A/42/PV.31 General Assembly

It is a grea t honour for me to extend to Mr. Flor in of the German Democra tic Republic, on behalf of His Excellency, General Andre Kolingba, President of the Republic, Head of State, and founding President of the Central African Democratic Assembly, the warm congratulations of the delegation of the Central African Republlc on his election to the presidency of the ~eneral Assembly at its forty-second session. His personal qualities, his ability, and his great experience will ensure the success of the session. I also take this opportunity to extend to his predecessor, Mr. Humayun Rasneed Choudhury, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, the thanks of my delegation for the very able manner in which he discharged his duties. To the Secretary-General of our Organization I confirm the support of the Central African Government for his steady efforts to ensure a greater role for the United Nations in the search for peace, security and international co-operation. Lastly, on behalf of my delegation, I should like to congratulate Ambassador Joseph Verner Reed on his appointment as Under-Secretary-General for Political and General Assembly Affairs. It is two years now since our critical, rigorous and perceptive analysis of the 40 years of existence of the United Nations. The hope born of the "new pragmatism" which was cited by the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization, and which offers " a promising basis for broadened multilateral co-operation and increased effectiveness of the United Nations" (A/42/l, p.2), must not conceal the fact that our system is still in a state of crisis. It is a crisis because of the chasm between the aspirations of most peoples for a new world order and the ability of the system to make a real contribution towards solving the problems that arise from those aspirations. It is a crisis as regards collective security, specifically as regards the maintenance of collective peace and security, for the structures of the United Nations are not always able to operate in accordance with the Charter, for obvious reasons. Accordingly, the changes the world is undergoing today make the revitalization of the United Nations imperative since its credibility depends on an effective and vigilant system that can promote good management of international co-operation.* * The President took the Chair. Political will and deep-reaching structural reforms adapted to the current context of international relations could indeed enable the United Nations to emerge from the crisis and fulfil its mission as set forth in the Charter. For some time now the United Nations system has found a new vitality in resolutely committing itself to organizing multilateral aid for development and, above all, providing a framework for major negotiations on the future of international economic co-operation. The United Nations would like to be accepted to a greater extent as playing the principal role in the search for this new world order to which all States legitimately aspire. In this context the work of bodies such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the World Health Organization (WHO), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the Food and Agriculture organization of tne United Nations (FAO) is decisive. This aspect of the Organization's work, while it has been properly identified only very recently, has nevertheless led to a short increase of confidence in the United Nations on the part of third world countries, in particular African countries, whose overall situation worsens routinely from one session to another. In this century of extraordinary scientific progress and unprecedented accumulation of wealth in the northern hemisphere there are still countries desperately seeking the means of survival. Yet we note that despite that harsh reality it is still difficult to arrive at a consensus on what solution should be provided. Africa's economic situation was described without any window dressing by the African States themselves at the recent special session of the United Nations on the critical economic situation in Africa just a year ago. A United Nations was then adopted. The assessment that is to be made will enable us to see how far we have gone in applying that Programme, for whose implementation we are all responsible, for, after all, we made a solemn commitment to ensure this. The Central African Republic, while it was establishing toe bases for the new Central African society, whose Constitution describes the outlines of our system, has for the last six years been undertaking an extens1ve, thorough going retorm at the social and economic level. The action taken has involved tremendous sacrifices on the part of the Central African people and, although to varying degrees, it has been possible to attain the development objectives sought by the Government, primarily food self-sufficiency. However, the Government's work cannot be strenythened, broadened and developed unless there is a propitious international environment. The fall in world prices of commodities, including coffee, cotton and wood, which are the bases of the Central African Republicts economy, will simply cancel out the work done by our Government if a concrete and resoLute international dimension is not provided as well. An improvement in the world commodity prices combined with an increase in aid and the granting of loans on favourable terms should make it possible for the Central African Republic to see its work crowned with success. The round table on the Central African Republic held last June in Geneva, at which General Andre Kolingba, President of the Republic and Head of. State, himself participated, was not only part of the framework for strengthening the economic and financial recovery that has since been undertaken, but also an opportun~ty to neasure the immensity of the work done. The interest demonstrated by various friendly countries and some financial institutions give ground for our Government to be cautiously optimistic and we nope that there will be greater participation in the economic take-off of our country. I should like to extend my Government's thanks to the current and future partners of the Central African Republic, which, fully respecting the principle of the sovereign equality of States and reciprocity, have provided and will provide assistance towards our development. On a broader scale and on the same lines, African countries have long since become aware that real progress in development requires that their peoples be assured at least a minimum, above all, of food. Therefore agriculture is still our top priority, but the development of agriculture involves vast efforts in the spheres of education, training, health and an adequate nlobilizing infrastructure. It is therefore essential that the African countries have access to credit and, ideally benefit from a major transfer of financial resources for this purpose. It goes without saying that in the search for the means to promote agriculture the stabilization of the prices of co~nodities, the basis of our economy, and an increase in those prices are of paramount importance. Our situation can never improve unless there is a real solution to the question of the foreign debt of African countries. This is essential to the recovery of the African economy, which is itself vital to the health of the world economy. In any event, one thing is clear: the foreign debt of African States is now well beyond the ability of their economies to repay. The sustained attention given by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) to this problem and the fact that one of its sessions will be especially devoted to it bear witness to this. (Mr. Psimhis, Central African Republic) While General Andre Kolingba, President of the Republic and Head of State, restated to the partners of the Central African Republic at the round table in Geneva the intention of the Government to honour all obligations entered into by the Central African Republic regarding its creditors, he added: "It is, however, clear that our resolve is limited by our resources, which in turn depend on the authorities you represent." This is why the Central African Republic wishes to join those who, since the Quebec Summit, both elsewhere and in tnis Hall, have paid well-deserved tributes to Canada, which has decided to cancel not only the debts of the French-speaking countries of Africa but also, at the forthcoming meeting in Vancouver, those of the Commonwealth countries. This remarkable and exemplary action reminds us of the action taken by the Federal Republic of Germany, to which the Central African Republic extended its thanks when it cancelled our debts earlier. But, as was emphasized by the Secretary-General in his report to the forty-first session, we face a human problem and a human solution must be found to it so that beyond new individual attitudes there may be a concerted approach at the intergovernmental level. The search for solutions to the serious economic problems of the day is possible only if there is an atmosphere of trust in relations between States. But the lack of trust, the division of the world and fear result in the spiralling arms race, involving the use of enormous resources for purposes that go. well beyond the requirements of national security. This trend has become an end in itself, even though the Powers already have the means to destroy the entire human race. The arms race is thus a real threat to international peace and security ano is certainly an obstacle to development, because major resources are devoted to it when they could have been used for development. This point was made recently at the Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development which, incidentally, emphasized the close interdependence between disarmament, development and security. Therefore, everything must be done to ensure the achievement of general and complete disarmament. But the primary conditlon remains the easing of tension in relations between the Powers that have committed themselves to the. arms race, and here I mean primarily the two super-Powers. The agreement concluded between the United states and the Soviet Union on reducing medium-range missiles can, above and beyond the principle that it establishes, be regarded as opening up the path towards that easing of tension. This is something that my delegation welcomes. We ardently hope that at the third special session of the United Nations on Disarmament the international community can establish the outlines of the strategy to brlng about disarmament. However, while the strengthening of relations of trust between States has to be ensured through effective disarmament, a balance requires respect for the principle of the right of peoples to self-determination, as also the principles of the equal sovereignty of States and non-interference in their internal affairs. (Mr. Psimhis, Central. African Republic) It is failure to respect those principles that leads to continuing hotbeds of tension throughout the world. The Afr ican land of Namibia must become independent without any precond i tions whatsoever under the leadership of its authentic representative, the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). The Security Council must shoulder its responsibilities and demonstrate political will to ensure the implementation of its plan for that Territory. In their daily struggle to build a new society, the majority of the South African people must participate in the management of the affairs ~n their country. 'fo that end, it is essential to dismantle the abhorrent system of apartheid. That is a precondition for the restoration of peace in South Afr ica and, hence in southern Africa as a whole. 'fhe international community must continue to mobilize its efforts to that end. While the resolve with which Chad, a neighbouring fraternal country, has endeavoured to defend its sovereignty - in other words, its right to survi.ve has been commensurate with the threat facing it, my delegatl.on still believes in the virtues of a negotiated solution to the Chad-Libyan border dispute, and we wel.come the action taken by the Ad Hoc Committee of the Organization of Afr ican Unity on this question, which indeed represents an effort to seek a definitive settl.ement of the dispute. The Central Afr ican Republic believes that such a settlement should make it possible to re-establish the terr itor ial integrity of Chad, which is essential. for the legal Government of the Republic of Chad to continue the work of nationai reconstruction in which it has been engaged. We thus appeal to the interested. parties not only strictly to comply with the Lusaka recommendations, but also, as they have undertaken to do, to co-operate sincerely in those efforts. Other members (Mr. Psimhis, Central African Republic) of the international community should be involved in them if they truly hold dear peace and the rule of law, so that ~eace can at last return to that area. It cannot be repeated often enough that the situation in the Middle East requires that account be taken of the interests of the Palestinian people, and particularly of their right to a homeland, so that a settlement may be arrived at that would put an end to the sufferings that have been imposed upon them. My delegation, while confirming the right of the state of Israel to existence, would again state that it is only through the convening of an international conference on the Middle East, involving all the interested parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization, that a real contribution can be made to the search for a settlement. The fratricidal war between Iran and Iraq has caused tremendous loss of life and there is a clear danger of the situation becoming internationalized. Given the breach of peace in that region, only a bold initiative along the lines of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) can provide a just and lasting solution to the conflict. My delegation, which greatly appreciates IraqIs constant willingness to seek such a solution, which can be seen from its acceptance of that resolution, calls upon the other party to abide by it. We also call upon other states to refrain from any action that could worsen the situation. The use of occupation as a means of crushing the soul of a people is contrary to the principle of freedom held dear by the United Nations. That is why Democratic Kampuchea must at last be enabled to exercise all the attributes of its sovereignty in accordance with United Nations principles. The principle of freedom must also be observed in the case of Afghanistan so that ~ts people may begin the procedure of democratization, which they so ardently desire. The right to decide their own destiny in all freedom must be recognized. Accordingly, foreign troops must be withdrawn from Democratic Kampuchea and from Afgnanistan. The situation in the Korean peninsula is still a matter of concern, in view of the threat to peace in the region. In tnis connection, my delegation believes that the principle of peaceful reunification must be observed and that at the same time direct dialogue, without outside interference, should be resumed between the two parties. This does not exclude the possibility that in the meantime they may, together or separately, request admission to membership in the united Nations, in whose system they already participate. In Central America, the cause of peace has finally triumphed in the torm of the Agreement recently arrived at among the five States of the region on the procedures to be followed to bring about a staDle and lastlng peace in that part of the world. My delegation welcomes this, and trusts that the international community will make its contribution to promote a positive outcome. Above and beyond these major challenges, the basic characteristic of this century remains the desire of the peoples for peace. After all, the Charter that brings us all together begins with the solemn commitment of the peoples of the United Nations to establish the necessary conditions for the advent of peace. It is thus up to the Member States that represent those peoples to contribute, in action and through sustained and consistent political will, to the emergence of new international relations marked by justice and equity. They certainly have the political will to do so; that is evident from the many dialogues - which have often been difficult, incidentally - that have taken place in dealing with many issues of great importance involving the question of security For the Central African Republic, this political will must be expressed by giving the United Nations a greater role in managing international co-operation within the framework of efforts to bring about the new international order. Mr. MATAGA (Cameroon) (interpretation from ,r'rench): Allow me, Sir, first of all to join previous speakers in conveying to you my delegation's warmest congratulations on the occasion of your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly at its forty-second session. We have particular pleasure in seeing you preside over our work since you are discharging your task so gracefully. You are once again giving proof of your eminent qualities as a diplomat. As a member of the General Committee, Cameroon can assure you of ~ts full support in the accomplishment of your task. My delegation wishes also to salute your predecessor, Mr. humayun Choudhury, who directed the work of the General Assembly at its forty-first session with skill, firmness and courage. Lastly, my delegation wishes to express to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar its gratitude not only for his constant efforts to improve the functioning of our Organization and to enable it to attaln its objectives, but also for his dynamic contribution to the achievement and maintenance of peace in the world. For a country such as Cameroon, born of the work of the united Nations, it is gratifying to note that after the more than 40 years of its existence and in spite of the countless difficulties that assail it, our organization is still the ideal context for joint discussion between nations, large and small, rich or poor, in the political, economic, social, cUltural and legal fields. (Mr. Mataga, Cameroon) In this period of increased uncertainty, this Organization is proving to be even more useful as a place for harmonizing the views of States that are in favour of establishing international relations on the basis of justice and equity. We are here to express once again Cameroon's firm commitment to the iaeals, ~urposes, principles and objectives of the Charter, which the founding.fathers of the Organization established as positive norms of conduct on the part of nations. Here we should like to express our very strong concern with regard to everything thath runs counter to those norms: the unbridled arms race, particularly in regard to nuclear weapons; the striking economic inequalities and injustices; the persistence, indeed the aggravation, of many areas of tension; the spirit of selfishness, power and domination; the rivalry of hegemony, interests and ideologies that characterize contemporary international relations. Rarely in time of peace has the world known such uncertainty. There i~ uncertainty in particular in regard to the current economic situation and its social repercussions, which are gradually undermining the resilience of the life of States, particularly the developing States, to the point of jeopardizing the progress patiently achieved in the search for well-being, international co-operation and peaceful coexistence. Today, the world is confronted by an economic crisis the most pernicious effects of which are striking the countries of the third world, particularly in Africa. This crisis has attained unprecedented proportions. Indeed, the combination of persistent protectionism and foreign trade imbalances, the slow-down in world economic activity and growth, tne high level of unemployment and underemployment, the abrupt drop in the price of raw materials, the Inarked deterioration in the terlns of trade, monetary ana financial aisorder, the crushing The long-term outlook gives no sign of definite improvement despite the hopes aroused by the attempts at economIC recovery. wnile it is true that sustained efforts are necessary to reverse these negative trends, first of all at the national. level, some types of measures require concerted action, taking into account both the solidarity among States and the special situation of the developing countries. The situation of the African countries is of the utmost concern and it is no exaggeration to say that the African continent is still the real victim of the crisis. Aware of these difficulties, our OrganIzation held a special session here last year to take measures to restructure the economic bases of the continent in the context of the Lagos Plan of Action and the Priority Programme of Action for the Economic Recovery of Africa. Cameroon, which has always held that the development of Africa is first and foremost the responsibility of the African countries themselves, supports every effort to promote and strengthen regional co-operation. On the national level, the Government of Cameroon has always sought to promote a sound, vigorous economy that could ensure not only growth but also harmonious development for all. Thus, in order to meet the crisis, our Government has taken measures to rationalize both structures and management. In order to have their full effect as soon as possible, these measures must be supported by a more favourable international environment. In this respect there is reason to welcome the measures announced by the Seven at the Venice Summit, but it is to be hoped that those measures, which are also in line with the concerns of the United Nations, will be put into practice as soon as possible. We wish in particular to welcome the recent initiative by Canada to and its intention to extend this action to other countries at the next Commonwealth meeting. It is our hope that tnis example of solidarity may be followed by others. At its seventh session, held at Geneva in July 19B7, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development produced encouraging results, particularly in regard to debt, resources for development, commodities, international trade and the least developed countries. We hope that there will be fruitful discussion this session on the Secretary-GeneralIs progress report, looKing towards next yearls assessment of the commitments undertaken by African countries and by the developed countries in the context of the economic recovery of Africa. In view of its disastrous impact on the well-being of our peoples, the critical economic situation in Africa ought to be the only object of our conc~rn. But, unfortunately, that is not the case, because other hotbeds of tension are igniting, growing and persisting in our continent. 1 am thinking of Western Sahara, Chad and, above all, southern Africa. For some time, we have seen possibilities for the peaceful settlement of the situation in Western Sahara. In that connection, we welcome the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring about the implementation of relevant United Nations resolutions. In our view, solution of the problem of Western Sahara requires the holding of a referendum on self-determination for the Sahraoui people, under united Nations auspices. As concerns Chad, a neighbour of Cameroon, we have noted substantial progress since the forty-first session. The process of national reconciliation has been completed. The legitimate Government has restored the country's independence and unity. The question of the Aouzou Strip, now before the Organization of African Unity (OAU) , remains outstanding. Cameroon unreservedly i::>upports OAU efforts to reach a negotiated settlement of the conflict between Chad and Libya. My country welcomes the belligerents l acceptance of a cease-fire. The OAU Ad Hoc Committee, of which Cameroon is a member, whose task is to enable the two belligerents to settle their dispute through negotiations, met last September at Lusaka at the level of Heads of State or Government. Cameroon supports without reservation the committee's recommel1datlons, whic11 called upon the belligerents, inter alia, to make available to it by 30 October 1987 at the latest all relevant documentation in support of their contentions, and to continue and strengthen the cease-fire at all levels by refraining from any action that could exacerbate the situation on the grounQ, incluo1ng the overflight of air-space, land incursions, troop concentrations, the recruitment of foreign troops, and so forth. Cameroon urges both parties to co-operate sincerely with the OAU ad hoc committee in the speedy achievement of a lasting settlement of their dispute. In southern Africa the tragedy continues. The racist regime of Pretoria, in defiance of international opinion, persists in bolstering tne heinous system of apartheid. Among the manifestations of that arrogant policy of violence are arrests, massacres and the indefinite extension of the state of emergency. The I travesty of elections held last May, in which only the white minority participated, clearly belies the alleged desire of the proponents of apartheid to bring about real constitutional reform in South Africa. Beyond its borders, racist South Africa challenges the international community and this Organization by continuing its illegal occupation of Namibia and oy carrying out direct and indirect aggression against the independent countries of the region. Given that climate, one must salute the courage and clear-sightedness of the liberal white patriots who are working inside South Africa itself towards the advent of a multi-racial democratic society. In the light of the deteriorating situation in Namibia and the intransigence of the Pretoria regime, we support the recommendations of ti"le recent min1sterial meeting of the United Nations Council for Namibia, which, inter alia, called upon the Secretary-General to hold consultations with the members of the Security commitment to the unconditional and prompt implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), adopted nearly a decade ago. It goes without saying tnat we reiterate our support for the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), tne sole, authentic representative of the Namiblan people. There is no doubt that the situation in southern Africa poses a grave threat to international peace and securltYJ it must be dealt witn accordingly. The permament members of the Security Council bear a special responsibility and have a vital role to play in bringing Pretoria to its senses. Those countrles are committed champions of human rights and freedoms, and we hope they will shoulder their responsibilities in this case of flagrant violation of those rights and freedoms. They must ensure the success of comprehensive mandatory economic sanctions as a means of exerting pressure upon the racist regime of Pretoria. It is highly important to stress that the hatred, frustration and despair born of the situation in southern Africa could ultimately prevent national reconstruction in South Africa and the other States of the region, and will greatly reduce the chances of success for a policy of reconciliation and gOOQ-nelghbOurllness. For our part, we firmly believe that some day South Africa will be forced to renounce its pOlicy of violence at hOlfle and aggression abrOdQ and will take the path charted for it by history and by the international community, the path of working towards a free, democratic and multi-racial society at home ana, abroad, accepting Namibia's accession to independence and territorial integrity under the leadership of SWAPO and developing relations of co-operation and good-neighbourliness with the other countries of the region. Outside Africa, there are other hotbeds of tension and political and military conflicts. I am thinking of the Iran-Iraq war, and the situations in the Middle East, Latin Amer ica, Asia and other areas. In connection wlth those situations we (Mr. Mataga, Cameroon) support all efforts at achieving a peaceful settlement based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and the relevant United Nations resolutions. The economic crisis and the hotbeds of tension 1 have just outlined provoke us to thought, and mobilize our energ ies and our resources. 'l'hey also serve as i:l pretext for the feverish arms race. My delegation views this with extreme concern. We deplore the fact that the present trend is for the world to place its intelligence and the vast potentialities of science and technology not at the service of economic and social develo~rnent, but rather at tne service of tne terrifying stockpiling of means of destruction which, far from guaranteeing the future of mankind, expose it to annihilation. My country would like to appeal once again to the international community to reduce armaments and hotbeds of tension. Cameroon welcomes the agreement in principle reached between the united states and the Soviet Union to eliminate intermediate-range missiles. It should be recognized that tnis agreement is in line with the search for peace and security in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. It is to be hopea that more far-reach~ng measures will be adopted at the forthcoming meetings between the two countries. Cameroon will also welcome any other initiative which the two countries might take to increase world security and stability. It is of the greatest urgency actively to promote disarmament in the interest of development. Our concern must continue to be the search for genuine peace and security so that the human, technological and financial resources now being devoted to armaments may be channelled towards economic development. The fact that a few weeks ago the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development was held here is eloquent testimony to that concern. However, it is regrettable that on the whole that Conference failed to achieve the hoped-for results. The Conference did not sufficiently explore the concept of security in all its economic aspects. Need we recall that the true bases of security today are to be found in economic justice and equity? ~he essential concern ot the developing countries remains development. The importance of security has already been demonstrated, but there can be no security without development. In today's world our security is threatened also by hunger, poverty, disease and illiteracy. However, in spite of the very meagre results achieved, the Conference rightly reaffirmed the role of the United Nations in the field of disarmament. In addition, it officially recognized for the first time at the international level (Mr. Mataga, Cameroon) the close connection between disarmament and development. Most important, it very clearly demonstrated the international community·s very acute awareness of and its political commitment to the survival of mankind. That primary objective must form the core of all our future debates on disarmament and development. We venture to hope that the next special session of the Assembly on disarmament will be able to examine all these ideas in greater depth. At the dawn of the twenty-first century, setting aside rhetoric ana relying on the enormous advances of science and technology, the international community must undertake a daring programme to promote disarmament, extingUish hotbeds of tension and revitalize the economic recovery of the developing countries. We must mobilize to restore balance and equity in trade, the financial f~eld, currency, technology, industry, transport and communications. Reforms currently being undertaken within the Organizatlon must be directed along that path. In the final analysis, such reforms must reinforce the democratization of international relations so that all countrles may actively participate in the conduct of world affairs, on which our common destiny depends. The international community has many advantages. It must become aware of the fact that the adverse effects of inadequate development do not end with the disinherited of mankind, but are continually spreading. For its part, Cameroon cherishes the hope that, with a new awareness, the peoples of the United Nations will choose survival and take the necessary practical steps, both on the political and on the economic and social levels, to ensure it. May this present session begin to blaze the trail to that goal. Mr. MBONIMPA (Burundi) (interpretation from :b'rench): Mr. President, y01 election to guide the work of this session honours you and gives us cause for rejoicing for, given your qualities as an experienced diplomat and your great experience of the United Nations system, we know that you will lead us to our objective. Moreover, coming from the German Democratic Republic, a country with i rich history, and belonging as you do to a rather special generation, you have a special sensitivity that will enable you to help us in finding the compromises necessary to resolve the many problems that confront us. My delegation, which is particularly pleased at your election, will 9 ive you and tne other off icers of thE Assembly all possible assistance. We join other delegations in extending our sincere thanks to your predecessor Mr. Humayun Rasheed Choudhury, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bangladesh, for the work he accomplished during his term of office. We pay a tribute also to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, our Organization's Secretary-General, for his untiring and increasing work in the service of the international community. Before stating my country's views on some of the items on our agenda, I shoul, like to extend to the Assembly the greetings and best wishes for the success of ou work of the President of the Military Committee for National Safety and President of the RepUblic of Burundi, Major Pierre Buyoya. I shall also venture to explain briefly the reasons that led the armed forces of Burundi, supported by patriotic forces, to take up the difficult but noble and inspiring task of guiding our country's destiny. The regime that was overthrown on 3 September 1987 had been guilty of many violations of our citizens' rights and. fundamental freedoms, flouting the cardinal Thus, principles enshrined in and guaranteed by our laws and the Constitution. I freedom of expression and thought were no longer tolerated, and this had led to the f arbitrary and prolonged detention of innocent persons. (Mr. Mbonimpa, Burundi) Similarly, a watch was being kept on freedom of religion and worship. As a result, disputes between the State and the Catholic Church emerged - sterile wrangling designed only to cover up the mistakes being made in overall policy. National unity, built up so patiently and re-established with such difficulty, was threatened. Finally, the worsening of relations with neighbouring countries and other friendly nations naturally had an impact on co-operation. It was for all those reasons - and many others that it would take me too long to set out here - that President Buyoya, with the support of other dynamic forces in the nation, tooK over the country's leadership without bloodshed, in an atmosphere of calm and dignity characteristic of the people of Burundi. In his speech on his programme made on 3 October this year, President Buyoya reaffirmed that the new regime would guarantee fundamental rights and freedoffis and the safety of foreigners living in our country, so that our country might regain the characteristics for Which it was noted: a welcoming and hospitable land where it is a joy to live. That is why r would highlight, among the measures already taken to recover our national health, the release of all political prisoners, amnesty for some prisoners under common law, the opening of churches that had been closed and resumption of the right to worship. The President also declared: "Burundi will continue to work with other African countries within the Organization of African Unity to find solutions to the serious political and economic problems that face our continent. The resolve of our political will, with respect for our commitments to neighbouring countries and other countries of the sUbregion, is the basis of all our hopes for a future improvement in our relations. Burundi's presence at and participation in deliberations Burundi's position on the major international problems-of the day, and more specifically on the items now before the Assembly, is based on our analysis of them in keeping with the principles of our foreign policy: good-neighbourliness, non-interference in the internal affairs of otner States, positive non-alignment, international co-operation and solidarity and support for genuine national liberation movements. Burundi's position will also be based on tnose well-known objective criteria with regard to disarmament, the relationship between disarmament and development, the economic and debt crisis, political problems such as the illegal occupation of Namibia, apartheid in South Africa, the situation in Central America. the wars in Asia and the tragic problem of the division of the Korean people. In my delegation's view, one of the challenges facing the united Nations, to whose solution it must give priority if it wishes to retain its credibility, is that of southern Africa, where a Territory for which our Organization has direct responsibility is illegally occupiedJ where independent countries Members of our Organization are constantly being attacked, without being given any breathing space; where armed bands are supplied and financed at great cost to aestroy the infrastructure and sow death and devastation among the peoplesJ and where an inhuman regime denies millions of men and women tne right to participate in running their country. In addition to our duty of solidarity to tne front-line countries, Burundi has genuine reasons for being interested in what happens in that region. After all, we we are not far from the theatre of those deadly operations, and their in~act is felt on our economy in one way or another. Therefore, we are interested in a solution to the region's problems being found as soon as possible. (Mr. Mbonimpa, Burundi) We regard the tragic and anachronistic situation of the Namibian people as a thorn in the flesh of the people of Africa, an insult to the United Nations Council for Namibia, a challenge to the Security Council and a cause of shame to the United Nations. What has not been done, or attempted, in order to drive South Africa out of Namibia? And what has been the result? Despite resolution 2145 (XXI) of 27 October 1966, ending South Africa's Mandate; despite the advisory opinion given by the International Court of Justice on 21 June 1971, declaring that South Africa had an obligation to withdraw its administration from Namibia and end its occupation; despite Security Council resolution 435 (1978), setting forth the plan for Namibia's independence; aespite innumerable resolutions, conferences and seminars - the international community still finds itself powerless in the face of South Atrica's contlnuing refusal to withdraw from Namibia, where it continues to plunder and exploit the wealth of the Namibians on the land and underground. Faced with this situation, the delegation of Burundi believes the international community must mobilize to take up the challenge and give the south West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people, all the assistance it needs in its day-to-day struggle against the South African occupier. The actions that must be taken urgently include the imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VIr of the Charter, because South Africa's illegal presence is a permanent threat to the neighbouring countries in the region and to international peace and security. As for South Africa itself, this Organization has on many occasions condemned and criticized the system of Government that the authorities of that country have (Mr. Mbonimpa, Burundi) very negation of the universally recognized principle of the equality of all human beings, has no right to rule, and it must disappear. That is why my delegation supports and encourages the nationalist movement, the African National Congress (ANe), in the struggle against the inhuman racist apartheid regime, and calls for the unconditional release of the nationalist leader Nelson Mandela and his comrades. The acts of aggression and destabillzation constantly carried out by the racist Pretoria regime against neighbouring independent States - Angola, Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe in particular - call for total condemnation by our Organization. Not only must we condemn the Pretoria regime for its underhanded actions against the front-line states; we are also duty bound to call for compensation tor the losses incurred and to demand that adequate measures be taken to prevent any further acts of destruction. In the northern part of the African continent there is a situation which, despite the efforts made by the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the united Nations, has not yet been satisfactorily resolved. Members will have guessed that I have in mind the case of the Sahraoui Arab Democratic Republic. A number of States represented here have recognized it, while others consider that its territory should be an integral part of another State, itself a Member of the Organization. That is a situation which, to say the least, is paradoxical, ana legal niceties have not been able to give the advantage to one side or the other on this question, which is a question of pure decolonization. We urge the parties directly involved in the situation to demonstrate great political flexibility and by carrying out the referendum advocated in resolutions of the OAU and the United Nations. As for the conflict between Chad and Libya, we call on these two brother countries, these two neighbours, to demonstrate African wisdom by avoiding a situation that would once again paralyse the pan-African organization, which has not yet recovered from the Western Sahara conflict. Burundi hopes that a peaceful solution to this problem will be found through negotiatlOns within the context of the Ad Hoc Committee of the QAU, or else through arbitration by the International Court of Justice at The Hague. h the problelns are as old as this Organization, the In the Middle East, were When the Israelis deny a homeland to the Palestinians, when the Palestinians Swear to destroy the Jewish State, when the friends of both do not urge them to practise moderation and to seek viable political compromises, when Lebanon remains occupied and divided, we have to realize that the chasm is indeed wiae and that peace is hardly imminent. We for our part would advocate that the Palestinians' right to a homeland be recognized and that the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, should participate on a footing of equality with the representatives of other States in the region in the search for a lasting solution to the Middle ~ast problem. That region, of strategic importance to the entire world, is, alas, despite the tireless efforts made by many statesmen - most recently by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar - still the scene of one of the most devastating and deadlY wars of our age. The conflict between Iran and Iraq may, if we are not careful, provide additional proof of the impotence of this organization, and particUlarly of the ineffectiveness of decisions taken by its principal organ, the Security Council. If resolution 598 (1987), adopted unanimously by the Security Council in July last, suffers the same fate as its resolution 435 (l~78), which established the plan for Namibia's independence, it will be difficult to restore our Organization"s credibility. We call on those who nave special responsibilities for the maintenance of international peace and security to pay heed. As for the situation in Afghanistan, my delegation believes that the sons and daughters of that country, if left to themselves, without any pressure from foreign forces, can find a solution that is in their own interests. The same approach is valid for the situation in Kampuchea, in the South-East (Mr. Mbonimpa, Burundi) eight-point proposal submitted by the Coalition Government can serve as a basis for a peaceful settlement of the conflict. Also in the Far East region, my country is concerned at the unjust fate imposed on the Korean people by the division of their territory into two parts, North and South, and by the presence of foreign troops. It is our view tnat without outside interference the two parties can achieve peaceful reunification. In that spirit, we welcome the contacts that have occurred between North and South and we trust that they will be continued and even extended to all levels, in order to achieve the full and peaceful reunificatLon of the Korean nation. Turning to the situation in Latin America, my country supports the diplomatic efforts of the Contadora Group and the Support Group to find a peaceful, mutually acceptable solution to the crisis in Central America. That is why we welcomed the signing, on 7 August 1987, of the Guatemala agreement between the five countrLes of Central America, which are resolved to create a better future for the Central American region. We call upon all those who have interests in that part of the world to make a positive contribution to ensuring the success of the implementation of the treaty signed in Guatemala City, so that peace and stability can be ~estored to that region. Although my statement has dealt primarily with political issues, it is my delegation's view that they are far from being the only, or indeed the most important, hindrances to international peace and security. Indeed, in Burunai we believe that the survival of our planet Earth depends also on solutions being found to such thorny problems as poverty, hunger, overpopulation, the worsening economies in the majority of our States, over-armament, indebtedness and so on. According to figures published in the Final Document of the International (Mr. Mbonimpa, Burundi) place only recently in New York - from 24 August to 11 September - it is estimated that in the developing countries about 1 billion people live below the poverty line, 780 million suffer from malnutrition, 850 million are illiterate, 1.5 billion have no access to medl.cal care, 1.5 billion are unemployed, and 1 billion do not have adequate housing. Those statistics speak for themselves and, alas, the projections for the future are not encouraging. On the contrary, it is forecast that most of our countries are simply not economically viable. That is a euphemism for saying that these States should simply d1sappear. Without a doubt, those ate matters of concern. The analyses that led to these alarmist conclusions are based on the deterioration of the economies of those States. But this deterioration is not necessarily to be attributed to the leaders of, or tne policies followed by, the otates whose disappearance is being predicted. In fact, the prices of the commodities and services that these countries provide by producing, exporting and selling their comn~dities and agricultural goods are set in bureaucratic offices that are unaware of the concerns of those States. A reorganization of all aspects of the international market is the only way to correct the economic disparities in the world today. The debt problem of many of our countries is simply a logical result of the pOlicy of price fixing and the fluctuations in the abilities of our countries to pay. An equitable solution can be found only in the context of global negotiations on the implementation of decisions on the international economic order. When the President of the United States of America, Mr. Ronald Reagan, addressed the Assembly on 21 September, he confirmed that the United states of America and the Soviet union had, four days earlier, agreed to conclude an agreement before the end of the year on the elimination of mediumand short-ranye missles. This was confirmed by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Soviet Union, Mr. Edouard Shevardnadze, when he spoke on 23 September in the Assembly. While we welcomed this communication of historic significance, my delegation would have been even more delighted if we could have been assured that this agreement would enable us to tackle the economic and financial problems facing the world. The resources made available in this way should be directed towards the sectors of economic and social development to enable us, particularly the least developed countries, to catch up in this area. Those who are well versed in disarmament matters tell us that the arms that are to be eliminated relate primarily to Europe. They apparently account for 20 per cent of global military expenditure and so far have never been used. The destruction that has occurred to date has resulted from the use of conventional weapons, which account for the remaining 80 per cent of global expenditure. We cherish the hope that this move to reduce and eliminate the instruments of death will continue and be extended to all categories of weapons. In this connection, my country welcomes the convening here of the first which highlighted the close interrelationship of disarmament and development. We express the hope that the Final Document adopted by the Conference, which is a first step in the right direction, will generate positive effects, so that the wor Id can move towards total and complete disarmament and devote more attention to development, justice, peace and international security.

I call on the representative of France, who wishes to speak in exercise of the right of reply. May I remind members that, in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statements in exeroise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to five for the second and should be made by delegations from their seat. Mr. BLANC (France) (interpretation from French): For 48 hours, from the podium we have heard representatives from the South Pacific. We understand the position of those countries on New Caledonia, although it is a FrenCh territory. We are also aware of the obstinacy with which a future is being imposed upon the inhabitants of New Caledonia, where the majority has shown that it is not what they want. As the representative of France, I naturally listened to the statehlents made by the countries of the Forum with a great deal of attention. I took note of contradictions in them. All of them criticized the referendum on self-determination of 13 September through which, in a dignified and calm atmosphere, a clear majority of New Caledonians chose to remain within the French republic. But for those who may have second thoughts about the rights of the l ' o j~ I IM ~ r (Mr. Blanc, France) Yesterday, to the contrary, the representative of New Zealand, in exercise of the right of reply claimed the right of self-determination for all New Caledonians and insisted on that phrase "all New Caledonians". Today, the representative of Solomon Islands spoke of the right of I self-determination and independence of the Kanak people. That means that the right ' of self-determination in New Caledonia should be defended only for the t:Jopulation of Melanesian origin? We would like to know the precise position of the countries of the Forum on that question. Recent developments in the region point to the importance of this. Do the Forum countries wish to challenge the principle of one man one vote, or one woman one vote, to which France is committed and which it applied on 13 September last for the referendum'? With regard to the remarks made on nuclear tests, I shall simply refer the Assembly to my position expressed yesterday evening in replying to the representative of Papua New Guinea. The meeting rose at 6.20 p.m.