A/42/PV.90 General Assembly

I call on Mr. Felix Aboly-Bi-Kouassi, Rapporteur of the Fifth Committee, to present the Commi ttee' s repor t on agenda item 125 (a). Mr. ABOLY-BI-KOUASSI (Cote d'Ivoire), Rapporteur of the Fifth Committel (interpretation from French): I have the honour to present to the General Assent y the report of the Fifth Committee (Aj42j840) on agenda item 125 (a), entitled "Financing of the Dni ted Na tions peace-keeping forces in the Middle East: ani te< Nations Disengagement Observer Force". At its 48th meeting the Fifth Committee adopted two draft resolutions relati q to the funding of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force; these appear j paragraph 6 of the Committee's report. Under dr aft resolution A, the Gener al Assembly would appropr ia te S17 ,664 ,001 for the Uni ted Na tions Disengagement Observer Force's opera tions for the period from 1 December 1987 to 31 May 1988, inclus ive; and authorize the Secretary-Genet 1 to en ter in to commi tmen ts at a ra te not to exceed $ 2,944,000 gr oss per man th for the period from 1 June 1988 to 30 November 1988, inClusive, should the Security Council decide to continue the Force beyond the period of six months authorizeo. under its resolution 603 (1987). Under draft resolution B, the General Assembly would decide to suspend the provisions of regulations 5.2 (~), 5.2 (~), 4.3 and 4.4 of the Financial Regulations in respect of the amount of Sl,331,921, which otherwise would have tc be surrendered pursuant to those provisions, this amount to he entered into the (Hr. Abo1y~i-Kouass i, Rappor teur , Fi f th Commi t tee) accoun t re ferred to in the operative part of General Assent>ly reso1u tion 33/13 E and held in suspense until a further decision was taken by the Assembly. On behalf of the Fi fth Committee I have the honour to recommend to the General Assembly the aooption of the two draft resolutions I have just presented.

If there is no proposal under rule 66 of the rules of procedure, I shall take it that the General Assembly decides not to discuss the report of the Fifth Committee. It was so decided. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Russian) ~ statements will therefore be 1imi ted to ex plana tions of vote. The positions of delegations on the reconmendations of the Fifth Committee have been made clear in the Committee and are reflected in the relevant official records • May I remind member s that, under paragraph 7 of decis ion 34/401, the General Assenilly agreed that: "When the same draft resolution is oonsidered in a Ma in Commi ttee and in plenary mee ting, a de1ega tion should, as far as poss ib1e, expla in its vote only once, that is, either in the Committee or in plenary meeting, unless that delegation's vote in plenary meeting is different from its vote in the Cononi ttee • " The Fifth Committee's reool1lllendations, which appear in paragraph 6 of its report (A/42/840), consist of draft resolutions A and B. We shall nCM begin the voting process. The Fifth Committee voted on the two draft resolutions together. If I hear no objection, the General Asseooly will do the same. It was so decided. resolutions A and B. A recorded vote has been requested. A recorded vote was taken. In favour: Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Barbados, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Brunei Darussalam, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Social ist Republic, Cameroon, Canada, Cape Verde, Chad, China, Comoros, Congo, COte d'Ivoire, CzechoslOlTakia, Denmark, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Gambia, German D~mocratic Republic, Greece, Grenada, GJatemala, GJyana, Honduras, Iceland, India, Indonesia, Ireland, Israel, Japan, Jordan, Lebanon, Lesotho, U1xembourg, Malaysia, Mauritania, Mauritius, fo2xico, Morocco, Nepal, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Niger, Norway, oman, Pakistan, Panama, Papua New Guinea, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Rwanda, saint Illcia, Samoa, Sao ~me and Principe, Senegal, seychelles, Singapore, Solomon Islands, Somalia, Spain, Swaziland, Sweden, Thailand, 'Ibgo, Turkey, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of Soviet Socialist RepUblics, United Arab Emirates, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United Republic of Tanzan ia, Uli ted Sta tes of America, Uruguay, Vanua tu, Venezuela, Viet Nam, Zaire, Zimbabwe Against: Albania, Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, Syrian Arab Republic Abstaining: Afghanistan, Algeria, Cuba, Iraq, Maldives Draft resolutions A and B were aoopted by 94 votes to 3, with 5 abstentions (resolution 42/70 A, B). * The PRESro:mT (interpretation from Russian): We have thus ooncluded our considera tion of sub-i tern la) of agenda i tern 125. *Subsequently the following delegations advised the Secretariat that they had intended to vote in favour: Ibtswana, Colombia, the Federal RepUblic of Germany, G.linea-Bissau, Kuwait, Liberia, Malawi, Malta, Philippines, Ibmania, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, Saudi Arabia, Sri Lanka, Sudan and Tunisia~ the delegations of Angola, Sudan, Viet Narn and Yemen had intended to abstain. AGENDA ITFM 1 B lMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECLARATION ON THE ~ANTING OF INDEPENDENCE 'ID CDIDNIAL CDUNTR IES AND 1£0 PLES ~ (a) REIDRT OF THE SmCIAL COMMrrTEE ON THE SlTUATIDN WrrH REGARD 'ID THE lMPLFMENTATION OF THE DECLAAATION ON THE ~ANTmG OF INDEPENDENCE 'ID CDIDNIAL COUNTRIES AND PEOPLES (A/42/23; A!AC.109/889-B9l, 892 and Add.l and 2, 893 and Add.l, 894 and Md.l, 895, 896 and Add.l and 2, 897, 898 and Add.l, 899-903, 904 and Corr.l, 905-912, 913 and Md.l, 914, 915, 918, 921 and 932) (b) RER:>RT OF THE SECRETARY-GENERAL (A/42/60l) (c) DRAFT REBOUJTlDN3 (A/42/L.38, 39) (d) RER:>RT OF THE FIFTH Q)MM ITTEE (A/4 2/ 845) (e) LETTERS EROM SWEDEN AND NORWAY (A/42/733, A/42/763) The mES IDENT (in terpre ta tion from Russ ian): I wish to draw the attention of delegations to a typographical error in the English text of document A/42/L.39, the title of which should read "Dissemination of information on de colon iz ation ". Before calling on the first speaker, I should like to propose that the list of speaker s in the deba te on th is i tern be cl osed today a t noon. If there is no objection I shall ronsider that the Assembly adopts that proposal. It was so decided.

I call on the Rapporteur of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples to introduce the Committee's report. Mr. ARIDlSS (Syr ian Arab Republic), Rapper teur of the Special Cornmi ttee on the Si tua tion wi th regard to the Implementa tion of the Declara tion on the Granting of Independence to Colon ial Coun tr ies and Peoples (Special Committee of 24): As Rapporteur of the Special Commi ttee on the Si tua tion wi th regard to the Implemen ta tion of the Declar ation on the Granting of Independence to Colon ial Coon tr ies and peoples, I have the honour to present to the General Assenhly for its consideration the report of the Special Committee covering its work during 1987, which is conta ined in A/42/23. The report, ",hich relates, inter alia, to item 18 of the agenda, is submitted in accordance ",i th paragraph 12 of General Assenbly resolu tion 41/41 B of 2 December 1986 on the implementation of the Declaration, by which the Assembly r eques ted th Specia 1 COIl\llli t tee to cm tinue to seek sui table means for the immedia te and full implementation of General Assent>ly resolution 1514 (XV) in all Territories that have not yet attained independence and, in particular, to formulate specific proposals for the elimination of the remaining manifestations of colonialism. In pursuance of that and 0 ther rela ted resolu tions, dur ing the year the Special Committee reviewed the implementation of the Declaration relating to the renaining Territories and formulated a series of recommendations with a view to accelerating the pace of deoolonization and to facilitating the political, ecooomic, social and educa tional advancement of the people in those Terri tories. Those recommendations, among other items, related to activities of foreign ecooomic and other interests which are impeding the implementation of the Declaration,. military activities and arrangements by colonial Powers in Territories under their administration) the implementation of the Declaration by the specialized agencies and the inter national insti tu tions associated wi th the United Nations} and information transmitted under Article 73 (e) of the Charter. The Special Committee also devoted considerable attention during the year to the de col 00 iza tion of the small Terri tories. In that connection the Special Commi ttee was especially mindful of the fact that Un ited Na tions vis i ting missions have provided effective means of ascerta in ing the si tua tion in those small CMr. Arnouss, Rapper teur , Special Committee of 24) Terri tories. Accordingly it once aga in stressed the impor tance of dispatching such missions to colooial Territories in order to facilitate the speedy implementation of the Declara tion. Within the context of the question of the list of Territories to which the Declaration is applicable, the Committee also took up separately an item entitled "Special Committee decision of 14 August 1986 ooncerning Puerto Rico". In this regard the Committee, following the hearing of representatives of a numer of organizations, took a further decision on the item, as set out in chapter I of the report. As reflected in chapter 11 of its rePJr t, the Special Commi ttee carr ied out a number Of other tasks entrusted to it by the General Assent>ly in various resolutions, as well as those arising from its own previous decisions, relating to the question of publicity to be given to the work of the United Nations in the fi eld of decolon iz a tion • In th is regard the Commi ttee aga in stressed the need to mobil ize wor Id public opinion ,in support of the peoples of the colon ial Terri tor ies and, in par ticular, to intensify the widespread and continuous dissemination of information on the struggle be ing wage d by the poopl es concerned in sou th er n Afd ca. Bear ing in mind the important role being played by non-governmental organizations in the decoloniza tion process, the Special Commi ttee once again encouraged those organizations to continue and intensify their campaign against colonialism. During the year the Committee took part in a nunber of international conferences and meetings oonvened by intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations. In the light of the constructive results and in keeping with the related decisions of the Assembly, the Committee decided to continue to maintain close contact with the organizations concerned and to participate in the related conferences, seminars and other special meetings arranged by those organizations, as well as by the uni ted Nations bodies concerned. I should like to draw member s' atten tion to the proposal outl ined in section J of chapter I, entitled "l".1ture work", which the Committee hopes will meet with the Assembly's approval in order to enable it to proceed with the effective discharge of the task tha t rema ins to be comple ted. The Special Conuni ttee recomnends that the General Assembly renew its appeal to the administer ing Powers concerned to take all necessary steps for the implementation of the Declaration and relevant United Nations resolutions, in accordance wi th the freely expressed wishes of the people of the Terri tories ooncerned. In that connection the Special Commi ttee, bear ing in mind the useful results adlieved as a consequence of the active particip:l.tion of the administering Powers in its work, recormnends that the General Assembly again request the administering Powers to co-operate or cmtinue to co~perate with the Committee in the discharge of its mandate and, in particular, to particip:l.te actively in its work relating to the Territories under their respective administrations. Further, bearing in mind the affirmation by the General Assembly that direct association of the Non-Self-Governing Territories in the work of the united Nations and specialized agencies is an effective means of promoting the progress of the people in those Terri tor ies towards a posi tion of equali ty wi th Sta tes Members of, ... the united Nations, the Special Committee recormnends that the General Assembly invite the administering Powers to allow representatives of the Territories concerned to participate in the discussion in the Eburth Committee and in the Special Committee on the items relating to their respective countries. 1 The General Assentlly may also wish to renew its appeal to all states, the specialized agencies and other organizations within the United Nations system to comply with the various requests addressed to them by the United Nations in its resolutions on the question of decolonization. On behalf of the Special Committee, I commend the report to the serious attention of the General Assembly. Before concl uding, permi t me to express to all the member s of the Special Committee and in particular to the Chairman, Anbassaaor Tadesse of Ethiopia, and to the other Commi ttee officers, my deep grati tude for the timely advice, co~peration and support I received from them, which greatly facilitated my task as Rapporteur. The PRES !DENT (interpretation from Russian): I call on the Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, who introduce the draft resolutions. Mr. TADESSE (Ethiopia), Chairman of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (Special Committee of 24)~ The Rapporteur of the Special Committee of 24, Mr. Ahmad Farouk Arnouss of the Syr ian Arab Republic, with his characteristic efficiency, has just given a succinct account of the work of the Committee during 1987. Thus, my task as Chairman of the Committee has, as usual, been greatly facilitated, for which I warmly thank our Rappor teur. Both as human beings and officers with a serious mandate from this Assembly, we have associa ted ourselves wi th the genu ine aspira tions of the mill ions who continue to languish in colonial bondage. The grave situation prevailing in Namibia, in particular, cootinues to engage our foremost concern. The odious policies of racist South Africa, lD'1iversally coodemed, cootravene and coofound the very ideals and pr inciples upheld by this Organization. Over the years, Pretoria has, wi th ca1cula ted CUM ing, a t tempted to impose, under a puppe t regime, a continued co100ial domination over the international Territory. under the guise of accepting security Council resolution 435 (1978), the racist regime has cootinued to resort to devious and deceitful tactics in order to circullll7ent the United Nations plan, while prol1Oting an internal settlement through the so-called interim gover nmen t. The Special Committee has thus called for the immediate and unconditional implementation by South Africa of security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). My attempt to undermine or deviate from the international oonsensus ent>odied in resolution 435 (1978) must be rejected, for that consensus represents the only acceptable basis for the peaceful transition of Namibia to independence. We are painfully aware of the unfathomable consequences of other alternatives. The Special Committee deems it imperative that the united Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) be emplaced in the Territory without further delay. The Commi ttee thus look s forward to the expedi tious implementation of the most recent security Council decision on this question, adopted without dissent in resolutioo 601 (1987) of 30 October 1987. Pending the full implementation of the united Nations plan without pre-condition or I1Ddification, the Special Committee has stressed time and again' the urgent need for the adoption by the 5ecuri ty Council of measures under Chapter VII of the Charter against the Pre tor ia regime. 8:>th past and present experience and knowledge of Pretoria's notoriety attest to the imperative need, more now than ever before, to bring intensified pressure to bear upon the regime'to comply with the relevant resolutions of the Security Council and the General 1\ssembly. It goes without saying that the international colllllunity must continue to extend all moral and material assistance to the peoples of Namibia and south Africa, under the leadership of their respective national liberation movements. Likewise, we are particularly mind ful of the coo tinu ing sacri fices made by the peoples and Q)vernments of the front-line states and other Afr ican countr ies in support of the cause of the peoples of Namibia and South Africa. We must redouble our effor ts to assist them by whatever means available, in order to enable them to wi thstand the damage and destruction sustained by them as a result of the savage 1 attacks and repeated invasion of their sovereign ter ritar ies perpetrated by the racist regime. we pay a warm tr ibute to those Sta tes for their courageous stance and selfless supper t for the liberation of Namibia and south Afr ica, as well as for the crucial role they coo tinue to play in tha t struggle. For its part, the Special Conunittee will continue, within its O'ttIn mandate, to extend ta the people of Namibia and their sole and authentic representa tive, south west Africa People's Organization (SWAm), its full support in their struggle to achieve the goal of a free, dell'Ocratic and independent Namibia. Dur ing the year under review, the Special Comrni ttee has also given close attentioo to the problems affecting the other colonial territories, particularly in the Car ibbean and Paci fic Ocean areas. Problems often confron ting these terr·Hodes are entirely different and highly complex, partly because of their small territorial size and population, and frequently because of their isolation and limited resources, as pointed out in the related conclusions and reconrnendations of the Special Committee. While admittedly the resolution of such problems requires special attention, meeting particular circumstances, these considerations cannot, however, be a1lowl to interfere with or limit the rights and privileges of the peoples concerned, especially with regard to their right to make their own decisions in respect of their future. In the discharge of their obligations under the Charter, the administering Powers oonc:erned must recognize these rights and provide the peOplE of those terri tories wi th an opportuni ty to make the ir decisions freely and wi the t inducemen t, in accordance with in ternationally accepted norms and pr inciples. It that context, I should like to underscore the responsibility of the administerin~ Powers to intensify programmes of political education of the peoples of the territories under their administration, in order to deepen the awareness and understanding by those peoples of the purposes and objectives of the Charter and the Declaration in resolution 1514 (XV) in relation to their future status, as we 1 as all the options available to them. In the discharge of their primary responsibility as defined in the Charter, the administering Powers should also do their utmost to ensure economic developme t in the territories they administer and, to that end, should take appropriate measures, both bilaterally and on a multilateral basis. In so doing, recourse should be had to all assistance available from the specialized agencies and other organizations of the United Nations. That such programmes also should carefully protect and safeguard the best interests, both present and future, of the peoples of the terr i tor ies concerned shoul d be of paramoun t cons idera tion. The evolving situations in some of the small Territories require constant ,rtgilance on the part of this Organization) the Special Committee will be fully engaged in the search for the most sui table means for the speedy attainment of the ohj~ctives of the Declar ation in that respect. Wi th regard to cer ta in other 'I'erritories, we must continue to encourage and facilitate the process of consultation and negotia tion launched by the Secretary-Gener al under the relevan t Assembly resolu tions. In th is regard, the Special Commi ttee fully supports the continuing effor ts of the Secretary-General to assist in finding solutions acceptable to all concerned, in accordance wi th the Char ter and the Dec1ara tion. As has been clearly borne out in our past experience, the Organization's work in the field of deco1onization is facilitated considerably when the peoples of the Territories are accorded a genuine opportunity freely to express their true aspira tions and when the Uni ted Na tions receives the full co-opera tion of the administering Powers in its work. In the context of the obligations assumed by those MenDers under the Charter, the co-operation of the administering Powers with the Special Committee is indeed an essential element in our forJ['U1ation of appropr ia te recommenda tions concern ing the Terri tor ies under the ir admin is tra tion. Information imparted to us by their representatives and the views exchanged with them during our consideration of these questions have served as an effective and invaluable bas is for our del iber ations. Having regard to the constr uctive role played in the past by v isi ting missions, the Special Committee likewise continues to attach vital importance to the dispa tching of such missions to dependent Ter ri tor ies. These missions have prOU'ed an effective means of collecting adequate and first-hand informa.tion on social, political and economic conditions prevailing in the colonial Territories and of ascertaining at first hand the real wishes and aspirations of the people concerning their future status. In this regard, I would strongly urge all administering Powers to co-operate or continue to co-operate with the Special Committee, by actively participa ting in the rela ted work of the Commi ttee and by permitting access by united Nations visiting missions to the Territories under the ir respective admin is tra tions. We often hear it said that the work of the Organization in the field of decolonization is drawing to a close and that we no longer need to waste our time and efforts on business about to be concluded. Indeed, no one can deny the fact that the achievement in th is field since the inception of the Organ iza tion represent a singularly noteworthy suce~ss story in the annals of this community of nations. Yet we must at all times remind ourselves of the solemn obligations assumed by all Member Sta tes under the Char ter in respect of the mor e than 3 million people who continue to live under colonial rule. In keeping with th~ relevant provisions of the Charter, this Assembly has long established the tenets and procedures for proroting and ensur ing the well-being of the inhabi tants of these Territories and, under those decisions and resolutions, as long as there remains a single Non-Self-Governing Territory falling within the purview of the Charter, the work of the Organization must continue, to which end all necessary resources must be placed at its disposal. Economy in the use of our resources - too often used deliberately as a pretext - could most effectively be achieved through the full and speedy implemen ta tion of the Declara tion and when the list of colonial Territor ies has been reduced to none. The Rapporteur of the Special Committee has already pointed out that the relevant chapters of the Committee's report now before the Assembly contain a number of concre te re commenda tions concern ing the var ious problems existing in the Asserrbly, while discussing the item, will give its most serious attention to the recommendations made by the Special Committee. I am confident that the approval by the General Assentlly of those and other important recommendations will further enhance the capaci ty of our Organization to deal IOOre effectively wi th the remaining colonial issues. As noted in its report, the Special Committee this year once again was able to arrive at consensus decisions on practically all the items on its agenda. This fact reflects the deep sense of responsibility shared by all members of the Special Committee for the working out of pragmatic approaches to the finding of solutions to the many intractable issues which confront the Organization. I wish to thank all the members for their co~peration, understanding and assistance in making it possible for us to arrive at those unanilOOUs decisions, which will no doubt carry us a step further towards the attainment of our common objectives. In this regard, my special thanks go to P1mbassador Oramas Oliva of Cuba, the Vice-Chairman, Mr. Arnouss of the Syrian Arab Republic, the Rapporteur, and Mr. 1lmari of Tunisia, the Chairman of the Sub-Committee on small Territories, for the constructive con tr ibu tion they made to the process leading to the adoption by the Special Committee of many consensus decisions on a number of important items. They have, toge ther and individually, wi th the ir tenaci ty and commitment, once again proved exceptionally skilled diplomats and consensus builders in the interest of the Organ iza tion. My deep apprecia tion also goes to the two 0 ther Vice-Cha irmen of the Special Committee, Ambassador stromholm of Sweden and Mr. Kulawiec of Czechoslovakia, for the active role they have played as members of the Committee's steering group. The unfailing assistance and wise counselling rendered to me by all Committee officers have ma.de it possible for me to carry out the task entrusted to me as the presiding officer. To each of them I owe a personal debt of gratitude for their devoted ser vice in the cause of decolon ization. I should like to take this opportunity also to pay a particular tribute to Ambassador ~ushoutas, the Permanent Representative of Cyprus to the United Nations and Chairman of the Fourth Committee, for his outstanding stewardship and diplomatic skills in enabling the Fourth Committee to conclude its work in a most efficient and effective manner. His personal dedication to the cause of decolonbation is well known and his oontr ibution to the process a matter of record. 1 should like, on behalf of the Special Committee, to express our profound thanks to the delegation of Sweden for its oo-operation and the invaluable con tr ibu tion it has made to the Special Commi ttee' s work dur ing the past four years. I am fully confident that its successor, which I understand will be ~rway, led by an old fr iend of the Commi ttee and an exper ienced hand in this field and many other fields, Ambassador Vraalsen, will oontinue the great tradition of the Nordic countries and assist effectively in carrying out the important tasks entrusted to the Special Committee. Our Secretary-General, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, has consistently demonstrated his deep concern with and interest in the field of decolonization. We are grateful to him for his continued commitment to the cause and the close co-operation and assistance he has rendered to the Committee. I should also like to pay a tribute to all the members of the Secretariat concerned for the assistance and support that the Committee enjoyed throughout the year. Having briefly reviewed some of the principal developments in the field of deoolooization and in keeping with long-established practice, I now have the honour, on behalf of the sponsors, to in troduce the two dra Et resolu tions submi tted under this item, draft resolutions A/42/L.38 and A/42/L.39. As these draft resolutions reflect both the developments and problems that I have just outlined, I need not elaborate on their substance. Suffice it to say that draft resolution A/42/L.38 deals with the general aspects of decolooization, by which, among other things, the Assembly would renew the mandate of the Special Committee and approve its programme of work for 1988. Draft resolution A/42/L.39 concerns dissemination of informa tion on decolonization, by which the Assembly would once again underscore the importance of publici ty as an instrument for fur ther ing the aims and purposes of the Char ter and the Declaration. The role to be played by the secretary-General in this connection, par ticularly through the Departmen t of Public Informa tion, cannot be over-emphas ized. Speak ing on behalf oE the sponsor s, I commend these dr aft proposals to the members of the Assembly for their serious attention and - I hope - their unanimous appr oval. Mr. GHAREI<HAN (India): Jean Paul Sartre once wrote, in a testimony that inspires many and haunts a few even today: "N:>t so long ago, the earth nuni>ered two thousand million inhabitants: five hundred million men and cne thousand five hundred million natives. The former had the word, the others had the use of it. "It came to an end. The mou ths opened by themselves. The yellow and black voices still spoke of our humanism but only to reproach us wi th our inhumanity. " We were witness to the end. It was this Organization, this community of international nationhood, that enabled the surge of freedom's tide to wash its most distant shores. Whenever its utility and efficacy are questicned, the fact that its very being so v igorously vitalized the democratic impUlse in ill ternation,al relations is amcng the most articula te arguments and cogent convictions of its relevance • And yet the end has not finally or fully been reached. Spiritually enervated and morally exhausted, the mediaeval metropolitan Powers accepted the inevitability of selfhood and freeoom in many areas of the dependent world which once lay in their custody. B..1t some still endure. We at the united Nations have had the opportunity to listen to the telling testimony of petitioners both before the Fourth Committee of the Assenilly and the Special Committee of 24, which has thrown the decolcnization debate into sharp relief. We are angry, not only because each continuing instance of colon ialism defies norms of international cnnduct and the rUle of law, but because the reasons for colonialism's desperate struggle to survive are so patently clear that no measure of eloquence, disdain or the abdication of responsibility can ever mask the tragic tru th of its in tent. Certainly Namibia's exaJl\)le is classic. The historic colonial PCMers were circumspect in seeking possessions abroad. It certainly did not occur to them to colonize an immediate neighbour. In recent memory, Hitler was the first to try. South Africa has willingly followed in his footsteps. The line between colonial possession and territorial incorporation in such cases is perilously thin. For Pretoria, no recognized international border separates it from Namibia, save the line of fear it has chosen cartographically to carve. It needs Namibia. It needs its minerals. It needs its wa ters. It needs its soil on which to base its schemes of extended aggression and terror abroad. It needs its oontinuation in captivity. There are some who would argue that the surrender of Namibia would be a relatively small price for Pretoria to pay, struggling as it is to cope with the immense range of domestic anger and international sanctions against it. The wisdom of such reason is all too clearly lost on Pretoria, which presumably realizes full well that an independent and non-aligned Namibia will effect the complete cordoning of the racist regime in the final prelude to its deserved downfall. The persistence of colonial situations elsewhere - in the South Pacific and South Atlantic, in N:>rth-west Africa and the Caribbean and in other parts of the world made vulnerable to pressures of power-play and ooctrines of strategic persuasion - threatens and renders more fragile the fine fabric of fraternity this institution has so intricately knit. Indeed, this Assembly has already considered and adopted a resolution reaffirming the sovereignty of the Islamic Federal Republic of the Comoros OVer the island of Ma,yotte and expressed its conviction that a speedy solution of the problem through negotia tions is essen tial. It has also endorsed a resolution calling for a resumption of negotiations between the two parties to the dispute over the Falkland Islands (Malvinas). For India, a nation now in its forty-first year of fUlly-flj!dged freedom, each moment of its independence lies abridged and made vulnerable by freedom's denial elsewhere. Th is is not the legacy of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru alone. It is a legacy of compassion and shar ing which has shaped international resolve even as it so often has failed to mould international action. liDo not weep for the dead, tI wro te an au thar in a then ma jor me tropoli tan Pewer, Robin Maugham, "00 not weep for the dead; keep all your love for the liv ing and weep for those who are s tarv ing or tor tured and for those dying in spiri t wh ile they 1 ive. Then dry your tear s and go away from the v ibration of people ••• you will begin to see that all things are so related that the torture of a child in the Fast affects all the wor Id. You will see men as they are and as they can be. You have seen that comradeship and sacrifice can spring into the adven ture of b uil ding a new wor ld. " Perhaps it is not altogether coincidence that the debate on decolonization should tradi tionally come so la te in our regular session, even though the Fourth Committee tries so hard to conceal the fact that it concludes its work so early. lbder the guidance of Ant>assador Moushou tas of Qlprus and Anbassador Tadesse of Ethiopia, the Fourth Committee and the Special Committee of 24 have codified the problem in the precise UN-ese of deftly drafted resolutions. Blt there is more to the problem than saying yes or saying no, of absta in ing or being absen t. It is possible to commit oneself to or to remain distant from pieces of paper. But resolution 1514 (XV) was much more than that to the many. COlonialism's spell was dark and chill, but every night the Declaration kept the colonies from the cold. But even as winter steals in upon us, with its attendant colour and joy and festivity, this is a moment for reflection and regret, for persuasion and promise. For these alone can assure fresher collective think ing, where colon ialism - the paren t factor of so many of the other live i terns on our agenda - can be addr essed. Stratified by precedent or made rigid by pressure, we can do nothing. If we determine what the result must be, the means will determine themselves. Or else we shall remain crippled by a reputation of being the Organization that never wakes in a ci ty that is said never to sleep. Mr. NlKULIN (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): The question of the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples - adopted on the initiative of the Soviet union - remains on the General Assembly·s agenda, and it is as timely as ever. About 20 Territories in the world are still under the colonial yoke. In its resolutions, the General Assembly has repeatedly stressed that the continuation of cnlonialism in all its forms and manifestations - including racism, apartheid, the activities of foreign economic and other interests that are contrary to the United Nations Charter and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, the violations of the right to self-determination and basic human rights of the peoples of the colonial Territories, and continuous policies and practices to suppress legitimate national liberation movements - is inoompatible with the Charter and the Declaration on decolonization and poses a serious threat to international peace and security. The General Assembly has also repeatedly affirmed its recognition of the legi timacy of the struggle of the peoples under colon ial and alien domina tion to exercise their right to self-determination and independence by all the necessary Si tua tions of acu te cr is is coo tinue to reign in sou thern Africa. Na tional patriotic liberation forces are engaged in a bitter struggle against the apartheid regime in South Africa for the liquidation of colonialism and racism. This racist, inhuman regime which pursues the policy of apartheid, branded by the international community as a crime against humanity, is a constant threat to international peace and security. Violating the many relevant decisions of the United Nations, including the security Council, and disregarding the will of the international conmunity, the racist South African regime continues its illegal occupation of Namibia, pitilessly exploiting and pillaging its natural and human resources. with the aim of maintaining its colonial domination, the Pretoria regime has extended its criminal apartheid regime to Namibia. It not only pursues a repress ive policy in that country, but also uses the Territory for the launching of systematic acts of aggression designed to des tabil ize the si tua tion in neighbour ing front-line Afr ican Sta tes, incl uding Angola. It was well known that the security Council, in its resolution 602 (1987), aoopted on 25 NOI1ernber this year, strongly condenned the racist regime of south Africa for its oontinued and intensified acts of aggression against the People's Republic of Angola, as well as its continuing occupation of parts of that state, which constitute a flagrant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Angola. It demanded that South Africa cease immediately its acts of aggression and unconditionally withdraw all South African forces occupying part of Angolan territory. The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR agrees completely with that decision by the Security Council. We support, too, the General Assembly's appeal to the Security Council to impose aga inst Sou th Africa compr ehens ive manda tory sanctions under Chapter VI I 0 f the Char ter. In carrying out their criminal activities, the South African authorities rely on the policy of constructive engagement and the assistance and support of many western coun tr ies. Because of that pro tection, the racist Pretor ia regime disregards Un ited Na tions decis ions on the decolonization of Namib ia and continues to follow the road of aggression and escalation of violence and terror against indigenous Afr icans. In the united Na tions the veto used by Wes tern ooun tr ies has preven ted the adoption by the securi ty Council of compr ehens ive manda. tory sanctions aga inst South Af r ica • The General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the union of Soviet SOcialist Republics, Mikhail Gorbachev, in his article entitled "Reality and safeguards for a secure wor ld", noted that "A more concerted effort to conbat apartheid, as one of the destabilizing factors of international significance, would also be justified". (A/42/574, 2..:..2) 'rhe Byelorussian SSR has always been in favour of solving the Namibian question in full conformity with the relevant United Nations resolutions, including security Council resolution 435 (1978). In accordance with a decision taken by the Twenty-seventh Congress of the Communist Party of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Byelorussian SSR is in favour of a oollective quest for a settlement of all si tua tions of conflict in the world, including sou thern Africa and Namibia. We weloomed resolution 601 (1987) recently adopted by the secur ity Council. 'Ibgether with other countries, we were pleased to note the readiness expressed therein by the South west Afr ica People's Organization (SWAFO) to take concrete measures to sign and observe a cease-fire agreement with South Africa, in order to pave the way for the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The delegation of the Byelorussian SSR is in favour of the speediest possible granting of full independence to Namibia, on the basis of the maintenance of its unity and territorial integrity, including Walvis Bay and the coastal islands; the immediate and full withdrawal from Namibia of the forces and administration of South Africa; and the transfer of all power to the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAOO, which has been recognized by the United Nations, the Organization of African unity and the MOI1ement of Non-Aligned States as the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people. The attainment of the final objectives of the Declara tion on decolon iza tion must be regarded as an indivisible problem. The remnants of colonialism must be liquidated in all parts of the world, including the many island Territories spread out among the oceans of the world. However, the economic and military activities of the imperialist Powers in those Territories has prevented the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization and the achievement of genuine independence by the peoples of the Territories. Moreover, the transfornation of the island Territories into military bases to be used by imperialist Powers as springboards for acts of aggression against sovereign States and other actions to represS national liberation movements of peoples is fraught with grave threats to in terna tional peace and security. Military bases in Guam, Micronesia, Diego Garcia, Bermuda, the Turks and Caicos Islands, Puerto Rico and other dependent Terr i tor ies are obviously not des igned to prepare the people of those Ter ri tor ies for independence. The aim is directly opposed to the aims proclaimed in the Declara tion on de colon iza tion. For many years these colonial island Territories have been used - and they are still being used - for the military and political interests of the imperialist Powers. r-Dreover, nuclear weapons have been sta Honed on some of them. In Micronesia the Admin is tering ALl thori ty follows the road of forcible transformation of a strategic united Nations Trust Territory, the Pacific Islands, in to i ts colon ial possess ion. The delega Hon of the Byelorussian SSR aga in sta tes that measures already tak en, or cur r en tl y be ing taken, by the Adm in is ter ing All thori ty in the uni ted Nations Trust Territory of Micronesia are unilateral, illegal, contrary to the Charter and devoid of any legal force. The fate of the PeOple of Micronesia is an integral part of the problem of decolonization, and it is up to the united Nations and all States not to tolerate a situation where the world could be confronted with an accomplished fact, the absorption of this Territory by the Administering Authority. The United Nations cootinues to bear responsibility for Micronesia as loog as its peopl e has not acceded to genuine independence. Guided by the principles of Soviet foreign policy, based on the Great OCtober Revolution, the seven tieth anniver sary of which the whole of progressive mank ind celebrated this year, the Byelorussian SSR is firmly in favour of the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization with regard to Namibia, Micronesia, New Caledonia, the western Sahara, and all other colonial and dependent Terr i tor ies. As is well known, the Byelorussian SSR is a sp::msor of draft resolutions A/42/L.38 and A/42/L.39, and we are always ready to make additional efforts to contribute to the achievement of the final objectives of the Declaration on decoloniza tion. Mr. OTT (German Democr atic Republic): One hundr eo Sta tes were Member s of the United Nations on 14 December 1960 when the General Assembly proclaimed the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. This oocument, based on an initiative of the Soviet Union, was a milestone in the struggle for the removal of the imperialist colonial system. Based 00 the principles of the United Nations Charter, it reaffirmed formally and added sli:>stance to the inalienable righ t of all peopl es to self-de termination and independence. The pers istent commitment of the uni ted Na tions to the implementation of the Declaration has made it the major international focus of support in the struggle of peoples against colonial dependence and oppression. A glance at today's political world map and at the membership of our' Organiza tion reminds us of the extent of the changes which have occurred since resolution 1514 (xV) was adopted. The liberated States of Africa, Asia and ratin America have become an important factor in international affairs and in efforts to find answers to mankind's problems in Ollr era. Th is is clearly and conv incingly reflected in the endeavours of the Non-Aligned M:>vement, whose wide-ranging activities in the quest for peace, security and disarmament and against colonialism, racism and neo-colooialism are valued highly by the German Democratic Republic. My country stands on the side of these States and shares in their quest, which is in fact our common cause, with the ultimate goal of giving the world realistic prospects for a safer peace. '1b attain this goal, it is necessary, among other things, to eliminate the "non-military threats to security" in the developing countries. In addition to economic underdevelopment, phenomena falling in this category are mass poverty, illiteracy, disease and several others. Justifiably, these problems were major topics at the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Development. As far as the States of the Warsaw Treaty are concerned, they have set forth the ir constructive posi tion on the need to overcome underdevelopment, in a document entitled "On the Elimination of Underdevelopnent and the Establishment of a New International Economic Order" (A/42/354). let me recall here also the proposal of social ist collo tr ies to er ea te a comprehensive system of international peace and security. For the first time the concept of comprehensive security has been given coverage in a substantive resolution of the United Nations. The concept is based on the premise that international peace and security in present-day conditions mean more than the mere absence of war or the prevention or resolution of international confl icts or contentious issues by peaceful means. Rather the concept envisions a dynamic process of purposeful action to shape peaceful relations among States in a diversity of fields, and of equitable co-operation in addressing global human problems. It is from this angle that we see the tasks facing the Organization in the further implementation of the Declaration, first, in terms oE the complete el imination of colon ial ism and, secondly, of the removal or pr even tion of all forms of neo-colonialism. These conditions are basic to peaceful international relations in a variety of areas with the universal participation of States. And this would also br ing us closer to the ful filment of the pr inciples of the Char ter as laid down, for example, in Article 1 (2) which states~ "'Ib develop Er iendly rela tions among na tions based on respect for the pr inci ple of equal r igh ts and self-de termination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace". I am proud to say that the German Democratic Republic's foreign fX>licy is consistent with these Charter principles. We believe that they are of the utmost impor tance for the prosperous developnen t of all Sta tes. FOr the Sta tes that have shaken off the colonial fetters and achieved political independence, such friendly relations are indeed of vital significance. In this light, it is especially reprehensible for imperialist Powers to engage in activities that amount to interference in the internal affairs of others, to maintain bands of cnunter-revolutionary mercenar ies or to exert similar pressure with the aim of making Governments of independent countries submissive or even of overthrowing them What must be included here are attempts to keep, or to bring, developing countries in a state of economic dependence. All such courses of action are conceived in such a way as to put a mantle Over the colon ial oppr ess ion tha t the in ter na tional commun i ty has ou tlawed, and to perpetuate the eKploitation of the nations concerned. The German Democratic Republic condemns that policy of neo-colonialism, which is in gross violation of the Charter and other relevant instruments of the United Nations. 'Ibday, 27 years after the Declaration on decolonization was adopted, the plenary Assembly must still deal with colonialism. Its remnants poison the international atmosphere and are a dangerous source of tensions and conflicts. This is true of all o:>looia11y dependent Territories, whether large or small, and no matter where they are situated. But it is especially true of Namibia. During the current session of the General Assembly my delegation has had the opportunity in various bodies to present the German Dem::>cratic Republic 's views on the question of Namibia. We advocate a lasting and just settlement based on the relevant Uni ted Na tions r eso1u tions in the ir en tirety, including 5ecurity Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). In a spirit of solidari ty, our coun try suppor ts the struggle of the people of Namibia, led by its sole and authentic representative, the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). We insist that the collaboration of some western oountr ies and their tr ansna tional oorpor ations wi th P retor ia be ended. The subsistence of so evil a regime over such a long period of time cannot primarily be explained by its own strength, but, first and foremost, by the multifarious aid received from its accomplice!';. Decis ive steps are necessary to check the r acis ts. And for this reason the German Democra tic Republic supports the call for comprehens ive manda tory sanctions I against South Africa, in keeping with Chapter VII of the Charter. The military misuse of small Territories turns out more and more to be a major obstacle to the granting of the right to self-determination to peoples still under colonial domination. We view that phenomenon with growing concern. let us take, as an example, the islands of Micronesia. The administering Power is anxious to legalize by any possible means what has been a factual annexation of the strategic trusteeship area, and to enforce the establishment of nuclear military bases. Those activities must be determinedly countered by world public opinion. Under Article 83 of the Charter, any alteration of the status of the strategic trusteeship area can be made only if the Securi ty Council so decides. The Uni ted Nations has the responsibility of ensuring a peaceful and independent future for Microoesia, and it should live up to that responsibility by greater moral co mmi tInen t. All designs and actions to use small Territories as military bases increasingly endanger peace and security in the world and run counter not only to the interests of the peoples of the regions ooncerned. Advocating an immediate end to such military acti"ities, the German oenncratic Republic is gratified that the General Assembly has again before it an appropriate draft resolution for adoption. We second the ins istence of Mauri tius 01 the immedia te return of the Chagos Archipelago to the island of Diego Garcia, and we share the bel ief of the Non-Aligned Movement in the inalienable right of the peoples of these and other Territories to self-determination and independence. Iet me come back to the thought I expressed at the beginning: the need for equal o:mcer ted effor ts of Sta tes and peoples. This is a dik ta t for our time, in view of the manifold problems confronting mankind. I have in mind the risk of the destruction of humanity in a nuclear inferno, the unforseeab1e consequences arising from the disregard for the right of all peoples to equi table and independent development, and from the underestimation of the ecological situation. Those problems can be reso1"ed only if all States develop a common and realistic strategy. Thus, responsible po1icy-makers are calling for a new approach to international dealings. SUch an approach invo1"es practical steps towards arms limitation and disarmament, as well as renunciation of force and of colonia1ist and neo-colon ia1ist policies. The German Derrocra tic tepublic has been committed to those pr inciples and, for this reason, it main tains sol idar i ty with and extends assistance to the peoples struggling for their freedom and independence. These have been tenets of our foreign policy, which has always had broad support among the people of my coun try. The German Democratic Republic will continue its endeavours with a view to the victory of the just cause of the peoples s till under colon ia1 domina tion. We shall persist in our solidarity and we shall ro-operate in all united Nations activities whose objectives are the un iversal enforcement of the right of peoples to self-determination and independence. Mr. SILVA (Colombia) (interpretation from Spanish); The decolonization process, which has transformed the geo-pol! tical map of the world, has been one of the major events of the twentieth century. '!Wo historic milestones stand out in this panorama: the Uni ted Na tions Charter and General Assembly resolu tion 1514 (XV) of 1960. Since its foundation, the United Nations has given priority to ensuring that the peoples of the Non-Self-Gou'erning Territories can truly exercise their right to self-determination, furthering the basic principles of its Charter. In this path, the approval in 1960 of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) containing the Declar ation on the Granting of Independence to Colon ial Countr ies and Peoples was a fact of singular importance. It can be said that that resolution, together with resolution 1541 (XV) of the same year, which supplements it, constitute one of the principal starting poin ts for a whole new body of jur isprudence on decoloniza tion. This bas ically der ives from the fundamental pr inciples of self-determination of peoples, of the territorial integrity of States and from respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction, principles enshrined in the Charter and confirmed by many resolutions and decisions of the General Asserrbly. Over the last 42 years, the right to self-determination has been exercised by dozens of Territories which have attained independence, turning more than 700 mill ion people into the ci tizens of independen t sovereign States, and tr ipl ing the number of Members of the united Nations. Our Organization thus stands on the threshold of genuine universal representation The deep changes which, owing to decolonization, have occurred within the structure of contemporary international relations confirm that this process represen ts an irrevers ible his toric act, the comple tion of whi ch is bo th in ev i table and essential. The achievements which have been made are immense, but what remain to be done is equally enorJrous. Colooialism in all its forms and manifestations is an anachronism. Decolon iza tion , on the other hand, is an ethical and moral question which affects the essential human values which are of constant relevance, and which must create the awareness of the need for I1Utual assistance which is essential in a world such as the present one, characterized by interdependence. OUrs is a world in which a true union of peoples can reduce its common vulnerability to the forces of nature and to those created by mankind. The great objective of the process of decolooization is not merely the emancipation of the subject peoples, but the tota and complete decolonization of all Territories in the eoonomic, political, cultura and military fields. This can be achieved undoubtedly with the determined support of the international oofllTlunity. Colombia's unswerving commitment to the cause of de colon iza tion dates back to the foundation of the Republic. My country and all Latin Merica have always been in the vanguard in this field, wi th strict, unreserved respect for the pr inciple of the self-determination and independence of all peoples, supporting the objectives of the Charter of the united Nations, in the foundation of which we are actively involved, and providing constant constructive suppor t for the endeavours of the united Nations to foster peace and decolonization. With regard to decolonization, in no case can a solution be postponed. All cases are urgent, but some brook no delay. One such is the case of Namibia, which has become a matter of international priority. My delegation has had occasion to refer specifically to the question of Namibia in the General Assembly and therefore wishes n~ only to reitP.rate Colombia's conunitment to working zealously and providing its whole-hearted co-operation wi th a view to enabl ing the Terri tory rapidly to achieve true independence. The pr es en t wor Id-wide campa 19n to secure independence for Namibia must produce reaul ts wi thout delay and the obstacles still in the way must be relOOved. My delegation wishes also to affirm its solidarity with all the peoples of dependent Terri toties which are continuing to struggle for a better future, of their own choice, which will give them an opportunity to participate on an equal footing with the other free peoples of the world. The enormous and continuing work being carried out by the Special Committee on decolonization deserves the highest praise. Equally commendable are the many acti\7ities in assisting oppressed peoples carried out by the United Nations Council for Namibia and the Special Committee against Apartheid, to give only two examples. The tireless efforts and initiatives of the United Nations Secretary-General, in his search for sui table responses to the problems affecting some of the the determined support of the international rommunity so that negotiated just and lasting solu tions can be found which will enable the peoples of the Terri todes to exercise their inalienable r igh t to sel f-determination. The Member states of the united Nations must carefully consider how they can contribute to the well-being of colonial peoples and help recently emancipated peoples to preserve genuine independence. Any step towards the successful ooncl us ion of the decolon ization process is a step towards the attainment of well-be ing for all mank ind. * Mr. roS'IOWICZ (Poland) ~ This year we observe the twenty-seventh anniversary of the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Col 00 ial Countries and Peoples by the unitea Nations. In the course of its implementation significant and impressive results have been achieved. Its importance to the process of the liquidation of colonialism as a system in undeniable. The majority of the states which have come into being thanks to the untiring efforts of the Un i ted Na Hons and have embar ked on the road of independent developmen t nowadays form a new subs tan tial in terna tional power, the M::>vement of Non-Aligned Countries, which plays a more and more important role in world affairs, making an especially essential contribution in the field of decoloo iz ation. However, much to the concern of people and nations all over the wor Id, there are still countries deprived of their right to self-determination and struggling for the realization of their legitimate right to freedom and independence. * Mr. Peters (Saint Vincent and the Grenadines), Vice-President, took the Cha ir. I A number of Territories scattered over the Atlantic, Indian and Pacific OCeans till remain under foreign domination. The continuance of colonial exploitation of he so-called small Trust and dependent Terri tor ies consti tu tes a very ser ious mpedimen t to the achievement of self-determination and independence by the opulation of these Tenitories and to the attainment of the goals of the eclaration. According to numerous United Nations documents regarding the ituation in these Territories, foreign monopolies there control almost entirely he utilization of natural and human resources. Some administrative Powers, triving to benefit their own narrow interests, persistently try to impose the ,olutions that would enable them to con tinue to enjoy some obvious advan tages and Irivileges. These are primarily attempts to establish various forms of political, ,ilitary, economic and other links between N:>n-Self-l?averning Territories and dministrative Powers, at the core of which is the intention to maintain and .egalize the existing relations of dependence and domination. In the case of Micronesia, for example, unilateral actions by the dministering PCMer cannot be considered legitimate and legally valid. They not oly impede the realization of the inalienable right of those peoples to genuine ,elf-determination, but also create a ser ious threat to the security of the 'egion. Any change in the status of Micronesia as a Trust Territory, according to :he united Nations Charter, must take place only on the basis of a decision of the :ecurity Council. , , The main preserve of colonialism and racism in its most obnoxious form, lpartheid, continues to be in southern Africa. The colonial, racist regime of ?retoria violates flagrantly and highhandedly the inalienable right of the peoples If South Africa and Namibia to self-determination and frustrates their legitimate rearning for freedom and independence. In the attempt to prolong their existence, the racists have eleva ted terror ism and violence perpetra ted against the indigenou African population to the level of State policy, and resort to mass arrests, bruta torture and outright murder of members of national liberation movements. Openly ignor ing numerous united Na tions resolutions and decis ions, the South African racist regime continues its colonial oocupation of Namibia and is trying t suppress the national liberation movement of the Namibian people, led by their 601 and authentic representatil7e, the SOuth West Afrioa People's Organization (SWAm). fur many years the racist Pretoria regime, directly and indirectly assisted by salT Wes tern Powers, not only has been thwarting the implementation of the Uni ted Na tions plan for the independence of Namib ia, but has also been seeking to impose neo-colonialist solution of the Namibian problem. Poland has oonsistently endeavoured to make a constructive contribution towards the implementa tion of the decolon iza tion Declaration. 'It>day we call agair for new efforts, new solutions, in order to do away with the shameful phenomena of the past and to liquidate all the remnants of colonialism, regardless of the size of territory or population. We will support all activities that can help destroy once and for all the obstacles that the Powers interested in preserving their political, strategic, military and economic interests put in the way of the decolonization process in an attempt to halt it or at least slow it down. My delegation pledges its full support for the colonial or occupied countrie! and peoples in their struggle for freedom and self-determination, and, together with other Member States of the United Nations, is ready for practical action whil l would ensure the candi tions for all peoples to decide freely and independently on their future. Mr. DOLJINTSEREN (Mongolia) (interpreta tion from Russian): The General Assen'bly of the Uni ted Na Hons is aga in deba tinq th e ques tion 0 f the implemen ta tion of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colon ial Coun tr ies and Peoples, in which our Organization clearly proclaimed the correctness and leqali ty of the struggle of colonial peoples for their freedom and independence. It has been generally recognized that that document was an inspiring manifesto for the national liberation IlOvemements of many enslaved peoples. The Declaration gave a new impetus to the process of the destruction of the shameful colonial system and became an important instrument for mobilizing world public opinion in support of the riqht of colonial peoples to self-determina tion and to help in the ir struggle for independence and freedom. At the same time the Declaration closed the ranks of all the anti-colonialist fighters in the international arena and syrrtlolized the common efforts of the socialist countries and the members of the Non-Aligned Movement to ensure the liquidation of the colonial system. My delegation believes that the combined action of all anti-colonialist forces in the united Nations on the basis of the Declaration on decolonization and other important documents is increasingly necessary in the light of the urgent need to eradicate the last hotbeds of colonialism and overcome its unfortunate social and economic consequences. Every day, oppression and repression by the racists is the lot of millions of people in southern Africa, among others. Many non-aligned countries which have recently achieved independence continue to experience social and economic crises which are the result, qenerally speaking, of the dire consequences of colonialism and the neo-colonialist policies of western countries and their transnational corporations. All this clearly stresses the continuing relevance of the United Nations Declaration on decolonization. The ser ious si tuation in Namibia causes concern to all peoples and progressiv forces in the world. It is the last and largest colonial Territory. The racist Pretoria regime not only keeps Namibia in the claws of colonial oppression but als applies to it its inhuman apartheid system, described by our Organization as a crime against humanity. Further, the South African racists have transformed Namibia into a staging area for carrying out aggressive activities against neighbouring independent countries, especially Angola, and this poses a serious threat to peace and security in the area and beyond. One example of the barbarous activities of South Africa is its continuing occupation of parts of the territory of independent, sovereign Angola and the recent illegal intrusion into that country of the Head of the racist Pretoria regime and some of his Ministers. The Government and people of the M:>ngolian People's RepUblic decisively condemn this. In this connection our delegation agaj demands that Pretoria cease its acts of aggression against the People's Republic c Angola and wi thdraw all its troops immediately and uncondi tionally from the southern part of the country. It also demands str ict and scrupulous respect for the independence, sovereignty and terd torial integrity of Angola. It is high time for the world community and especially our Organization, in particular the security Council, to impose upon sou th Africa comprehens ive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter and thus compel the racists j I put an end to the colonial occupation of the international Territory of Namibia at to the shameful policy and pr actice of apartheid. The Mongol ian delega tion fully suppor ts the final commun ique 0 f the Meeting ( Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Heads of Delegations of the M:)vement of Non-Aligned Coun tries in New York in OCtober th is year dur ing th is forty-second session of the General Assembly, which stresses that (Mr. Doljintseren, M:>ngolia) lithe Ministers and heads of delegations resolutely rejected the attempts by the United States Administration and racist South Africa to link the implementa tion of the United Na tions plan for Namibian independence wi th irrelevant and extraneous issues, such as the presence of Cuban forces in Angola ". (A/42/681, para. 40) The t>Dngolian delegation deems it essential that the international community, including our Organization, continue to give effective help and support to the Namibian people and its legitimate representati\7e, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO). Our delegation is concerned and alarmed at the continuance of the colonial status of various islands in the Pacific and Indian OCean regions and in the Caribbean. Those Territories are deprived of their inalienable right to independence and sovereignty and are used by the Wes tern Powers for the ir mili tary and strategic ends. As an Asian country, Mongolia is worried by the increasingly serious situation in many colonial Territories in the Asian and Pacific area. We have in mind abOlJe all the situation in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands - Micronesia. The Administerinq ~llthOr.ity refuses to this day to grant that country independence and freedom and openly imposes upon it a neo-colonialist status, striving thus to perpetuate its domination. This can be seen as the latest action of the Administering Authority designed to bring about the de facto annexation of this united Nations Trust Territory. Such activities can be interpreted only as one more manifestation of the policy of neo-globalism. The lobngolian delegation again condemns the colonialist policy of the Administering 1Iuthority in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands and demands that it immediately grant Micronesia independence and freedom. under the United Nations Charter only the Securit.y Council has the right to alter the present status of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. The M:>ngolian delegation is also in favour of and supports the struggle of New Caledon ia for freedom and independence. By the same token, the colon ia1 statu of the Chagos Archipelago must come to an end and that archipelago, including its island of Diego Garcia, must be returned to Mallri tius. The foreign military bases established there must be liquidated. (Mr. Doljintseren, M:>ngolia) Our country shares the posi tion of the Non-Aligned MOI7ement, which at numerous meetings has often expressed support for the exercise by the Puerto Rican people of its right to self-determination and freedom, in conformity with the united Nations Declaration on decolonization. The »:>ngol ian delega tion also suppor ts the fight of the people of Western Sahara for self-determination and independence. We are convinced that the immediate elimination of those last hotbeds of colon ialism and the settlement of -

I call on the representative of the United States on a point of order. Ms. WE (united States of America): I should like to point out, Mr. President, that Puerto Rico is not an item on the FOurth Committee's agenda for review. I request that you direct the speaker to confine his remarks to the relevant agenda item. The PRES ID ENT: I wish the speaker to bear in mind that we are discussing a specific item. He may continue his statement. Mr. OOLJINTSEREN (interpretation from Russian): We are convinced that the immediate elimination of those last hotbeds of colonialism and the settlement of other matters relating to vestiges of colonialism would certainly have a beneficial influence on the in terna tional poli tical climate in general and would be an important contribution to the establishment of a comprehensive system of in terna tional peace and secur i ty. When considering the question of the implementation of the Declaration, we deem it necessary to re fer to the problem of the elimina tion of the social and economic difficulties experienced by many non-aligned and other developing countries and inherited from their colonial past. Indeed, the decolonization process will not be finally completed wi thou t the economic emancipa tion and correction of the lcw level of developnent of the young independent States which have only recently won their independence and sovereignty. We also believe that the implementation of the Declaration on the Grant:ing of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples must be strengthened by the implementation of the Declaration and Prograrmne of Action for the Establishment of a New International Economic Order. In our view, 'the united Nations and the General Assembly must continue to keep in mind that important aspect of decolon iza tion. To conclude, we should 1 ike to pay a tr ibute to the United Nations and the Special Committee of 24 for the special role they play in mobilizing world public opinion in support of the struqg1e of colonial peoples for independence and freedom. we fully support the recommendations in the Special Committee's report and are in favour of their being reflected in a General Assembly resolution. We also express the hope that this consideration by the General Assembly of the Declar ation on decolon iz ation will make a new oon tr ibution to the wor Id community I efforts aimed at eliminating the last vestiges of colonialism. Mr. KAROUI ('funisia) (interpretation from Arabic): The United Nations Charter expressly and clearly refers to the pr inciple of equal rights, including the right to self-determination of all states, large or small, and all peoples. Since the foundation of the Uni ted Na Hons the world has experienced unprecedentec developnent. The United Nations itself and its Charter fUlly reflect the new priorities and concerns of all mankind. Our Organization's strength resides in il ability to adapt to new situations and to respond to new world problems. (Mr. Karoui, Tunisia) There are also grounds for emph as iz ing that a large nUnDer of Sta tes whose peoples have in the past suffered under the yoke of colonialism have cast off foreign hegemon ism and become Members of the Uni tedNa tions as independent, free and sor.rereign St'a tes. Above and beyond the struggles waged by the world's liberation movements, the uni ted Na tions has played a his toric and decis ive role in th is very special developnent by encouraging, in particular, the aspir ations of non-sel f-qover ning peoples and fixing the objectives and the measures necessary to facHi ta te the autonomy and independence of those peoples. United Nations efforts in the field of decolonization have been carried out under the Charter and in the light of principles set forth in the General Assent>ly Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colon ial Countr ies and Peoples. In that Declara tion Member Sta tes em phas ize the need to end all forms of colon. ial ism wi thout delay. Notwithstanding the many achievements of the United Nations in the area of decolonization, there is still a large number of peoples in various parts of the world still living under foreign domination, and our Organization spares no effort to help them to reC0\7er their right to self-determina tion, freedom and independence. In th is connection, we cannot forge t the tr agedy affl icting the peoples of SOuth Africa and Namibia, which have been deprived by the colonialists of their legi timate r igh ts to sel f-determination and cons tan tly sub jected to the mos t ha teful forms 0 f repr ess ion and tor ture. In recent years the crisis of the racist regime in South Africa has been exacerbated. In SOuth Africa and Namibia arbitrary action against the black lXJpoulation by the white minority has reached unprecedented levels, and despite the pressure exerted on the regime successive waves of repression and reprisals have been inflicted on the two peoples. FurtherllPre, the South African regime has imposed a state of emergency and aCbpted a number of arbitrary, repressive measur s against the black majority population. The state of emergency ifuposed in part 01 the territory by the Pre tor ia regime since 1985 has been extended to the terri tOt , resulting in the murder and displacement of hundreds of black persons, the arrest of thousands, including minors, and the disappearance of many political militantE (Mr. Karoui, TUnisia) I, with regard to the Territory of Namibia, after the United Nations terminated South Africa's Mandate, through General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), the South African regime aoopted a large nUnDer of barbaric measures affecting every aspect of the life of the Namibian People. Subsequently it has adopted an even more aggressive position, aCXIuiring an excessive quantity of weapons and plundering the oountryls human and natural resources. Although the United Nations adopted a plan for Namibian independence in security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978), which were adopted unanimously by the members of the' Security Council and approved by all the parties concerned, including Sou th Africa, the apar theid regime has continued to create difficulties and resort to pretexts and subterfuges to maintain its domination over the Territory and frustrate all the international oonununity IS efforts to ensure implementation of the plan. The white minority regime has not contented itself with those arbitrary measures. It continues to deceive international public opinion by launching destructive raids against neighbouring States, terrorizing opponents of apartheid and trying to circumvent the blockade imposed aga inst it. Angola, where the forces of the racist regime have occupied the southern part of the territory, has been the target of barbaric attacks which have resulted in loss of life among its population, and this is true also of the neighbouring States of Botswana, Zambia, ZiJOOabwe and Mozambique. Contrary to the expectation of the apartheid Government, the national liberation movements in SOuth Africa and Namibia have stepped up their heroic struggle and the two persecuted peoples have increased their resistance throughout the territories in a widespread war against the hateful racist regime. In the light of the obdurate attitude of the apartheid regime in South Africa, its inhuman practices aga inst the peoples of Sou th Africa and Namib ia and its acts of aggression against neighbouring States, it is the duty of the international community, in particular the security Council, to aoopt and impose against South Afr ica comprehensive manda tory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Un ited Na tions Charter. This is the only peaceful way of dissuading the racist regime from persisting in its policy and its acts of aggression against the peoples of South Africa and Namibia and neighbouring African States, in particular the front-line States. With regard to the other Non-Self-Governing Territories, Chapter XI of the Uni ted Na tions Char ter recommends that "Members of the United Nations which have or assume responsibilities for thl administration of territories whose peoples have not yet attained a full measure of self-government recognize the pr inciple that the interests of th, inhabitants of these territories are paramount, and accept as a sacred trus the obligation to promote to the ubnost •.• [their] well-being ••• n. I take this opportunity to reaffirm that the nunber of inhabitants of a Territory, its geographical location or the scarcity of its natural resources ca in no way be used as justification for infringing the r;ight to self-determinatio of the people of that Territory or frustrating their aspirations to autonomy and inde pendence • Furthermore, I call upon all administering POotIers to continue their contact with the Special Committee on decolonization, to take part in the discussions ir the Committee and to prOll'ide all the information that the CORUllittee needs to ta~ the appropriate decisions. ! wish also to stress the importance of visits by members of the Special Commi ttee to the Terri tories and of direct contacts wi th their peoples, so that :he ., Committee can form a clear idea of the political, economic, social and cultural aspects of the situation in the Territories. we welcome the assistance prOlTided by the specialized agencies and other organs within the united Nations system to the inhabitants of l'bn-Self-Governing Territories and invi te them to cootinue their effor ts to consolida te the economic, social and cultural structures in the Territories. In conclusion I thank all memers of the Special Committee on decolonization, especially its Chairman, 1Vnbassador Tesfaye Tadesse of Ethiopia, and the other officers, for their persistent efforts since the Special Committee was established in 1961. Tunisia, as a founding member of the Committee, will continue its efforts and its full co-operation with the Committee to help it carry out the task entrusted to it in the best possible way. Mr. McDOWELL (New Zealand): Those omniscient observers who write about the contribution of the U"lited Nations to the betterment of mankind are agreed on one thing~ that the Organization has succeeded even beyond the hopes and fears of the Charter drafters in foster ing decolooization, in helping free the colonized. It is possible, however, to detect these days an element of what might be called fatigue in the approac~ of some elements in the General AssenPly to deoolonisation issues. The Shorter OKford English Dictionary tells us that the word "fatigue" derives from a ratin root meaning "to yawn". It goes on that fa tigue means "wear iness after exertion" or a "reduction of efficiency of muscle, organ, ete, after prolonged activi ty". Some weariness, some fatigue over decolonization is understandable. For the first 40 years the issues which most consistently evoked. passion in these halls were those about freeing the colonized. Nearly two thirds of the present membership have that passion to thank for helping speed their self-determination and their independence, for they are the beneficiaries. It was not an easy task~ even where the co1onizers came from a relatively liberal tradition, a lingering paternalism had to be dispelled. It was not accomplished without pain: there were some deep-seated interests involved, whi 1 had to be acknowledged, had to be faced up to, had to be handled. In some case the colonized people had to go beyond political action to achieve their freedom SOme lldministering Powers grasped these nettles with IOClre finesse - and rather sooner - than others. All along, the unremitting pressure from this General Asserrbly, expressed most comprehensively in its annual resolutions, influenced ven the most en trenched of the cOlonial Powers. So most of the task is now acoompl ished. There are special reasons why those Territories which remain on the non-self-governing list are there. We have already discussed in plenary meetir the wholly frustrating lack of progress over Namibia. There the intractabilitl of the situation derives from the defiance of a Member State - South Africa - whic L has endeavoured to enmesh the future of Namibia with extraneous developnents elsewhere in sou thern Africa and thus delay, in a wholly illegal and unacceptal "e way, the liberation of the people of Namibia. Namibia is v irtually the last of the extens ive Terri tories. The remainde tend to be comparatively small in land area, population and resources and are ften scattered over vast ocean reaches. Their people' s right to determine their ow fu ture is no less than that of other s. Freedol'lL9 are not dimin ished by dimensi n, although restricted resources will, in all reali ty, some times circumscr ibe the options available to the people of a very small Territory. It may be argued t at in the case of these remaining Territories there is an even greater requiremen for the General Assembly to be vigilant and to be vigorous about asserting its traditional roles of monitor, conciliator and midwife, for the capacity of tIu (Mr. McDowell, New Zealand) small and the vulnerable to protect themselves and keep their options open is limited. That is a point we must constantly bear in mind. Some of these thoughts are occasioned by specific cases in our immediate part of the world. The membership of this General Assembly took its courage in its hands last year and, having listened carefully to the meri ts of the case, moved decisively to put back on the list of N:>n-Self-Governing Territories a dependency which had been unila terally removed some decades earlier. Some very worthwhile and indeed encouraging results have flowed from that decision. I should like to look at them, because they do illustrate the general case about the continuing utility of the united Nations in the decolonization process. First, the international CX)Tmnunity has had the opportunity to find out what is going on in the Territory concerned. Comprehens ive background papers have been prepared and circulated by the Secretar iat. Two discussions have been held dut'ing the year in the decolooization Committee - the Committee of 24 - and a further discussion took place in the Eburth Conunittee a few weeks ago. So there is now TlUch more information available, delegations are better informed. In short, the international spotlight has been turned briefly, but regularly, on that Territory. Tha t has its effect on the conduct of affa irs on the ground and it in fluences - we believe positively - those inl/olved. Secondly, that reinscription has meant that the people of the Territory - of all shades of opinion, we should note - have had the chance to express their point of view in an international forum. The device of petitioning has proved its utility once again. It provides an international platform for the colonized. This petitioners and we now begin to comprehend both the complexities of the situation and its essence, and that is all to the good. Thirdly, we have been encouraged by the fact that the Mmin is ter ing Power concerned has taken part in the Fourth COlIIIIlittee discussions about the Territory. We are of course talking about New Caledcnia in this instance, and the Administering PoIIer is France. we are glad that France has seen fit to occupy it seat in the Fourth Committee and to prO'lide some informtion, oral and written, t Member States about its stewardship of New Caledonia. It has not always <bne so Il similar situations in the past, so this new stance is a first step forward. We If Y not always concur - indeed, we do not always concur - with the way the informatic is presented or with its interpretation, but the fact of any willingness to oo-operate can only be applauded, for it aJlDunts to recognition of the legitimac~ of the Assenbly's interest in this subject. So those pr incipIed enough - and resolute enough - to have voted for last year's resolution on New Caledonia may be assured that there have already been positive results. The people of the Territory, as I have said, have been able \:I state their case here. The Administering Power is participating in discussions; It is listening - or at least it is listening here in New Yor k. It has not yet, of course, met its solemn Charter obligations on the provis on of information. But we gather that there are some indications that France inten B to supply the information required under Article 73e of the Charter. We would welcome this if it were to happen. But let us not become too euphor ic. The provision of information, as requ: ed by the Charter, would be only a beginning. '1\#0 other great innovations for (Mr. McDowell, New zealand) prol'lOting decolO'lization have evolved CHer the past 40 years. I have just noted that the first innOl1ation - the public hearing of petitioners in these halls - has already helped inform the ASsenbly this year. We have heard representatives of the people direct. For the first time in 40 years, the voice of the New Caledonians has been heard here, and that is important. The seoond innOl1ation is visiting missions, about which the Chairman of the Special Committee spoke earlier this morning. Ulited Nations missions which go to dependent Territories are able to make direct contact with a much wider range of ordinary people of all persuasions, and with administrators, local legislators and others. OUr own experience is that these three elements of United Nations involvement - the prOl1ision of information, the hearing of petitiO'lers and the sending of visiting missions - can help smooth the way to a peaceful and stable transition to an act of self-determination which is sancti~ed and formally enoorsed by the international oonanunity. We solemnly colllllend this ooncept to France with a sincerity born of our own experience. We stress the advantages to all who would be involved in this, because this should be the objective of all decolO'lization initiatives by this Assent>ly~ to mak e a practical oontribution to a solution of the problem they address, to make an advance on the ground possible. Where an Administering Power has been bogged down in a quagmire, where it has lost contact with significant portions of the colonized people, where it appears unable to bring together the various political elements in a community to sort out differences and chart a way forward together, then the role of the united Nations as an impartial outsider, a conciliator, comes to the fore. We commend that thought also to France, and we colllftend it to the membership. (Mr. McD::lwell, New Zealand) If I have referred to one Terd tory in particular in iHus tra ting general points about decolonization and the role of the United Nations, it is because tha' Territory is the closest country to my own. We have a particular interest in its political develoz;ment and its stability, and in their effects on the security of the region. Before I return finally from the illustrative to the general case, let me commen t br iefly on one issue which has fea tured in the discuss ions th is year on N I( Caledonia, namely, the referendum held there last september. If I do not mention it, it will be said again that South Pacific Forum delegations are ellt>arrassed b:r it or are avoiding comment. Those who are, in fact, embar r assed by th is event at those who claim to see in its results a way forward for the Terri tory ~ for i t wa~ a poll about the unspeci fied. No one - no New Caledonian - can have known what thl ' were voting for. As the Americans say, they were buying a pig in a poke. The options were not spelled out at all. There was an enbarrassingly low turn-out f( a referendum intended to influence the future. The indigenous people largely boycotted it. so these in the know in France have dismissed it as inopportune, setting in concrete a potentially dangerous Sitllation instead of settling it. Events since the referendum confirm that judgement. There has been mounting tension and unrest ever since. Violent incidents are on the increase. Existing divisions in the community are deepening, and the continued heavy military presence is creating a climate of mistrust anong the Kanak people. In short, the referendum has exacerbated the si tuation - and not even the adminis ter iog Power itself claims it was a final or decisive act of self-determination. We concur in that judgement. 'lbmorrow we shall be voting on a nunt>er of draft resolu tions on decolonizatioo. We trust that the fatigue to which I referred ear lier will not manifest itself when we are pr ivileged to have a say on the issues the draft reSOlutions raise. General Assembly resolutions have a noral authority of their Own. It is to dilute that authority for the small and middle-sized countries, for which the United Nations is an indispensable forum, not to speak together. To many the remaining colonial Territories may appear to be small, unimportant and far away. let us recall that that is a description which would apply to much· of the membership in other circumstances. My delegation will certainly be supporting the two draft resolutions before us under item 18. In line wi th our warm support for the 1960 Declara tion on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and oonsistent with our record of close co-operation wi th the special Committee of 24 - a policy we have never had any cause to alter or regret - New Zealand will vote for the teKt On the dissemination of information on decolonization and also for the text on the further implementation of the 1960 Declaration. I conclude on a personal note. ~enty-one years ago I was a representative in the Fourth Committee when the future of a Territory whose representatives now sit in this I\ssembly was being discussed. I recall viv idly an impassioned address by one of the great orators from a South Asian country which has produced many grell orators. Arguing that friendly bilateral relations between States rest not on shifting sands but on matters of principle, he appealed for voting support for draft resolution very similar to one of those before us tomorrow. 'Ib those who would absta in lest they offend the administering Power concerned, he pointed ou that, in the last resort, even that administering Power itself would respect th, le who took their stand on pr inciple rather than those who took their stand on the expediencies of the m:>ment. That was not ju,st an oratorical flour ish; it was a hard-headed statement 0 reality. Let us remember it when we come to cast our votes tomorrow 00 the dra t resolutions of the ~urth Committee. We of the South Pacific shall certainly Cl so, for we shall live with the consequences of such votes. Mr. SMlRIDV (union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (in terpretation frc l Russian): The united Nations, which was born as a result of the great victory ,f peace-loving peoples over fascism, has made a weighty contribution to the caus~ of the liberation of enslaved peoples. A very important role in that was played I the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and PeopJ ~s . adopted foll~ing an initiative of the Soviet Union - which solemnly proclaimel "the necessi ty of br inging to a speedy and unoondi tiona1 end colonial ism all its forms and manifestations" (resolution 1514 (XV). As a fundamental document of the United Nations in the field of deco1onization tn Declaration has played and will cootinue to play an important role in helping peoples still subjected to colonial domination in their struggle for freedom lid· independence and in mobil iz ing world public opinion in favour of the total elimi.n tion of colon ialism. In world affairs recently positive processes have emerged more and more establishment of new JIlItual relations free of confrontation, oppressioo and hostility, in step with the level of developnent of civilization. Realistic I premises appear to exist for the establishment of a comprehensive system of international peace and security. However, the attainment of a secure peace IlI1st be approached from many sides. As recently noted by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Mr. Q)rbachev, in the article entitled "Reality and safeguards for a secure world", "A prerequisite for universal security is unoonditional respect for the Charter of the united Na tions and the right of peoples to exercise the sovereign choice of the ways and forms of their development, revolutionary or evolutiooary•••• Any attempts, whether direct or indirect, to influence the developnent of 'other people's' countries and interfere with it must be excluded." (A/42/S74, p. 6) The central and most urgent task in the general struggle for the eradication of the shalb!ful remnants of colonialism cootinues to be the earliest possible liberation of Namibia. The Soviet Union favours the immediate cessation of the occupaHon of Namibia by SOu th Africa and the early atta inmen t by the Namib !an people of its inalienable right to genuine self-determination and independence, in accordance wi th all the relevant dads ions of the United Nations, including security Council resolution 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). We support the transfer of full power to the people of Namibia, under the leadership of the SOu th West Africa People's Organization (SWAm), which is recognized by the Uni ted Nations and the Organization of African Unity to be the sole, authentic representative of the !'emibian people. We consider that in the settlement of the Namibian problem a greater role must be played by the United Nations and above all the security Council. It is necessary to compel the racist regime of South Africa to respect the principles of international law and carry out the clearly expressed demands of the United Nati( IS on the granting of independence to Namibia. In this oonnection, we can only deplore the policy of certa in Western countries which, paralys ing the activi ties If the Security Council and resorting, with South Africa, to the policy of linkage, Which has been rejected by the tl'li ted Nations, are in fact supporting and abettil the racist policy of PremI' ia and thus atte~tin9 to steer the settlement of the Namibian problem into neo-eolonialist paths. We are deeply convinced that the oollective efforts to find ..,ays and means I ending the crisis in the southern part of the African continent must be redouble, r on the basis of a oolllplete cessation of acts of aggression by the Pretoria regim against the front-line States, the immediate granting of full independence to Namib 18 and the speediest liquidation of the apartheid system in South Africa. The Soviet union, true to its position of pr inoiple, defends the right of all oolooial peoples, large and small, to self-determination and independence in conformity with the deoo1onization Deo1aration. we consider that there cannot be any double standard on the matter of the decolonization of dependent or colonial Territories. The provisions of the united Nations Charter, the decolonization Declaration and other decisions of the united Nations apply equally to all Non-Self-Governing Territories, whether they be called Micronesia, New Caledonia, Western Sahara, Puerto Rico, Namibia, the Falkland Islands (Malvinas) or Guam. We are particularly worried by the situation prevailing in the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands. Until nOW', its people has not been given the oppor tunity freely to express its will and acquire genuine independence. Through gross economic and political pressure, the Mminister ing Authority imposed on three parts of the Territory a new colonial regime, as it was hardly reluctant to take extreme measures to conpe1 the people of Palau, part of divided Micronesia, to submit to the American diktat to transform that Territory into a base for the emplacement and stockpiling of nuclear weapons. We are convinced that the United Nations cannot turn a deaf ear to these blatant violations of the Charter. The activities of the United States in the Trust 'l'erritory of the Pacific Islands is unilateral, arbitrary and deprived of any legal force. Under the Charter, only the Security Council is entitled to take deoisions to put an end to a trusteeship agreement. As long as the people of the Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands has not carried out its right to self-determination and independence, as required by the Charter, the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colcnial Countries and Peoples and other decisions of the united Nations, the Organization continues to bear responsibility for that Territory. As can be seen from United Nations oocuments on colonial and dependent Terribories, acts of pillage by foreign, economic and other circles oontinue to exploit the natural resources of those Territories. united Nations decisions clearly stipulate that this activity is one of the main obstacles to the implementation of the Declaration en the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and is designed to keep the colonial Territorie~ in subjectioo through economic diktat and pressure. Therefore, condemnation of that activity, and demands that it cease, are fully legitimate and justified. The mili tary activities of the colonial Powers in dependent Territories and their obvious interest in using those Territories for aims which are contrary to the interests of strengthening international peace and security are a matter of grave concern. Any military acthity in 0010"11a1 Territories must cease immedia tely, military bases and installations must be disman tled and new ooes mus be forbidden. There have been major changes in the world since the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colooial Countries and Peoples. T' liberated oountries now form a group of their own seeking organizational str:uctur: I for their effective participation on an equal footing in the solution of problems affecting all mankind. One can predict that this influence on world policy and i I original role in shaping the ecooomy of the future will continue to grow. Dependent and Non-Self-Governing Territories are part of that world. Their distinctive feature is that they have not yet acquired freedom and independence. In our view it is high time to guarantee to all those Territories the right to self -determina tion and independence and thus bring to a conclus ion the implementation of the decolonization Declaration. The Soviet delegation will support draft resolutions designed to protect the inalienable right of the people of dependent and colonial Territories to genuine self-determination and independence, to a guarantee of their sovereignty in the political and economic field and to the preservation of their identity and cultural values. The meeting rose at 12.55 p.m.