarchy and disorder, which is only intensified by the armaments race, the economic crisis, monetary instability and the rapid decay of the environment. Political crisis, economic crisis, social crisis - actually we are witnessing a crisis of civilization in a world that prodigious scientific and technical advances have enfolded into a single network of interacting and interdependent influences. It is incumbent on the international community, which now constitutes an indivisible whole, to face up to the mounting perils created by many tensions, which are, for the most part, attributable to eaualities and disparities often inherited from the colonial past. present millennium, are represented by famine, poverty and sickness, mass unemployment and destruction of ecosystems which ravage the countries of the South by instituting in their stead a new world economic order capable of ensuring the viability, peace and security of our planet and by creating decent living conditions for the populations of the developing countries. Tunisia, like so many developing countries and so many sister countries of Africa, has agreed to make considerable sacrifices, inter alia, in the context of a thorough structural and global economic reform, being aware of the responsibilities incumbent upon it as a full member of the world economic system. In spite of these efforts and owing to the lack of substantial support on the part of their partners, the economic and financial situation of the vast majority of developing countries has now passed the critical point and continues to deteriorate, in particular in the most vulnerable countries. The extremely serious problem of the developing countries, external debt and the mounting flow of capital from our countries to the developed countries clearly illustrate the unacceptable and suicidal perversion of the world economy. current debt management would actually only contribute to a dangerous increase in economic, political and social pressures on the world system as a whole. Nevertheless we continue to nourish the hope that the North-South dialogue, which was finally resumed at the last session of the united Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), will be strengthened by addressing all questions relating to development and growth and will co-ordinate the action of the Organization itself with the action of all bodies making up the united Nations system, for development must not remain a challenge or a mere, albeit fervent, aspiration. It must become a wish and a reality. The economic, monetary, trade and financial problems facing mankind as a whole have never been so great and never before have so many people, with the world population explosion, aspired to a better life. Never have the differences between the communities of our world and within these communities been so shocking and inadmissible as they are today. Perhaps there is no instant cure or magic solution for the present tragedy of the current rapidly worsening imbalance between the overfed minority of humanity, living in superabundance and waste, on the one hand, and the majority, living in malnutrition and deprivation, on the other hand. Moreover, one cannot remain indifferent to the resources and sums of money expended on armaments when famine is ravaging millions of people and threatening millions more. These are the main concerns that Tunisia wishes to share with the international community. There are others, more directly and more specifically relevant to our country, such as the Western Sahara conflict, which constitutes a major obstacle to the progress of the people of our region towards realizing their aspirations to form a Maghreb community. Such a formation is certainly in the nature of things, but it has become more necessary than ever because of the close proximity of one of the world's greatest economic groupings, are which embraces all the traditional economic partners of thE countries of our region within the European economic communities. This indicates how extremely urgent our crucial and vital need has become to co-operate with this strong European entity because of the added power that we would acauire from the formation of a Maghreb economic community based on the planning of our industrial projects and on the smooth operation of our economic structure. It explains the'importance we attach to seeing the obstacle of the western Sahara problem removed once and for all, so th t i a our commun ty can develop and assume the leading role that is expected of it, especially by Africa and the Arab world. We are particularly indebted to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuel.lar, for his persevering and imaginative efforts to find a solution to this thorny question. We consider that these worthy efforts are justified by the importance of what is at stake. By resolving the crisis and clearing the way for setting up a coherent and homogeneous Maghreb community, the Secretary-General will have helped to introduce an element of equilibrium, of political, economic and str ategic stabil ity, of co-operation and of prosper ity into three regions of the world at present in deep distress: Africa, the Arab world and the Medi terranean. It is, nevertheless, a fact that the whole world - not to say the universe - is confused and thr ea tened by a des tructive lack of order. Never before has man been, thanks to scientific progress and the development of prodig ious technolog i es, so power ful in the ma ter ial sense. Never be fore, however, has he been so vulnerable and helpless, like the sorcerer's apprentice, overwhelmed by the forces, energies, weapons and achievements of his own creation, whose technologies he masters so well but which he uses so badly. For we know that science wi thout conscience is soul-destroying. It is, however, striking that the future is every day becoming a more shared future, in a world where pollution for some people generates sickness for others, where war directly invol.ving some people may lead to death and desolation for everyone else, but where the advancement, enrichment, and abundance of some people have not, unfortunately, led to prosperity for all. Th us, if we want peace, security and development to be more than a mere slogan, we must all accept the comprehensiveness and interdependence of our responsibilities, so that we can join together in building a future that is no longer conceived and ach ieved in fear and anxiety, but is based on a fervent and irrepressible zest for life and hope. With respect for human rights, and unfailingly inspired by the Charter, we shall turn that hope into reality and life will thus fUlly enjoy the values given it by the Creator. Mr. HAMEED (Sri Lanka): Let me at the outset convey to the President th warm and sincere felici ta tions of Sri Lanka on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. Sri Lanka and the German Democra tic Republic have enjoyed a fruitfUl associa tion of co-opera tion in bilateral and international affairs, an association which has been further strengthened by exchanges of visits at a high level between our two countries recently. A special word of gratitUde is due from us to the Foreign Minister of Bangladesh, my friend and colleague from the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC), for his outstanding contribution to the forty-first session as President. * To strik.e a personal note, it is now a decade since I first addressed the General Assembly as Foreign Minister of Sri Lanka. For the last 10 years I have had the opportunity to observe the vagaries of the international situation, both economic and poli tical. Many of the i terns I saw on the agenda in 1977 have elude. settlemen t. This has not always been for want of solutions. For many of these problems the General Assembly has, often by consensus, prescr ibed solutions based Mr. Engo (Cameroon), Vice-President, took the Chair. * on the principles and purposes of the Charter. Unfortunately, those prescriptions have not been dispensed, nor have solutions been implemented. However, I will not outline the reasons for this sad state of affairs. They are very well known. Permi t me to look at the global economic situa tion. The 1980s are already being characterized as the lost decade of development. The development process as a whole stands disrupted. For many developing countries it is a tragic tale of economic stagnation, with falling living standards and negative growth rates. Adverse socio-economic consequences of these developments have led to social and political unrest. The prospects for growth and development for many of us remain increasingly unfavourable. If the developing countr ies are to break out of this vicious circle, there has to be a revitalization of the development process. This will be possible only in an international economic environment that is supportive of such efforts. The assessment of the world economy which emerges from the WOrld Economic Survey 1987 is clear. World economic growth, as the survey points out, is weak and fragile, and the prevailing uncertainties point downwards. It is equally clear that if the negative influences are not reversed in time, they could move the world economy closer to a global recession. Therefore, the urgent imperative is for the launching of policies and measures towards the stimulation of world economic growth. This has to be accompanied by an effective reinvigoration of development and trade on the basis of international economic co-operation. The present modest economic recovery in the industr ialized countr ies has slowed down fur ther in the last two years. The macro-economic and deflationary policies pursued by them in recent years are responsible for this underlying situa tion. They have had only negative consequences for the third world, as they have precipitated protectionist policies, restrictive trade measures and a decline in third world exports. The situation relating to commodities is critical and prices have slumped since 1980 to their lowest levels in the last 50 years. What is rore, there arl little signs of an improvement. Several developing countries, such as Sri Lank. , which face huge losses in export earnings as a result of falling commodity pricl and the deter iora tion in the terms of trade, find their development efforts seriously disturbed. There is, however, a silver lining to the present gloomy situation and tha is the increasing realization by the major market-economy countries of the need fo: greater co-ordination of their macro-economic policies and recognition of the interlinkages of issues of commodities, trade, monetary and financial policies. This awareness must be seized and broadened and deepened. The notion of interdependence will have to be transformed into a global and co-ordinated appr. :'lch reinforced by concrete policies and actions. It is heartening, therefore, that recent developnents have recognized the eed to address common concerns in a mutually beneficial way on the bl'sis of international economic co-operation. At Punta del Este in September last year Ministers from developed and developing countries alike adopted a bold and ambitious agenda in launching the Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations. That was aimed at a greater liberalization of world trade and th strengthening of the international trading system. Again, as recently as July his year, in Geneva, the Seven th Uni ted Na tions Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) adopted by consensus the Final Act of that Conferenc~. Th t decision represents a political commitment by the international community to wo k towards the revitalization of development, growth and international trade throu h mul tila ter al co-opera tion. I t remains for the in terna tional community collect! el.y to honour commi tInen ts tha t have been under tak en and to implemen t them fai thf ully and effectively. Before turning to the international political and security situation I should like to refer briefly to the current situation in Sri Lanka. Last year I detailed the efforts of President Jayewardene to resist a threat to impose a separate State unacceptable to the vast majority of the people in Sri Lanka. I also detailed the endeavours of the Government to reach a negotiated political settlement with the Tamil community to redress their grievances. Today I am able to state that a new si tuation has been brought into existence by the signing of the India-Sr i Lanka accord in July this year. The wisdom and statesmanship that led to that accord have been widely acclaimed both within and outside the Assembly. Today, terrorism is virtually at an end, with only some sporadic in-fighting between rival terrorist groups which have not yet surrendered all their weapons. Negotiations have been almost completed on the question of the devolution of political and administrative functions to the provincial councils. There will be an interim administration for the Northern and Eastern Provinces pending the transfer of responsibilities to an elected provincial council. A referendum will take place a year thereafter to. ascertain the wishes of the people of the Eastern Province on the question of a merger with the Northern province. We are hopeful that violent divisive and separatist tendencies in the Northern and Eastern Provinces will give way to the democratic process which has nourished Sri Lanka's political life for over half a cen tury. The year 1987 was designated by the united Nations General Assembly the Interna tional Year of Shel ter for the Homeless on a proposal made by the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka in this Assembly in 1982. As a consequence we have witnessed impressive programmes of national and inter,national act.ivities to focus attention on the problem of adequate housing and to formulate enduring solutions aimed at satisfying a basic need. On 12 OCtober the Assembly will devote two plenary meetings to the observance of the In ternation'al Year of Shel ter for the Homeless. We see hopeful signs in the international political situation. We welcome :he proposed summit meeting be tween the leaders of the Uni ted States and the Sovie t Union. The agreement in principle to dismantle intermediate-range nuclear forcE I signals the removal of an entire class of weapons of a particular range from thf arsenals of the major military Powers. The threat of global extinction has not ly any means been removed, or even sUbstantially reduced. Yet agreement is in the course of being reached on intermediate-range nuclear forces and its positive impact on the international scene make this perhaps the most significant step ol the century in disarmament initiatives. Despite the easing of tension in many sensitive areas, much more remains t< be achieved before we can enjoy the fruits of lasting peace and security. The horrific destructive power of nuclear weapons must itself be destroyed and a genuine process of disarmament under adequate verification must be set in motiol The nexus between disarmament and developnent was explored barely a fortnight a, :l by an In terna tional Conference held under the aeg is of the Uni ted Na tions. The Conference reached the clear conclusion that disarmament and development are th two pillars on which enduring international peace and security can be built and that an arms race and a more sustainable world order are not compatible. There is no denying the complexity of the issues involved, but the high-level poli tical participation in the International Conference was indicative of our collective willingness to address those complexi ties and to find solutions through multilateral co-operation. Next year we sha11 ga ther in New York again for the third special session of the General Assembly on di.sarmament. That session must not slide back from the achievements of the first special session on disarmament. Sr i Lanka had the honour and pr ivilege of introducing in the Assembly in 1977, on behalf of the Non-A~i9ned Movement, the resolution calling for the convening of the first special sess ion of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. the imperative of disarmament affects, not only the nuclear-weapon States and those who have military muscle, but all nations. Nuclear disaster would make no distinction between those who can use these weapons, those who possess them, and those like us who do not fall into either category. The joint acceptance by the leaders of the United states and the Soviet union of the fact that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought, needs now to be translated into further reductions and the elimination of nuclear weapons beyond the intermediate nuclear forces. As an interim measure, negotiations for a comprehensive nuclear test ban should be conducted not only bilaterally but multilaterally as well. The Conference on Disarmament can be brought into service to negotiate the necessary agreements. This multilateral negotiating body has demonstrated its capacity in its efforts this year to complete a draft convention on chemical weapons. Few ages have faced such frightening challenges. To retreat from the nuclear race reauires greater courage than to persist in a contest to exhibit military superiority. To extend this rivalry and to put weapons in outer space is to thwart the powerful development potential of the last frontier of mankind. sri Lanka hopes to continue with other nations its efforts to reach consensus on a resolution that would help to prevent an arms race and to promote peaceful co-operation in outer space in the interest of all humanity. Another initiative in disarmament and international security in which Sri Lanka has been engaged is the implementation of the Declaration of the Indian Ocean \ as a Zone of Peace. We have offered to host one of the Ad Hoc Committee meetings in Colombo next year. This meeting is of course to be distinguished from the Colombo Conference on the Indian Ocean, which is now scheduled to take place by 1990. There is another area of marine activity, economic in character, in which Sri Lanka has taken an initiative. I am happy to state that early this year, we hosted in Colombo the Ministerial Meeting on Indian Ocean Marine Affairs Co-operation. The Conference formulated a long-term programme of co-operation and a plan of action to provide a basis for concrete co-operative action among the Indian Ocean States. The Ministerial Meeting also set up the 17-nation Indian Ocean Marine Affairs Standing Committee, which held its first meeting immediately after the Ministerial Conference. The second meeting of the standing Committee was concluded successfully early this month in Colombo. We derive considerable satisfaction from the progress achieved so far by the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) for promoting regional co-operation. The agreement reached in identifying terrorist offences for the purpose of extradition is indeed a significant breakthrough. The Bangalore Summit Declaration recognized the importance of the principle that each member State of SAARC should not permit the USe of its territory for terroristic activities by terrorist groups against another member State. The last Ministerial Meeting held in New Delhi mandated a group of legal experts from SAARC countries to draft a regional conventiOn on terrorism. I am happy to state that the group of legal experts who met in Sri Lanka this month have formulated a draft convention on terrorism which will now come up for consideration before the Council of Ministers in Kathmandu, early in November this year. A call has been made for an international conference to seek a just and lasting solution to the problems of the Middle East. The fate of an entire people, the Palestinians, continues to be in jeopardy. It is our view that until Israel withdraws from Palestine and other Arab territories it occupies, and until the rights of the Palestinians are restored, no lasting settlement to the cluster of issues known as question of the Middle East can be achieved. sri Lanka will continue to support the just struggle of the people of Palestine under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, whose participation is indispensable in the negotiations for a durable settlement. The Arab Peace Plan adopted in Fez in 1982 continues to be relevant in this regard. The plight of the people of Lebanon has become a part of the Middle East auestion. Sri Lanka calls for the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Lebanon to permit the sovereign exercise by the Government of its authority over all its territory. In the adjacent Gulf region, relations between two fellow members of the non-aligned countries, Iran and Iraq, have deteriorated into a wasteful war, which exacts a terrible toll on their peoples. Regional stability has been affected and there looms the threat of a wider conflict. Sri Lanka welcomes the initiative leading to the visit by the Secretary-General of the united Nations to the area, nd supports every effort to find a settlement acceptable to both parties. The Central American region presents no less a tangled web of issues, which can only be complicated further by unwarranted foreign intervention. The Guatemala Accord, a regional initiative, offers a blueprint for the construction of a solid edifice of peace. We hope that the initiative will lead to stable relationships among the countries concerned on the basis of sovereign equality, mutual respect, and the peaceful coexistence of differing political and economic systems. The international community must appreciate the wishes of the Governments of this region and respect their desire to develop their societies politically and economically in accordance with the aspirations of their peoples. Closer home, the situation in South-East Asia has been adversely affected by developments in Kampuchea. South-West Asia likewise has been affected by. developments in Afghanistan. In both situations, Sri Lanka has consistently called for the withdrawal of foreign troops and affirmed the right of the peoples in the respective countries to resolve their problems and determine their political destiny without outside interference, pressures, subversion or coercion. peacefully, through direct dialogue, without foreign interference and in conformity wi th the pr inciples of the Nor th-Sou th Sta tement of 4 July 1972. Foreign troops have occupied a portion of the Republic of Cyprus, bringing about a de facto division of the island and exacerba ting the in ternal issues· concerning the relationship between the two co1lll11un i ties in the Republic. Sri Lank" fully supports the call of the Heads of State of the Non-Aligned Movement for the immediate withdrawal of all occupation forces as an essential basis for the solution of the Cyprus problem. The situation in South Africa offers a curious mix of the best and the worst in human endeavour. Racial bigotry that has been cynically institutionalized and piously justified in the system of apartheid displays the worst in man. What inspires us in this otherwise bleak situation is the spirit and determination of the majority people of South Africa to resist oppression, to endure suffering and overcome subjugation. Repression has only strengthened their resistance and reinforced their drive for freedom and majority rule. Comprehensive mandatory sanctions are in terna tionally accepted as the mos t effective means to dismantle tl1 ugly system of apar theid. Sr i Lanka reiterates the call for the release of Nelson Mandela and others so that they can be brought into the mainstream of political life. Apartheid has also kept Namibia captive. What is particularly tragic is tha in this si tuation too the in terna tional consensus that would bring independence fl r Namibia - Security Council resolution 435 (1978) - has not been implemented. Sou h Africa's strategy to bUy time has prevented freedom for Namibia. The obstacle to Namibian independence remains South Africa's intransigence. The courageous struggle of the people of Namibia, under the leadership of the South West Africa people's Organization (SWAPO) must reach its inevitable conclusion, and the international community must hasten this process. Beyond South Africa and Namibia, apartheid has spawned unbearable horrors on the front-line States, such as the massacre of civilians in Mozambique earlier this year. We strongly condemn these actions that seek to destabilize independent countries through such cold-blooded acts of terrorism against innocent civilians. Every year we gather here in New York to examine the international situation and to consider what our collective wisdom has to offer in dealing wi th issues of common concern to us. Pessimists may say that we are cataloguing failures of the United Nations and indulging in rhetor ic. The measure of success or failure of the United Nations will depend on what we, the Members of the United Nations, would wish the Organization to be. For small non-aligned countries like Sri Lanka, the moral authority of the United Nations and its Charter and the international accountability it entails are important bulwarks of our security and independence. Recent developments in some areas have augured well) if not decisively bringing about solutions, at least offering in their wake promises for the future. Patient efforts over a sustained period have had a beneficial cumulative effect, usher ing in new hopes, nur tur ing fresh optimism and yielding new avenues to overcome the failures of the past. These efforts must continue within the framework of the United Nations if decisions are to command the confidence of the inter na tional commun i ty and to stand the tes t of time. Mr. TINDEMANS (Belgium) (interpretation from French): Last week the General Assembly unanimously elected Minister Florin to the presidency of its forty-second session. I congratulate him warmly, especially since his diplomatic experience is the best guarantee of the harmonious unfolding of our work. The relations between his country and my own, which have been excellent for a long time, are undergoing a remarkable development. My delegation will be happy to contr ibute, within its means, to the full success of his difficult task. I should also like to thank his predecessor, Minister Choudhury, who guided the work of the forty-first session with exemplary efficiency. I wish also to pay a particular tribute to the secretary-General, to his professional qualities, his diplomatic talents and relentless dedication. His efforts to resolve in terna tional problems, in par ticular the conflict in the Gulf, deserve our support and gratitude. In his report to the General Assembly, the Secretary-General affirms his conviction and hope that there will be improved multilateral co-operation, facilitated by a new vision and the necessary pragmatism on the part of Member States. I fully share these conclusions. As in previous years, I wish to make a plea for true universality of the united Nations system. I cannot, therefore, fail to mention the question of the Korean peninsula. I should like to reiterate that Belgium is in favour of the admiss ion of bo th Kor eas to the Uni ted Na tions, and in this context, my coun try exgresses the hope for a positive conclusion of direct dialogue between both parties. In his capacity as current President of the Council of Ministers of the European Community, my Danish colleague, Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, has eloquently presented from this rostru~ the way in which the 12 member States of the European Community approach the international questions on our agenda. I wish to thank him warmlYJ and I hasten to stress that Belgium closely associates itself with the statement he made. I should like to focus my remarks on a theme which is partiCUlarly dear to me namely, the human dimension of international relations. Two years ago we solemnly .celebra ted the fortieth anniversary of our Organization. It gave us an opportunity to reflect on the purposes of the United Nations, as inscribed in the Charter, and to evaluate their implementation in all fields. possibly the picture we drew then of the world situation was not an encourag ing one, bu t all Member Sta tes did, never theless, renew on tha t occasion the pledge they had made when adher ing to the Charter. It was indeed a pledge, a profession of fai the The peoples of the Uni ted Nations have declared in the Preamble of the Charter their determination: "to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small". The Preamble, which contains the entire philosophy of the United Nations, speaks of social progress, tolerance, common interest, justice and peace: the consti tuen t elemen ts of a univer sal faith. We made this pledge wi th conviction, some in 1945 and others as they gradually attained independence. Belgium, for its part, enthusiastically joined the founding Memers of the "Uni ted Nations for a better world" as early as at the San Fr ancisco Conference. In past centuries my country had the sad privilege of being the battlefield of European Powers. Successive foreign occupations have fashioned the personality and way of life of the Belgians: we are deeply attached to freedom and democracy; we loathe war; our common sense~ our spirit of tolerance and conciliation are such that our adherence to the Preamble of the Charter is today as in 1945, marked by fervour and great sincerity. Nobody has expressed those feelings better than my illustrious predecessor Paul-Renri Spaak, who presided over the first session of the Gener al Assembly. But reality falls considerably short of pledges. The United Nations may indeed have prevented the outbreak of a third world war. None the less, numerous wars or conflicts continue to plunge families into mourning; millions of individuals suffer from malnutri tion and lack of basic health care; fundamental freedoms are flouted in many States Members of our Organization; economic imalances are not bein9 reduced; and the totalitarianism of some and the fanaticism of other s have swollen- the flows of refugees, who are unprov ided for an often unwelcome·. Hence public opinion is asking some questions and wants to know how the UnitE Nations is endeavouring to implement the credo of San Francisco. Young people~ wt l are the dr iving force of the better wor Id we all await, are anxious and res tless. They realize with bitterness that international relations are not founded primari: on respect for the individual but are essentially inspired by exacerbated ideological considerations, fanaticism and State selfishness, which have little .... Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library (Mr •. Tindemans, . Belgium) concern for individual and family welfare. In these conditions it comes as no surpr ise that a sometime sizeable segment of public opinion turns its back on the Un i ted Na Hons. Two years ago we embarked together upon collective self-examination, but I cannot shake off the impression that debates in the United Nations, in New York and in Geneva, sometimes take on an unreal form and often disregard the human dimens ion without which all multilateral co-operation is condemned to remain sterile. My experience of international relations goes back far enough to keep my optimism intact. This optimism is warranted, I sincerely believe, by a certain nUmber of recent development.s on a few essential issues: East-West relations, regional conflicts, world economic problems, and human rights. Allow me to dwell upon some of them. The Final Act of the Conference on Secur i ty and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE), which I was honoured to sign on behalf of my coun try in 1975, is, in so far as it concerns East-West relations, a balanced achievement that tries to overcome the divisions built on the ruins of the last war in Europe. As the emanation of the will of 35 States to foster and develop in mutual respect and tolerance a Europe free from violent conflicts, the Final Act of Helsinki also embodies the hopes for peace of mank ind as a whole, since it. is tr ue, without a doubt, that a European war would ineVitably lead to world tragedy. The Final Act demonstrates our common will to proceed in a particular direction - towards harmonious relations between States. It shows also that for my country and its partners it is essential that in the field of human rights, as .in humanitarian matters, the idea must prevail that States exist to serve their citizens, not the other way round. For us, the human dimension is the essence of .relations in Europe. True to its long-standing tradition of s~ruggle in the name of human liberty, from the beg inn ing of CBCE Belg iwn did every th ing to ensure tha t in wha t became the Hels inki Final Act there were appropriate co1lU1\itments ensuring the improvement of the conditions of life of the individual. The debates at meetings in Belgrade, Madrid and Vienna have demonstrated that the implementation of the provisions of the Final Act in the field of human rights ahd human contacts has not as yet fully lived up to the hopes of the signatories. Certainly there has been some progress, but it is insufficient, as is clear from the nUmber of violations that have been denounced. The basic principle that laws must be made for man is too often forgotten and supplanted by the concept of man as servant of regulations. That is what guided Belgium's action in the drafting of the Final Act and, later, in the implementation of that instrument and its corollary documents. The Vienna meeting, which opened on 4 November 1986, gave Belgium the lpportunity to make its views known and to take appro~ria te initia tives. In this Jpirit, Belgium, in agreement with its partners and allies, prepared a proposal the concept and eventual implementation of which should lead to oonsiderable improvement in respect for human rights among all 35 Sta tes members of the Conference on Security and Co~peration in Europe. That proposal is based on the actual text of the Final Act. It envisages a system of information and representations to Governments in which the individual, as such, has a role to play. Furthermore, it proposes the convening of bilateral meetings to consider litigious cases and a notification procedure for cases or particularly difficult situations. It also offers the possibility for all States to ask for and obtain special meetings of the Thirty-five to discuss and resolve situations or specific cases. This sys tem is completed by the convening of meetings and conferences on the assesS the circumstances and possibly recommend new measures. This text constitutes a logical and coherent set of proposals, the driving force for progressive action. In the chapter on the "Third Basket", the Final Act, in addi tion to the general provisions on "principles", also went into specific themes of fundamental and immediate interest for the free and entire fulfilment of the human being: human contacts, information, cul ture and educa tion. At the meeting in Vienna, Belgium was also very active in those fields. It submitted proposals pertaining, inter alia, to the right of the citizen to be aware of his rights, a ban on arbitrary arrests, and the rights of national minorities. In the same spirit Belgium has shown its desire to foster progress in matters of freedom of religion, thought, conscience and conviction, freedom of information and working condi tions for journalists. proposals such as those should, in our opinion, be supported unanimously by all signatory States. Belgium has also contributed to proposals aimed at improving economic co-operation among participating States while at the same time stressing the part that the individual can and mllSt play in such relations, which also contribute to his personal fulfilment. Finally, in conformity with its traditions, Belgium has also used the framework of the Conference on security and Co-operation in Europe to foster new progress in the fields of confidence-building measures and conventional armaments balance. I shall elaborate later on this subject, in which the human element is predominant. limitation I shall restrict myself to a few points of priority interest to my country since the essence of our views has already been stated by my Danish colleague, Mr. Ellemann-Jensen, on behalf of the Twelve. The first point that must be made is that the international context and Climate are more relaxed than before. We have witnessed over the past few months a series of developments that are unquestionably positive in terms of both East-West relations and disarmament and arms limitation. The odds in favour of meaningful agreements ~re better than at any other time in recent history. This is the case in particular with regard to intermediate-range nuclear missiles, as shown by the developments of last week. It is true also in respect of the question of a total, comprehensive ban on chemical weapons. The agreement in principle on the global elimination of intermediate-range nuclear missiles reached in Washington by the united States and the USSR has historic import, as was rightly pointed out by one of the protagonists. It will, indeed, be the first time that negotiations will have led not merely to the beginning of a reduction of nuclear weapons but also to the effectively supervised elimination of an entire category of such weapons. Belgium and its allies have done everything possible in the efforts to arrive at this agreement. Since it is directly affected by the question of intermediate-range missiles, my country has a particular interest in it. An agreement of this kind is clearly to be sought on its own merits, given its importance in both the European and the global context. Without seeking to establish a direct link, the agreement on intermediate-range missiles augurs well for speedy and positive result in strategic arms reduction talks. Like its partners, Belgium favours a 50 per cent reduction in the strategic capacity of both super-Powers, so long as this is carried out in conditions that maintain balance and stability. In this context, the problem of the use of space for military purposes clearly remains. We do not think that the possibliity of including a defensive element in the strategic balance should be ruled out a priori. The essential point is to retain what we have already achieved: the anti-ballistic missile Treaty. Clearly this reauires a common interpretation and a readiness to envisage to the future, if need be, on the basis of a mutually agreed transitional regime. Here too, we should guarantee stability at the lowest possible level of forces. In agreement on intermediate-range nuclear missiles would have a considerable impact on the overall handling of arms limitation and disarmament questions, especially if it could be followed by a strategic arms reduction treaty. A SUbstantial reduction in the nuclear arsenals of the super-Powers leads inevitably to auestions about the balance of conventional forces. It is certainly possible to dream of a nuclear-free world, but we should begin in a more realistic way by creating simply a less nuclear world, on the understanding that, for Europe at any rate, any progress in this field must be through a balanced reduction in the level of conventional fo;ces. For this reason, my country looks forward to the beginning next year of new negotiations on conventional stability at a reduced level of forces in Europe as a whole. Reverting to nuclear issues, the question of a test ban must not be seen as a goal in its own right but rather in the overall context of nuclear disarmament. Belgium believes that realism and a gradual approach are required. At the last session of the General Assembly, I suggested that, while conducting negotiations on a total halt to nuclear testing, the nuclear Powers, in the first place the two super-Powers, should agree to systematic prior notification progress towards a solution of the remaining problelmwith regard to verification. It would be useful to couple such exchanges of information with the gradual implementation of a system of verification which, having been tested during nuclear tests, could ultimately ensure reliable ver ification of a general and cot:!t>lete test ban. The most recent round of talks between the United States and the Soviet onion, in washington, confirms that their differences of opinio,n have narrowed. Negotiations are soon to begin. The advantages of a gradual approach now seem to be recognized, and we welcome this. Another pr iodty for Belgium is the speedy conclusio,n of a convention on the total prohibition of chemical weapons. The urgent need for such an agreement was unhappily underlined once again this year by the use Ofthes<Et h,orrifying weapons in the Iraq-Iran war. For the first time in that conflict, civilian populations were the victims. Belgium notes with satiSfaction the progress mode on this subject in the Conference on Disarmament, thanks to the positive attitude of all the countries concerned. The acceptance by the Soviet Union, after that of several other countries, of the principle of challenge inspections made it possible to eliminate a major obstacle. ~e may thus hope that the Conference on DisarNlHnt ..,i118,oon succeed in formulating a coherent set of measures to prevent violations by making them detectable. In our opinion the international verification organhation will be the cornerstone of a system of ver ification of che1ltical disarmament. It shoUld be enabled to begin its work as soon as possible after the entry into force of the convention. I announoed dur ing my statement a t the Conference, and I am pleased to repeat here, that my country would consider fa'.1ourably acting as host to that international organization should the Conference request it to do so. In that way my country, the first on whose soil these terrible weapons were used, more than 70 years ago, would place itself at the service of the international community and all mankind in order to contribute to the total elimination of these inhuman weapons. Our delegation, together with its partners, will redouble its efforts to attain its goal of eliminating chemical weapons as quickly as possible, and appeals to all the other participants to help to resolve the problems, the technical aspects and complexity of which I do not underestimate. Although questions of disarmament and arms limitation are global in nature, I have tried to show that our approach, both world-wide and in Europe, is one and indivisible. The International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development concluded its work with the adoption of a final document. Belgium welcomes that positive outcome of a Conference that was called upon to ana1yze for the first time the complexity of the link that might be established between those two concepts that dominate international relations. Por Belgium, both two concepts have their own purposes and logic, and should not be considered as mutually dependent. The link that might be established does not have an exclusively financial dimension. Realism compels us to take into account also the right to security, which is essential for the fulfilment of the aspirations of mankind. Security needs should, however, be evaluated as objectively as possible. Without a doubt, underdevelopment is not only a severe threat to the security of States but also an impediment to the thriving of individuals and societies. Hence solutions to such a serious problem must be found world-w~e. In this search, for solutions, it is not advisable, in my view, that we should try to draw a distinction in the world between the guilty and the innocent parties. Belgium insists on allowing an open-minded, scientific and realistic spirit to prevaiL Numerous regions in the world are badly shaken by bitter conflicts some of which have lasted for 40 years. In the Middle East, sUffering and violence are daily realities. The parties concerned, opposed to one another for far too long, are unable to apply in their relations the principles and purposes of the Charter. Civilian populations are the first victims of this situation. However, the idea of an international conference on the Middle East has made progress. My Danish colleague has voiced here the views and aspirations of the 12 Member States of the European Community in this regard. At the beginning of this year I had the privilege to make, on behalf on the Twelve, a trip to the countries most directly involved in the painful Middle East problem. On behalf of my colleagues, I tried to bring positions closer to one another, while recalling the necessary human dimension of a peaceful, just, global and durable settlement. I thought I could detect goodwill on the side of my interlocutors. This made me very happy and restored my hopes. The large number of. victims of the Gulf war cannot leave us indifferent, whatever the political, strategic and economic interests at stake. Let us, however, leave it to the Security Council to try to humanize this conflict, and then to resolve it. Its cruelty and inanity have shocked and outraged the international community. While maintaining strict neutrality in the conflict between Iraq and Iran, Belgium has decided to participate in a purely defensive operation of minesweeping in order to ensure respect for the pr inciple of freedom of navigation in international waters. In southern Africa, positions are polarized to the detriment of the populations involved. It is urgent to establish a genuine dialogue in South Africa and to allow the Namibian people to exercise its right to self-determination. In Central America, rays of hope are appearing. With all my heart I call for an agreement between the countries in the region, based on co-operation, tolerance, non-interference, democracy and the humanization of· relations between States and ootween individuals. I shall not restate the European Community's wish to make a contribution to this effecti my Danish colleague dwelled on it yesterday in his statement on behalf of the Twelve. Finally, in Asia, the Afghan and Cambodian peoples are still unable to determine freely and sovereignly their destiny, and this in spite of repeated ap~als by the overwhelming majority of Members of our Organization. The Afghan refugees, whose fate I have witnessed during a recent visit, ~eserve, in our opinion, more attention from the international community. When we consider these various conflicts and their consequences, it is not surprising that numerous men and women in the world should ask: What meaning do we give to the obligations Governments have accepted under the Charter? What does the goodwill we proclaim in all circumstances stand for? Why are we sometimes brought to tranple underfoot the pr inciples of international law though we have reaffirmed them in many resolutions and statements of our Assembly? Mankind needs peace, security, justice and economic and social progress to survive. We need finally to have Our deeds match our words. issue of our debates, and I welcome this. I note, however, th$t the North-South dialogue is not making progress, that more and more countries have a tendency to withdraw within themselves, or even to wage bitter economic wars. Markets are closing, monetary relations remain unstable, export earnings of developing countries are decreasing, foreign indebtedness rises. The standard of living of populations remains a constant preoccupation. How can we in these conditions preserve human dignity? World economic recovery is still too slow and uncertain. But it is the urgent duty of us all to co-operate, in solidarity, in creating the necessary conditions for a resumption of genuine growth of the world economy, which would benefit in a fair and balanced way both the industrialized and the developing countries. Like other speakers before me, I welcome the consensus which was reached last July in adopting the Final Act of UNCTAD VII. This consensus, remarkable in itself, augurs well for the outcome of the multilateral trade negotiations in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). These expressions of international solidarity are all too rareJ that is why I should like to express my real satisfaction on this occasion. Indeed, it is commor knowledge that there is very often a direct link between economic stability and peace. Together they form the basis for the advancement of the human person, something to which we have committed ourselves when adhering to the Charter. I have tried to put the emphasis on the human dimension in international relations. No one will be surprised therefore if I now also touch upon the problems of terrorism, drugs and AIDS - acquired immune deficiency syndrome. In spite of their fundamental differences, each of these problems is directly related to the preservation of the physical integrity and the life of human beings. I mention them as instances where international co-operation aimed at the individual must be strengthened urgently, in conformity with the respective fields of competences of the institutions of the United Nations system and leaving aside any narrow political considerations. The human rights situation around the world is far from satisfactory. Much remains to be done. Belgium acknowledges the unity and interrelation of all human rights - political and civil on the one handJ economic, social and cultural, on the other. My country has stressed the importance of the latter category of rights when it voted in favour of the Declaration on the Right to Development (resolution 41/128), adopted by the Assembly last year. We cannot, however, accept pre-conditions for the exercise of civil and political rights. Belgium considers that respect for these universally recognized and accepted rights is given to varying interpretations depending on geo-politica1 systems, id~logies and cultural environments. For this reason, I stressed five years ago, from this rostrum, the importance my country attaches to the promotion and protection of human rights at the regional level. In 1986 Belgium again became a member on the Commission on Ruman Rights, where it is contributing to the fullest extent possible and with the utmost impartiality, to the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The Commission on Human Rights should be given the means fully to carry out its mandate. Its action should not be hindered by extraneous considerations. My Danish colleague presented the views of the Member States of the European Community on reform of the procedures and structures of our Organization, following General Assembly resolution 41/213. In my view, the ultimate goal is to restore a climate of confidence between the Organization and all its Members, so as to enable the united Nations to assume its mission with renewed efficiency, in keeping with the Charter's preamble. Let us not forget, however, that such confidence presupposes the full support of our countries' public opinions, media, non-governmental organizations, and all men and women, above all, youth. Indeed, for the realization of their profound aspirations young people rely more and more upon fair and dependable international co-operation Man's happiness is indeed linked to the humanization of international relations. My statement today has no other purpose than to recall this truth, which is too often overlooked. my presentation to the General Assembly at its forty-second session, I should like to convey our most respectful greetings to the President, Mr. Peter Florin, representative of the German Democratic Republic, and to express our best wishes for the successful conclusion of our work under his presidency, and the hope that from this session there will emerge important resolutions that would effectively ensure international peace and security. We also extend our greetings to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, whom we ask to accept our appreciation for his tireless dedica tion to the Uni ted Na Hons goals of peace and development. This Organization is for tunate to have him, not only as its most eminent official, but also as a cl tizen of the world commi tted to achieving peace and development for all. The Republic of Paraguay comes once again to this forum with the sincere intention of supporting every initia Hve that could assure mankind of a day of peace and full development. It does so in the firm belief that each Sta te Member of this Organization, as a servant of international law, is convinced of the importance of the existence of the United Nations and of its role of protagonist in bringing about a time of peace and security for all. In these circumstances, and considering the role the United Nations should play in the world, we fail to understand the atti tudes of many countries - whe ther they be super-Powers, permanent members of the Security Council or Members of this Organization - attitudes that undermine, that sap their support and reduce the level of their active participation, thus weakening the Organization's ability to intervene in critical situations. This problem, already one of long standing - the problem of the lack of a leading role for the united Nations in world conflicts - is totally, the unwarranted. On the contrary, it demands of every country an effective atti tude that could redound to the greater, the universal prestige of our organization and the effective application of our entire legal and moral power for bringing about just solutions to conflicts that, at this very moment, beset humanity. When we review those critical events that have taken place since 1945, we are obliged to say that, because of the aforementioned weakening of the role of the United Nations as a leader, every country should see to it that the decisions taken by the General Assembly, which are adopted to prevent or solve conflicts, are brought into line with true justice and contain positive formulas - pragmatic and fair formulas - capable of resolving crises by peacefUl means and achieving effective peace through negotiation. Unilateral, partial decisions, or those that do not embody the immutable principles of international justice, do the United Nations system no good. By contrast, the adoption of decisions on the basis of different criteria - criteria based on world harmony and strict respect for the Charter - could prolOOte a more effective way for our Organization to become involved. The Government of Paraguay wishes to pay a special tr ibute to all bodies wi thin the United Na tions sys tem, but in par ticular to the Uni ted Na tions Development Progranune, whose activities are related to the progressive accomplishment of all the vital projects that are being implemented in our country. This type of United Nations assistance is not only effective for developing countries like Paraguay, but also serves the ceaseless quest for a better standard of life and progress for all nations. The Republic of Paraguay is continuing to make strides in peace and democracy. It has been doing so steadily since 1954, assuring justice and freedo: for all our people. The nation is effectively gO'lerned by the rule of law, and thus enables its citizens to develop further and perfect our delOOcratic institutions, guaranteeing a political life based on the widest possible participation and a multi-party system. The Government of the Constitutional President of the Republic of Paraguay, General of the Army Alfredo Stroessner, is based on popular consent, freely expressed in fa ir elections. It has the popular and democratic supper t of the Colorado Party, a political organization which, on 11 September 19B7, commemorated a hundred years of constitutional life in Paraguay. Throughout its rich history, Paraguay has struggled and made sacrifices to defend the immutable principles of international law. We seek to ensure constant respect for the individual identity and the independence of all States and, in strict reciprocity in our international conduct, we have called on other States faithfully to observe the same principles, ne'ler, in any circumstances or in any way whatsoever, accepting interference by other States in the domestic affairs of Paraguay - affairs which are of concern to, and have to be dealt with, only by Paraguayans. We wish to bring to the attention of the General Assembly the spirit of integra tion tha t has guided the reg ional policy of the Republic of Paraguay, a policy based on peace and co-operation with our neighbours. This has made possible the construction of the hydro-electric projects at Itaipu, under conditions of equality of rights and duties, with the Federative Republic of Brazil - projects that are already generating the electricity needed for the development of a vast region. The same applies to the Yacyreta project involving ourselves and Argentina. This project is in an advanced stage of construction. Both demonstrate the serious determination of the Government of Paraguay to make progress. These, added to the facilities provided by our Atlantic neighbours, such as the ports of Paranagua in Brazil, Nueva Palmira in Uruguay, Antofagasta in Chile and Matarani in Peru constitute favourable indicators of our relations with neighbouring sister nations. Our trade wi th Bolivia is expanding through the Transchaco route, in harmony with the spirit of that same policy. The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization deserves our fullest support. We know of the Secretary-Generalis unalterable determination to find a solution to international problems. This report schematically summarizel all the achievements in that difficult field, as well as the frustrations faced as the result of a wide range of intervening factors that are beyond the control of the highest-ranking official of the United Nations. We highlight the work done by the secretary-General and subscribe to his central, vital concepts, which lead the Organization towards fulfilment of the purposes laid down by the founders of the United Nations, in a changing world bese by adverse factors, so that peace may be made a tangible reality and fellowship among nations may foster progress and efforts to achieve international justice. We cannot fail to mention the sources of possible world conflicts that are 01 concern to the Republic of Paraguay and to all mank ind - for example, the conflict in the Persian Gulf, which has reached such dangerous proportions that it could a' any momen t lead to a more widespread war, wi th incalculable consequences. We believe we speak for men and women throughout the world when we ask the United Nations to make every possible effort to put an end to that hotbed, which has its origin in the war between Iran and Iraq, compounded by a number of factors that imperil world peace. We call upon the States involved in that conflict to accept the decisions of the United Nations. (Mr. Saldivar, Paraguay) The regrettable escalation of events in Latin America confronts us with evidence of another source of conflicts whose outcome is unpredictable. In this area of the world, there is intervention by two super-Powers with broad interests in the region. The countr ies of the region that make up the Contadora Group and ~e Support Group have been working, with our encouragement, to hring about peace. It is essential that peace be achieved and that all the countr ies of the rec}ion refrain from adopting partisan posi tions. This applies particularly to those that are acting in the service ofa super-Power, whether directly or indirectly. We condemn such action on the bas is of the pr inciple of non-intervention. The conflict in the Near East does not seem to be of concern to the world at ~e moment, possibly because the region has for so long suffered the absence of the peace that is essential for nations, peoples and States. The Republi~ of Paraguay has proclaimed in all forums, the need to ensure implementation of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) in the search for effective solutions to the problems in this high-risk area of conflict. We believe that the Palestinian people have the right to a homeland, just as the State of Israel has the right to live in peace within its boundaries. The Government of the Republic of Paraguay has condemned, in this forum, the intervention of a super-Power in Afghanistan, in a clear-cut demonstration of that Power's lack of regard for international justice and the pr inciple of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States. We take this opportunity ro reiterate, on a universal basis, that the application of this principle, which is central to our Charter and to human rights, is the sole guarantee of peace and harmony among nations at differ ing economic and social levelS. We are also concerned by Viet Nam I s intervention in Cambodia. That intervention, which is dangerous from all points of view, generates the intervention in that coun try by a super-Power on the one hand and by another country, also a permanent member of the Security Council, on the other. The Republic of Korea has always worked for the peaceful reunification of the two Koreas. Unfortunately, its efforts have not been crowned with success, for reasons that cannot be attributed to that country, a defender of freedom. The Republic of Korea, a law-abiding coun try that respects the international desire for coexistence, has a legitimate desire to become a Member State of our Organization. We support that legitimate desire of the Republic of Korea, which is in keeping with the principle of universality of the united Nations and with an effective international order, and believe that the possibility of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea also being admitted should be kept open. The problem of the Malvinas Islands has had a number of consequences, which once again, demonstrate that disputes should be resolved by effective, pragmatic negotiations. The Republic of Paraguay calls upon the two countries involved - Argentina and the United Kingdom - with both of which we have ties of friendship, to adopt this procedure so as to find an amicable, feUd taus solution to the dispute over sovereignty, In this spirit, we advocate negotiations between the parties. We cannot help but voice our concern when we turn to the subject of disarmament, a vi tal issue in the times in which we I ive. The arms race and the business of purchasing and selling conventional and nuclear arms themselves engender pressure and hostility and pave the way for armed conflict. Disarmament is a necessity for all States, and that necessity becomes even greater when we realize that many less developed countries that are in desperate straits because I f the deterioration of the international economy are spending million of dollars on arms of var iOU8 kinds. We live in peace and we believe in peace. In that spiri t we call upon all states to end the arms race, which is a shameful affront consider ing the sad fact that thousands upon thousands of children are dying because of starva tion and malnutri Hon. The Republic of Paraguay, which won independence on 14 May 1811, values the work on decolonization being done by the United Nations. We applaud this work since we support the principle of the self-determination of peoples as long as application of that principle is not linked wi th interests alien to the legitimate interests of the peoples meant to win independence. On the bas is of that posi Hon, we believe that the people of Namibia are entitled to independence. Further the Republic of Paraguay supports in all forums the principle of territorial integrity and the full sovereignty of peoples. We should like, on the basis of non-intervention in internal affairs, to see the withdrawal of foreign troops from the countries of Africa. There is one scourge that horrifies all people the world over but none the less continues to undermine the moral and legal order of our world. We refer to terrorism, which afflicts various individual countries as well as the international community. The time has come to ask ourselves wha t has been done to cope wi th this irrational, inhwnan monstrosity to ensure that it ceases to take innocent lives. Terrorism cannot be legitimized in any circumstances. Countries that encourage terror ism based on the fact that there may exist under lying causes that tr igger so irrational a reaction must, even if some of those causes exist, change their views in keeping with the dignity that must govern the system of relationships within the international communi ty. We cannot tolerate terrorism because it is unjustifiable that certain territories should serve as training-camps for terrorists and still less that such territories should be used as sanctuaries for terrorists. The time has come to state categorically that the United Na tions has two options: it can persuade all countries to condemn this irrational and inhuman conduct and to work together to eliminate the hotbeds of terror ism. Otherwise, our Organiza tion will lack credibility in these ma tters and will be irrevocably forced to admit its inability to wipe out a practice that is a crime against mankind. But this is not to say that the Uni ted Na tions should not continue to consider, with , zeal and diligence, the elimination of the probable causes of this universal scourge. Those causes, however, can never explain the criminal violation of the r igh t to life of its innocen t victims. The Republic of Paraguay supports the policy of the United Nations to end all forms of discrimination against women. It has been many years since the law enshrining the civil and political ~ights of Paraguayan women was promUlgated in recognition of an established fact and of the active part women had played in our national life.' In a spirit of fairness we must also recognize that the North-South dialogue has so far produced no results Whatsoever. The rich industrialized countries continue to set incredibly low prices for the raw materials produced and exported by the developing world. This ignoble policy is the root cause of many of the problems of the developing world. The deterioration in the terms of trade leads b the regrettable fact that many coun tr ies are unable to pay their debts and are not in a position to reach the stage of full developnent they require in order for their people to attain a life of dignity. Al though the Republic of Paraguay is not in the same position as other fraternal countries with regard to external debt, we express our solidarity with all those countries that are facing such a situation. This issue requires not only financial and economic solutions, which are of prime importance but also political solutions, because no coun try can resign itself to zero progress when there are collective needs to be met in order to forestall situations that may endanger not only the peace but the freedom of peoples in the developing countries. Our Organization must identify itself fully with the legitimate requests formulated by countries in the unfortunate position of being unable to repay their debts. The rich industr ialized countr ies must take a stand, not out of selfish and restrictive motives but in a common des ire to consolidate peace and democracy through justice in the international economic arena.· All attempts and programmes formulated to resolve this disturbing problem of the burden of external debt in the world must inevitably be based on the recognition of the exporting countries' inalienable right to receive really fa ir prices for their raw mater ials expor ted to international markets. In the face of the painful developments in economic relations between the industrialized North and the developing South, the real needs of developing countries have given rise to certain aspirations. We refer to economic and technical co-operation between developing countr ies. The United Nations, in all its forums, including the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), must use its prestige to back up this effort which is being promoted throughout the world, for the most part through specialized organizations on the regional level. We must, finally, come to the conclusion that raising the standard of living of the developing peoples is a moral duty on the part of our Organization and of enjoy fully the many benefi ts that are unattainable in the developing coun tries. In this context what is required is a carefully implemented effort to achieve a better economic position for the raw-material-producing countries or for those countries that are just beginning industrial development. The Government of Paraguay is fully aware that there is an acute financial crisis at the United Nations. The developed countries, for reasons the developing countries cannot fully comprehend, have curtailed their contributions to our Organization, thus decreasing the total amount of moneys available. This financial crisis has an effective political dimension, since, in the short term, our Organization will have to make cuts throughout its system, cuts that will adversel~ affect programmes currently being implemented throughout the developing world. This will obviously have an adverse effect on the scope of the activities of our Organ iza tion and wor k to its de tr iment • We are fUlly aware, moreover, of economic stagnation and recession. We understand the scope of those problems, which are causing serious difficul ties to the super-Powers in the commercial sphere and affecting the balance of payments. Nevertheless, the times in which we live compel the United Nations to depend on tb, contributions it needs for it to do its work throughout the world, contributions. that must come from those industrialized countries fortunate enough to enjoy wealt and development. The problem of Lebanon mer its a special place in my statement. It can be considered to be included in the aforementioned serious conflict in the Middle East. However, in view of the condi tions now prevailing, conditions which, if the were to persist, could spawn new and tragic developments, we feel that we must gh it special consideration. The pr inciples of the self-determination of peoples and the terri.tor lal integrity of States have been set aside in Lebanon by the reign of irrational violence and have been replaced by poli tical in tr ansigence and the polar ha tion of the confl icting par ties. Par aguay holds unswervingly to the need for a peaceful settlement of disputes. It joins the concert of countries demanding this in order ro ensure the existence and integrity of Lebanon on the basis of legal equality and peaceful coexistence among its citizens, to whatever ethnic group they belong. As for the question of Cypr us, the Republic of Paraguay is hopeful that that problem, which is long standing in the united Nations, can find a just and balanced solution through negotiations, avoiding violent confrontation and any violation of international law. We hope that united Nations intervention may lead to just solutions that take into consideration the rights of the countries concerned in the conflict. If all practical instruments to reach a happy conclusion in the current situation are not brought into play, the problem of Cyprus could well become yet another of the unending crises in today's world, which is truly and wholly interdependent. Armed conflict in one part of the world is not limited to that region but can have unpredictable repercussions and ramifica tions throughout the rest of the world. The developing world has immense prospects in the new Law of the Sea. The Republic of Paraguay, as a developing landlocked country, firmly believes that that instrument, which has been given the world to redress irritating and dangerous injustices, represents a new step forward by mankind in its painstaking quest for a better distribution of the world's wealth amongst nations. On the basis of that belief, Paraguay has ratified the united Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and will suppor t that process, which redounds to the pres tige of the Organ ization and which may, in the future, be a source of truly lasting sa tisfaction. The Republic of Paraguay has co-operated and will continue to co-operate with our Organization's Commission on Human Rights. In the course of that co-operation it welcomed the visit of an independent advisor in 1986, who travelled throughout our country and became fully aware of the actual situation in Paraguay. Thatsame person, in pursuance of his work, which Paraguay continues to welcome, will visit our country again before the end of 1987. This is a demonstratlon of Paraguay's co-operation with the United Nations, which is dedicated to the promotion of human rights. Our Government responds immediately to all inquiries received from United Nations organs dealing with human rights, on the under standing that with the co-oper a tion of Member co un tr ies these organs will intensify their work to the benefit of our Organization. We warmly support the loyal co-operation of the United Nations with the Organization of American States and the Latin American Economic System. We value such co-operation and we see it as having a positive and realistic significance in the interdependent world we live in - a world whose problems always require global solutions. These assertions are valid in the political sphere, but their validity is eI1en more apparent in the economic field. My Government enthusiastically supports the proposal put forward in this universal forum by the Republic of Brazil for the declaration and establishment of a zone of peace and co-operation in the South Atlantic. This valuable initiative for world peace and for free and progressive interplay in the South American continent deserves the attention of all international organizations which must work out specific programmes for this vital area of the world, in the arduous tasks of achieving peace with justice, equal opportunity and economic growth for everyone wi thou t exception. We can state with absolute certainty that men and women the world over look to the United Nations and its task with faith and confidence. They are at the very core of the efforts we make here on behalf of peace and progress for mankind. and they place their trust in our Organization and in the spirit of those who convene here to represent their Governments in order to foster the ideals and commitments of the founders and ensure for all the inhabi tants of the globe the bless ings of peace and the establishment of justice in international relations. We bear witness to our sharing this noble spirit and to our commitment that e shall work united in order to achieve these objectives and ideals, without which life would have no meaning, and to ensure a future free of storm clouds obscurin~ mankind's vision. We must freely shoulder our responsibility to bequeath to our children and I Jr children's children the happy world future generations will expect - a world without discrimination, without error, without injustice that engenders exasperation and dejection, and a creati'le atmosphere wi th joy, peace and moral fulfilment.
  1 mtg
• , 113, 120, AND 121 APIDIN'lMEN'lS 'ID FILL VACANCIES IN SUBSIDIARY ORGAN; AND OTHER APIDIN'lMEN'l'S (a) APOOIN'lMENT OF MEMBERS OF TIE ADVISORY OOMMrrTEE ON ADMINIS'IRATIVE AND BUDGETARY QJESTIONS~ REIDRT OF THE FIFTH O)l+iITTEE (A/42/864 AND AdcL1) (b) APOOIN'lMENT OF MEMBERS OF TIE OOMMrrTEE ON Q)Nl'RmUTION;~ RElORT OF TIE FIFTH OOl-MITTEE (A/42/865) (c) APPOnt'lMENT OF A MIMBER OF THE BOARD OF AUOrroRS: REIDRT OF THE FIFTH Q)~ITTEE (A/ 42/ 866) (d) {l)NFIRMATlON OF TIE APR)IN'lMENT OF MEMBERS OF THE INVES'lMENTS ffiMMITTEE: REIDRT OF THE FIFTH OOMM I'l'TEE (A/4 2/ 86 7) (e) APPOIN'lMENT OF MEMBERS OF THE UNrrED NATION; ADMIN IS'IRATlVE 'm. IBUNAL: REIDRT OF THE FIFTH OOMMITTEE (A/42/86B) (g) APPOINn.1ENT OF MEMBERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL CIVIL SERVICE CDMMISSlON: REIDRT OF THE FIFTH CDl+1 ITTEE (A/ 4 2/ 86 9) FINANCIAL REfORm AND AlmITm FINANCIAL STATEMENTS, AND REIDR'1B OF THE BOARD OF AUDI'lORS: REIQRT OF THE FIFTH c:x»MITTEE (A/42/697) PATTERN OF {l)NF'ERENCES ~ REFOR'lS OF THE FrFTH CDMMITTEE (A/42/764, A/42/873) SCALE OF AgSESSMEN'IS Ft>R THE APIDRTIO~ENT OF THE EXPEN3ES OF THE UNITED NATIONS: REIDRT OF THE FIFTH OOMMITTEE (A/42/852) The ffiEEIDENT (interpretation from Russian): I call upon Mr. Felix Aboly-£i-Kouassi, Rapporteur of the Fifth Corrmittee, to introduce the reports of the Fifth Committee on agenda items 17, 113, 120 and 121. Mr. PBOLY-BI-KOUASSI (COte d'Ivoire) (Rapporteur of the Fifth Conanittee) (interpretation from French): I have the honour of presenting to the General Assembly for its consideration four reports of the Fifth Cormnittee. The first, under agenda item 17, "Appointmen ts to fill vacancies in subsidiary organs and other appoinbnents". In paragraph 4 of documents A/42/864 and Add.1 on agenda item 17 (a), ".Appointment of members of the Advisory Committee on Administrative and Budge tary Ques tions," the Pi. fth Conuni ttee reconmends that the General Assembly should appoint the following persons as member s of the Advisory Committee on Mmin is tr ative and &1dge tary Ques tions~ for a three~ear term of office beginning on 1 January 1988: Mr. Bagbeni Adeito Nzengeya, of zaire, Mr. Even Fontaine-ortiz, of Cuba, Mr. Richard Nygard, of the United states of America, Mr. Tjaco T. van den Hoot, of the Nether1ands~ and Mr. Viktor A. Vis1ykh, of the Un ion of Soviet Socialist Republics. For a term of office beginning on 11 December 1987 and ending on 31 December 1988 the Fifth Commi ttee recommends that the General Assembly should ap1X>int Mr. Ferguson O. Iheme, of Nigeria, and, for a term of office beginning on 1 February 1988 and ending on 31 December 1989, Mr. Tadanor i Inomata, of Japan. Under agenda item 17 Cb), entitled "Appointment of members of the committee on Contributions", the Fifth Committee recommends in paragraph 4 of its report (A/42/86S) that the General Assembly appoint the following persons as members of the Committee on Contributions: for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 1988, Mr. Amjad AI! of Pakistan, Mr. Ernesto Battisti of Italy, Mr. Alain Catta of France, Mr. Yur! Chulkov of the Soviet Union, Mr. Mauro Sergio da Fonseca Costa Couto of Brazil and Mr. Wang Liansheng of Chir for a two-year term of office beginning on 1 January 1988, Mr. Peter Gregg of Australia, and, for a one-year term of office beginning on 1 January 1988, MI. Kenshiroh Akirroto of Japan. Under agenda item 17 (c), entitled "Appointment of a member of the BOard 0 Auditors", the Fifth Committee recommends in paragraph 4 of its report (A/42/86 that the General Assembly appoint the Auditor-General of Ghana as a memer of tl United Nations Board of Auditors for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 July 1988. Under agenda item 17 (d), entitled "Confirmation of the appointment of mem !rs of the Investments Committee", the Fifth Committee recommends in paragraph 4 of lts report (A/42/867) that the General Assembly confirm the appointment by the Secretary-General of the following persons as members of the Investments Commit ee for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 1988: Mr. Jean Guyot, Mr. George Johnston and Mr. Michiya Matsukawa. Under agenda item 17 (e), entitled "Appointment of members of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal", the Fifth Committee recommends in paragraph 5 of its report (A/42/868) that the General Assembly appoint the following persons c members of the United Nations Administrative Tribunal for a three-year term of office beginning on 1 January 1988: Mr. Francisco Forteza of Uruguay and Mr. loan Voicu of Romania. Here it should be pointed out that the representative of Denmark, speaking on behalf of the members of the European Community, the representative of New Zealand, speaking also on behalf of Australia and Canada, the representative of the United States, the representative of Norway, speaking also on behalf of Iceland and Sweden, and the representative of Japan spoke to expla~n why they did not associate themselves with the recommendation to appoint Mr. Ioan Voicu of Rumania. Finally, under agenda item 17 (g), entitled "Appointment of members of the rnternational Civil Service Commission", the Fifth Committee recommends in paragraph 4 of its report (A/42/869) that the General Assembly appoint the following persons as members of the International Civil Service Commission for a two-year term of office beginning on 1 January 1988: Mr. Michel Jean Bardoux of France and Mr. Ku Tashiro of Japan. I now turn to the report (A/42/697) of the Fifth Committee concerning agenda item 113, entitled "Financial reports and audited financial statements, and reports o£ the Board of Auditors". The reports referred to relate to the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Children's Fund, the united Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, the United Nations Institute for Training and Research, voluntary funds administered by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the United Nations Fund for Population Activities. At its 16th meeting the Fifth Committee adopted a draft resolution concerning those reports. In paragraph 8 of its report (A/42/697) the Fifth Committee recommends to the General Assembly the adoption of a draft resolution in which it would, inter alia, recommend that all future reports of the Board of Auditors continue to include separate sections that summarize recommendations for correotive aotion to be taken by the organizations and programmes concerned, with an indication of relative urgency, and that report on specific measures taken by the secretary-General and exeoutive heads of these organizations and programmes tc implement previous recommendations of the Board and comment on the efficacy of sue measures and the extent to which problems recur, giving particular attention to recurrent problems related to over-expenditures, incorrect use of funds, control procedures relating to payments of allowances and benefits and other instances of non-oompliance with financial and budgetary regulations and rules. The Fifth Committee adopted that draft resolution without a vote. The next report (A/42/764) of the Fifth Committee concerns agenda item 120, entitled "Pattern of conferences". At its 29th meeting the Fifth Committee adopted, without a vote, draft resolutions A, Band C, conoerning this agenda item. In paragraph 8 of its report the Fifth Committee recommends to the General Assembly the adoption of these three draft resolutions. Under draft resolution A the General Assembly would decide to extend the current mandate and status of the Conmdttee on Conferences for a further year fre 1 January to 31 December 1988 and would request the President of the General Assembly to maintain the present composition of the Committee for that period, without this constituting a precedent. Under draft resolution B it would apprOVE the draft calendar of conferences and meetings of the United Nations for the biennium 1988-1989 and would authorize the Committee on Conferences to make any adjustments in that calendar that may become necessary as a result of actions an, decisions taken by the General Assembly as its forty-second session. In draft resolution C attention is drawn to the increasing difficulties in the provision conference services, which are reflected particularly in delays in the distribut >0 of documents and unequal treatment of some official languages. For this reason, under this draft resolution, the Secretary-General would be requested to take the necessary measures to ensure the provision of conference services to the United Nations with adequate personnel, with due respect for the equal treatment of all official languages of the Organization. I should like now to turn to the fourth and last report of the Fifth Committee for this afternoon's meeting, that is, the one contained in document A/42/852, concerning agenda item 121, entitled "Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the expenses of the United Nations". At its 51st meeting the Fifth Committee adopted, without a vote, a draft resolution concerning the scale of assessments for the apportionment of the expenses of the United Nations. In paragraph 6 of its report the Fifth Committee recommends to the General Assembly the adoption of this draft resolution, under which, inter alia, the Committee on Contributions would be requested to recommend to the General Assembly at its forty-third session a scale of assessments for the period 1989-1991 prepared on the basis of the methodology and criteria used to prepare the current scale and, in this connection, to review the limits in the scheme to avoid excessive variations of individual rates of assessment between successive scales. The reports I have had the honour of presenting concern the agenda items before the General Assembly this afternoon relating to the Fifth Committee's work. On behalf of that Committee, it is my pleasure to recommend to the General Assembly the adoption of these draft resolutions.
  1 mtg
• , 132 to 135, 137 to 139, and 126 United Nation> Programme of Assistance in the Teaching, Study, Dissa-Lination and Wider Appreciatldn of International Law~ Reiort of the Sixth Oommittee (A/42/833) Proffiessive Deveidpment of the Principles and Norms of Intmnational Law Relating to the New International Eooidmic Order~ Reiort of the Sixth Oommittee (A/42/834) Peaceful Settlement of Disrjtes Be'Lween States~ Remrt of the Sin'H Cdmmittee (Ai 42/815) Draft Oode of Offences Against the Peace and Seajrity of Mankind: Reiort of the S I Xl'H Comm. Ittee (A/42/835) Reklrt of the United Nation; Oommiss Ion on International Trade Law on the Work of Its 1Went Iet H S Ess 10 N~ Re Port of the Sixth Cdmm Ittee (A/ 42/83 6) <L>Ns Ideration of Effecrive Measures 'Id Enhance the Protecrion, Seojrity and Safety of Dipidmatic and Cdnsular Mission; and Representatives~ Report of the Sixth Q)Mmittee (A/42/769) Reklrt of the Ad !Dc Oommittee on the Drafting of an International Oonvention Aga.Inst the Recltui'Lment, Use, Financing and 'Training of Mercenaries (A) Reoort of the Sixi'H Cdmmittee (A/42/816) (B) Report of the Fifth Committee (A/42/846) (C) Letter Frex.T Malawi (A/42/802) Refort of the International Law Oommission on the Work of Its Thirty-Ninth Session~ Report of the Sixth Cdmmittee (A/42/837) Reidrt of the Special Q)Mmittee on the Charter of the United Nation:; and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization (A) Reoort of the Sixth Oommittee (A/42/817) (B) Report of the Fifth Cdmmittee (A/42/847) Development and Stralgl'Hening of <Dod-Neighbourliness Be'Lween States ~ Reeort of the Sixth Mmm It'L'Ee (A/ 4 2/818) Draft Body of Principles Eor the Protecrion of All Person:; Under Any Form of Detention or Imprisor-Tent~ Report of the Sixth Cdmmittee (A/42/8191 Measures '10 Prevent International Terrorism Which Endangers or Takes Innocent Ht Tan Lives or Je')Pardizes Fund1Imental Freedcms and S'!Udy of the Underlynlg Causes of Thjse Forms of Terrorism and Acl'S of Violence Which Lie in Misery, Frtb'Lratlon, Gl.Ievance and Despair and Which Ca(5E Scme People 'Id Saquflce Hl.Man Lives, Includmg Their Cmn, in an Attempl' 'Id Effecl' Radical Changes (A) Rerjrt of the Secretary-General (B) Cdnvenrng, Under the Auspices of the Unrred Natiom, of an International Cdnference to Define Terrorism and 'Id Different Late It Froo the S'Lruggle Oe Peoples !!Or Natlonal Liberatldn (C) Rerjrt of the Sixth Ooz.Mittee (A/42/832)
  1 mtg
• (con ti n ued) THE S I'l'UAT ION IN THEMIDOLE EAST~ REOORTS OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (A/42/277, A/42/465 and Md.l, A/42/714) Mr. OSMAN (Somalia); The search for peace in the Middle East rightly continues to be a major concern of the united Nations. Indeed, the deteriorating situation in the region makes it imperative that Member States intensify their efforts to bring an end to this persistent threat to regional and world peace and secur ity. In its earliest days the question of Palestine was thrown into the lap of this world Organ iza tion and th is ques tion, as we are all aware, rema ins as the root cause of MiCkile Fast tension and conflict. 'lbday there is wide agreement on the need for a comprehens ive settlement of Middle East problems, cen tred around the legi timate aspirations and rights of the Palestin ian people. Somalia strongly supports the fundamental elements for a just and lasting MieXlle East peace which have been established in relevant resolutions of the securi ty Council and the General Assembly. Those resolu tions are firmly based on the Charter and accepted pr inciples of international law. They confirm that it is inadmissible to acquire territory through force, and they also confirm the right of peoples to self-determination and independence. We jo in in the call for the complete withdrawal of Israeli forces from all Arab territory occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem, and for recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and statehood in Palestine. Unfortunately, the path to peace continues to be obstructed by Israel's intransigence, by its contempt for the decisions of the Security Council and by its gross violations of international law. HCM else can one characterize Israel's (Mr. Osman, Somalia) decision to annex Jerusalem, its enactment of the so-called "basic law" and its attempts to change the character of the Holy City of Jerusalem? How else can one character ize its equally illegal annexa tion of the Syr ian GOlan Heigh ts, or the over t actions aimed at incorpor ating the West Bank and Gaza in to an ex~i':lsionist Israeli Sta te? And what should one say about the da ily humil ia tions, in justices and brutalities visited on the Arab people under Israeli occupation, or the on-going violation of Lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity through military aggression and occupation? It is these obnoxious policies which generate continuing 'violence and bloodshed in the Middle East, and there will be no peace unless they are ended and their effects nullified. Above all, there can be no peace in the region while Israel continues with its obsessive efforts to deny the Palestinians not only their legitimate political rights but also their very existence as a people. Ha..I ironic it is that those who pursue this genocidal policy are the ones who insist that the wor Id never forge t the Naz i holocaust. The world cOJmlunity must not tolerate this injustice of historic proportions. Somalia believes that an important step towards peace in the Middle East would be for the Security Council to reinforce the provisions of resolution 242 (1967) by affirming clearly, and in no uncertain terms, that the Palestinian people have a legal right to sel f~etermination, including the establishmen t of an independen t. State in Palestine. We also strongly support the call of the United Nations General Assembly - repeated over the past three years - for the convening of an international peace oonference on the Middle E3st under the auspices of the United Nations. It is gratifying that support for the conference has come from a wide spectrum of international opinion and from the major political and regional groups. '!'heY recognize that the conference would provide the legal and political ..me\llork for negotiations leading to a oomprehensive settlement. The chosen and £t .. i timate representative of the Palestinian people - the Palestine Liberation ).e9 rr8ni~ation (PLO) - wou1d of course have to take part in the conference on an ot,:, 1 footing with the other parties. ~1J8 My Q)vernment welcomes the Palestine Liberation Organization's stated support We also welcome its commitment to peace the conven ing of the peace confer ence. £or the basis of united Nations resolutions on the Middle East and Palestine - a 011 itment which is in keeping with the peace plan adopted at the Arab summit cofl\l1l eting in Fez in 1981 and reaffirmed by subsequent Arab sUllll\it meetings. l\le The united Na tions security Council has a role to play in proJOOting the peace J:er ence and establishing the modalities for its convening. My delegation hopes coo). t: the constructive efforts of the Secretary-General to achieve unanimity in the th8 eil on matter S of procedure and substance will meet wi th the necessary collO r'lera tion from all par ties. CO-cC' It is evident that the drift of events in the Middle East is not towards l1I1derstanding and peace. Without new and increased efforts to establish justice .:l legality, the situation in the area is likely to deteriorate and the familiar aJ1l1 t r n 0 f v iolence and bloodshed is 1 ik ely to become ever more dangerous to pate l1iooa1 and world peace and security. It is surely in the best interests of all re., Par ties concernfld to use the framework for peace provided by the Uni ted Na tions the to seize every opportunity to work for a lasting solution to the Arab-Israeli and fliCt. It is time for an end to the agony and pa in of the Pales tin ians and 1:0. con '" miC violence and conflict. It is time for: the Middle East to enjoy the en(~e fits of security and peace. beoe Somalia gives its unquali fied support to the resolu tions 00 the Middle East which are before this General Assembly and which reflect its position on the Middle East and Palestin ian issues. Only through the full and practical implementa Hon of these resolutions can a co~rehensive settlement of the Middle East confl ict be achieved. Mr. NOCIJEIRA-BATISTA (Brazil): I should like to start my remarks by quoting one of the concluding observa tions of the Secretary-General in his report to this session of the Gener al Assembly,: "Forty years have passed since the General Assembly adopted its initial resolutions concerning the Arab-Israel conflict. Yet despite this long-standing United Nations involvement, and despite the numerous resolutions adopted since 1947 by both the Security Council and the General Assembly, the people of the area have been subjected to endless suffer ing and to five major wars. Tens of thousands of lives have been lost, and the conflict continues to be explosive, with ramifications not only for the region but for the entire international community. And at the core of this conflict lies the plight of the Palestin ian people, most of whom now live under occupa tion or in exile. If (A/42/714, para. 36) The Brazilian Government strongly supports the view that a peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine should be sought on the basis of the principles of the Charter and of relevant united Nations resolutions, in particular Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). The search for a just, comprehensive and lasting solution to this question, which remains at the core of the Israeli-Arab conflict, should therefore in our view observe the following guidelines~ the complete withdrawal of the Israeli forces from all Arab territories occupied since 1967; the recognition of the right of all States in the region, including Israel, Palestin ian people's right to s elf-de termina tion, independence and sovereignty in their own territory~ and the participation of the Palestinian people, through the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), their sole and legitimate representative, in any negotiations regarding their future. We take note with great interest of the intense political-diplomatic activity wi thin the Uni ted Na tions and among the parties involved in the Arab-Israeli dispute on ways and means to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict. The Brazilian Government sees with satisfaction the emergence of the idea of conven ing an international peace conference on the Middle East. In our view such conference should be held under the auspices of the Uni ted Nations, wi th the participation of all interested parties including the PLO. We are persuaded that such an initiative offers the best chance for a successful, comprehensive, peaceful settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. In the context of the disputes in the Middle East, my country has a particUlar sense of dismay at the tragedy taking place in Lebanon and the suffering of its people through so many years of war and instability. We see threatened the integrity of a State with which my country has close ties of friendship, due to the presence in Brazil of a large and industrious contingent of Lebanese and their descendants. My delegation regrets that the relevant United Nations resolutions on the Lebanese question have not been fully complied with, resolutions which would undoubtedly provide a proper framework for the ini tia tion of concre te negotiations between the parties involved. The territorial integrity, sovereignty and political independence of Lebanon must be respected. We therefore appeal once more to all foreign forces to wi thdraw from Lebanon, in order to enable that country to begin a process of internal reconciliation and national reconstruction and assume its traditional relevant role Mr. OOS SANTOS (Mozanbique): l!'or JOOre than four decades the situation in the Middle East has been an object of concern to world public opinion. The General Assembly and the Secur i ty Council have voiced that concern and continuously keep the issue under considera tion. They have aoopted many resolu tions and recommendations on the subject, yet the situation has not. improved. More than ever before, the Middle East remains one of the main sources of threat to international peace and security. The persistence of such tension as a result of the continued Israeli aggressive practices will inevitably lead to an escalation of acts of violence • The question of Palestine - the core of the Middle Fast question - remains unresolved. The birthright of the Palestinian people to self-determination and independence remains unrealized. The Palestin ian people were forced to leave their homeland and seek refuge all around the Middle East. Those who remined in occupied Palestine are victims of oonstant repression by the occupying author i ties. Even those who seek she! ter in other countries are not safe from the aggressive act.ions of the Israeli I authorities: they are pursued, bomed, kidnapped and killed. Israel still continues its bloody attacks against the Palestinian people in the refugee camps in Lebanon, shelling them from the sea and air and causing loss of life, particularly among children and women. The practice of sealing off refugee camps in Lebanon is a well-knCMn fact to us alL The tragic scenes we have viewed on our television screens in Sidon, Tyre and Beirut have not yet been forgotten. Those actions are not limited t.o the Middle East. The cowardly and unjustified aggression perpetrated by Israel against. Tunisia in 1985 is still fresh in our memrles and clearly illustrates h~ far Israel is prepared to go to fulfil its expansionist and aggressive policies. Israel's aggress ive policies both inside and ou tside the occupied Arab territor ies continue unabated. The illegal settlements practices in occupied terr i tor ies, expropr ia tion and deporta tion have been reinforced. Israeli activities in occupied ter r itor ies, from the West Bank to the Gaza Strip and the Syrian Golan, are especially disturbing. The Judaization of those territories through the installation of Jewish settlers is nothing but an attempt to alter the dellOgraphic character of the occupied terri tories. Th is policy is not only oon trary to the relevant united Na tions resolutions but also fur ther campI ica tes the already difficul t si tua tion prevail ing in the Middle East. Israel continues to occupy southern Lebanon from where it carries out its aggr ession and harassment against that coun try, particularly the surrounding villages and popUlation. We strongly condemn the occupation and annexation of the southern part of that territory and we warmly salute the resistance struggle of the Lebanese people aimed at the maintenance of their independence, unity and territorial integrity. We vehemently reject the unacceptable Israeli claim that its annexation of southern Lebanon was prompted by its own security reasons and needs. one's security is not supposed to be at the expense of another's independence and territorial integrity. We demand that Israel respect lebanon's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and international law. The ongoing collaboration between Israel and racist South Africa is a matter of great concern to the international community. The co-operation between those regimes, particularly in the military and nuclear fields, poses a great danger to international peace and security. Their international behaviour speaks for itself. Both regimes are equally aggressive and expansionist in nature and practice. They destabilize their neighbours and create instability in their respective regions. It is a well known fact tha t both regimes cannot survive without the support that they enjoy from their allies which, ironically enough, happen to be the same. It has been reiterated time and again that the question of Palestine is at the heart of the Middle East conflict. Therefore, peace in the Middle East can be achieved only with the fulfilment of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including their right to self -determina tion and the establishment of a sovereign, independent State. Peace in the Middle Fast can be achieved only with Israel's withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories and strict respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of all the States of the region, as well as their right to live in peace and freedom. My delegation joins all the delegations which have expressed themselves in favour of the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East, within the framework of the United Nations, as a major contribution to the achievement of a comprehens ive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. Such a oonference, to be attended by all the permanent members of the security Council and all parties concerned, should also include the participa tion of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, on an equal footing. We under stand that differences still exis t, especially as regards the scope, date and, above all, participation in the conference. Our opinion is that such differences must be resolved as soon as possible. We are all aware of the complex na ture of the issues involved. We do not expect miracles. What is needed is unshakeable political determination. It is our sincere hope that, once the Assembly at this session reaffirms its position on the question of the Middle East and the ways and means of achieving a peaceful solution, all parties will respond favourably. My country fully supports the efforts of the united Nations Secretary-General to help bring about progress in the peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. We hope that he will continue his active contacts with the parties concerned to achieve a just and lasting solution. The Arah-Israeli dispute is not the only source of tension in the Middle East. The war between Iran and Iraa has now entered its eighth year. That war has not only taken thousands of lives on both sides involved but has also brought about untold suffering and destruction of propertYJ it has led to incalculable waste of national resources and wealth, with nefarious conseauences for social anc economic activities. Mother alarming aspect of this conflict is the fact that the mo['e it is prolonged the greater are the chances of external interference. Recent developments speak for themselves. It is our sincere hope that both parties to the oonflict will respond to the repeated calls that have been made in the ~n-Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the thited N3.tions. At the same time, all those not involved in the conflict must refrain from activities tha t can lead only to the worsening of the si tua tion, wi th all its consequences for international peace and security. It is our opinion that the unprecedented build-up of foreign military presence in the area will not help ease the conflict. The threat Or use of force will not end the crisis. A political solution must be found, and th is implies poli tical commi tment and ne go tia tions. To conclude, my delegation would like to avail itself of this opportunity to pay a well-deserved tr ibu te to the Pales tin ian people, who in spi te of the di fficulties endured have not lost hope and courage and have persisted in their struggle under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization, their sole, legi timate r epresen ta tive. Mr • ..x>SSE (Nepal)~ It is n~ 20 years since the security Council unanimously adopted resolution 242 (1967). At that time it was seen as a big step forward along the road to a comprehensive and negotia ted settlemen t of all aspects of the Arab-Israel conflict. It is therefore sobering that since then the people of the Middle East have been subjected to all the attendant horrors, tribulations and suffering of two major wars. Earlier they had already undergone the trauma of two oth er ma jar confr on ta tions. In such circumstances it is natural that the international community should experience a sense of frustration and helplessness. In recalling that violence and an imum have become par t and parcel of da ily life in the Middle Eas t, one is seized by a mood of melancholy and despa ir. A feel ing of despondency is genera ted by the thought that the fragile status auo may at any time be shattered by another, perhaps even more devastating, Arah-Israel conflict. ~he uncertainties created by the ongoing Iran-Iraa war, now well into its eighth year, obviously only heighten· apprehensions all round. As the relevant reports of the Secretary-General point out so well, the uneasy and tense status QUo has been bought at an unacceptably high price by the parties concerned: a slow-down in economic development, disruption of social stability and curtailment of freedom of choice. Against such a sombre backdrop it is clear that the international community will have to set as a central priority the search for a comprehensive settlement that secures a just and lasting peace that meets the aspirations of all the people of the region. As far as Nepal is concerned, one such basic aspiration relates to the Palestinian people. It is Nepal's firm conviction that a comprehensive Middle East peace settlement must he premised on recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people, whose sole, legitimate representative is the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), to such a homeland in the region. Similarly, Nepal continues to believe that Israel, a full Member of this world body, has the right to independent, sovereign existence in the region. This aspiration, too, must be recognized by all, including the main parties to the Arab-Israel conflict, if a lasting and just settlement is to he achieved. In Nepal's view, to do otherwise would he tantamount to undermining universally accepted principles of inter-State hehaviour and the United Nations, which, as we all know, had a seminal role in Israel's creation. Nepal helieves t:hat all States in the reg ion, includ ing Israel, have the right to live within secure and recognized borders. It is convinced, however, that no structure of durable peace can be built in the Middle East on the sands of illegal occupation. Thus it is of the view that a lasting peace settlement in the Middle East will continue to elude the international community as long as Israel oolds on to territories of other sovereign States and brazenly engages in a human settlements policy there, in clear defiance of the accepted norms of international law. My delegation also wishes to reiterate that Nepal firmly opposes Israel's ~licy of creating so-called security zones within the territory of its sovereign neighbour. It rejects as unacceptable and spurious any doctrine that claims that Israel's security and sovereignty are more important than the security and sovereignty of Lebanon. Having outlined the main elements of Nepal's policy and concerns in the Middle East, may I add that our vote on the relevant draft resolutions under the agenda item under review will be guided by these, in addition to our firm support for Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). On behalf of my delegation, I wish to express deep appreciation to the Secretary-General for his unremitting endeavours to bring peace to the Middle East. In particular, we note his special efforts to promote the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East under united Nations auspices. On this occasion we wish to affirm Nepal's continuing support for any peace initiative that is likely to lead to the achievement of a just and lasting peace. This includes bilateral as well as international endeavours, in particular negotiations held under united Nations auspices. Nepal continues to endorse the proposal for an international peace conference with the participation of all the parties directly concerned and the permanent members of the security Council. year, including those with members of the Security Council, on the principles and moda1ities of such a conference. We would, if called upon, extend our fullest co-operation in similar consultations with the Secretary-General, following our non-permanent membership of the Security Council beginning 1 January 1988. While being somewhat heartened by the Secretary-Generalis view that the composition and agenda of such an international conference on the Middle East need not present insurmountable obstacles, we agree that the inability of the Government of Israel, as a whole, to accept the principle of such a conference under united Nations auspices constitutes a serious road-block to prospects for a durable Middle East peace. While also being encouraged by the wide international support for such a conference, we appeal for co-operation and understanding from all concerned in this regard. In closing, I should like to recall that, for several years now, as a modest contribution to peace in the Middle East, Nepal has participated in the operations of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) at not inconsiderable physical and financial sacrifice~ and, while we do not harbour any illusions that such a peace-keeping operation can be a substitute for a comprehensive and negotiated peace settlement, we maintain that it has a valuable conflict-limiting and conflict-prevention role within its area of operation. We are, therefore, discouraged that financial support for UNIFIL has not been as forthcoming from some quarters as expected. However, we welcome commitments to greater financial contributions to UNIFIL from other sources. Mr. DIMKA (Nigeria): The United Nations was founded to end wars, to promote the peaceful settlement of disputes, to assure the enjoyment of human rights and to promote the self-determination of all peoples. Regrettably, these lofty objectives are being violated daily in the Middle East. The reason for the grave situation there is well known and arises from the aggressive policy of the state of Israel, whose expansionist ambitions have led it to deny the people of Palestine the right to self-determination in a state of their own, as provided for in General Assembly resolution 181 (II) of 1947. The expansionist policy of Israel has also aggravated its conflict with its neighbours in the Middle East. The United Nations has been seized of the various elements of the Middle East problem since 1947. This year, then, marks the fortieth year of the painful tragedy of the Palestinian people, whose plight is at the heart of the Middle F.ast problem. The plight of the Palestinian people is again captured, as it has always been since 1976, in the two documents before the General Assembly, the report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, document A/42/35, and the report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Population of the Occupied Territorip.s, document A/42/650. Both documents paint a depressing picture of the brutalization of the people of Palestine. Both documents also depict Israeli annexation of occupied Arah territories, expulsion and deportation of Palestinians, restriction of freedom of movement, maSs punishment and repeated closure of Arab universities in occupied territories. It is no exaggeration to state that the Palestinian people and the people of South Africa are those who have suffered the most brutality since the United Nations was founded. This year is also another inglorious anniversary in the Middle EAst. Twenty years ago, the State of Israel seized large chunks of Arab territory in the west Bank, the Gaza Strip, the Golan Heights and East Jerusalem, thereby bringing under its control a large number of Palestinians and Syrians. Half a decade ago Israel, without provocation and in another violation of the Charter, invaded Lebanon and, as I speak, it still maintains a so-called security zone in the area. In clear violation of Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter of the United Nations, which prohibits acquisition of territories by conquest, Israel has moved to change the physical character and demographic composition of the occupied territories. The united Nations has rightly described Israeli action in the occupied territories as null and void. The Israeli action of creeping annexations, periodic invasions and incessant repression have continued to aggravate tension in the Middle East and make difficult of attainment the peace sought by the majority of states. Yet the need for peace in the Middle East is now more urgent than ever, if the region is not to slip into another regional war with cataclysmic conseauences. The united Nations has been relentless in its search for peace in the Middle East. Security Council resolution 242 (1967) spelled out the principles that should be applied for the attainrnentof a just and lasting peace in the region. The principles were confirmed in Security Council resolution 338 (1973), which called for their implementation. Briefly, the principles are the withdrawal of the armed forces of Israel from territories occupied in the 1967 conflict, the cessation of the state of belligerency, and "acknowledgement of the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of every State in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries free from threats or acts of force." (Security Council resolution 242 (1967». These principles were further elaborated in the 1983 Geneva Declaration on Palestine, which stated that the guidelines were, inter alia: "(a) The attainment by the Palestinian people of its legitimate inalienable rights, including the right to return, the right to self-determination and the right to establish its own independent state in Palestine; "(b) The right of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the representative of the Palestinian people, to participate on an equal footing with other parties in all efforts, deliberations and conferences on the Middle East; n(c) The need to put an end to Israel's occupation of the Arab territories, in accordance with the principle of the inadmissibility of the acauisition of territory by force, and, consequently, the need to secure Israel-Is withdrawal from the territories occupied since 1961, including Jerusalem; "(d) The need to oppose and reject such Israeli policies and practices in the occupied territories, including Jerusalem, and any de facto situation created by Israel as are contrary to international law and relevant {Jnited Nations resolutions, particularly the establishment of settlements, as these policies and practices constitute major obstacles to the achievement of pe~ce in the Middle East; nee) The need to reaffirm as null and void all legislative and administrative measures and actions taken by Israel, the occupying Power, which have altered or purported to alter the character and status of the Holy City of Jerusalem, including the expropriation of land and property situated thereon, and in particular the so-called Basic Law on Jerusalem and the proclamation of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel; "(f) The right of all States in the region to existence within secure and internationally recognized boundaries, with justice and security for all the people, the sine qua non of which is the recognition and attainment of the legitimate, inalienable rights of the Palestinian people". (A/CONF.114/42, p.2) To give effect to those principles, the Geneva Conference suggested the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East under United Nations auspices. Self-determination of peoples and peaceful settlement of disputes are two major foreign policy principles of the Government of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Accordingly, Nigeria endorsed the elements of the Geneva Declaration embodied in resolution 38/58 C of 13 December 1983 and voted for the resolution in the belief that it offered the framework for resolving the four-decade-old Arab-Israeli dispute. However, the statement in the Secretary-GeneralIs report concerning his laudable efforts to pursue the convening of an international peace conference on the Middle East is disappointing. In the words of Mr. Perez de Cuellar: nIt has not yet proved possible to obtain the agreement of all the parties to the principle of an international conference" (A/42/l, p. 2). Whilst we encourage the Secretary-General to continue his consultations with all parties to ensure the convening of an international peace conference, we cannot but make known our concern at IsraelIs reluctance, indeed absolute refusal, to participate in such an international peace conference. The reluctance of Israel is tacit opposition to a peaceful settlement that could win universal approval and endorsement. The delegation of Nigeria once again reauests all parties, especially the Government of Israel, to give peace a chance by co-operating with the United (Mr. Dimka, Nigeria) Nations in the auest for a comprehensive and negotiated solution for the most tragic and longest conflict of the twentieth century. Israel could advance the cause of peace in the Middle East by implementing certain confidence-building measures. Amongst other things, Israel should cease forthwith its "iron-fist" policy in the occupied territories. It should, in addition, stop the ~uilding and/or expansion of settlements. Israel should also withdraw its troops from southern Lebanon to enable the United Nations force in Lebanon to fulfil its mandate. These actions will signal readiness on the part of Israel to give peace a chance so that the long drawn swords in the Middle East can be turned into ploughshares. Mr. OUDOVENKO (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) . (interpretation from Russian): In the past 40 years, the world has witnessed more than 100 regional conflicts and wars, in which more than 20 million people have fallen victim. Unfortunately, we note that a large number of those bloody conflicts took place in the region of the Middle East. One after another, destructive conflicts have occurred in the Middle East, causing the Arab world extremely heavy losses, eXhausting its material and intellectual resources and diverting its peoples from the path of constructive development. AS has been pointed out over a period of time, the long-lasting conflicts, causing the loss of hundreds of thousands of human lives, have somehow become an every-day matter, part of our newspaper and television news. The Arab-Israeli conflict, now falling more and more under the shadow of the bloody and lengthy Iran-Iraa war, is an example of such habitual news. It is dangerous not only because there is a constant threat of the outbreak of war; it also serves as an obstacle to the solution of fundamental international problems. In the absence of such a solution, it is impossible to guarantee that mankind will not be annihilated. The world community has never failed to give attention to Middle East problems. This is the justification for the conclusion reached by the Secretary-General of the united Nations in his report on this question: "Forty years have passed since the General Assembly adopted its initial resolutions concerning the Arab-Israeli conflict. Yet despite this long-standing United Nations involvement, and despite the numerous resolutions adopted since 1947 by both the Security Council and the General Assembly, the people of the area have been subjected to endless suffering and to five major wars. Tens of thousands of lives have been lost, and the conflict continues to be explosive, with ramifications not only for the region but for the entire international community. And at the core of this conflict lies the plight of the Palestinian people, most of whom now live under occupation or in exile." (A/42/714, para. 36) How can we save the Arab peoples from this recurring threat of war? The answer is simple: only by putting an end to the danger of constantly renewed aggression on the part of Israel, which, from the day of its establishment, has failed to comply with international law as represented by the United Nations, its Charter and its decisions, which date from 1947 to the present day. Not limiting itself to depriving the Palestinian people of their rights to self-determination and national independence, Israel in 1967 committed aggression against three neighbouring Arab countries - Egypt, Syria and Jordan. The conSeauences of that war have still not been eradicated even now, 20 years later. The Palestinian and other occupied Arab territories which Israel seized were subjected to the establishment of an occupation regime based on terror and crude force. Then, Israel undertook the direct annexation of those lands, as in East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights. Israel's aggression gave rise to instability and tension in the Middle East. The fact that the Arab-Israeli conflict has not been settled has paved the way for the outbreak pf new conflicts. Responsibility for ma intaining .tension in the Middle East lies fully and precisely with Israel, ,but it also lies with those forces which are interested in exploiting this international conflict for their own selfish purposes •. Numerous decisions and resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly on the Middle East are openly sabotaged by Israel. The main reason for ignoring world public opinion and the will of the international community is the fact that, in its actions, it continues to rely on the comprehensive support of the United States. The special nature of the American-Israeli relationship is reflected in a very concentrated way in their "strategic alliance", especially in the participation of Israel in the American "Star Wars" programme. The united States fully protects its partner, giving it unlimited support in the military, political, economic, financial, information and propaganda and diplomatic fields. As a result of the above-mentioned support, Israel maintains its presence in southern Lebanon and occupies the West Bank and the Ga~a Strip, which belong to the Palestinian people, and the syrian Golan Heights. This support allows Israel not only to reject all pr.oposals for a just settlement to the conflict, but also to exert constant military and political pressure on the Arab countries actively favouring a settlement to the conflict. Special concern in the world community is b~ing caused by Israel's position on the matter of non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. For four decades it has had a consistent policy of comprehensive development of its nuclear capacity. There is particular evidence of this in Israel's stubborn refusal to join the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty. Numerous facts, constantly in the press, confirm that Israel has tested and has begun production of medium-range missiles capable of carrying nuclear warheads. This alarming fact is definitely confirmed in the Secretary-GeneralIs report on "Israel's nuclear weapons" (document A/42/581), where it says, in particular: n ••• There is no doubt that Israel has the technical capacity to manufacture nuclear weapons and possesses the means of delivery of such weapons to targets in the area". (A/42/581, para. 2) This policy, naturally, leads to a further aggravation of the situation in the Middle East. Today, as never before, it is clear that Israel's characteristic approach, through the use of force, to the complicated problems of the Middle East, ignores not only the legitimate interests of a number of Arab peoples, primarily the Palestinian people, but it also ignores the cardinal changes in the position of the international community with regard to the Middle East conflict. Opponents of a comprehensive Middle East settlement offer instead appeals for direct negotiations between Israel and its Arab neighbours. It is enough to recall the failure of the negotiations on the so-called "Palestinian autonomy" provided for by the Camp David agreements, and the inglorious history of the "peace agreement" imposed by Israel on Lebanon, in order to be convinced once again of the groundlessness of such an approach. There is another way. It lies in the formation within the united Nations, through joint efforts by Member States, of an integrated concept of establishing a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. This concept, reflected in decisions and resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council, assumes that the auestion of Palestine is at the root of the conflict in the Middle East and that its just settlement is possible only through collective efforts by all interested parties. Such a settlement should provide for the complete withdrawal of Israel forces from all Arab territories occupied since 1967. It should call for the implementation by the Arab people of Palestine of their inalienable national rights, including the right to self-determination and the establishment of their own independent State. It should call for the acknowledgement of the right of all States in the Middle East to live in conditions of peace and security. The establishment of a programme for this settlement, bearing in mind the legitimate interests of the parties and existing political realities, and ensuring that it has virtually the universal support of the international community, is undoubtedly to the credit of the United Nations. The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic actively supports this concept of a settlement and advocates its full and unconditional implementation in concrete action. It is our opinion that the time has come to apply the principles of new political thinking to a solution of the acute problems of the Middle East - a political thinking that requires boldness, a sober account of existing realities and a rejection of accustomed stereotypes. As was pointed out in the article by Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev entitled nThe Reality and Guarantees of a Secure World": " ••• at all stages of a conflict extensive use should be made of all means of a peaceful settlement of disputes and differences between States". The road to achieving a comprehensive and just settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict lies in convening a plenipotentiary international conference on the Middle East, to be held under the auspices of the united Nations, with the eaual participation of all interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and the permanent members of the Security Council. Since the last session of the General Assembly, there has been new international support for the idea of convening such a conference. There is convincing evidence of this in the interventions we have heard here by representatives of the most varied States. This was pointed out in the report of the Secretary-General in document A/42/714. In light of current developments in world events, the convening of a conference is hecoming a more urgent necessity. Now there is no alternative to an international peace conference on the Middle East. Even those who do not want to participate and who stubbornly vote against any resolution containing mention of that forum have started to agree that a conference is possible. Under these conditions, it is important to make a timely shift to practical steps for its preparation, beginning, for example, with the relevant preparatory work within the Security Council of the United Nations. We cannot fail to be concerned either at the fact that, before the convening of such a conference can be achieved, attempts are being made to turn it into window-dressing - a body with no real mandate - and to make it a screen to hide another round of separate negotiations. The Ukrainian SSR vigorously condemns such actions. The efforts of the international community today should be directed towards the development of favourable conditions for holding such a conference and the careful preparation therefor. The conference will be successful under only one condition, namely, if the interests of all states, the Arab States and Israel, are observerl. It is not a auestion of making peace hetween the parties for an hour and that an hour and a half later they begin firing weapons again. It is rather a auestion of establishing a system in the Middle East that will ensure lasting peace and guarantee the sovereign rights of all peoples living there. We are against any attempts to cast doubt on the right of the Palestine Liberation Organization to participate in the Conference and to speak on behalf of the Palestinian people. The Ukrainian SSR, as a member of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, states that the question of who should represent the Arabs of Palestine in the peace settlement process does not exist. A long time ago, the Palestinians themselves answered that auestion and as authoritative an international body as the General Assembly has also answered that question. The various speculations about disagreements existing within the Palestine Liberation Organization are groundless, as was convincingly demonstrated at the eighteenth session of the Palestinian National Council, which took place in Algeria this year. The delegation of the Ukrainian SSR considers that at.tempts to keep the Office of the Permanent Observer of the Palestine Liberation Organization to the united Nations out of the work of the united Nations are inadmissable. Such actions are contrary to the process of establishing peace in the Midclle East. The positions of force which block a political settlement of the Middle East problem must be opposed by the united actions of the partisans of a just, peaceful settlement to that problem. In that respect, special significance attaches to the OI1ercoming of inter-Arab disagreements, which compl ica te the co-ordination of Arab actions. Decis iveness and consistency by the Arab countries are requ ired so that their actions can be co-ordinated and a solution can be found to the Palestinian question, which is the core of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Each of them is inextricably I inked wi th the other s. My agreement on a Middle Fast settlement should provide for the establishment of an independent Palestinian State. 'lb avoid that question is to remain at dead centre, with no movement and with the possibility of further bloodshed. In that connection, the Ukrainian SSR welcomes the approach to a Middle East settlement that has been taken by the Arab States and that was oonfirmed in their recent mee t ing in Amman. Peace in the Middle Fast is indivisible. All the peoples of that region have an equal interest in the attainment of peace. In the final analysis, all of us have an interest in it, because a settlement of one of the most acute regional conflicts would be in line with our main task: the strengthening of international peace and secur ity. Peace in the Middle Fast can be ensured only on the basis of a comprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The Ukrainian SSR is prepared to make its contr ibution to the task of achieving such a settlement. Mr. WOOF (Malaysia): The Middle East is still the most crucial hot-spot of the world. 51'n th t' f . ce e crea 10n 0 Israel, Paleshne and its people, and the neighbour ing Arab Sta tes, have been subjected to unspeakable violence by zion ism, which is bent upon Israeli expansion and regional domination. In asserting these policies, Israel has shown total disregard for the basic principles of human rights and international conduct. The war and the expansionist machines of Israel have resulted in the subjuga tion of the Palestin ians and the occupation of Arab territories. On the prebext of safeguarding their so-called legitimate interests, the zionists have not hesitated to use the most extreme methods to terrorize the population in the occupied territories. Millions of people, including women and children, have become victims of zionist policies. They have been displaced and dispossessed. Ingenious and un th inkable methods of torture and repression have been used to perpetuate the systematic domination of the Palestinian people. Much of this brutality has been effectively calOOuflaged, or neutralized by the manipulation of information flows by Israel and its friends. The dearth of objectivity about the Palestinian question in the international press in some of the Western countries is symptomatic of the collusion of these interests with the propaganda machines of Israel. Those that have the misfortune to be neighbours of Israel live daily with this blanket of deceit and disinformation. It is said that even the Israel is themselves are appalled by th is smoke-screen. We regret to have to note that Israel would not have succeeded in its policies had it not been for the suppor t of cer ta in ma jor POIrler s wh ich have exploi ted the si tua tion to promote the ir own in terests. We cannot accept these interes ts as enlightened in the context of the modern world, we therefore cannot accept them as legitimate. For more than 40 years the Organization has been debating the question of the Middle East. At the heart of that question is the State of Israel, its subjugation of Palestine and its aggression against Arab territories. It is the stark reality in the Middle East today. Yet the underlying motivations of Israel and its close supporters are to be found deep in mediaeval times. This crucial crossroad of civilization is still dominated by a mediaeval conflict of morality. That is the depth of the cynicism that characterizes the Middle East conflict. Under this colossal guise, we have the litany of Israeli aggressions against the people of Palestine and other Arab countries. The United Nations is fully aware of the details of the horrors perpetrated by Israel in its deliberate action to asser tits dominance. In the annals of mank ind there have never been more fertile agents of cynicism than there are now in the Middle East, in Israel. We have the first-hand accounts of nations which contend directly with Israel and the military machines that it has created. We have the testimony of the Palestinians,- who have shown remarkable courage and endurance in refusing to be subjugated. We have had successive reports by the Secretary-General, including his excellent and thorough report this year in document A/42/714. We have benefited a great deal from the reports of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Pales tin ian People. The effor ts of the Secretary-Gener al of our Organization and those of the Chairman of the Committee to ensure peace and justice in the Middle East deserve our highest conunenda tion. since this item was first placed before the General Assembly, resolutions have- been acbpted on the question of the Middle East, on the United Nations peace-k.eeping activities, on the situation in the occupied territories, on the Palestinian refugee problem and on the question of Palestine itself. Israel has been condemned again and again for its aggression and its violations of human rights. The strategic co-operation between the united States and Israel has been· singled out as having encouraged Israel to pursue its aggressive and expansionist PJlicies. It is regarded as the main instrument of regional instability in the Middle East. This so-called strategic alliance is a blind alley. It is incons is tent wi th the objective of world peace as it negates the pursuit of regional harmony. My delegation therefore rejects the basis of this so-called strategic alliance. We regard it as a self-serving policy with questionable JOOtives in the modern age. Perhaps Israel's collaboration with the racist South African regime better illustrates the mediaeval character of the Israeli I10tives which form the bedrock of the so-called strategic alliance. In the face of international condellllation, Israel has remained arrogantly defiant. It has remained so because of its confidence in the support of some countries which still cling to mediaeval fears and prejudices - owing principally, perhaps, to a deep-seated sense of guilt, which has been exploited by the Zicnis ts. It is ironic that as nations leap into a new space-age civilization, the more insecure they feel about their circumstances. Consequently, there are those who must seek to muster themselves on the threshold of mediaeval history. This deep sense of an tagon ism has led I srae1 to tighten its grip on the occupied terri tories through further repressive measures which have significantly increased the suffer ing of the inhabi tants. The actvi ties of Israeli sett! ers, and especially the vigilantes, in the occupied territories were born out of hatred, not insecurity. This hatred will inevitably demand the permanent annexation of territor ies. Malaya ia strongly condemns the increas ing level of violence that has been unleashed by Israel. We are deeply concerned by the escalation uf repressive measures in the form of the so-called iron-fist policy. It is a policy of hatred, not insecuri ty. The Israeli leaders must des ist from poisoo ing the minds of the Israeli people with hatred and ancient fears and prejudices. It cannot be denied that mass hatred is a potent force for self-destruction. We are more than saddened by the desecration of the Holy Places in Jerusalem. This violation not only demonstrates Israeli insensitivity to the spiritual cCl'lcerns of other religions, but is also the epitome of the historical animosity that lies at the heart of Israeli domestic and foreign policies. It is Zionism in its most primitive state. This intolerable situation which has been created by Israel needs the most urgent attention of the international conununity. Efforts to secure a comprehens ive, dur able and just settlement of the problem in the Middle East must be given the highest priority. The basis for a negotiated settlement was laid by the Geneva Declara tion on Pales tine, in September 1986, and by uni ted Na tions resolutions 38/58 C and 41/43 D. The hope for permanent peace lies as much in the resolution of moral conflicts as of their poli tical mani festa tions. Obviously, this must come from the willingness of all parties concerned to disengage themselves from ancient fears, prejudices and hatred. Hence, the wisdom that underlies the proposal for an international peace conference on the Middle East. Wi th most par ties concerned favour ing the idea of the conference, the onus is on Israel and the United States, in particular, to commit themselves to the process without further prevarication. It is fundamental that the Palestine Liberation Organization, as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, par ticipa te in th is Conference on an equal footing wi th all the concerned parties. The Secretary-General has worked very hard to make this oonference a reality. We urge him to continue his efforts and we call upon the united States and others to give him their unequivocal support. The situation in the occupied territor ies has indeed worsened. lIbt only does Israel's refusal to comply with the relevant resolutions in this regard point to the urgency and necessity of the international conference, but the arbitrary detention and imprisonment of Arabs and Palestinians struggling for self-determination and the liberation of their ter ritor ies cannot be allowed to continue. The devious designs behind the changes made by the Israelis in the demography of the occupied territories have been severely criticized by the international community. These changes must be stopped before they become so The world must ma inta in its diligent watch on the excesses practised by the Israeli occupation forces. This is now being done not only by the General Assembly and the security Council but also by the Conunission on Human Rights and the Special Commi ttee to Inves tiga te Isr ael i Practices Affecting the Human Righ ts of the popula tion of the OCcupied Terri tories. The human tragedy and the injustices that stalk the land of Palestine are found in the large numbers of Palestinian refugees. They have 1 ived for generations in ca:nps under the United Nations Relief and works Agency for Palestine ~fugees in the Near East (UNRWA), or in settlements in neighbouring Arab countries. Their plight remains one of the most serious ooncerns of the international community. As acknowledged in reSOlution 41/69 A last year, the repatriation or compensation of the refugees as provided for in paragraph 11 of resolution 194 (ItI) has not been effected. There has also been little progress in the programme endorsed by the General Assembly in paragraph 2 of its resolution 513 (VI) for the reintegration of refugees by repatriation or resettlement. Compounding these difficulties, UNRWA is facing problems of dwindl ing con tr ibutions to cover increas ing expendi ture. The intransigence of Israel, encouraged to a large degree by its allies, lies at the heart of the instability in the Middle East. The best hope hi 'che search for a solution is to begin with the process of dialogue in the form of the international peace conference on the Middle East. My delegation calls upon those detractors to come forward in support of this proposal. We call up:m them to put an end to the circle of violence, to the sufferings and displacement of the Palestinian people. We call for the eradication of ancient fears, prejudices and hatred, and a return to sanity in the region. Our dearest wish is for the people of Palestine to be able to return once more to their homeland and exercise their right of self-determina tion. Mr. KORIDNEN (Finland)"; The Q:lvernment of Finland is deeply concerned about the continuing failure to bring about a solution to the complex of problems and conflicts in the Middle Fast. They pose one of the most persistent threats to international peace and security. The basis for a peaceful settlement is well known; it was laid loog ago by security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which are almost universally recognized. A lasting and peaceful settlement can be reached only through negotiations. The aCXJuis ition of territories by force is inadmissible; therefore Israel must withdraw from the territories occupied since 1967. All States in the region, including Israel, have the right to 1 ive in pea ce wi th in secure and in terr.a tionall y recogn bed boundar i es , free from threa ts or acts of force. The question of Palestine remains the core of the Middle East conflict. There will be no lasting solution to the si tua tion as long as this problem remains unsolved. Accordingly, provision must be made for the Palestinians to exercise their legitirrate rights, including their right to national self-determination. This presupposes their right to participate in negotiations on their own future wi thin a cornpr eh ens ive settlement of the conflict. Finland con tinues to consider the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) the most significant representative of the national aspira tions of the Pales tin ians. A major obstacle to a settlement of the Middle East confl ict has been the series of illegal acts committed by Israel. Israel has continued its settlement p:llicies and extended its jurisdiction to the Q:llan Heights, and it continues to commit acts aimed at changing the status of the City of Jerusalem. All these acts have been rejected by the Secur i ty Council. Once aga in Fin land jo ins the international community in condemning them. As for the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip, the tension remains at a high level. The result is more violence and su f fer ing for the c iv it ian popu la tion. Lebanon, too, remains a victim of the basic problems of the Middle East conflict, national as well as international, political as well as religious and cultural. Finland once again appeals to all parties to refrain from violence. The independence, territorial integrity and national sOITereignty of Iebanon must be respected. All foreign troops must be withdrawn and Lebanese authority over Lebanese territory must be restored as soon as possible. In accordance wi th its policy of neu trali ty, Finland takes a balanced and conciliatory position on the various oontroversial questions of the Middle East cOl"ol"lict. Finland has maintained good relations with all the nations concerned, including all the immediate parties to the conflict. It is our firm intention to continue this policy, which has also enabled us to render services in the interest of peace in the area. Finland takes part in all ongoing united Nations peace-keeping activities in the Middle East, the united Nations Interim Force in Iebanon (UNIFIL), the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force (UNDOF) and the Uni ted NB. tions Truce Superv ision Organ iza tion in Pales tine (UNTSO). We cons ider the peace-keeping operations to be an essential element of united Nations services in supporting efforts towards a peaceful solution to the conflict. In spite of the unsatisfactory circu~tances in which the troops of UNIFIL have to work, the Force plays a vital role in diminishing civilian suffering, as well as in prom:>ting more stable conditions which create better circumstances for efforts aimed at a negotiated peace. Finland is pleased to see that the idea of the Middle East peace conference has gradually gathered more support within the international community. Intensive efforts are nOt/ needed to bring about agreement on the principles as well as the mandate for such a conference. A.fter 40 years of violence, nowhere is a lasting settlement more needed than in the troubled Middle East region. j this session of the General Assembly my delegation had distributed as an official document some considerations and proposals of lbmania's President, Nicolae Ceausescu, relating to the major international problems and ways of settling them in keeping with the interests of and aspirations to peace, independence and progr ess for all the peoples of the world. In that Cbcument it is stressed that the confl icts and the sta tes of er is is and tension in var ious regions of the world have not diminished but, on the cootrary, have worsened, creating neW threats to the security and stability of our world. The concern shown at these threats encompasses also the crisis in the Middle East, which worsens each year and is a constant danger to peace, security and international oo-operation. The secretary-Generalis report en the situation in the Middle East submitted for oonsideration by the Gener a1 Assembly very clear 1y expresses th is wor rying fact, by stress ing the follow ing 1 "despite this 1cng-standing united Nations involvement, and despite the numerous resolutions adopted since 1947 by both the Security Council and the General Assembly... Tens of thousands of lives have been lost, and the conflict con tinues to be exp10s ive, wi th rami fiea tions not only for the region but for the entire international oommunity." (A/42/714, para. 36) The state of confrentation that persists in the Middle East and the overall developnent of the Arab-Israeli conflict confirm the historical truth that peace and security cannot be built and guaranteed by threats or the use of force, or by the negation of the right of other peoples to a free existence and independence. So it is high time for all MenDer States to shoulder their political and moral resp:msibilities so that the united Nations, whose essential role is the maintenance of international peace and security, can act more firmly to bring about a comprehensive, just and lasting solution to this oonflict, in particular by the convening as quickly as possible of an international conference on peace in the Middle Fast, under the auspices of the United Nations. Romania has constantly and firmly advocated a political solution in the Middle East which would guarantee a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the region. On the basis of its position of principle, that the oCCUp:ltion of foreign territories by force is inadmissible, RJmania has affirmed from the outset that in order to be just and lasting any peaceful solution in the Middle East requires above all the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab territories occupied since the 1967 war. My coun try is also opposed to Israel's acts aimed at annexing a part of Syrian territory, namely the Q>lan Heights. We call for the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israeli troops from southern Lebanon to allow that country to achieve national reconciliation of the internal political forces and for a guarantee of the independence, s0\7ereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the country. Another essential element of a peaceful solution in the region is recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, and to establish its own Sta te. It is clear that a oonprehensive, just and lasting peace will not be achieved if we do not resolve the question of Palestine, which is the heart of the problem in the Middle East. At the same time, we bel ieve that in order to meet the legi tima te in teres ts and aspira tions of the sta tes and peoples of the Middle East any solution must guarantee the right to independent existence and sovereignty of every country of the region, which would make possible the establishment of relations of oo-operation, trust and respect among all States and peoples in the area. Anxious to make its contribution to the proJOOtion of a political solution to the Middle Fast problems, Romania, as far back as 1978, proposed the convening of an international peace conference under the auspices of the United Nations. ~velo1lllents in the region since that time, and the effor ts made by many Sta tes and by the Uni ted Na tions, have clearly shown that the only way to achieve a solu tion to the problem is by organizing a oonference. That is why my country supported General Assembly resolution 41/43 0, of 2 December 1986, which endorsed the idea of convening an international peace conference on the Middle Fast, under the auspices of the United Nations. As the debates at th is session have shown and as is stated in the Secretary-General's report on the situation in the Middle East, there is a growing consensus wi thin the inter national oommuni ty that a peace conference on the Middle East, under the auspices of the United Nations, would provide the best conditions for the successful negotia tion of a comprehensive settlement of the confl ict in this area. In the spirit of the relevant General Assembly resolutions, such a peace conference will have to involve the participation of all the parties concerned, inclUding the Palestine Liberation Organization, the permanent members of the security Council and other interested states wishing to participate and capable of making a contribution to the search for a peaceful solution. Given the urgent need to convene the peace conference, we believe that it is essential that a preparatory committee be established as quickly as possible to take the measures necessary to organize the conference. As Our delegation has already said, we should not miss this historic chance to restore peace in 50 sorely tried and troubled a region as the Middle East. Increased efforts are more than ever necessary by all States, by the international community to ensure the convening, without delay of the conference on peace in the Middle East. All oountr ies should try to overcome their differences and find, through negotia tions and dialogue between the parties concerned, appropr ia te solutions in keeping with the vital interests of the peoples of this part of the world. The Romanian delegation deeply appreciates the activities of the Secretary-General in seek ing solutions to the complex problems of the Middle East. We believe that it is especially important for the Secretary-General, with the support of all Sta tes, to be more closely associa ted wi th the effor ts to br ing about without delay the convening of the conference on peace in the Middle Fast. As we have often said, the United Nations can and must play a more active role in the efforts to br ing about a solution to the Middle Fast confl ict, especially since the General Assembly has already crea ted the framework for comprehens ive negotiations and for the attainment of a just and lasting peace in the region that would fully respond to the hopes and aspira tions of the peoples of the area and of the peoples of the wor Id. For its part, Romania is determined to cootinue to make every effort to contribute to a comprehensive and lasting solution to the Middle East problems, to the establishment of a just peace in the region and to the consolidation of international peace, security and co-operation. Mr. SEVILLA BOZA (Nicaragua) (interpretation from Spanish): The situation in the Middle East has traditionally been given the highest priority by the General Assent>ly, because that eiOOattled region has loog been a source of tension and anxiety throughout the world. Our Organization has been making tremenoous efforts to solve the problem in that regioo, but they have not yet resulted in the bases of a just and lasting settlement. It is fitting to recall resolution 3236 (XXIX), whereby the General Asserrbly reaffirmed the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination without external interference, the right to independence and sovereignty, and the right to return to their homes and reCCJ\1er their property. The international oommunity has also been reminded that it is necessary that resolutions 181 (II) and 194 (UI), aoopted in 1947 and 1948, respectively, be implemented. In the first of those resolutions the General Assent>ly recognized the right of the Arab people of Palestine to an independent State in Palestine. We are mentioning these important resolutions because Nicaragua, like the overwhelming majority of the countries of the world, is fully convinced that a just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be achieved only if the Palestinian people are enabled freely to exercise their inalienable rights. Therefore, no solution can ignore the need for respect for those rights.* * Mr. Caflete (paraguay), Vice-President, took the Chair. Similarly, the pr inciple of the inadmissab Hity of the aCXJuisi tion of territories by the use of force must be taken into account. Therefore any settlement must be based on the complete and unconditional withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories. A week ago, in this Hall, Mr. Farouk Kaddoumi, the head of the political Department of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), reminded us of the hardships suffered by his people. He also reminded us that this year marks the twentieth anniversary of Israel's occupation of the entire territory of Palestine. Since then, the Palestinian people have not been able to exercise their fundamental rights, which are guaranteed by various international instruments, in partiCUlar, the Geneva Conventions of 1949 relating to occupied territory. Israel has refused even to consider applying these instruments in the occupied Palestinian territories, because it has no intention whatsoever of withdrawing from those territories. Instead, it is trying to confer a measure of legitimacy on the occupa tion of those terri tor ies by increas ing the number of settlemen ts, annexing more territory, confiscating land and applying collective sanctions to the legi tirra te inhabi tan ts of those terd tories. Oppression and terror are ever present realities for the Palestinian people, together with the destruction of houses, mass arrests, the expulsion of leaders, deportations, the closing of universities, institutions and schools, and attacks on refugee camps, cities, neighbourhoods and even religious centres. Furthermore, there is a deliber ate effor t to alter the economic infrastructure so as to lin1<. it permanently to and make it dependent upon the Israeli economy. Through this action Israel is flagrantly Violating the norms of international law and all the principles of the Charter of our Organization, to which it owes its exis tence. (Mr. Sevilla Boza, Nicaragua) Clearly, however, Israel would not be able to ccntinue to defy and scorn the international oommunity, and violate the resolutions and decisions of the Ceneral Assembly and the security Council were it not for the unconditional support of the United States in all fields. This support does not surprise us, but it should be a source of alarm for all peoples that cherish peace and justice. The united States, by proll'Oting military aggression, destabilizing action and eoonomic blockades against peoples and Governments trying to achieve their full liberation, has become the primary promoter of terrorism throughout the world. The United States is behind the illegal annexation of Arab territories, including Jerusalem. It is behind State terrorism and repression in the occupied Palestinian territories. It is behind the invasion of and constant attacks on Lebanon. It was behind the massacres of Sabra and Shatila. And it is behind the attempts to exterminate the Palestinian people. The Ulited States is obstructing the fulfilment of the functions and responsibilities of the security Council under the Charter of our Organization, and misusing its power of veto to prevent the adoption of measures under Chapter VII of the Charter, which is the only way of putting an end to this poli tical genocide. The establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East must be based on the complete wi thdrawal by Israel from the occupied Arab terri tories and on guarantees of the national rights of the Palestinian people, within the framework of an in terna tional peace confer ence to be held under the auspices of the Uni ted Nations, in keeping with General Assembly resolution 38/58 C. The Arab countries have expressed their genuine desire for peace in the region. We would refer to the recent Arab surronit conference in Amman, where the Arab countries declared their acceptance of an international conference as the most fitting means of achieving peace. That summit conference also rejected any settlement that did not encanpass Israelis complete wi thdrawal from the occupied Palestinian and Arab territories, and ensure the full exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. We note with enthusiasm that there is growing support for the convening of the international conference. Large groups of COWl tries have supported this idea. In addition to the Movement of N:>n-AlignedCountries, which for some time nO\' has been giving the idea its firm and decisive support, the European Economic CommWlity has made important declar ations. The work of the Secretary-General of our Organization deserves our commendation, and we support the cootinuance of his efforts to ensure the convening of the conference. Finally, there can be no doubt that the peoples of the Middle Fast, in particular the peoples of Palestine, southern Africa and of Central America, have the same enemy, and that their struggle for independence, sOl7ereignty, territorial integrity and self-determination and justice is ooe struggle. We repeat yet again that unity is fundamental in confronting this problem. let us respond to the urgent demand of the peoples of the world for a just and lasting peace. Our people and our Government reaffirm our cormnitment to and solidarity with the Pales tinian people, led by the Palestine Lib era tion Organ iza tion, their sole, legitimate representative, and we stand by all the peoples of the sister Arab nation in their struggle for peace, which is also our struggle. Mr. NOWORYTA (Poland): Poland follows the development of the situation in the Middle East with keen interest and grave coocern. The underlying cause of the Midile East confl ict has long been recogn ized by the international conununity. In its most recent pr 000uncement 00 the question, in resolution 41/162 A, the General Assembly reaffirmed its conviction that the question of Palestine was the core of the conflict in the Middle East and that no comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the regioo would be achieved without the full exercise by the Palestinian people of its inalienable national rights and the wi thdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories. Since the adoption of that resolution, the situation in the Middle East has deteriorated, especially as a result of the Israeli actions against the civilian population in the occupied Arab territor ies. Israel has introduced there a separa te legal regime and mili tary admin is tra tion. It confiscates property and land and it widely uses preventive arrests and the deportation of undesirable individuals. The Palestinian population is deprived of labour protection and does not enjoy the right to appropriate remuneration, health protection and social welfare. The general strike of the Palestinian population of 24 June 1987, calling for equal rights, confirms that the situation in that respect is not improving. On the other hand, there are l::~JI1'.e encouraging developments indicating growing support for the early convening of the international peace conference in conformity wi th the provisions of General Assembly resolu tion 38/58 C, as reconfirmed by General Assembly resolution 41/43 D of 2 December 1986. Apart from the loog-standing commitment of the socialist countries, including Poland, to a conprehensive, just and lasting settlement of the Middle East conflict through collective efforts, with the participation of all parties concerned, a strong boost to the proposal for the convening of the international peace conference on the Middle East has been given by the MO'Jement of Non-Aligned Countries, as is eloquently shown by the Harare Declaration of the Conunittee of Nine Non-Aligned Countries on Palestine, adopted at the Meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Committee of Nine, held at Harare on 14 and 15 Apr il 1987. Another welcome developnent is the support expressed by the Council of Ministers of the European Community in its declaration of 23 February in favour of an international peace conference on the Middle East, supplemented by the declaration of the ministers for foreign affairs of the 12 States members of the ElIropean EConomic Community (EEC) of 13 July 1987. Suppor t for a confer ence has also been expressed by the co un tr ies of the Associa tion of SOu th-East As ian Nations (ASEAN), as evidenced by the joint communique of the 'IWentieth ASEAN Ministerial Meeting, held in Singapore on 15 and 16 June 1987. The idea of an international conference under united Nations auspices has been given high priority among the Arab parties to the conflict and the support for such a conference was reiterated once more at the meeting of heads of State and Government of the Ar ab co un tr i es in Amman. In view of the renewed hopes that the Secur ity Council can assume a greater and more efficient role in settling conflict situations, my delegation took note with interest of the report of the Secretary-Genera1 on the consultations with members of the Security council on the Middle East and, in particular, the paragraph which reads, inter alia, that\ "in o:mtrast with the experience of recent years, none of the Council members opposed in pr incip1e the idea of an in terna tiona1 conference under the Uni ted Nations auspices. 11 This optimistic note has, however, been mi tiga ted by h is fur ther remar k that J "wide differences still existed regarding the form that a conference should take". (A/42/277, para. 3) What is even more serious, as he states in the report on the work of the Organization, is that: "Unfortunately, it has not yet proved possible to obtain the agreement of all the parties to the principle of an international conference ••. ". (A/42/l, p. 2). Apparently the main task nCM is to ensure the agreement of all parties concerned to the idea of holding the conference. That presupposes abandoning any a ttempt to make separate deals or enforce unilateral schemes of settlemen t of the conflict which fail to take into account, in particular, the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. We conmend the Secretary-General for the efforts he is making to bring the idea of conven ing the conference 00 the Middle East to frui tion and share his conviction that~ "the search must by all means be sustained for a comprehensive settlement through a negotiating process, under united Nations au~pices, in which all parties would participate". (A/42/l, p. 2) It is a long-standing position of Poland that a comprehensive, just and durable solution of the Middle East confl ict will be possible only on the basis of the return of the occupied Arab territories, respect for the right of all peoples to self-determination, including the exercise of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, and equal security for all countries of the region. Poland stands ready to co-operate constructively and to contr ibute in practical terms to the effor ts to br ing peace in the Middle East I as evidenced, in ter alia, by Poland's participa tion in the un ited Na tions Disengagement Observer Force (UNDO F) • Hence our support for the ini tia tive to convene the in terna tional conference on the Middle East for, as Mr. Orzechowski, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Poland, stated in the General Assembly on 2 October 1987, "there cannot be a more secure world without the peaceful resolution of regional oonflict situations." (A/42/PV.22, p. 34) Mr. AL-ASHTAL (Del1Ocratic Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): I am pleased to make this statement today on behalf of the two parts of Yemen~ the South and the Nor th • The General Assembly is today discussing the situation in the Middle East after having recently dealt with the question of Palestine. The chronological order 1s not surprising. The one and indivisible subject is the Arab-Israeli conflict, the cause of which da tes back 70 years and is a result of the Balfour Declaration, named for the then British secretary of state. The British Mandate au thori ties co-opera ted wi th the zicn ist agency to cause a del10graphic coup d 'etat in Palestine by organizing Jewish immigration on a large scale and by the absorption of immigrants into agricultural colonies, which later took on a militarl aspect and paved the way for the expansion of the activities of the terror ist Zionist organization and the establishment of a military entity. The Israeli-Arab conflict started in 1947, when the Balfour Declaration led tc the establishment of a Jewish State in some parts of Palestine. The United 'Nationi shared in that developnent by adopting the partition resolution, thus legitimizing the Jewish State which, since the very first day, has defied the international cornmun i ty • (Mr. Al-Ashta1, [)eroocr atic Yemen) 'lbday Israel occupies Palestine in its entirety, in addition to the Go1an Heights and parts of southern Lebanon. The General Assembly has adopted numerous resolutions on the Arab-Israeli conflict. An international consensus, which only Israel and the Ulited States oppose, has emerged on the conflict and the fundamentals of a durable solution. It may be summed up as follows. First, the question of Palestine is the crux of the Israeli-Arab confl ict; the question of the Middle East is its wider context. Hence, just and lasting peace cannot be ach ieved unless ther e is a comprehensive solution of the Arab-1sr ael i conflict in both the Palestinian context and the wider Arab context. Secondly, the fragmentation of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the pretense of seeking piecemeal solutions for some of its fragmented aspects while ignoring the others is not conducive to peace and will not end the state of war. Th ird1y, a just and lasting peace can only be achieved through Israel's withdrawal from the occupied Arab territories and the Palestinian people's exercise of their national inalienable rights, including the right of return, the right of self-determination, and the right to set up an independent state on their national soil. Fbur thly, it is now feasible to hold an international peace conference on the Middle East under United Nations auspices to seek a comprehensive and lasting solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict in all its aspects, with the full participation of all the concerned parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The Arab States have made clear their position vis-a.-vis that international consensus. The consecutive Arab summit conferences held in Fez, Casablanca and, recently, in Amman have made clear the Arab States' full support for the peaceful option in calling for the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict through an international peace conference. Moreover, the Arab countries have urged the permanent members of the security Council to put their weight behind the idea of holding an international conference. In addi tion, the Palestine Na tional Council, which rer;en tly held a mee ting in Al.ger ia, blessed the idea of an in terna tional conference and declared the PLO's readiness to participate therein. However, in all this, as in the case of the international consensus on the need for an international peace conference comprehensively and lastingly to solve the Arab-Israeli conflict, Israel has continued to stonewalL Israel's position continues to be adamant rejection of peaceful solutions. Moreover, Israel continues to pursue its policies of expansionism, violence and the imposition of fait accompli situations by the force of arms. It has annexed Al.-Quds Al.-Sharif and the Golan Heights in defiance of Uni ted Nations resolutions. It has tightened its grip on the occupied Arab ter ritor ies by building new settlemen ts and expanding those already in existence in the west Bank, the Gaza Strip and the Golan Heights. It has continued its reprisals and repression against the Palestinians and now pursues an undisguised policy aimed at evicting the Palestinians and escalating Jewish immigration into Palestine, wi th a view to changing the demographic character of the land. As for the united states of America, instead of joining in the clear international consensus which has crystallized over the past years and giving adder impetlls to the peace process, it has adopted the Israeli posture as its own and continues to create obstacles and to impose crippling conditions with the sole aim of killing off the idea of an international conference. It rejects PLO participa tion in the conference. It e>cpresses pre fer ence for direc t b ila teral negotiations; indeed it insists on them. In reality, the United States does not want an international conference. An international conference would run counter to the uni ted Sta tes policy of excluding the security Council from any peace process so that the United States may continue its role as sole mediator, a role it assumed with the signing of the Camp David Accords. It has become abundantly clear that in insisting on fragmenting the conflict, in persisting in the role of sole mediatior and in expressing preference for selective piecemeal solutions, the United States is trying to circumrent the international consensus. The united States is not interested in securing peace in the Middle East but in furthering the lmerican-Israeli interests embodied in the strategic alliance agreement between Tel Aviv and washington. No wonder then that, while hindering international peace efforts, the United States doubles its economic and military support of Israel to enable it to pursue its policies of of expans ion ism and fa it accompli. The attempt to circumvent the international consensus by fragmenting the Arab-Israeli conflict and rejecting the machinery capable of securing an overall solution through an international peace conference is in fact aimed at bypassing the question of Palestine, which lies at the very heart of the er is is, and ignoring the PLO, which represents all the sectors and categories of the Palestinian people inside and outside Palestine. The Israeli-American manoeuvres are intended to preclude any role for the PLO in the international conference and devise some sort of alternative representation for the Palestinian people. This, of course, is accompanied by voci ferous propaganda campa igns to blacken the image of the PLO by branding as terroristic the national resistance struggle being waged by the Palestinians against occupation and for the exercise of its right of self -de termina tion. Evidence of tha t harrassment of the PLO is provided by the la test measures adopted by the United States Mministration to block Palestinian information activities in the uni ted states. This has been done at the request of the Israeli Prime Minsister in the service of the Zionist propaganda machine in the united Sta tes. In this way, American public opinion has been de pr ived of the means of apprising itself of the tragedy of the Palestinian people under Israeli occupation. on another level, the united States seeks to detract from the diplomatic gaine made by the PLO in the form of increased recognition by the majority of peoples anc its wide representation in most of the world IS capitals. The current attempts to close down the PLO Mission to the United Nations and to curtail its activities als( show that the united States is opposed not only to the legitimate struggle of the Palestinian people to gain their independence and freedom but also to Palestinian diplomacy designed to find a peaceful solution wi thin the framework of the uni ted Nations. The attempt to close down the PLO Mission to the united Nations is one 01 the efforts of the United States to nip the international peace conference in the bud. Of course it is not important if the Uni ted States seeks to absolve itself in this way of its legal obliga tions in accordance with the Headquarter s llgreement. The United Nations does not serve United states foreign policy or objectives, as was the case in 1947, when the General Assembly adopted the resolution on the parti tion of Palestine. The possibility of holding the international peace conference, a fL:st step towards finding a comprehens ive way of deal ing wi th the Arab-Israel conflict, is affected both positively and negu tively by the prevail ing inter national atmosphere. Un ila teral or piecemeal solu tions surface whenever there is tenelion or confrontation on an international scale, as happened at the beginning of the 1980s, when all international co-operation efforts to establish peace in the Middle East region faltered. The same holds true in other regional hot-spots. The possiblity of in terna tional co-opera tion and the chances of solving regional conflicts improve when we put an end to tension and instead find a positive international atmosphere. Thus we look forward wi th optimism to the summit meeting due to be held in Wash ington, D. C. at the beginning of next week between the leader s of the Soviet union and the United States of America. We hope that this meeting will play a constructive role in alleviating international tension and turn a new leaf in in terna tional co-opera tion wi th regard to settling regional conflicts, including the Arab-Israeli conflict, and that it will gain sufficient attention so that the in terna tional peace conference scheduled to be held in 1988 may indeed take place. Mr. D.x>UDI (Algeria) (interpretation from French)~ One of the major challenges that our Organization has faced since its establishment is undoubtedly the challenge of the Middle Fast conflict. That conflict, which has shaken that very sensi tive part of the world for four decades and permanen tly endanger 5 international peace and security, now benefits from circumstances that provide a great opportunity for its definitive settlement. It is indeed recognized by the in terna tional community that the Palestinian question is at the origin of the Middle East crisis. It is also unchallenged that resolution of one must necessarily be involved with the solution of the other. It is also admi tted that satis fyi ng the r igh t of the Pales tin ian peopl e to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent State is the only way to a just and final settlement and that it is a condition for establishing lasting and genuine peace. Forty years of development in th is cris is, far from proving this essential fact, have, quite to the contrary, confirmed and increased its poli tical validity. Similarly, the international CDlIII\unity is more than ever conmitted to the idea of an urgent solution of the Middle East crisis because, with one war every ten years, this crisis has fully demonstrated through its persistence and worsening that it is the kind of thing that will get out of control. Dangerous developments constantly exacerbate the situation and thus contribute towards maintaining a climate of instability and insecurity. In this spiral of tension, the risk of a major conflagration has been far from eliminated. It is indeed through the deliberate use of this dialectic of violence that the Tel Aviv regime is exploiting everything that can feed its own intransigence and serve its intention to hide the central element that is the Palestinian fact. Having clearly perceived these hindrances to a return to peace, the United N:itions has agreed to deal with this crisis by convening, under its auspices, the international peace conference on the Middle East. Acceptance of the pr inciple and of the conven ing of the conference have (Mr. Djoudi, Alger ia) Recognizing the responsibility it bears with regard to the question of Palestine, which remains at the heart of the Middle Fast crisis, the United Nations has committed itself actively to this process of maturing the idea of an international conference. From this point of view, the secretary-Genera1 greatly merits the thanks of the in terna tiona1 community for his devotion, in par ticular wi th regard to the exploratory consultations held with both the permanent members of the Security Council and the parties coocerned. In this oontext, the Security Council, which seems to be guided by a new determination with regard to some conflict situations, must assume all its responsibilities for a crisis which has intimately involved the United Nations since its establishment. The Arab cOWltries, meeting at Amman, endorsed the pr incip1e of an inter national oonference and reaffirmed the requiremen t that the Palestine tibera tion Organiza tion (PlD) par ticipa te on an equal footing. While the goal of this conference is, indeed, to bring about a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East crisis as a whole, the conference must be given the power to solve the question of Palestine, through the United Nations, by satisfying the national rights of the Palestinian people, including its right to its own independent State, and assur ing the evacuation of occupied Arab territories, including Al-Quds. One could not, therefore, consider a credible framework a simple conference that would just be an unbre1la and would hide the essence of the Middle East cr is is. The Zionist rejection of even the principle of an international conference, together with a speeding up of the colooization of the occupied Arab territories, is very revealing of a strategy of obstructing peace. Thus, the policy of fait accompli is taking on the dimension of a systematic colonization of occupied Arab territories by the decision to implement a programme calling for the settling of 30,000 new settlers on the West Bank and in the Gaza Strip in the months to come. TO this we must add the fact that AI-Quds already has seen an influx of 100,000 settlers. This influx of settlers, expelling Palestinians from their lands and. dispossess ing them of the ir property, is based on the goal of radically changing the physical character and demographic nature of the occupied territories. In the occupied terri tory, as in exile, the Palestinian People is the victim of total war, whose goal is to destroy its identity and annihilate its will to exist. A powerful mul ti faceted harassment undertak ing is attack ing even the cultural patrimony and historical heritage of the Palestinian people in a furious attempt to take away their personality and culture. At the same time, the bonbing of Palestinian camps in Lebanon is part of a strategy intended to break their res istance. Similarly, Iebanon and the Cblan Heights are subject almost daily to zionist hegemony in the region. In the Syr ian Golan Heights, the victim of an annexa tion oondemned by our Organization, the Syr ian population is undergoing all kinds of persecution and is resisting with determination the enterprise to eliminate their Arab essence. In Lebanon, a decade of aggr es s ion and in ter fer ence has caused the division of a country, the occupation of its southern part, the ruin of Beirut, massacres and unspeakable suffer ing on the part of the Iebanese people and the Palestinian refugees. While there is at the present time clear signs of an international will to settle the Middle East problem, the obstructive attitude of zionism is already giving rise to the possibility that the peace process defined by the General Assembly will be mortgaged. CMr. Djoudi, Alger ia) Given the denial of law, which has only too long cootinued in the Middle East, and given the threat it poses to the preservation of international peace and security, it is an urgent duty of the internatiooal community to bring about the triumph of the will to peace - a just, comprehensive and lasting peace - by conven ing the in terna tional peace conference on the Middle East. That is why it is of the greatest importance at this time for our Organization, and especialy the Security Council, to spare no effort to remove the obstacles that prevent the convening of such a oonference, in the interest of the peoples of the region and of peace and security in the world. Middle East has become a hardy perennial on the agenda of the General Assembly because we have not been able to find a jus t and lasting solution to the Pales tin ian problem, which the world has unanimously recogn ized is the principal cause of the conflict in the Middle East. The constant deterioration of the situation in that region and the failure of all peace efforts have caused increased international ooncern regarding the dangers it poses, especially Israel's intransigence and its defiance of all international appeals to reoognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. The behaviour of the Israeli Zionist regime shows that it is hostile to peace, it is the only regime that remains outside the international oonsensus. That has been oonfirmed by the Zionist entity's scorn for and defiance of the numerous resolutions adopted by our in ternational Organization. That entity's persistent intransigence in the face of the will of the family of nations will certainly cause further deterioration of the situation in the Middle East and bloody and murderous confrontations there. The family of nations must deal with this state of affairs and adopt the measures necessary to compel Israel to bend to the international will including the sanctions provided for in the Uni ted Nations Char ter. Continuation of this state of affairs would be fraught with danger, and our Organization must give the natter serious consideration because its credibility is at stake. It must regain its effectiveness. The international peace conference on the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PID), the sole legitimate representative of the Pal es tin ian people, has been endorsed by the Ar ab Sta tes and by th e Pales tin ian people. This is a constructive position which reflects our sincere desire for a just and lasting settlement to the Middle East conflict, as was reaffirmed by (Mr. Kar im, Sudan) the family of na tions dur ing the lay of Solidarity wi th the Pales tin ian People, in the Geneva meetings and at the sununit conference in Amman. A just and lasting peace in the region is impossible without Israel's unoonditional and complete withdrawal from all occupied Arab territories, including the City of Jerusalem. The Palestinian people must also be allowed to exercise their right to self-determination and to build its own independent sovereign Sta te on its national soil under the leadership of the PLO, its sole legitimate represen ta tive. Israel and its oounterpart, South Africa, are responsible for the most serious hotbeds of tension in the world. Both regimes have by force been occupying the territory of others; both have violated the legitimate right of peoples to live on their own national soil; and both regimes detain and kill women, children, youth and the elderly, and both attack neighbouring States and occul!i parts of their territory. There is JIlJch evidence of this in Lebanon, in the Syrian Golan Heights, in Iraq, Tunisia, Angola, l-k>zambique and Namibia. Forty years have passed without the triumph of human rights or implementation of the resolutions of our international Organization. BOIl long shall we remain powerless in the face of these crimes, which go unpunished? Those who stand silently by as criroos are conunitted are more guilty than those who commit them. From the dawn of history the legi tima te struggles of peoples have shown that oppression and barbarity never win out, that the will of the people is invincible, and their rights inalienable. Is the Zionist regime in Palestine aware of those realities? In this oonnection an Arab poet said that if a people figh ts for life, then fortune will smile on it, the clouds will dissipate and the chains of servitude will be broken. In conclusion, the Government and people of Sudan espouse the cause and struggle of the Palestin ian people for liberation and for restoration of their usurped rights. On behalf of the Sudanese Government and people, I once again appeal to the international oommunity to meet its responsibilities and take effective action before the situation in the Middle East deteriorates further. Mr. MAITHA (Kenya); Whereas there are many issues that call for attention and discussion under this item of the agenda, there is none that stands so J?[ominently central to the problem of the Middle East than the unsettled situation regarding the plight of the Palestinian people. Any attempts to resolve any other issue without dealing with the Palestinian issue can only at best result in a temporary solution. It is in this light that Kenya supports the call for a oonprehensive and lasting solution to the problems obtaining in the Middle Fast, with particular reference to the problem of Palestine. Kenya bases its position on the concern that it feels over the unstable situation in the region, which has for far too long remained one of tension and unending conflict. Ai though the uni ted Nations helped to resolve the si tua tion in 1947 and 1948, when the then mandated Territory of Palestine was partitioned into an Arab sector and a Jewish sector, that attempt did not yield the fruits of peace as expected. The full weight of the Partition Plan never took hold in all the sectors so partitioned. As a result, turmoil and incessant conflict have held the upper hand to this day. On a number of occasions the unstable situation in the region has erupted into outright war between Arab nations and Israel and at times it has seriously impaired relations between some otherwise brother ly Sta tes in the region. In the course of this unstable situation, l1'llch destruction of life and property has occurred. The root cause of all this, while many other causes can be mentioned, continues to be, wi thout any doubt, the unresolved problem pertain ing to the plight of the Palestin ian people. Some of these people have been uprooted from their motherland and property and forced to live as refugees in foreign lands. Those who have remained in the occupied territories o:mtinue to endure harassment, oppression, repression and suppression. All of the Palestinians continue to suffer the indignity of being denied the opportunity to exercise their right to self-determination and independence and the right to return to their homes and property in safety. This, ill our view, consti tu tes the core of the curren t problems in the Middle Eas t as well as the root cause of the tensions and conflicts in the region. As I have already stated, the core of the ongoing tensions and conflicts in the region of the Middle East is the ques tion of Palestine. The question demands an all-embracing solution. In the absence of such a solution the situation in that region will con tinue to be one of increas ing tens ions and incessant conflic ts, endangering relations arrong the States of the region for a long time to come. It is our hope that the parties directly involved will realize the potential magnitude and explosive nature of the problem. We further hope that they will start working for an acceptable durable solution. We feel the parties could de-escalate the tensions through moderation of positions in favour of a just and lasting solution. The necessity for the international community to exert every effort towards the peaceful settl emen t of the problem cannot be overemphas ized. In the v iew of my delegation, the international community has an obligation to the people of Palestine and must continuously participate in the efforts to bring about a canprehensive and peaceful settlement of the question of Palestine. The international community must continue to stress the importance of respect, for the principle of the inadmissibility of the aCXIuisition of territories by the use or threat of use of force. It must also reiterate again and again the need for all countries to respect the principles gOl1erning the territorial integrity of States and non-interference and non-intervention in the internal affairs of other Sta tes. Kenya upholds these pr inciples of the international communi ty and would like to see them respected by all nations. In this regard, therefore, Kenya calls 1/" upon Israel to withdraw from all territories occupied since the 1967 war and to cease its interference in the internal affairs of Lebanon. Over the years, when th is ques tion has been deba ted, sugges tions regarding possible solutions have been adopted, but the Israel i author ities have not seen fi t to implement them. My delegation wishes to stress that it is the responsibility of the United Nations to see that Israel oomplies with the will of the international communi ty and enables the Palestinian people to exercise their right to self~etermination and independence. (Mr. Maitha, Kenya) In this regard, my delegation holds the firm view that no nation should ever be allowed to justify its own right of existence at the expense of others. We believe that the legitimate rights of the Palestinians to self-determination and an independent State of their own in the region must be realized. The restoration of \:he inalienable rights of the Palestinian people would provide the key to a just and durable peace in the Middl e Fast on the bas is of the equal right of all states in the region to exist in peace and security wi thin internationally reoognized and secure border s. In conclusion, it has been proposed in resolutions of this Assembly that an interna tional conference on the Middle East be convened. Kenya endorses and has supported the proposal in the hope that such a oonfer ence will find a solution to all aspects of the Middle East problem. We regret to note, however I that some parties have not yet agreed to support the convening of the conference. It is important to note that other states directly concerned in the efforts to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Middle Fast problem have reached agreement to move together towards the achievement of a peacefUl and just settlement of the crisis and the termination of Israeli occupation of Arab territories. We urge the other party to show unders tanding and agree to under take negotia dons in the framework of the proposed international conference. The meeting rose at 12.55 p.m.
  1 mtg