A/42/PV.60 General Assembly

I should like to propose that the list of speakers in the debate on this item be closed today at noon. If I hear no objection I Shall take it that the Assembly so decides. It was so decided.

I now call upon the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan, to introduce the draft resolution. Mr. NOORANI (Pakistan): If the Soviet presence in Afghanistan continues beyond Christmas this year we shall be entering the ninth year of a conflict which has laid waste a great part of the countryside and many towns and cities, claimed tens of thousands of lives and driven nearly 5 million Afghans into exile and a life of anguish and deprivation. Today there are more than 3 million Afghan refugees in Pakistan and nearly 2 million in Iran. Together they constitute one third of the total population of Afghanistan. is possible to realize the enormity of this tragedy, unless we are co,nsciotls of the fact that this arithwHatic deals not with lifeless objects b1~t with a mass of human beings, men, women and children, who lived. happily and in a country 'Which they and their forefathers built into a stalwart nation and 'whose ability to defend their freedom, sovereignty and independence against foreign aggression and occupation is legendary. In the per lad of nearly eight years that has elapsed sinc~ the Soviet milltary intervention took place in December 1979, the valiant people of Afghanistan, represented by the resistance movement, have demonstrated to the world that they have lost none of their will to defend their liberty and none of their determination to accept any sacrifice necessary for regaining their independence and asserting their freedom. In the course of their freedom struggle, in which the entire population has participated, Afghanistan has suffered staggering losses. Year after year, Afghanistan has been subjected to relentless military operations by the foreign forces in futile attempts to liquidate the Afghan resistance. This summer also, side by side with the much-bruited campaign of 'national reconciliation I and offer of 'cease-fire l , major military offensives were launched in Herat in the west, Kunduz in the north and Kunar, Ningrahar, Paktia, Kandahar and Kabul in the east and south of the country, causing much bloodshed and destruction and producing new waves of refugees. Mr. Najib himself admitted Cl few days ago in Moscow that the foreign forces were stationed in 18 out of Cl total of 30 provinces of the country. The tragic state of affairs in embattled Afghanistan, resulting from foreign military occupation, is not a figment of our imagination. 'I'he suffetingfl. of the people of Afghanistan are well recorded in authentic reports by impartlal ob••tvers and reliable witnesses from various parts of the world. These witnees<Hl have courageously faced great risks and overcome seemingly insuperable difficultie:s to reach the heartland of Afghanistan and come back to inform the world of the ravages of foreign intervention, over which the Kabul regime has tried to draw a sophisticated propaganda veil. The attempt to conceal the reality of the situation in Afghanistan is accompanied with efforts to promote a mythical picture of the situation. The myth of a credible regime in Kabul, based on the acceptance and consent of the people of Afghanistan, is sought to be sustained with wishful statistics churned out by propaganda agencies. One of the myths created to substantiate a false picture of the situation inside Afghanistan is the cl.. i m that there is no genuine resistance inside the country to the Soviet presence and its collaborators and that a handful of bandits are responsible for the conditions of instability in Afghanistan. Another myth is the invention of outside interference as the cause of the conflict and thlE! inspiration behind the resistance. The attempt to create this distorted perception is necessitated by the need to hide the fact that the only sanction behind Kabul's precarious authority is the strength of the Soviet forces, numbering more than 120,000 troops, fully equipped with sophisticated modern weaponry and using the latest techniques of war. This is how successive regimes in Kabul have been sustained during the best part of a decade since the advent of foreign forces in the country. This is what has frustrated all attempts by these foreign-backed regimes to establish their claims of legitimacy. Parallel with the attempted distortion of the factual situation in Afghanistan, there is an effort on an international scale to promote the belief that the occupation forces entered Afghanistan by invitation to counter outside interference. This myth has been created and sustained to lend credibility to Bpurious reasons for the presence of foreign forces in Afghanistan and the wholly ccontentiGtithat t.~esefol:ces will withdraw only after the cess&tiOtl of mat inter ference. The Afghan resistance 15 the legitimate Qxpressiotl of the r 19h t of the people to for selfi-determina tion Md the 1 ibera tion of the ir homeland. This ~truggle is waged by th€A.fghanpatriotic forces, and it is a travesty to caU it interference from outside. It is the physical presence of the foreign trbops that constitutes the real interference. The fact that millions of Afghans have sought shelter in Pakistan is by itself the proof that Pakistan is not the source of aggression. People \",ho are uprooted from their hear ths and homes seek shel ter not wi th the aggr essor but away from it. The international community is naturally concerned with the facts of tJH!, situation in Afghanistan and not with the surrounding myths. It has therefore declared the foreign mili tary in tervention illegal and demanded the immediate withdrawal of the foreign troops. In doing so, the international community is conscious of the fact that the Soviet military intervention constitutes: contravention of the principles of the United Nations Charter; violation of the principles of non-use of force and non-intervention; violation of the sovereignty and independence of a Member State; suppression of the right to self-determination of a people; and a grave threat to regional and international peace and security. The foreign military intervention in Afghanistan has world-wide ramifications, since the infringement of the universally recognized principles of interstate conduct, which it represents, creates a dire precedent for any country that may face a parallel si tua tion. No wonder, therefore, that the desire to uphold these principles, in their practical application to the situation in Afghanistan, remains the main preoccupation of the international Co,'][l'lunity. It is this preoccupation which is consistently reflected in the unequivocal decisions and resolutions repeatedly adopted by the General Assembly, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Islamic Conference and other international forwlls, calling for the immediate withdrawal of foreign forces as the sinequa non for an early political settlement. The withdrawal of foreign forces is the only issue which continues to stall the efforts of the international community to bring about a peaceful settlement of the conflict in Afghanistan. This applies, in particular, to the Geneva process, which, as is clear from the Secretary-General's report contained in document A/42/600 of 29 September 1987, holds the best promise for the finalization of an early settlement. The principal outstanding issue at Geneva is the provision of a short time-frame, which represents the heart of the matter. It is common knowledge that whenever negotiations are focused on the time-frame question, diversionary issues of procedure and format are raised to delay its consideration. In 1985, when the instrument relating to a time-frame was ready to be discussed, progress was halted by the unreasonable demand for direct talks. We rightly rejected such tactics, which were designed to turn an essentially international issue relating to the violation of a Charter principle into a bilateral question. Again, early this year when the question of United Nations monitoring of the settlement was resolved, clearing the decks for addressing the time-frame issue, tho other lide raised the question of national reconciliation, making it virtually a pr@-condition for the provision of a time-frame. That new demand was wholly outside the purview of the Geneva negotiations. :me I>latter of nat.ional reconciliation 1s, in essence, a prOCess which will t.he socio-political st.ructure of a post.:-conflict bdi.!:'1istan and is, a matter t.o be resolved by the Afgh,ans themselves. 'i'his matter nas been {<1.ised. in the present circumstanc,es, obviously to obscure th~ central issue of 'li'lt.luirawals. To descr ibe the conflict in Afghanistan as an internecine struggle is to ignore the reality of foreign military intervention. Tbe acceptance of the de~and for national reconciliation as a pre-condition for withdrawals ,,,ould be tantamount to encouraging future aggressors to create realities of their own choice hefore regUlating their responses to calls for observance of the fundalll~ntal ~incipleB of the United Nations Charter. The entire Afghan nation, includin9 the Afghan resistance, the refugl!1les and ~ominent Afghans scattered around the world, have rejected the Kabul offer of Mtional reconciliation. They rightly maintain that geniune reconciliation cannot take place under the Shadow of foreiyn bayonets. The Secretary-General has stressed in his report that the degree of national reconciliation necessary to allOW the Afghans to decide their own future cannot be achieved by military means. His report highlights the concern of the Afghans about the need to begin a process designed to reaffirm their right of self-determination, ~~h is the principal objective of the settlement. Pakistan fully endorses that objective and the need for a mechanism to work out a satisfactory arrangement for the smooth implementation of a settlement. Pakistan is equally convinced that such arrangements are predicated on the premise of total freedom from the forbidding presence of foreign troops in the country. In that context we fully support the Secretary-General's observation that "early agreement on a short time-frame for the withdrawal or troopti> would give decisive impetus to the Afghans· own efforts towards reconciliation". (A/42/600, para. 8) There need be no doubt whatsoever in regard to the desire of the resistance leadership for the cessation of hostilities and national reconciliation. They firm.ly maintain that the departure of foreignfoJrces from Afghanistan is essential for the attainment of these objectives. The resistance leadership has also pUblicly declared ita objective of building a peaceful, independent and non-aligned Afghanistan, committed to pursuing a policy of peace and friendship towards all its neighbours. Similarly, the Afghan refugees are unwilling to return to their homeland unless the conditions which drove them away from their homes are changed by a just settlement ensuring the .... ithdral>lal of the foreign troops. This is borne out by the report of the Special Rapporteur, Professor Ermacora, who, following his extensive interviews with the refugees, has observed that "Regardless of th,e legality or otherwise of the presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan, the fact remains that their presence is the main reason for the intensity of the armed conflict and the existence of 5.5 million refugees and is an obstacle to the free exercise of the right to self-determination". No matter how one looks at the situation, the continued presence of the foreign military forces meets the eye as the root-cause of the conflict in Afghanistan. The main reason for' our disappointment with the recent Geneva rounds is their failure to produce an acceptable time-frame for the withdrawal of these forces from Afghanistan. Despite our best efforts to resolve the time-frame issue in Geneva last March and again in SefJtember, the other side d id not respond meaningfully nor did it show an interest in sustained negotiations for that purpose. The Geneva settlement cannot be finalized, nor will it carry credibility, without the availability of a short time-frame. After eight long years of the conflict the people of Afhanistan have a geniune desire for the return of peace and be expe<lited h}' tha ,early exit of foreign forces. The >-'<:'U/:;.tJ'.,t': of Afghanistan nal!CtlCi'lJ...L\ waut the pried of withdrawal to be as short as One reason for that is to shorten the agony of a presence which is a reminder of foreign domination; another is the fear that anything other a short time-frame may tempt the foreign forces to continua to seek a military Iilolution to the problem while the opportunity lasts. We were heartened by the statement of General Secretary Gorbachev, as reported i.n Mardeka last July, that the Soviet leader favoured a short time-frame for the ....ithdrawal of troops. We greatly look forward to the fruition of this important promise and hope for its reflection in the Geneva accords. We hope that the next round of Geneva talks will take place without delay. We are committed to making every possible contribution towards ensuring the success of the talks. I wish to avail myself of this opportunity also to express our profound gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and his Personal Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, for the perserverance and dedication with which they have pursued the cause of a political settlement in Afghanistan consistent with universally accepted principles. We are also sincerely desirous of activating the Pakistan-Soviet dialogue, which has remained dormant since last February. Both sides have recognized the usefulness of this dialogue, and its early resumption will help the cause of a political settlement in Afghanistan. We have a vital interest in the return of normalcy to Afghanistan, as much for our deep sympa.thy for the people of Afgnanistan and the pain we feel In our hearts at their Buffering as for the well-being of our people and the peace and security of our region. Our people have suffered froin the fall-out of the Afghan conflict in various ways. Our border villages and refugee camps have come under frequent and brutal air attacks in which hundreds of innocent lives have been lost. Pressure has been sought to be brought on Pakistan also through subversion and terrorism aimed at harassing the popUlation, creating tensions, particularly ln provinces with large Afghan refugee populations and thereby intimidating Pakistan into giVing up its principled stand on the issue of Afghanistan. However, Pakistan is determined not to succumb to pressure and to continue its efforts for a settlement consistent with the principles and the verdict of the international community. In addition to the threat to its security, Pakistan has borne the burden of prOViding shelter to the millions of Afghan refugees who represent the largest concentration of refugees anywhere in the world. We are providing these displaced persons with their barest needs as our humanitarian and Islamic responsibility and are grateful to the international hUlnanitarian organizations, especially the Office of the United NationS High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and the World Food Programme (WFP), for providing valuable relief. I also wish to take this opportunity to reject the baseless allegations by Kabul that Pakistan has been obstructing the return of the refugees. The United Nations is welcome to ascertain the facts, which are well known to the international community. The atmosphere of gloom surrounding the situation in Afghanistan is, nevertheless, penetrated by a ray of hope. There are positive signals in recent by the SO\1i~t leadership reflecting interest in early 'Withdrawals. 'l'he iaat. an advanced stage d;esplte setbacks in efforts to resolve the time-frame issue. is renewed ui-' .... J'n'.Lo,'U for the resumption of the P;cJl.istan-Soviet bilateral dialogue. The intetnational climate, especially in relations, has shown vi.sible impro'v~ment following the intenn(!}diate n'uclear forces accords. Afghanistan is a test case in a variety of ways for the strengthening of global conf idence. An early settlement will under line the sincer ity of General Secretary Gorbachev l s global vision for peace. 1\ just settlement will nave a salutary impact all round, especially in 1\,sia and Em'ope, and will contribute towards the ushering in of an era of genuine global det.ente. Its import for the developing countries will be far-reaching. A just political settlement will mark a waterShed for the sustained strengthening of a world order based On respect for principles. Conversely, acceptance of continued foreign military intervention in Afghanistan will encourage the growth of hegemonic tendenCies jeopardizing the Hcurity of the smaller nations and placing them at the mercy of their powerful neighbours. Pakistan desires an early settlement of tne Afghanistan conflict in the interests of peace and harmony in its own region which borders the Soviet Union. We seek to improve the atmosphere of our relations with the Soviet Union. This was ~affirmed by the Prime Minister of Pakistan in his address to the General Assembly last September: "The Soviet Union is' Pak istan IS nei'::Jhbour. Hy Government seekfii to promote friendly and co-operative relations with the Soviet Union, de~pite our differences over Afghanistan. From this rostrum, I fervently appeal to General Secretary Gorbachev and the Soviet leadership to help resolve th~ tragic situation in Afghanistan on the basis of justice and equity. I assure the Soviet leadership of Pakistan's fullest co-operation." (A/4:2/PV.ll, p .. 3.!:) I now have the privilege of introducing the draft resolution entitled "The situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security", which has been circulated under the symbol A/42/L.16. on behalf of its 48 sponsors, namely: Antigua and Barbuda, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Belize, Brunei DaruBsalam, Chile, Colombia, Comoros, Costa Rica, Dj ibouti, Dominica, Egypt, Fij 1. Gambia, Guatemala, Guinea, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Jordan, Kuwai,t, Malaysia, Maldives, Mauritania, l>k>rocco, Nepal, Niger, Oman, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay. Philippines, Qatar, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Samoa, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Somalia. Thailand, Tunisia, Turkey, United Arab Emirates, Uruguay, Zaire and Pakistan. The contents of this draft resolution are similar to the contents of resolutions adopted by the General Assembly in previous years~ The rationale of maintaining the integrity of the text of the draft resolution is evident. This draft resolution has come to symbolize the just stand adopted by the world body on the Afghan issue. The draft resolution is free of polemics or recrimination and seeks a settlement of the Afghanistan problem consistent with the principles embodied in it. These include: first, the immediate and total withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan, secondly, the preservation of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political independence and non-aligned character of Afghanistanl thirdly, the right of the Afghan people to determine their own fOrlll of government and to ohoose their economic, political and social system free from outside intervention, subversion. coercion or constraint of any kind whatsoever; and, fourthly, the creation of the conditions neoessary to enable the Afghan refugees to return voluntarily to their homes in safety and honour. i!ln tb~ ~al:i£::l;ier part of my statement I repeatedly laid stress on the fact that tb& Mgh.ani,stan pl:obl~. Accordingly, the internat.ional demand for immediate and iIii'ithdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan is the focal point of the draft resolution. This is the essential step for 'the restora.tion. of the SO'liHeignty I political independence, territorial integrity' and non-aligned character of The draft resolution does not presume to prescribe or propose processes or arrangements relating to the political dispensation in Afghanistan following the withdrawal of foreign troops. That will be a matter of exclusive concern to the people of a free Afghanistan. The principles outlined in the decisions of the international community need to be reaffirmed once again to maintain pressure for an early settlement and to provide impetus for the successful conclusion of the Geneva ~rocess. A settlement is within reach if an acceptable time-frame for withdrawals becomes available. The finalization of the settlement will be welcomed by the whole world. It will set in motion positive dynamics and bring to a close a tragic chapter in the annals of Afghanistan. The Afghan people have a long history of liVing in peace and freedom and have never tolerated foreign intervention in their affairs. The withdrawal of foreign forces will undOUbtedly pave the way for Afghanistan to resume its historic role as a factor of stability and peace in the region. I tried to cover as briefly as I could the basic issues of the Afghanistan question in my statement today. I have tried to present the facts a~ clearly as possible so that we may be able to see beyond the rhetoric of the myths d•• igned to obscure the reality of the situation in Afghanistan. We have no doubt that the international community will once again commit its overwhelming support to draft (Mr. Noorani, Pakistan} resolution A/42/L.16 and send the clear message that it cannot compromise on basic principles. The will of the international community, embodied in the dra£t resolution, is an instrument for the realization of a just and honourable settlement of the Afghanistan question consistent with the requirements of durable peace and the principles and purposes of the Charter of the (Jnited Nations. The PRBSI DENT (interpretation from Russian): I thank the State Minister for Foreign Affairs of Pakistan. I now call on the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic, who wishes to introduce the amendments contained in A/42/L.19. Mr. MASRl (Syrian Arab Republic) (interpret.ation frOttl Arabic): On behalt of the delegation of Democratic Yemen and of liP! own delegation, 1 have pleasure in introducing the amendments in document A/42/L.19, of 5 Noverllber 1987. This re to draft resolution A/42/L.l6, of 2a October 1987, on the situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security. These amendments cover two main ideas which strengthen the text of the draft resolution. The first calls for strict observance of the principle of non-interference in relation to Afghanistan, SI fundamental pr inciple of the ChartQI:" and of international law which must be strictly observed in relations between States in order to safeguard the sovereignty of every State in its internal affairs and its free will, compatible with the interests of its people, without any outsid(y intervention. Of course, strict observance of this principle by all countries is necessary to reduce tension in international relations and strengthen world peace and security. The second amendment welcomes the progress at the Geneva talks, Which the international community is following with interest and hope. We have been inspired to present these amendments by the historical, cultural and spiritual relations that link us with Afghanistan and its neighbours, and by our concern to see peace and harmony prevail. Furthermore, we have noted the desire of many delegations of friendly countries to contribute to the search for a solution to the problems facing the people of this region, who are so dear to us. Recent important events in Afghanistan constitute a positive factor and strengthen the hope of a peaceful, comprehensive settlement of the problem. Among these events, I would mention the declaration of the Afghan Government of 15 January 1987 extending the cease-fire to 1S January l~B8, the attempt to d[ctW up a draft constitution and the efforts to bring unity and harmony to the Afghan In the light of the feelings of our brotherly feelings for the people of Afghanistan and neighbour iog countries, we sincerely hope that these amendments will enjoy the unanimous support of the Assembly and this will make it possible for the draft resolution A/42/L.16 to be adopted unanimously - something that has never happened with similar draft resolutions in the past. l~r. WAKIL (Afghanistan) {spoke in Dari; English text furnished by the delegation}: The present debate on the situation around Afghanistan, which has once again been opened by this Assembly, contrary to the will of our people, prompts the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan to elaborate on the issue meticulously and comprehensively. In the view of our delegation, the exper ience of the decade of the last eight years on the issue, the impracticability of the previous resolutions and the recent developments in our country and in the process of the political solution of the situation around it, presuppose that the present session of the General Assembly will undertake Cl new approach to this matter. We must consider the issue concerning the situation around Afghanistan with a sense of responsibility, demonstrate sound jUdgement and seek practical ways to ensure the solution of the issue. The April revolution, which was carried out on the basis of the will of the people of Afghanistan, opened a new path for the independent life of the Afghan people. No one can deny the right of our country to choose its own way of development. But, regrettably, with the lapse of these arduous years world imperiali.m, the United States at the forefront, in collusion with regional reaction, the reactionary circles of Pakistan in particular, has imposed a painful war on our nation. This war, with all its destructive dimensions, has left our bereft of their lo'l1'eO oaes ana brou~ht irrepaxable economic and moral upon them. Buge amounts of assistance frol1', tne iallst countries have strea."!llined towards Pakistan to feed the flames of this war. Me&nwhile. the of Pakistan has been transformed into a springboard for acts of naked aQ<:rn3!8Sion against Afghanistan. What is even more regrettable is that, although they realh:. the uselessness of continuing the war and despite the fact that with the proclamation of national !econciliation by the Democrat ic Republic of Afgbanistan on 15 January 1987 the ground has been fully prepared for the cessation of war and the solution of all iSsues. the warmongers have expanded the dimens10ns of this undeclared war and further tueled its flames. Is not the doctrine of "fighting to the last Afghan" secretly put into effect by tbe United States an open crime as far as human rights are concerned? The reason behind tne endeavours of our enemies to continue and expand this human tragedy is clear. Their strategic interests are not in consonance with the normalization of the situation around Afghanistan. The United States; which lost Iran as its regional gendarme directly after the fall of the r~gime of the Shah, because of the triumph of the national democratic April revolution in Afghanistan, sought to collude with the authorities in Islamabad and designate Pakistan its regional gendarme. The specific goals pursued by the United States through this strategy are on the one hand to block the consolidation of people's power in Af~hanistan and carry on the policy of war and fratr icide "to tbe last Afghan"; and on the other; to reinforce its military presence in our region in order to realize its greedy and infamous schemes by maintaining the tense situation around our country. The United States neo-globalist st[:ategy envisages Asians fighting Asians, !'.frieans fighting Africans, and Latin Americans fighting Latin Americans, in the interest of the United States. The goals pursued by the United States in financing and continuing the undeclared '""ar against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan are quite clear: preserving tension in the vicinity of the frontiers of the Soviet Union and, in its own words, keeping the Soviets busy in Afghanistan: disseminating anti-Soviet propaganda coneenling the situation in and around Afghanistan and the presence of the limited Soviet military contingent there I under the pretext of the existing tension around Afghanistan, transforming Pakistan into a strategic springboard in South West Asia, in the interest of the Rapid Deployment Force in the Gulf region; making use of the Pakistani forces, and launching endeavours aimed at reviving military pacts similar to those of the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) and the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). 'I'he United States, by arming Pakistan to the teeth, as well as equipping and arming the Afghan armed opponent groups and rendering great assistance to the Zionist State of Israel, tries to stand, on the one hand, in so-called defence of Islam and, on the other, in opposition to it, and thus to establish a balance towards this end. At present, over 120 camps exist in the territory of Pakistan for the training, equipping and arming of the Afghan armed opponents, and in them the military and secret service advisers, experts and instructors of the United States, Israel, Pakistan and other Western countries teach the methods of murder, terror and repression to the extremist opponents. wha.t I.sIamabad. ive from the undeclared RE::pujp.i..i.C of 1\,t;.ghanistan?We should sta.te clearly tlla t that deed ves wide po.lidcal and propagandabenefits, particularly in its endeavouJ;s to divert the attention of the their .(je:m.em':l:S!: and wishes concerning var lOlls aspects of Afghan p.roblem.. Me9onwhile~ Pakistan has received great sums of m.ilita.ry-:ecpnomic aid froin t;.he United States \901)0 its allies such as SaUdi Arabia, l!Ipt;Je::rnized the Pqkistani army by purchasing sophisticated weapons. This undeclared war, in which l'akist.an pl90Ys a key role, has brought great fBlaterial benefits to the ru.ling regime of Islamabad. Pakistan, under the pretext of :per.fQrming a humanitarian duty with regard to the refugees, receives millions of dollars from various imperialist and reactionary sources and acquires big military and financial assistance from different sources, the United States in particular. As we know, during the time of the Carter Administration, which launched a covert war against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, the United States offered $400 million in military assistance to Pakistan. Later on, Pakistan received a package of $3.2 billion for a five-year per iod on the basis of the agreement concluded in 1982. Following that, Washington signed with Islamabad another contract - on a military-economic aid package to the tune of $4.02 billion for the coming six years. Moreover, the selling or leasing of AWACS reconnaissance planes to Pakistan is on the ag enda. Based on press reports quoting Washington sources, almost half of the $4 billion that has been allocated, through Pakistan, for the Afghan extremi~t$ to finance the undeclared war against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, ended in the pockets of the Pakistani rulers. 'l'herefore, if we take into account the imperialist reactionary countries, as well as by international organizations, to the refugees, reaches billions of dollars. Justifying militarism by the so-called threat from the north, and justifying repressivemeaeures against progressive movements in Pakistan, suppressing the Pakistani people, prolonging dictatorship and postponing elections, misusing the presence of refugees to attract billions of dollars in the form of hard currency, economic a.id and foodstuffs, only a portion of which is being distributed among the refugees - these are the goals pursued by Islamabad in order to continue the undeclared war against the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. Repeated violations, aggressions and armed encroachments - inclUding repeated violation of the airspace of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan by Pakistan - leave no credit for Islamabad authorities in regard to international law and the norms of inter-State relations. In this connection we can cite the incident in which an F-l6 Pakistani aircraft that had violated Afghan airspace was shot down by the Afghan a ir force this year. Under the political pressure of the United States, Pakistan prolongs the efforts at the Geneva talks to achieve a final solution to the situation around Afghanistan, notwithstanding the principled flexibility shown and possible concessions made by the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. As far as the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is concerned, at the Geneva talks we have always striven - by setting forth new concrete proposals and initiatives - to take a constructive and flexible position towards reaching an immediate political solution of the situation around Afghanistan. It was due to Our flexibility that, at the last round of the talks, the gap between the positions of the two sides narrowed significantly. We should state that the Geneva talks proceeded at a more rapid pace had the Govern.1lent QfPakistan not from direct talks 'iiith the participation of the Personal Representative l:J'l;eOnited Nations Secretary-General. Pakistani side states that it does not recognize the tQgime in our wootry. That is glossing over the existing realities. It should be stated in thisre9ard that the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan does not actually need such recognition. But it is worth mentioning that there are numerous examples in world htstory of even countries at war with each other resorting to direct talk.s. Diplomatic relations do exist between the Democratic RepUblic of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and right now 48 Pakistani diplomats are stationed in their Embassy and two Consulates in the Democratic Republic of Afgha.nistan,and 31 Afghan diplomats in our Embassy and three Consulates in Pakistan. The leadership of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is convinced that the only way to end the all-out fratricidal war in Afghanistan, which has been continuing for the past nine years, and immediately to normalize the situation around Afghanistan, is the realization of a national reconciliation policy inlide the country and the successful conclusion of the Geneva talks. We are optimistic about the prospects of those two processes, which are proceeding in parallel and are organically interlinked. But it is surprising that since we launched the far-reaching invitation for national reconciliation, the assistance of the United States and its allies to the Afghan extremists has doubled. Since then, the United States alone has increased its financial assistance from $500 million to $600 million, and it will soon reach $1,000 million. The number of Stinger missiles delivered to the extremi13t!iil, which are being used to shoot down aircraft carrying innocent passengers, haliil increased from 60 to 600 units. Those are in addition to the British-.made Blowpipe missiles. So far over 160 persons, including 22 children and 16 women, have been burnt in the flames of the downed aircraft. Recently the extremists committed another abhorrent crime by exploding a bomb in Kabul Ci ty,as a result of which 27 persons were killed and 30 others seriously injured. Such crimes cannot but shock every human being of conscience. There are no words to describe the sorrowful faces of the orphaned children and bereaved families. There are no words to describe the lives of the Afghans away from their homeland, the incalculable destruction and the ruins of schools, hospit.als, bridges and dams. Suffice it to say that the losses inflicted on our national economy as Cl: result of the war exceed three-fourths of the investments made in the country in the last 50 years. It is quite easy for some to say that the war in Afghanistan has left behind heavy losses, and for Mr. Reagan to give statistics to the effect that 1 million people have been killed. But the question is this: who is to bear the responsibility for all those losses? Why do those who indulge in such pronouncements not stop the war and give a positive response to the call for reconciliation and to our peaceful initiatives? The representatives of cross-sections of the international community, including politicians, social figures, journalists, and businessmen, have recently visited our country. Of course, there were persons among them who did not agree with our views and did not side with us. But most of them admitted that the main cause of bloodshed in our country is foreign interference in the form of arming, equipping and training the mercenaries and the hostile propaganda aimed at hoodwinking the refugees and world public opinion. Are not the supply of w.odern and sophisticated wBapons and huge sums to the of the Afghan revolution, as reported in the Western media, and the of the united States Congress on the delivery of weapons and flloney to toose opponents clear-cut manifestat ions of interferenoe in the internal affair s of the De~cratic Republic of Afghanistan and aggression against it? DO not the acts of the United States. Pakistan and their allies fUlly oontravene the provisions of paragraph 4 of Article 2 of the Unf ted Nations Charter and the 1970 Declaration on Pr inciples of International Law concerning Fr iendl}' Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance w1 th the Charter of the United Nations? The Declaration states, inter alia, that: ~No State or group of States has the right to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any reason whatever, in the internal or external affairs of any other State. Also, no State shall organize, assist, foment, finance, incite or " tolerate subversive, terrorist or armed activities directed towards the violent overthrow of the regime of another ~tate, or interfere in civil strife in another State." (resolution 2625 (XXV), annex) Afghanistan, under this generally recognized principle of international law, has the right to seek the protection of this Assembly for its cause, in accordance with the objectives and principles of the Charter. The violations of those principles in regard to Afghanistan's revolution are nothing but aggression. ~he definition of aggression contained in General Assembiy resolution 3314 (XXIX) of 1974, describes, inter alia, as an act of aggression "The sending by or on behalf of a State of armed bands, group!!!, irregulars or mercenaries, which carry out acts of armed force again~t another State ..... (resolution 3314 (XXIX) /: annex, article 3 (9) 15 not our country presently subj,ected to such an act of aggression? Do not the armed opponent groups infiltrate the ten itory of Afghanistan from Pakistan day in and day out? The People' 5 Democratic Party of Afghanistan and the State of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in order to put an end to such interference and naked aggression and to s'top the great tragedy of the ....ar, while carrying on the Geneva talks, has declared the policy of national reconciliation. This policy has received the vigorous support of the people inside our country, Afghans living abroad and political, humanitarian international circles. But, in parallel with the successes achieved by the policy of national reconciliation at the national and international levels, the United States and the reactionary countries of the region, such as Pakistan, have utilized all the ....ays and means of blocking the realization of the policy. We have offered reconciliation to our Afghans and have called upon them, wherever they live, to return to their homeland with honour. We are providing every facility for those who return. A new department, at the level of a Ministry, has been established to administer their affairs. Based on various decrees of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, the properties of the repatriates have been returned to them and their debts and taxes have been pardoned. MeanWhile, under certain conditions, they are exempted from military service for a long period of time. No individual or group will be persecuted for past deeds and activities, and all will enjoy the right of electing the State's central and local organs and to be elected to them. In the political, economic and local adminilJltrations, they will enjoy equal rights with all other nationals of Afghani$tan. Under the newly promulgated law on the activities of political par tiel and the law of the press, they can have their own political parties and new constitution has been debated publicly ,!uld so far :2 lllillion p~ople a new parliamentary system guaranteeing equal rights for all classes, including the bourgeoisie, land-owners, peasants and workers I and all strata - intell.ectuals, clergymen, cra.ftsmen, merchants, private entrepreneurs etc. - to take part in free elections and in state affairs. All A.fghans living abroad, i.ncluding the Alliance of the Seven, the advocates of the ex-King of Afghanistan, and the followers of different parties and organizations can express their views concerning the constitution and hold talks with us. Here we wish to deClare to all those who have been unnecessarily cOncerned about the future non-aligned status of Afghanistan or the existence of .any danger to Islam, that articles 1, 2 and 3 of the Constitution read, inter alia: "The Democratic RepUblic of Afghanistan is an independent, one and indivisible State which exercises sovereignty all over its territory. "The religion of Afghanistan is the sacred religion of Islam. "The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is a non-aligned country, does not join any military pacts and does not allow the establishment of any foreign military bases on its territory." We have always opted for the continuation of a sustained and constructive dialogue with the opposition, the Alliance of the Seven and other organizations, and have launched all-out efforts to this end. No one can deny this fact. During the last 10 months, our Government has issued 14 statements on compromise and concessions. Although the policy of national reconciliation finds its way day-byday to the hearts of our people and although there is a furtner increa•• in th. number of its supporters and the policy continues to gain momentum, the extremiet~ re'r.ain silent. At the same time t a broad campaign of propaganda and lies, which increases the dimensions of the psychological ·....ar .... ith cunning methods, has been unleashed against this humane policy by imperialist and reactionary sources. At present, the Western mass media and radio stations, including eight radio stations in Pakistan, compete with each other to defame the policy of national reconciliation. We have sufficient reason to claim that the proclamation of the policy of national reconciliation has deprived the opponents of their main, most publicized and fallacious slogans. Now there is no place for the demagogic utterances of the opposition that Afghanistan has been occupied by the Soviet Union, and that Islam has thus been endangered. The people realize more and more who their friends are and who are their enemies. The yearly statements by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of PaKistan in this ASBembly, which, along with the British Broadcasting Corporation and the Voice of America, make assertions about the so-called danger to the sacred religion of Islam in Afghanistan and the threat to the culture and traditions of the people of our country, as well as the allegation that an alien system and ideology have been imposed on our people, are totally baseless and far from the truth. Afghanistan has Cl history and culture going back thousands of years, and its values have never fallen victim to the onslaughts of marauding empires, including the British Empire, at various stages of its history. The culture of our country has not and never shall perish. In order to establish the Government of National Unity, until it acquires a coalition character, the State of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan has offered 28 high-ranking state posts to the opponents and, in accordance with the has b~nap-?rov'ed bjY the recent XHHri' programme of of the People' Si of Afgha.nistan, the Part1 voluntarily polit:l:ca'tpo\iO'er. The dOCUllHHlts artha histat le Second ,",v·,,,,,,,,,,,:''''·,''' af the People's Democratic Party af Afghanistan will constitute platform ofn.ational reconciliation. Comrade Dr. Najibullah, General Secretary of the Central COLluutteHlI of People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and President of the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic RepUblic of Afghanistan, stated in his address to the SeCOnd National Congress of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan that: ~In political hysteria, the reactlon swears that it will never accept the PDPA in the coalition Gover nment. Undoubtedly, this is the hullabalco of the White House. This is the White House which does not want the PDPA to chair the negotiations on the realization of reconciliation among Afghans. What can one say to all this? The people witness who herald life to the Afghans and who bring death to them. The people will solve this matter without mistake and their method of solution will be the right one. The people know what the PDl?A has accomplished for a better and peaceful life." In these complex measures, declared so far in the framework of national reconciliation, each and every Afghan who might have the least desire for a peaceful life in the folds of the homeland will find his appropriate place, as he has thus far. We once again propose to the opposition that it make every effort by peaceful means, rather than by war. In order to expand contacts with the opposition, the Revolutionary Council has been entrusted with the task of facilitating the opening in Kabul in the near future of offices of the oppo~ition organizations based abroad, and they will be permitted to publiSh daili•• , prOVided the leaders of those organizations agree in principle with che idea of reconciliation. Despite the short t.ime-span, our prog.ress towards ensur ing peace is tangible. Over the last 10 months, since the proclamation of the policy of national reconciliation l,600 villages have joined the people's power t and now we have 81500 villages under our control. Moreover, all 45 cities of the country, including centres in all of the provinces, as well as 214 districts and SUb-districts., are under our control. freed from the hands of establtshed. It consists of five provinces, distr oore than l r ODl) villages. Until nOWt 90;00U p,eople have been repatriated C$P'S located in Pakistan and Iran. This figure could have been lilluch leu:g€H, it not been for hindrances put up by tbe l?ak.istanl and Iranian mili tary 80 per cent of the refugees are willing to return home. 'l'hirty thousand from 174 armed groups have joined the peoplels power and together with themfnore ~an 100,000 persons have resumed a peacefUl life. Until now 7,849 people from the other side have been elected in the local organs of State power and Administration. More than 6,000 former opposition indiViduals as well as repatriates are working as members of the national reconciliation commissions and 361 people from the ex-ringleaders of opponent armed groups as chiefs and secretaries of the executive committees of State organs at different levels. One hundred opponents took part in the first Jirgah - Assembly - of Nomads and more than 400 in the first Jirgah of Hazara nationality, comprising half of the participants in the latter forum. Right now, Governors of four provinces are thos. who were preViously the ringleaders of opponent armed groups. Despite subversion and economic sabotage by the opponents, and resisting the undeclared and imposed war that resulted in many human and material losses, the Democratic RepUblic of Afghanistan has constantly developed the national economy, thanks to the heroic endeavours of the workers, peasants, craftsmen, artisans t traders and private entrepreneurs. Progress has been made in the most important indexes in the middle of the last five-year period compared with the pre-revolutionary years. Based on 1978 pr ices, the gros5 domnestic product and the national income ha",€: increased by 18 and 10 per cent respectively in companson with the Year 1982: The pr ivate sector holds a major place in the national economy. The Programllle of Action of the Peoplels Democratic Party of Afgnanistan (PDPA) stipulates: "The revolutionary power will establish an economic and legal basis of lonq-term, effective and ll'lUtually benef1.cial co-operation with the private sector and national entrepreneurs both within the framework of the mixed sector and through individual co-operation." The concept of joining efforts of State organs with national entrepreneurs has acquired a legal status. The law on national and foreign private investments has been adopted. Over the last five years, the volume of industrial production has grown by 29 per cent, including 50 per cent in the basic areas of heavy industry and infraslructural production by state and mixed sectors. Over the last five years an additional sum of 83 billion afghan1.s has been invested to meet the needs of the secio-economic development of the country. Over the same period certain successes have been achieved in the soclal sphere. 'rwenty-five thousand literacy courses enrolling 516,000 persons are active throughout the country. One thousand two-hundred forty-one schools have been opened to 703,000 students. In recent years, 26 new health centres and hospitals have been built, the total number of which comes to 109. The number of physicians has more than doubled and the network of drugstores widened. Cultural services for the citizens have 19 per cent and those of the integr ity and independence o'f the country were there no foreign interferenerew Despit.e these f.acts, however, we cannot rebuff foreign interference without tbe assistance of friends because it is acquiring greater dimensions every passing day aoo is increasingly endangering the independence, national sovereignty and ten itorial integrity of our country. The limited Soviet military contingent came to the country at the request. of the legal Government of the Democratic RepUblic of Afghanistan, in conformity with artiCle 4 of the Treaty of Fr iendship, Co-operation and Good-neighbourliness between the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union, dated 5 December 1978, and with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, in order to help in rebuffing foreign aggression and interference which threatened the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of our country. Therefore, the reasons for their entry as well as the circumstances of their return are vividly clear. Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Conununist Party of the Soviet Union, has made it clear that the Soviet Union is sincerely in favour of a non-aligned, neutral and independent Afghanistan and will exert every effort to expedite the process of settlement of the situation around Afghanistan, thus making it possible for the Soviet forces to return to their country. The fact that both Afghanistan and the Soviet Union want the limited Soviet military contingent to return to its peaceful country is evident and there is no 9rounQ tor any qoubt, It 10<3,1' be asked why ( then, they have not returned so far. It i~ because there are forces which do not want them to return. Fortunately, tho.e circl•• that, by hindering a political settlement, want the Soviet force~ t6 Itay longer in our country are being isolated now, because in the judgements on Afghanistan everywhere the most powerful tendency is in favour of peace. Any log<iC S'1.1cvirwe. With the national reconciliation process the gruund has now been paved to Assemb1y'this'geiar to take the initi:al steps for adopting a stance acceptable to all and not alJ.owing the lil'llitea hue and ory which E:cho in this hall only as a part of the psychological warfare to influencE: the course of its action. As the delegation of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan declared at the beginning of this forty-second session of the General Assembly, the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is ready to participate in drafting a resolution which would assist in the speedy solution of the situation around Afghanistan. \>VI'! decla.re today that we are ready to support a resolution on the i!l!isue of Afghanistan with partial amendments and would sincerely co-operate in its unanimous acceptance by the member!l!i of this Assembly. Without any doubt such a resolution would be sound, would have more practical aspects and would have an effective role in this regard. We would like to appeal to all those countries Which desire the s~eedy solution of the situation around Afghanistan and an end to the devastating and destructive war in Afghanistan unanimously to lend their support and to cast their positive votes for the draft amendments proposed by the Syrian Arab RepUblic and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen, which would not make the resolution much different from the original version. As is clear to everyone, the previous debates on Afghanistan in the General Assembly and the adoption of one-sided resolutions sponsored by Pakistan have not had even the slightest impact on establishing peace in our region and have lacked practicable character. There is no reason for the United States and Pakistan to oppose these amendments, which would correct and complement the original draft resolution. If tney do so, it will O€l a demonstration of their open opposition to the political solution of the llIituation aware of their intentions. We need peace, therefore we support a resolution which would herald peace f,PiC our peop1.e. We earnestly hope that the representatives present in this Hall will express their opposition to the unbalanced draft resolution introduced by Pakistan, which experience of the past eight years has shown to be nothing but a propagandistic ploy of certain anti~Afghan and ant i-Soviet circles. For: the elirdnation of regional and world tension, common sense and political insight call for the representatives of member countries to co-operate with the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the Soviet Union to remove tension in the region and for the cessation of interference in the Democratic Republic of Afghanhltan. Pakistan, tne United States and their allies should not be allowed to misiHlge the decisions of this great Assembly of the world community for furthering their ill-intentioned aims. We hope that tne new realities which have been created as a result of the policy of national reconciliation in accordance with the common aspirations of M.ember States will find appropriate reflection. We would liKe members to join our voic., and the voices of all others. We would like to state that the General Assembly is faced today with a choice which could determine the fate of the ideals for which the United Nations stands. If the United Nations General Assembly is to witness an end to the bitter and painful catastrophe and a war imposed on the people of Afghanistan, it is high time for it to exert all its moral influence in favour of the sincere efforts to establish peace in this important region ot Asia. on tbese efforts ana on the talks. We are Pakistan, which is co~pletely to the draft resolut.ioia introduced i~.practicable, is in contradiction of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the United Na,tions Charter and constitutes brazen interference in the internal affairs of the De!1lOcrat ic Republic. of Afghanistan, and we shall vote agaim.t it. If adopted; this draft resolution would be void of any legal and flloral value and would not be binding on the Government of the Democratic RepUblic of Afghanistan. Let us reach a speedy solution to tile situation around Afghanistan - a solution which is becoming closer - in accordance with the objectives set out in the United Nations Charter.

I call on the representative of Pakistan, who wishas to introduce the sub-amendments contained in document A/42/L. 21. Mr. SHAH NAWAZ (Pakistan): On behalf of the Pakistan delegation. I wish to introduce the sub-amendments in document A/42/L.21 to the amendments proposed by Democratic Yemen and Syria (A/42/L.19), to draft resolution A/42/L.16. submitted by 48 sponsors, including my delegation. In its text draft resolution A/42/L.16 is identical to the resolutions adopted by the United Nations General Assembly since 1980, when it considered for the first time the Soviet military intervention in Afghanistan. The draft resolution represents the position of the General Assembly and its verdict on that intervention, which constitutes a flagrant violation of the principles of the United Nations Charter. It identifies the presence of Soviet troops in Afghanistan as the root cause of the problem and demandS their irllmediate and total withdrawal. This demand is the focal point of the draft resolution and constitutes the @SrHi1inCC of the international position on the Afghanistan issue. This position admits ot no modification, since the circumstances of the intervention remain unchanged. Let uS examine the first amendment in document A/42/L.19 in this light.. On the face of it, that amendment invokes the unexceptionable principle of non-interference in relation to Afghanistan. Essentially, however, the amendment aims at changing the emphasis and the logic of the draft resolution. The intention, clearly, is to introduce the contrived issue of interference as a new focal point in the draft resolution and d~lute the present emphasis on the withdrawal of foreign troops, which is the central issue. The acceptance of such an amendment would lend credibility to the argument advanced at the time of the intervention that the foreign troops had entered Afghanistan by invitation to counter outside interference. This argument continues to be used to link the withdrawal of the Soviet troops to the cessation of so-called outside interference. 'rhe international community has consistently rejected this argument and forcefully maintained that the only problem in Afghanistan is the presence of the fo.reign troops, which contravenes the international principles of non-intervention and non-interference and non-use of force. Our sub-amendment in document A/42/L.2l to the first amendment in document A/42/L.19, serves to emphasize the international stand on the Afghanistan issue and to place the violation in relation to Afghanistan of the principle of non-intervention and non-interference in its correct perspective. Our sub-amendment is necessary not only to rectify the erroneous perception that the first amendment in document A/42/L.l9 seeks to inject into the draft resolution but also to maintain international pressure for a just settlement of the problem on the basis of the withdrawal of the foreign forces and preservation of the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned character of Afghanistan. ThQ IiH:!lCond amQndment in document A/42/L.19 refers to progress in the Geneva negotiations. There is no doubt that the protracted Geneva talkS, which started in 1982, have reached an advanced stage in terms of developing the texts of the component of the political s~tt1ement under h~s it brCu9ht the process sufficiiElntly close to a successful conclusion, which the miss ing short t It'llHS!-f'rame for wit.hdrawals. A clc,se examination of the Secret,ary-General's reports on the agenda item on .Afghanistan relating to the years 1935 and 1986 shows that the instnnnents p-artaining t.o the bilat.eral agreement. on non-intervention and non-interference, international guarantees and the voluntary return of refugees stand virtually finalized since early 1985. Resolution of the central issue of the time-frame for withdrawals, however, continues to elude us. In fact. whenever the negotiations have come close to addressing this issue new diversionary questions of procedurlll and format have been r:aised to obstr:uct its consideration. The wholly extraneous issue of national reconciliation. r:aised ear:ly this year, now serves to deflect attention fr:om the issue of the time-frame. The persistent international demand for: immediate and total withdrawals highlights the need for: the pr:ovision of a short time-frame without fur:ther: delay. Regr:ettably. this issue, which is central to the finalization of the settlement. remained unresolved at the Geneva r:ounds in Mar:ch and September: this year. when the other side showed little interest in sustained negotiations. The Geneva negotiations have already continued for: a per:iod of more than five year:s, during the best par:t of which we have made per:sistent efforts to finalize the time-fr:ame issue. Any further delay in settling this issue is bound to damage the process. While acknowledging the pr:ogress achieved 80 far at the Geneva negotiations, the Gener:al Assembly must not ignore the issue of thlO! time-frartllli. which continues to obstruct the successful conclusion of these negotiations. Tbe sUb-amendment, which emphasizes the need for the immediate provision of a short time-fra!l~e, finds full justification in the Secretary-Gene.ral's latest report (A/42/600), of 29 Sept.efJr!ber 1987 1 which clearly identifies the time-frame as the only outstanding issue for the finalization of the settlement. We are confident that the sub-amendments in document A/42/L.21, which have been submitted to preserve toe integrity of the draft resolution, will be adopted with the support of the overwhelming majority in the General Assembly. 'rhe issue before us today is a tragic reminder of One of th€! ll~ost ser ious violations of the Uni ted Nations Charter. The large-scale fllilitary intervention by the Soviet Union in Afghanistan in 1979 represented the beginning of an era of "nprecedented hardship and sufferin;j for tHe Afghan people. The Soviet occupation has continued for nearly eight years. '1'I1e Afghan people are still deprived of their fundamental human and political rights by a regime set up and kept in power by military force. An overwhelming majority in the Generllll Assembly has each and every year condemned the occupation and called for the im.-nediate withdrawal of all foreign troops and a negotiated Settlement which would make it possible to restore to Afghanistan its independent and non-aligned status. For many years the Soviet Union has turned a deaf ear to the clearly expressed demands of the international community that it should end the occupation. i<ecently there have been some indications of a more open and flexible attitude. We welcome indications that the Soviet Union would liKe to find an early political solution. But we have yet to see deeds to match these words. More than 110,UOO Soviet troops remain in Afghanistan against the will of the Afghan people. Their military operations are not confined to Afghanistan itself. Attacks on Pakistani territory, inclUding the refugee camps, have continued and 1ndeed escalated; and we have recently seen a campaign of terrorist incidents in Pakistan. The Twelve once again urge the Soviet Union to agree to a rapid and complete withdrawal of their troops in accordance with an irrevocable time-table. We utterly condemn the continued bombings of Pakistani territory, which constitute I clear threat to peace and stability in the region as a whole. The Soviet Union must realize by no.... that the war it is ....aging in Afghanistan cannot be ....on. Despite the hardship and human misery endured during the occupation t there is no sign of any ....eakening of the Afghan people's resolve. In fact,. the reverse is truer as recent developments on the military front have sho....n. The alliance of resistance parties formed two years ago continues to inform the international community of what is taking place inside Afghanistan. 'I'he endurance of the Afghan people during eight years of indiscriminate ....arfare is indeed admirable. Over 1 million Afghans have died. As the occupying forces attempt to suppress a most courageous resistance, innocent men and women continue to lose their lives and homes. Brutal attacks, especially from the air, against the civilian population continue to lead to the destruction of villages, rural infrastructure and crops. Hundreds of thousands remain displaced and millions still liVe as refugees abroad. 'l'he Twelve strongly condemn the attacks on the civilian population, which are irreconcilable with the norms of lnternational behaviour and violate fundamental human rights. The massive exodus of refugees to neighbouring countries is yet another reflection of the harsh realities of the war in Afghanistan. Nearly 5 million Afghan refugees - approximately a third of the population - have been forced to find sanctuary in neighbouring countries, and there are close to 1 million displaced people within Afghanistan itself. The greatest concentration of refugees in the world today is to be found in Pakistan. It is self-evident that this places a heavy burden on its limited resources. The Twelve once again wish to pay a tribute to the Government of Pakistan for the hospitality and generous assistance it has provided to the refugees and for its fortitude in the face of the continued and grave violation of its international borders. We also pay a tribute to other countries providing assistance through the relevant: and its rel efforts assistance is alternative to the return of the refugees to thl1tir 'rhe Twelve urge the SOliiet union to withdraw its troops from illlmediately and thus to create the conditions necessary to allow the refugees to return in peace ,md safety. The Twelve have consistently supported proposals for a political solution the ptoblem of Afghanistan based on the principles of the relevant United Nations resolutions. We have read with great interest the report flresented to the GElnlllral Assembly by the Secretary-General on 29 September 1987. We wish to reaffirm our continued support for the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Persontil Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez, and to express the hope that their untiring endeavours will result in early agreement on the outstanding issues. The Secretary-General's report makes it clear that agreement on the time-table for the withdrawal of all Soviet troops will provide a decisive impetus for a final solution. That remains the key element of a settlement. The last round of Geneva talks in September was called by the Kabul r~gime. We regret that the offer it put forward on the troop-withdrawal time-table did not match the expectations this had raised. We call upon the Soviet Union to demonstrate the innovative diplomatic approach needed to close the gap on the withdrawal time-table. For eight years the Soviet Union has attempted to impose on the Afghan people a GOvernment dominated by the People I s Democratic Pa rty of Afgihani5tan, but thliliy have clearly rejected it. The Twelve believe that the Afghan resistance must be part of a comprehensive solution to the Afghanistan problem. In recent months thu regime in Kabul has made much of its so-called peace initiatives. In reality, howeve r, these proposals seem pr imar ill' designed to do no mor e than keep tbe . prese.nt regime in pO'lI'ier against the clearly expressed wishes of the Afghan people. The Twelve hope that the soviet Onion and Kabul will reassess their positions and work for genuine reconciliation in Afghanistan, including arrangements leading to an act of self-deterrr.ination enabling the Afghan people to decide their own future. We stand ready to support any move in that direction. The continuing occupation of Afghanistan is a threat to the stability of the re'9ion and a constant danger to international peace and security. The Soviet Union cannot escape its obligations under the United Nations Charter. 'l'he Twelve are cant ident that the General Assembly will once again vote to confirm its rejection of aggression and foreign occupation and its support for a genuine solution to the Afghanistan problem. The Soviet Union must now demonstrate in d@ed its commitment to international peace and security by complying with the relevant United Nations resolutions and honour ing its proclaimed commitment to the principles of international law by withdrawing all its troops from Afghanistan. Mr. J!'ISCHER (Austria): Almost eight years have passed since the military intervention in Afghanistan. The continuing military occupation of that traditionally non-aligned country is a source of legitimate and deep concern to Austria. This concern is shared by an overwhelming majority of the States Members of the United Nations, which have on numerous occasions unequivocally condemned this foreign military intervention. As as basic principles of the United Nations Charter tsooh as the non-use well a:S the right to self-determination are deficed by powerful nations, Interna'tional peace and security will remain elusive. Austria rejects any tendencies which seek military rather than political solutions. It is obvious that a lasting solution to the problem of Afghanistan and, indeed, to numerous other problems on our agenda, can neVer be found by military 1!'leans, but only by political means. The General Assembly has repeatedly outlinetl elements which are essential for such a political solution: the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops, the right of the Afghan people to determine its own form of government and to choose its own economic. social and political system, international guarantees for the non-use of force and for non-interference, and the voluntary return of all Afghan refugees in safety and honour. The United Nations has, however, not restricted itself to the adoption of resolutions. It has been actively involved in the search for a political solution. We have studied with great interest the report of tne Secretary-General on the situation in Afghanistan. We concur with his view that substantial progress has been made in the past year towards achieving a comprehensive settlement. Let me take this opportunity to commend the Secretary-General and his Special Representative for their efforts. Although a narrowing of the time-frame for the withdrawal of foreign troops has taken place, we must remain aware of the fact that a decisive breakthrough in the negotiations has not yet taken place. until recently, progress has indeed been very slow. However, we believe that solid foundations for a future 6ettl~rfl.nt hav(;l been laid. In taking note of changing conditions, we see for the first time in ye.ars a genuine, if at present only faint, possibility of achieving a political settlement and bringing about an end to the suffering of the Afghan people. Whereas a time-frame for the withdrawal of troops could probably be agreed upon rather g,oon, it would not automatically bring ahout an end to the tremendous suffering of the l\fghan population inside the country or outside in refugee camps. The proble:rn i!!il not restricted to terminating the military intervention nor to solving bilateral problems between neighbouring countries. One of the major issues which also would have to be addressed is the reintegration of 5 million refugees, constituting about a third of the Afghan population. This will require a fundamentally new approach by the Government of Afghanistan. We have taken note with interest of the professed will of the Government of Afghanistan to address this issue. One of its measures led, inter alia, to the return of refugees, albeit only a small fraction of their total number. The Geneva talks certainly are of great importance. However, there are some lSfiluas outside the scope of those talks, which will have to be addressed if the very complex question of Afghanistan is to be settled in a manner satisfactory to all sides. As is the case in other comparable situations, the question of national reconciliation is of decisive importance. An approach where the Government in power designates its interlocutors would not seem likely to be acceptable to all parties concerned. We are aware, however, that the political forces in opposition or in exile are at present still lacking a common forum. A satisfactory manner of d••ling with this question is certainly not facilitated by this situation. We recognize that the measures announced by the Government of Afghanistan include some elementl\l on which future progress probably could be built. However, doubt. remain whether the measures undertaken so far will be sufficient to lead to national reconciliation. So far the activities designed t.o br in9 reconciliation cannot be considered a,s hi!'l\ting been successful. Austr!1i;\ believes that more efforts should be undertaken in this regard. As Afghans i.na,lde and outside their hOnlJeland have become fflore and more concerned about the need to ensure their right to self-determination, not piecemeal measures, but bold and decisive steps for national reconciliation are required. A national reconciliation limited to political forces inside the country will be of little value so long as all those millions of Afghans liVing abroad, including their political leaders, are not integrated into such a process. On the question of human rights and fundamental freedoms, a new approach has b~en manifested by the Government of Afghanistan by permitting the Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan, Mr. Ermacora, to visit that country for the first time. I have already mentioned that the United Nations has a role to play in solving the problems of Afghanistan. That role must not be limited to diplomatic endeavours. It could possibly also encompass some practical measures of assi!Stance in the implementation of an eventual political agreement. It is perhaps too early to discuss this matter in detail, but once we reach the stage when this question will have to be addressed, the relevant United Nations organs should be prepared to take decisions without losing valuable time. As has been stated in this Hall, history shows that opportunities once wasted can, if at all, only be reconstituted at tremendous cost. We do not know yet whether opportunities to reach a political solution have indeed already been wasted. We do know, however, that we should spare no effort in finding an early solution to the question of Afghanistan. This is not only a humanitarian ~perative, but a necessary requirement to bring stability to a region which is of utmost concern to all of us. It would also play an essential role to improve further the overall political climate and send a message to nations small and large, that perceived political problems require political rather than military aolutions. (Mr. Fischer, Austria) proceeds once again to tt~ discussion of the t"E!current :l..tem entitloo "l"he situation in Afghanistan and its ilmlplications for international peace and security", there is mounting evidence of the evolution of the situation in and around Afyhanistan. which irldicates th(!l possibility of a comprehensive and peaceful solution of the problem. It is encouraging to note that the two proc€sses are converging and they have a common denominator: a search for p€ace. In the Declaration of National Reconciliation, a.dopted on 3 January 1981, the Revolutionary Council of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan proclaimed that "Our [Afghan] people are thirsty for peace" after years of internal strife, during which "the country had been flooded with tears and blood". Having in mind the ultimate interests of the Afghan people ana with a view to ensuring the security of the people and country-wide peace, cessation of thlll fratricidal war and the progress and prosperity of the country, the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, in the framework of a policy of national reconciliation, declared on 15 January 1987 a unilateral cease-fire, proclaimed a general amnesty, promulgated a law on the establishment of a multi-party system in the country and offered negotiations with other political forces inside and outside the country. Those measures created a new political atmosphere in Afghanistan, which is particularly discernible at the grass-roots level, in the work of local national reconciliation commissions. Much would depend upon how the leaders of other political forces, both inside and outside the country, would respond to those proposals for mutual understanding, negotiations, compromises and conc@sgions thlllt the Government of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan is willing to nlelk(jJ. AIlGO at the international level, as the secretary-General states in niB annual report on the work of the Organization: "Efforts to resolve the problem related to Afghanistan have reached an advanced stage". (11./42/1, p. 2) And to quote again from the Secretary-General's report on agenda item 31: "Substantial though not sufficiently sustained progress has been made in the past year in the efforts to concluae the international instruments that will comprise the settlement". (11./42/600, para. 2) Complementing earlier agreements on non-interference and non-intervention, on the return of refugees, on international guarantees, the relevant provisions of the draft fourth instrument on interrelationships were finalized. In addition, the gap between the positions of the two sides on the time-frame of troop withdrawals has been narrowed from initially 45 months to 8 months. We commend the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative for the achievement of a political solution of the problem. We consider that it is essential to ensure that the settlement is broadly supported and effectively implemented. In that respect, we share the Secretary-General's opinion about the important role of all Governments in a position to do so to facilitate the achievement of a comprehensive settlement. The Soviet Union expressed strong support for the United Nations diplomatic process according to the report by the Secretary-General on his talks with the Soviet leadership in Moscow in June 1987. And in an interview reported in l'Unita on 18 May 1987, General Secretary Mikhail S. Gorbachev expressed the Soviet Government's full support for the position of the Non-Aligned Movement that Afghanistan should remain an independent, sovereign and non-aligned country and: "should Afghanistan wish to become a neutral State again, it is up to the Afghan people to decide". on the par.t of the Government of the Democratic of Afghanistan should be matched by the curtaillll'ient of outsid€!l in the inte.rnal affair:$ of the coun.try and cessation of destructive internal activities supported and financed from abrOad. COncerning the current debate, the General AS!!Hj~.mbly could made a positivill contribution to the speedy political solut.ion ot the situation relating to Afghanistan!t it were to adopt a fair and unbiased approach to the l'tlatter and if it took into account the developments Which have ta,ken place in and aroui1d Afghanistan since the last session of the Assembly. Such an approach presupposes that any draft resolution on the subJect under discussion shoula contain, inter alia, a call for the str ict observance of the pr inciple of non-intervention in relation to the situation in Afghanistan and support for the efforts of the Secretary-General and his personal representative in promoting a comprehensive settlement of the Afghan problem by peaceful means, while welcoming the progress achieved so far at the Geneva talks. Mc ABULHASAN (Kuwait) (interpretation from Arabic): The tensions and instabilities surrounding international relations have their roots in the presence and escalation of crises and the existence of hot spots of tension. The tribulations of our contemporary world are due to the use of force and intervention, threats against sovereignty and territorial integrity, the denial of the rights of peoples and States to determine their own future in freedomn and to choose the means to internal development and foreign policy. The best proof of this fact is that the General Assembly for the ninth consecutive session is considering the tragic and critical situation in Afghanistan. Furthermore, and for the ninth time, the overwhelming majority of sovereign States will condemn the flagrant sweeping foreign intervention, reflected in the continuing foreign (t-ir. Abulhasan. Kuwai t) presence on Afghan soil and the subjection of its valiant people to occupation, an intervention accompanied by repeated barbaric battles and enormous suffering, an occupation aimed at forcing a sovereign and independent people, with a distinct Moslem identity, to kneel before an occupation attempt.ingto undermine its religion, culture and traditions. What more eloquent expression and clearer testimony of the will of the overwhelming majority of the Afghan people than its valiant resistance to all attempts aimed at imposing an unfriendly regime. The Afghan people lS seeking to regi'dn i te freedom and independence which it has enjoyed for centur ies and has defended with dignity and valour. We cannot accept the justification of tne use of force or intervention in all thei r forms in the internal affairs of others, regardless of the party committing the inter-vention, or where it takes place. Furthermore, we cannot defend the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and their implementation in a Belective manner. Therefore, all pretexts or justification for the military occupation of Afghanistan cannot change and indeed cannot cover up the fact that it 19 a violation not only of the principles and objectives of the Charter, but indeed of all the rules of civilized behaviour amongst States, particularly a fundamental principle in the Charter committing all States Members of the United Nations to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of other States. I wouldo~ce OOSer\H:t that there oan be no l!tilitary solution to this orisis ""isbes and aspirations of the Afghan people, which are glHllranteed by international la"'!; and instruments:. A settlement oannot be achieved through cosrneticotumgell! or symbolic initiatives. In seeking a settlenHj!flt the international community has spared. no efforts within the Organization and outside it, in the t-tovement of Nion-Aligned Countries, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, and el!1lewh~re. It is appropriate in this context to mention the role played by the Organization of the Islamic Conference, from its conference in Fez in 1980 to itm latest summit conference, held in Kuwai t in January of this yea r. The Organh:atiotl of the Islamic Conference has continued to reaffirm the commitment of the Islamic Ommah to its principled position vis Et vis the military intervention by a foreign Power in Afghanistan. It has called for a ~eaceful settlement based on the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Islamic Conference. Proceeding from this and its finn commitment to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, Kuwait joins its sister States in the Islamic Conference and the non-Muslim States Members of this Organization in insisting that a comprehensive settlement to the Afghan problem must be based on the following: the immediate unconditional withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan; enjoyment by the Afghan people of its right to self-determination; respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Afghanistan; maintenance of the distinct Islamic identity of Afghanistan, and the return of the refugees to their homes in full security and dignity. Kuwait calls on all parties concerned to redouble their efforts to hasten the finding of solutions to the most important issues, particularly thos~ related to the time-frame for the withdrawal of foreign troops, which we hope will bel !!5hort. Failure to reach agreement on these issues, or any delay in doing so, will only mean more suffering for the Afghan people and more threats to peace and stability in the area and outside it. The path to a s,ettlement must be kept ire of foreign intervention and pressure so that the settlement is safe from their negative effects and the situation in Afghanistan is not exploited to serve the interests and aims of non-Afghan parties. In this context, Kuwait expresses its appreciation of and support for the constructive efforts and actions of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative. We find much comfort in the report of the Secretary-General of 29 September of this year (1'./42/600) concerning the item under consideration, partiCUlarly his references to the progress achieved at the Geneva talks and th €!fforts at national reconciliation under way in Afghanistan and their effects vis-e.-Vis normalization of the situation inside and outside Afghanistan. Even we appeal to the Secretary-General to persevere in his efforts to promote a pea.ceful settlement and to seek and provide appropr iate guarantees to solve thE Afghan crisis. We appeal to our Afghan brothers to begin the process of affirming their I to self-determination, Which is fundamental to a settlement, through the creat: of an acceptable mechanism for dialogue and decision-maKing to assist them in establishing procedures for the peaceful implementation of the settlement. We on them to re-establish the appropriate constitutional policies and procedures ensure a durable peace in Afghanistan and the region. we wish to pay tribute to the neighbouring States of Afghanistan for the humanitarian role they have played in hosting and assisting Afghan refugees. subjection of the Afghan people to such a huge military occupying force has compell€ld millions of Afghans to seek refuge in neighbour ing States i their nu ,5ce:ep corncernthat, in the absence of a settlel'llrent to thl!l! Afghan crisis, th€l l!l!ntire ~ill become an arena for power struggles whose conse-quenc<!ls are t.mlm&ginable. We again appeal t.o all the parties concerned to work towards a rapid political settlement in accordance with the provisions of the relevant General Assembly resolutions in order to create appropriate conditions for t.he r\'!lturn of the Afghan refugees to their homeland in peace and dignity. In this context, we wish to pay tribute to those States that have received refugees for the efforts they have made despite the great pressures on them and their effect on their economic and social development. We also pay tribute to national and international organizations for their humanitarian role in this regard. We appeal to them to continue providing such assistance to lessen the suffering of the Afghan refugees until the final settlement of the Afghan crisis. In calling for a peaceful settlement of the Afghan crisis, Kuwait cannot fail to commend and express its admiration for the Afghan people for their heroic struggle for the liberation of their homeland from foreign occupation. We support the role played by Afghan Mujahidin movement to recover Afghanistan1s independence, Islamic identity and neutral status. For its part, Kuwait will continue to assist and support the Afghan struggle until victory. We hope for further positive developments in this crisis, and to that end we call on the international community to continue exerting the political pressure that has achieved the progress attained so far, and to hasten the work towards a political settlement so that peace ana security may return to Afghani.tan and the region as a whole. eight years will have elapsed Bince the armies of Afghanistan's great neighbour crossed the frontier to establl.sh in the capital a puppet Government, which deprives the Afghan people of their freedom. Those people, whom history has 1<no'Wn as being among the forel!1Dst freedoor-fighters, are thus deprived of their liberty and have had impose,a upon them a system they reject. Ther e has been established in the country a regime whose allegiance lies outside its borders. All this took place in broad daylight, before the eyes and within the hearing of the United Nations and all its Member States. Afghanistan, the country of a formidable Muslim people, a courageous, proud people, finds itself suddenly the battlefield in a ferocious struggle being waged by its people in defence of their freedom, their religion and the dignity of their country and homeland. The problem of Afghanistan has consequently entered the arena of great-Power conflict, and the Afghan people are paying tne price. The States of the region find themselves in a new whirlpool of rivalry between big and big, including rivalry for the smaller. Today one Afghan citizen in four is a refugee in a neighbouring country! a refugee from the injustice that has befallen his country and evidence of the way his rights have been trampled and his home has been violated. He is demanding a dignified return under the banner of his religion and honour. He is seeking to regain his full national rights, under the banner of a just struggle by force of arms, paying in blood and resources, using his strength of resolve and belief, which are stronger than any weapon. 'l'he heroic Afghan people stand today with their backs to the waTl 01 no retreat t struggling in defence of their homeland. They appeal to the conscience of the world, asking: where is the Charter, where are the human rights, where are the of peoples? strug1;Jle fo,r eight yeous t paying witbthe the strongest mil forces i~ entrenched on their force of at:ms~ The relations between Afghanistan and the Soviet Union were among the be!!>t e·xcamples of good-nefghbouJ:ly relations bEltween two countr ies differ iog in t.hlll nature of their political, social andeconoilllc systems and with contnuting views of life. Today they have become one of the worst examples of coexistenoe, ~wen ootween neighbours. The argument that the invasion can have any justification whatsoever digtorts the concepts of the independence of peoples, the basis of co-operation betwf!llEln nations and the sanctity of sovereignty and dignity in our times. It eVell distorts the concepts of independence and sovereignty enShrined in the United Nations Charter, whose very basis it contradicts. Why should there be an occupation army to guarantee the stability of a regime? It is never possible for a puppet Government which sneaks into a position of power under cover of darkness and whose survival depends on an army of occupation to stay on indefinitely, no matter how long it is supported. History has known many r~gimes of darkness which were established by Brloies of occupation and described in most appealing terms, but enlightened peoples were never fooled by this, and the days of those regimes were numbered since they depended upon the ability of the occupier to impose its will. The foreign occupier in Afghanistan, which is confronting the steadfastness of the Afghan MUJahidin, is perplexed and wonder ing where it should go in the face of the det€lrmitHJltion of tht~ Afghan people either to be martyrs for the sake at God or to win a victory through the will of God. All sectors and classes of the Afghan people are engaging in a war of liberation, while a puppet Government sits in the capi tal, Kabul, incapable even of controlling that city and claiming to represent the Afghan will. We all know that it does not control its own day-to-day affairs and does not know what the outcome will be or what the agenda for the morrow. We reiterate our appeal to the Soviet Union, a super-Power, a permanent member of the Security Council and a State whose stand in defence of the rights of the Arabs in Palestine and against Zionist invasion is appreciated; which supports the right of the people of Namibia to independence and sovereigntY1 which condemns the oppression of man by man in the lands of Palestine and South Africa; and which upholds the right of those peoples and their countries to freedom and condemns imperialistic expansionism with regard to them, we ask it today, as it has been aSKed for the past eight years, to do what it has been calling on others to do in support of freedom in the other areas of the world afflicted by occupation and colonialism. We ask it to restore freedom to the Afghan people and to leave their land and country to them. We reiterate our appeal that it leave Afghanistan to the Afghans. The Afghan people, proud, free and strong, once tied to their neighbour by the strongest of friendly, good-neighbourly relations, have become one of the worst victims of good-nei.ghbourliness. The friend has become the prey of a friend almost overnight. The talks which have been taking place for years to solve the Afghan problem .w9\l.ld not need the complex arrangements envisaged if the army of occupation were willing to depar.t from Afghanistan and win a round for peace. If there is a price should not be the ones called upon to pay it. Indeed, they are not capable of II for a solution, the Afghan people, who are innocent of the blood of invasion, it, their fears and anxieti.es, causing theb dream of tranquillit.y to remain ..·Iu::ealized, since the ba.sic faith ingood-neighOOurly is possible in conditions that strengthen and support such good-neighbourliness. BefOre ;I epnplude my .sta.tement, I ... shoald like on behalf of my country to express the appreciCltiQfl of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to the Islamic Republic of Pakistan fQtllosting nearly 4 Jiiillion Afghani refugees who, with dignity,. have escaped to Pakistan, where the. PakistCloi people have treated them with the care required by Islamic brotherhood. We call upon all countries of the world to assist the Afghan! refugees and to co-operate with Pakistan to meet the refugees' ba,sic needS. Problems of freedom, independence and sovereignty, the rights of peoples, and the dignity of nations constitute one single whole for the international community. It cannot be divided geographically or classified according to colour or form. It cannot be underestimated in the twentieth century, now that we are on the threshold of the twenty-first. We hope that the Soviet Union will respond to the world-wide international wish, as reflected in the General Assembly's resolution adopted by an overWhelming majority, and leave the country to its people, restore the rights to their legitimate owners, and redress in the future what it has already spoiled. After a very costly experience, it should by now have realized that right is above might and that resolute belief will prevail over the strength of armies. We hope very soon to stand here and hail a free and peaceful Afghanistan, a friend of all its neighbours and dear to all its friends. Lastly, I wish to salute the Afghani Mujahidin, who are paying the highest price to realize the highest ideals. Mr. SARRE (Senegal) (interpretation from French): For the eighth consecutive year the General Assembly has taken up consideration of the situation in Afghanistan and its implications for international peace and security. It is doing so because the reasons that led the United Nations and other international forUIIIB to be seized of the matter are still very much with us today. and plight of the Af<Jhdn people. just like all other Oi!l.StHli of intervent and interferenc~ in the internal affairs of Member StatEils that are every yea!: in thIs forwm. are evidence that, despite professions of faith frO<'!i! this ro,struiill, Eilore than ~O years later the principles conta.lned in the San Francisc'o Charter remain an elusive goal rather than a daily fllct of contemporeucy international relations. The rule of law based on non-intervent.ion, the inviolability of the territorial integrity, sovereign.ty and independence of States <Ji.nd respect for the right of peoples to self-determination and for the non-use of force in international relations has for eight years no'w given way to the use of force, thus undermining moral! ty and international law. Whatever the reasons given to explain or justify foreign intervention in Afghanistan, one is tempted to say that such intervention constitutes a flagrant violation of the principles and rules governing inter-State relations with which are associated the ethical values of the community of nations. That is why, on the basis of the principles of the Charter, the Organization has from the outset defined the conditions for any solution to the Afghan problem. Need we recall that these necessary conditions remain the withdrawal, without pre-condition, of foreign troops from that country; the restoration to the Afghan people of its inalienable right to determine its own future without outside intervention or constraintj and the creation, by means of sincere negotiations between the parties concerned, of conditions enabling the Afghan refugees to return voluntarily to their homes. We must note, however, that the situation has not at all irnprovlilo. Thl1l Afghan people, more than 20 per cent of which has been forced to flee their homes and live in exile, continue to pay a high price for recognition of th'eir legitimate right to sovereignty and their aspiration to peace. There is no doubt that at the diplomatic level considerable progress has been made in the context of the Geneva talks conducted under the aegis of the Secretary-GeneraL The consultation machinery established by the Secretary-General, which is handled so competently and devotedly by his Personal Representative, Mr. Di~o Cordovez, haS indeed allowed for ironing out many of the difficulties that arose throughout the negotiations. But it remains - and this is our wish - for the parties concerned to display more political will to achieve all the good intentions they have announced so far, especially with regard to the time-frame for the rapid withdrawal of foreign troops stationed in Afghanistan for almost a decade now. In the interest of peace, and in order to restore stability to the region, it i~ e;;;sential to maintain the momentum of the negotiations by further promoting the continuation of responsible, serious and constructive dialogue within the framework of the relevant resolutions of the United Nations. The improvement in East-West relations, more particularly between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the two designated guarantors on this question, should certainly allow the Geneva talks to enter into a decisive stage. Senegal, which has always opposed acts of interference in the internal affairs of other States, especially when they take the shape of foreign armed intervention, wisheD to take this opportunity once again to express its solidarity with the people of Afghanistan in its present difficulties. The people and the Government of Senegal will, as in the past, continue to support efforts for peace undertaken at various levels, since we are convinced that the jp€rsist.ence of any side in trying to find a solution by force will R~erely prolo'll9 the conflict and heighten. tension in the region. The ten.acious pursuit of these efforts should ultimately allow the Afghan people to find Cl way out of the impasse and resignation in which it finds itself today and to mak.e real progress towards the political solution the Organi:il\ation of the Islamic Conference, the Non-Aligned Movement and the united Nations have b(!lllin a....aiting for almost eight years. It is in that spirit that this year Senegal is once again a sponsor of thE! draft resolution submitted under this agenda item on the situation in Afghanistan. The generous and objective approach reflected in the draft resolution is intended to facilitate the continuation of ongoing negotiations between the interested parties while at the same time not losing sight of the fundamental Charter principles. By supporting it, as it has done in previous years, and by resisting any attempt to distort the facts of the Afghan tragedy, the overwhelming majority of the membership of the Assembly will have strengthened its determination to restore justice and peace to Afghanistan. Mr. THIOUI;,jN Prasith (DefllOCrcatic Kampuchea) (intercpretation from French): Of a nation of 16 million, more than at million have been killed, 4 million have been displaced and more than 5 million have become rcefugees in Pakistan and Iran, wher e thousands more arr ive eachll'lOnth. Massive air-raids, round-ups followed by the total destruction of villages and the massacre of their populations, repression and crimes by the invaders have depopulated the countryside and spread death, mourning, enormous Buffering and ruin. That has been the situation in Afghanistan since 25 December 1979, when the Soviet Union sent what it called a limited contingent of the Red Army to "liberate" and "pacify" the country and its inhabitants. Entire regions are today without a sign of life. There, the Red Army has succeeded in establishing peace: the peace of the cemetery. The invasion and occupation of Afghanistan are flagrant violations of the United Na.tions Charter and international la...... They pose ,a 9 rave threat to peace, security and stability in South Asia and throughout the world. The entire international community is in agreement~ and behind their continued pretexts aimed at justifying their adventurism, the invaders themselves are well aware of this. Television footage brought back by journalists, sometimes at the cost of their liveS1 voluminous testimony by Afghans in countries of refuge; statements by Red Army deserters1 and reports by Mr. Felix Ermacora, Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan of the Commission on Human Rights, and by non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International and Helsinki Watch: all these have ed\),Cl1>.~, g,\:v::>Qk<:>d ;;o,nd ()utr:aged the international community. They have supplied unoontested and uncontestable proof that the war of invasion and occupation in Afghanistan i8 a crime against peace and against mankind. D~.ocr~tic. Ka~uch.\1l'a) appealed the SO'.1iet Onion to end the;lI!l by withdrawing all its troops frottl soth-e Afghan people canexeroise its right to self-detetllilnation and so Afghanistan can regain its independence I sovereignty I ten iter i.al integrity and no,n-aligned status. That constitutes firm and continuing support for the just and l~iHmatestruggleof the Afghan people and its Mujahidin: over the \?~\H';t eight years df suffering imposed by the invadtlrs t they have demonstrated t withunl!!qualled heroism, their unshakable determination to defend their freedom, honour and national identity, and their undeniable ability to liberate their country from Sovie t domination. Pakistan has become a front-line State, and has generously and compassionately welcomed more than 3 million Afghan refugees. Increasing pressure from the Soviet Union and the puppet regime in Kabul - including stepped-up air raids and a systematic campaign of terror against Pakistan - has resulted in hundreds of civilian victims, but has not been able to shake Pakistan's firm position of principle, based on the united Nations Charter, the principles of non-alignment and international law. There is no doubt that the courageous struggle of the Afghan people and its Mujahidin and Pakistan's unshakable position of rejecting the Soviet fait accom\?li in Afghanistan have made it possible to contain the thrust of Soviet expansionism in South Asia and safeguard international peace and security. The people of Kampuchea and the Coalition Government ot Democratic KampUChQ8 - which for nine years have been waging a struggle very similar in its eaugel, effects and evolution to that of the Afghan people - can only rejoice at that. On behalf of the Kampuchean people and its Government I wish to expresfil our firm and unscwerving solidarity with and sincere admiration for the Afghan people and its Mujahidln and the people and Government of Pakistan. The invasion and occupation of Kampuehea by Viet Nam, supported by the Soviet Union, has pe.rsisted. since 25 December 1978; the invasion and occupation of Afghanist.an by the Soviet Union itself has continued since 25 Decem~r 1979~, or exactly one year later. The firm and unswerving support of the international comaunity together with the heroic and determined struggles of the peoples of Kampuebea and Afghanistan have not only bogged the enemy down in the field, but have made the ultimate liberation of those countries a certainty. To make that liberation possible it was necessary for the international community, including the General Assembly, to condemn and reject the manoeuvres, lies and pressures of the invaders, and for the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples to wage their struggle with great stubbornness and sacrifice. But while the liberation of Afghanistan and Kampuchea has become inevitable, the path of struggle is strewn with traps, subterfuge and sacrifice, for the enemy is not ready to give up its expansionist ambitions. It is important to remember that for 50 years Kampuchea has been Cl strategic objective of Viet Nam. After having destroyed and absorbed the Islamic Kingdom of Champa to create present-day central Viet Nam, and after having annexed lower Kampuchea to create present-day South Viet Ham, Viet Nam stubbornly continues to try to absorb Kampuchea and Laos into the" Indochinese Federation" I intended eventually to become a "Greater Viet Nam" • It is important also to recall that in its push to the south and its quest for warlll-w'ater porta, the Soviet Union has already absorbed the Islamic States of Khiva and BUkhara, in 1924; these were subsequently dismembered and incorporated into the Democratic Ra~uchea) St:a'telS ofliCbiva and Bak:ha,ra what it: called "limIted contingents" of its arm.y; th!1lY 1::_...:.1.0. there to this ver,'j day. I recall those historic!'lilfacts toplac,e the invasion and occupation of Afghanistan in its true context and to stress W'hat is really at stake for the invader\s. As Viet Nam is in Kampuchea, the Soviet lInlitary is; totally bogged down in Afghanistan; it has had to change the tone of its rhetoric, but has thus far shown no sign of really abandoning its ambition to dominate if not annex the country. Since it cannot conquer the country by military force, it is trying to do so by political and diplomatic maneouvres and subterfuges such as the "partial ....ithdrawal.. ' of its troops J the change of puppets in KabulJ the proclamation of a ·cease-fire" i "national reconciliation" i "halting" foreign interference; and 60 forth. Soviet rhetoric and proposals on the problem of Afghanistan are in no way different from Vietnamese rhetoric and proposals on the problem of Kampuchea. Behind the rhetoric on defending international peace and security, they are trying to spread confusion, obscure the root cause of the problem and get the international community to recognize the faits accomplis of their expansionist policies. Democratic Kampuchea) For almost seven years indirect negotiations between Pakistan and the Kabul reqi,tri€ have been taking place in Geneva, under the auspices of the Secretary-General and his Personal Representative, Mr. Diego Cordovez. My delegation would like to take this opportunity to extend to them its warmest appreciation of their tireless and devoted efforts, which have achieved some progress. Nevertheless, for some years now the report of the Secretary-General has stressed that .. two important issues •.• could not be resolved: arrangements to ensure effective implementation of the settlement and the time-frame for withdrawal of troops". (A/42/600, .para. 3) These are fundamental issues upon which a solution and a just and lasting political settlement of the problem of Afghanistan depend, as well as the bringing about of peace, security and guaranteed stability in South Asia. The refusal of the Soviet Union to resolve these two issues shows that it is ready for anything except the withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan and the exercise by the Afghan people of their right to determine their own future. In the circumstances it is difficult to conclude that the indirect talks in Geneva will soon lead to a just and lasting solution of the Afghan problem. What is clear is that the Soviet Union has agreed to these indirect negotiations simp~ in order to blunt the world corununity's condemnation of its invasion of Afghanistan and in the hope of gaining time to impose a military solution. To understand this it suffices to recall that all Soviet proposaLs or resumptions of i?~i~~~ negotiations have been preceded, or accompanied, or followed by a stepping-up of soviet military activity against the national resistance. Today the Soviet Union claims that the indirect talks in Geneva have made n.~oeratic Ke:~ucheal But the total Afghanistan is precisely the presence of some 120,000 Soviet SOldiers. Llllt ttlose fot"ces leave, and foreign interference will ce(qjse of its~:d.L Obviously, the Soviet condition means that the Red Ann1' h",s no intention of withdrawing from Afghanistan. By proposing Cl maxittlum time-frame of eight I\lonths for the total withdrawal of soviet troops from Afghanistan, Pakistan hlliS mi!'l.de a very big concession. On 24 September last, in his important address to this Assembly, Mr. Mohammad Khan Junejo, Prime Minister of Pakistan, stressed: "The insistence on an extended time-frame for troop withdrawal ,Houses legitimate suspicion of a lurking desire to pursue the military option to crush Afghan resistance even after a settlement has been signed." (A!42/PV.ll, p. 31) The national reconciliation within the framework of the puppet Kabul regime to form a so-called coalition government in Afghanistan which would negotiate with Moscow the withdrawal of Soviet troops is nothing but a device designed to force the Afghan people and its Mujahidin, as well as the international community, to accept de facto recognition of the regime set up by the Soviet troops in Kabul and subse~uentl¥ to accept the masquerade of negotiations between Moscow and its puppet - in other words, i te. altar ego. The Prime Minister of Pakistan quite rightly pointed out that: "',Nor can the dem.and for I national reconciliation~' be made a pre-condition for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan. The Afghan resistance has rejected the proposal, because Inational reconciliation' under foreign occupation would. by definition, be hollow and transitory". (A/42/PV.ll, p. 31) Indeed, like Viet Nam in its manoeuvre for so-called national reconciliation in Kampuchea, the Soviet Union, by calling for national reconciliation in Afghanlst.an before withdrawing all its troops, is revealing its bad faith and the tru(!! objective of this manoeuvre, which is the maintenance of its occupation of the country, if not actually creating there a regime that will be forever meek and submissive. On 17 September 19B7. at the opening of the forty-second session of the General Assembly, the Soviet press published the text of an article by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mr. Gorbachev J entitled "Reality and safeguards for a secure wor ld"'. The Soviet delegation circulated that article as a United Nations document. In the article Mr. Gorbactev said: "A prerequisite for universal security is unconditional respect for the Charter of the United Nations and the right of peoples to exercise the sovereign choice of the ways and forms of their development, revolutionary or evolutionary. This applies also to the right to the social status quo, for thi® too is an exclusively internal affair. Any attempts, whether direct or indirect, to influence the development of lother people'sl countries and interfere with it must be excluded. Equally impermissible, too, are attempts to d.stabilize existing Governments from outside." (A/42/574, p. 6} words and deeds. 'The or dechu::~tions prover b goes. of good deedswi tho:ut doing !'<fore than rhetorio,a.l declarations talking about iUSltrm,ament treaties, the t.otalwithdrawal of Soviet troops from the cessation o·f Soviet suppOrt for the Vietnamese invasion and oCloupation Kampuchea would contr ibute r without doubt, to increasing confidence in international relations and convince the international COlllll'lUnity of Moscow'$j; good intentions in preserving international peace and security. But until the Soviet leaders have taken those measures their declarations and their act!il in othl!lr t ld~> are nothing but tactics to maintain their ability and their forces with. view to consolidating what they have already gained in their policy of expansion and domination - in this case in Afghanistan - and through their Vietnamelse proxy in Kampuchea. Abdur Rahman, Amir of Afghanistan at the end of the last century, described Russian expansionism in the following terms: "The Russian policy of aggression is slow but sure. Its means of advancing resemble that of the elephant, which examines carefully the place where it is going to put its foot down but once it has put its weight on that place it never goes backwards and never takes a second step with undue haste until after it has put all its weight on the first foot and crushed everything underneath it." There can be no denying that the underlying cause of the problem of Afghanistan, like that of the problem of Kampuche8, is the invamion IYind occuplEltion of the country by foreign troops. In Afghanistan, only the imm@diate total and unconditional withdrawal of Soviet troops will make it possible to solve the problem¥ restore the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Afghanistan and open the way for the return of the Afghan refugees in safety and honour to their homeland. This withdrawal would mark the end of foreign interference in Afghanistan and open the way to national reconciliation¥ which is the internal affair of tne Afghan people. In his report the Secretary-General has quite rightly pointed out that "early agreement on a short time-frame for the withdrawal of troops would give decisive impetus to Afghans' own efforts towards reconciliation." (A/42/600, para. 8) It is witb this uinderstanding that my aeltll!9,ation "'ill vote in favour of the resolution contained in document A/42/;L.16, introduoied by the Minister of fOir Foreign Affairs of Pakistan. This draft resolution provides an c1lpptoprl.ate framework applying the fundamental principles of the Un.i tea Nations Cha:rter to a just and lasting solution of the Afghani!:Jtan problem. It is identical li'ith resolutions already adopted by our t\ssembly in prrevious yearSil by overwhelming ll\ijor ities. In its essence and its basis, the situation in Afghanistan has not changed, in spite of the manoeuvres and propaganda of the invaders designed to persuade us otherwise, and my delegation will support this draft resolution. In voting in favour of it, my delegation would like to strel1lS onCe again the followin.g points. First, the independence, sovereignty and terr itorial integ ri ty of states are not negotiable. This principle applies to Afghanistan, to Kampuchaa and to all States without exception. Secondly, national reconciliation and the exercise of the right of self-determination are the internal affairs of States and cannot exist within the framework of a puppet regime imposed by foreign forces - still less in the presence of such forces. Thirdly, it is both a sacred right and a patriotic duty for all peoples, in particular the Afghan and Kampuchean peoples, to struggle in all possible ways to free their countries from invasion and foreign occupation. The Soviet people, which waged such a valiant struggle against fascism and nazism, should understand this Illore than most. In the article I mentioned previously, Mr. Gorbachev wrote the following: "The permanent members of the Security Council could act as guarantors of regional security, and would for their part aSI1.IWlle thlli obligation to rEfJfr!Jl.in from the use or threat of the use of force and from conBpicuoua di.plays of military strength, for this practice is one of the factors in sparking regional conflicts. .. A de·cisive increase is required in the authority and role of the United Nations". (A/42/S74, pp.. 7 and 10) The draft resolution (A/42/L.16) is in keeping with that wise lesson, which can only gratify all those imbued with the ideals of peace and justice.. Everyone would like to believe that, in accordance with that profession of faith, the Soviet delegation would naturally support this draft resolution without any amendment, which would enable it to be adopted by consensus. If that wer e the case, it would give us concrete proof of true progress in the search for a political settlement of the problem of Afghanistan, while at the same time it would demonstrate its sinoerity with regard to the United Nations and its Charter. Glasnost would be no longer an empty word but a reality which could lead to the establishment of a world of peace and stability. HoweVer that may be, it is more than ever necessary that our Assembly give massive support to this draft resolution. In doing so, it would be making a valuable contribution to a rapid, just and lasting solution to the problem of Afghanistan and would make it possible to save countless human lives in that nation which has already suffered too long and whose people continue to give us such an admirable example of heroism and dignity. Once again, reflecting the will of the international community, our Assembly must reiterate its determination never to countenance the idea that in international relations might is right but to defend resolutely the United Nations Charter and international law, which are the guarantors of international peace and security. Mr. VALENCIA (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish): There is no denying the obvious fact that after eight years of persistent struggle Afghanistan continues to suffer the agonies of a military occupation which defies the majorities, that it is not willing to t.olerate an attempt to that count occuPation has been condej.\lh~Q time and tif:ll.€l again t and I in called fort as well as a search for a negotiated political settlelilQot. The hO\\l'ever ,seems to have proved even more elusive. The serious concern of the international community at the seriousness of the situation prevailing in Afghanistan has found expre.ssion in various forums, and in all of them it has been clearly demonstrated that the vast majority of countr are firmly convinced that there is no military solution for the Afghanistan prQR~.(\ll1l and that a political solution is the only possible one. The Secretary-General of the United Nations and his Personal Representative not only initiated the diplomatic process towards Cl. solution of the problem of Afghanistan but continue to undertake dynamic mediation efforts and are taking further steps which call for recognition and support from the entire world. In the tragic case of Afghanistan we see several factors converging which make it a problem affecting the entire international community. First and foremost, the aggression against an independent, non-aligned State alters established parameters and gives rise to fears concerning situations which might be similar. The intervention of a major Power in Afghanistan and the continuation of the state of war threaten the entire region of South-West Asia with destabilization, the implications of which could extend to the endangering of international peace and security. Nations in other areas of tne world have gradually become involved in the conflict and, with the interdependence prevailing in the world today, the repercussions of that war have extended to the farthest corners of the earth. A painful and inevitable "result of this situation has been the population exodus to I'leighoouring countries. Millions of Afghans have been forced to nee their country , and this has placed a heavy burden on the countries which have generously received them. Thanks to the assistance given by other States and: new international organizations, the situation has so far been manageable, but all countries must provide humanitarian support until the necesssary political 00'n£11tio05 have been created to enable the refugees to return to Afghanistan in safety and honour. In their search for the hoped-for political solution, the Members of the United Nations are now confronted with two important points which must be resolved without delay in order that the arrangement may be viable: an early, irrevocable and total withdrawal of all foreign troops from the entire territory of Afghanistan and the exercise of true self-determination by the Afghan people. lndispensable that Afghanistan's sovereignty, ita!: ial integI: i ty, political indePendence and nOt"ralign~ status be preserv~d, as ""ell as its p~ople's in.alienable right to deterli!iline their own forli!ilot' to choose their own economic, political and social system, fref(1l from intervention and without any constrain.t. lotany oontradictory statel1lt&nt5 are I1lade today on behalf of the Afghan people, but it is that peoph that must bC!:l allowed to speak freely for itself and to act accordingly. That is what the international c~~unity demands. Colombia is deeply convinced of the importance of finding peaceful solution~ to international problems. Hence, we express our gratitude to the United Nation. Secretary-General and his Personal Representative, Mc. Diego Cordovez, for thElir efforts to find a comprehensive, peaceful solution. Colombia, as a peace-loving country deeply respectful of the fundamental principles of the Charter and aware of the importance of strengthening the principles of international law in relations among States, is once again co-sponsoring a draft resolution on this item. That draft resolution, which has been submitted to the General Assembly for its consideration, takes Cl. constructive approach that highlights the urgent need for a just political solution and reaffirms the principles and conditions that are regarded as essential to that end. My country trusts that the Members of the United Nations will demonstrate their overwhelming support for the draft resolution by voting in favour of it. A political solution to the Afghanistan problem would contribute to restoring political stability to South-West Asia and to reducing tl,msion b(11tw/llem thlll super-Powers. It would also be of benefit in the quest for solutions to other international questions. A just settlement of the Afghanistan problem, based on the principles of th·e Charter, l::mst be found if we are to reaffirm the concept of a ....orld order: based justice and to maintain faith in the capacity of the United Nations to preserve international peace and security. The meeting rose at 1.35 p. m.