A/43/PV.17 General Assembly

On behalf of the General Assenbly, I wish to thank the Prime "Minister of Malaysia for the important statement he has just made. Data· Ser i Mr 0 Mahath it bin M:>hamad, Prime Minister of Malaysia, was escorted from the rostrum. Hr. RN) (India) (spoke in Hindi) Engl ish text fur nished by the delegation): It gives me great pleasure that a distin<jUished son and eminent representative of a country with which my country has close and cordial relations is presiding over the General Assen'blyat its forty-third session. I extend to hnbassador Capu to our warm felicitations on his well-deserved election. We are confident that with his exceptional ability and experience the deliberations of the Assembly have already been assured success. (Mr. Mahathir, Malaysia) I should like also to place on record our deep appreciation for the effective leadership that his predecessor, Hr. Peter Florin, prCNided to the General Asseni>ly during its forty-second session. In his report on the work of the Organization for 1988, the Secreta~y-General recalled that ,ohe was cautiously optimistic that -the sails of the small boat in which all the people of the Earth were gath~~d seemed to have caught a light but taYourable wind-•. (A/43/l, p. 2) I take this opportunity to pay a tr ibute to the man .who has played no mean role in the careful and patient navigation by which the vessel has come within sight of large sections of the shore. The Secretary-General, Hr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, has earned the admiration of all for his patience, his skill, his understanding touch and his grasp of the larger questions as well as the small details involved in the various issues dealt with by the United Nations. The decision to confer the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding on our Secretary-General wae a tr !bute to his exceptional contr ibution to the cause of pea~. This year, 1988, has been the year of the United Nations. In the past few months the pstient and persistent diplo_ay of the Uni ted Ha tions was capped wi th the signing of the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan, the entry into force of a cease-fire on the Iran-Iraq border, the renewal of intercommunal talks in cyptus and the creation of an environment conc1lcive to the resolution of the (Xoblem of Western Sahara. Even those who tended to pass jUdgement on the tkl ted Ha tions purely on the basis of the er iter ia of the maintenance of international peace and security are happily acknowledging today that this is indeed an illprassive record of which th~ United Notions can be justifiably proud• (Hr. Rao, India) India t4elcomes this reaffirnation of faith in the United Nations. For an overwhelming majority of Members, support for the United Nations has always been an article of faith. The universalization of this support during 1988, which we applaud as we always did, will no doubt strengthen the capaci ty of the Organization, not only with respect to preserving peace but also, equally, to tackling other scx>urges facing humankind, such as poverty, hunger, e(X)logical degradation, terror ism and narcotics. We trust that the United Nations will be reinvigorated, not only in political terms but also in terms of concrete financial support. let the coming decades be the decades of the united Nations. Let the all-round support which the United Nations always deserved, but seems to have got this year, be always available to it hereafter. India, along with the rest of the international community, rejoices in the transformation of the international climate during the past year. We are indeed living through historlc times. The dramatic improvement in relations between the super-Powers, for which we salute the leadership of the two countries, has had a positive impact throughout the world. History, however, teaches us that good times, like bad times, do not normally last for ever. But one may be forgiven on the present oooasion for entertaining the belief that the principal players have by now made Cl realistic assessment of the long-term interests of mankind, along wi th their respective national interests, and that hence the current thaw may be more lasting than those of the past. The ltbvement of Non-Aligned Countries, since its inception, has worked tirelessly precisely for such a turn in the international climat~. By taking pr incipled positions on major issues of our times and by refusing to get entangled in the confrontation of competing military alliances, the non-aligned countries (Mr. Rao, India) have helped in containing conflict, and have thus contr ibuted to the peace process which has always inhered in the minds of the millions, although it had been rendered dormant and 1'Il1ted by the display of military might. Therefore, we the non-aligned can claim part of the credit for the improved state of affai~s. But along wi th claiming the credit the Movement needs to redouble its efforts to make the peace process irreveraible, no longer vulnerable to the braking mechanisms which operated earlier owing to motivations too well known to need recounting. (Mr. Rao, India) The new air of euphoria is totally understandable as it marks a welcome departure from the intense and often bitter rivalry between the major Powers which at times brought the world to the brink of a catastrophe. It seems to have been replaced new by healthy competition for presenting proposals for strengthening peace, supporting the United Nations, saving the world from ecologic disaster, among others. It is true that this long-awaited spirit of change unfortunately has not extended to the economic field. we would therefore be well-advised to remain watchful and alert, while pursuing determined efforts to make the transformation to peace final and all-pervasive- so as to comprehend all facets of human life and activity on our planet. While the pr imary responsibility would rel1li:lin with the major Powers, the rest of us and, of course, the Uni ted Nations, can and must play a very important role. The ratification of the Treaty on the E~imination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - by the United States and the Scwiet Union was a historic first step which must, within an agreed time-frame and in well-eonsidered 3tages, lead to success ive reductions and eventual elimination of all nuclear weapons. While we are fully aware of the complexities involved in disarmament negotiations, we find that political will has enabled the experts to find satisfactory answers to what were projected as almost unresolvable difficulties of adequate verification. Similar political will would be needed in solving the whole gamut of disarmament questions, beginning with the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons by SO per cent, wbich has already been agreed upon. Those steps, each important in itself, have to be viewed in the perspective of a comprehensive scenario of total disarmament. Only thus do they make sense and become effective and beneficial. At the third special session of the General Assenbly devoted to disarmal]!\ent in June this year, my Prime Ministe:t, Shri Rajiv Gandhi, put forwaa:d a comprehensive actim plan for the total elimination of all nuclear weapons by the year 2010. That action plan has received appreciation in the Non-Aligned Movement, among other Governments as well as non-governmental organizations. We put forward our proposal to give concrete shape to the desire of a large segment of world public opinion for a time-bound action progranme to eliminate nuclear weapons. We should also take into account other related aspects inclUding verification. Wi th regard to VEr ifi08tion, delegates will recall that the delega tions of countries participating in the six-nation initiative for peace and nuclear disarument presented a concrete proposal at the third special session on disarmament; the endorsement, in pr inciple, of an in terna Honal veri fiea tion agency within the United Nations. It is the intention of the six countr iea to revive this initiative at this session of the Genet=al Assenbly. The linkage between disarmament and developnent is by now well-reoognized. Hardly anyone can dispu te the proposi tioo that the resources t-eing spent on armaments could be more profi tably employed in peaceful developmental activities. The decisions taken by the United Nations Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Developnent, held last year, need to be follC7lled up and acted upon. Regional conflicts have dominated discussions at the current session of the General Assembly. This is perfectly understandable. Success in achieving breakthroughs i~l most of these conflicts is attributed, and justifiably so, to the patient diplomacy of the United Nations, as well as to the rapprochement between the two super-Powers. There ie, perhaps, a lessQ'l for all of us in this, particularly for the non-aligned an~ developing countr ies. If the tendency to seek massive external military assistance and to pursue dangerous nuclear weapon policies }i,~.~>" in the illusory hope of strengthening one's bargaining position with one's neighbours were resisted, there would be fewer regional ronflicts and consequently less dependence on outside Powers for the solution of such conflict.CJ. India rejoiced at the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq which came into effect on 20 August 1988. Thanks to the statesmanship of the leaders of the two countries and to the efforts of the secretary-General, the international oonmunity has been spared wi.t:nessing the eighth anniversary of the war. The cease-fire is an important first step and must be consolidated. The negotiations between the two countries currently under way, under united Nations auspices, must be pursued. The issues involved are complex and highly emotional for both sides. India has been involved in discussing the issues in detail wi th the two countries as part of the efforts of the Non-Aligned ~vement. That experience makes me feel confident that the issues, though complex, will eventually be solved. India has the closest of ties with Iran and Iraq, and we know that the two oountries are anxious to get on wi th the stupendous task of reconstruction. My country rejoices at the release of the Indian national, Mr. Mithileshwar Singb. We hope that all the other hostages will also be freed and reunited with their familities at an early date. India has welcomed the Geneva Accords on Afghanistan. We have had historical ties of deep friendship with the people of Afghanistan. The Geneva kcords have established a framework which would enable the Afghan people to decide on their future free from foreign interference or intervention. While the withdrawal of Soviet troops has proceeded on schedule, we are greatly pertl!rbed at persistent reports of violations of the Geneva kcords and hope that they will be implemented faithfully by all the parties. In addition to restoring peace and stability to the region, the impl.ementation of the Geneva Accords would also l"elllOl7e the ostensible cause for introduction of sOP1isticated arms into the area. ~ile post tive developments have taken place in the Gulf as well as in Afghanistan, the continued great-Power naval presence in the Indian OCean remains a factor contributing to tension and instability. we reiterate our call fOl the withdrawal of all military forces of outside Power s from the Indian OCean so that it can emerge as a zooe of peace. There is more than a glimmer of hope for the resolution of the conflict si tuation in South-East Asia. The horrol's suffered by the people of Kampuchea in the 1970s IlUst not be allowed to revisit them ever. The dialogue at the Jakarta Informal Meeting was a welcome beginning, \llhich we appreciate. we also applaud the initiative of the Chairman of the Non-Aligned tobvement to explore ways and means in which the Mo\1ement can assist the efforts to solve the Kampuchean problem. Given India's historical ties with the peoples of SOuth-East Asia, we are ready and will ing to contr ibute in wha tever way we can to th is process. In our neighbourhood, we have watched with growing concern the trials and tr ibulations faced by the people of Burma, wi th wom the PeOple of India are bound by close ties of history and culture. India has always scrupulously avoided interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. However, we cannot but sympa thize with democratic aspirations. we are saddened by the growing numer of innocent dead in Burma. We hope that a way will be found to end this tragic conflict as sOOl'l ..as possible. There is :r·enewed belief that the lCX\g-delayed solution to the Namibian question is at hand. Responsibility for the delay rests squarely with the south African Government, which has, with impunity, refused to comply with its international commitme~ts and obli9ations. The world community is committed to the euncipation of the Nulibian people engaged in a historic struggle for freedoll under the l.ader~ip of the SOuth West African People's Organization (SWAPO). their 80le and authentic representative. India was the fU8t country to accord diplomatic recognition to the representative of SWAPO. we loolc forward to welcoming Nalftibiaas the l60th Helllber of the Uni tee! Nations at the General Asselbly session next year. While there is IIIOvelftent on the question of Namibia, the situation 1•.\ South Africa itself shows no sign ot ~proyellent. The racist Pretoria regime continues its reign of terror, 8ubjecting the people of South Africa to the most inhwnn forllB of oppression. (Mr. bo, India) The evil systell of apartheid cannot be refor_ch it bas to be abolished in toto. South Afr iea IIUSt open Cl dialogue with the genuine representatives of the oppressed people. Nelson Mandela, the universal syJlbol of courage and fortitude, whose state of health is a cause of concern to all of us, must be released illllediately and uncmdi tienally. Effective pressure in the form of comprehensive mandatory sanctions lUst be applied, without invoking unconvincing arguments regarding their effect on ellployment of the oppressed people, and so on. The Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Aeartheid (APRICA) i\Jnd, established by thli! Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, has received pledges and contl: ibutions from a third of the world colllUunity. Descr ibed at: the recent meeting of the non-aligned in Nicosia, Cyprus, as an instance of the Movement's capacity for collective action, the PUnd demonstrates an international conmitment to the frent-line States and liberation moITements of southern Africa transcending geographical or political barriers. The international conmunity should be opposed to racial discrimination no matter where it is practised. Last year my delegation referred to the unfortunate developaents in Fiji, which had distinct racial over"Jnes. We hoped that the groundswell of international public opinion would help restore the spirit of trust, harmony and concord which had prevailed in Fi ji since its independence. As a HellOer of the United Nations and as a meRber of its Committee on decolcnization, India had been in the forefront in the fight for Fiji's independence. It is a _tter of great regret to us that .the situation in Fiji has considerably deteriorated during the past year. There are clear indications that an attempt is being III1de to institutionalize racial discrimination in Fiji. we understand tbat there ls to be a process of consultation with the various col1lllunities before the draft constitution is finalized. We hope that this process will enable all .ections of the people to participate in it in a non-discriminatory manner. There was a time when Fiji used to be descr ibed as IOwhat the wer ld should be like-. The racial harmony, peace and trarquilUty in Piji used to be a nodel for the wor:ld to follow. We hope that Fiji will return soon to those harmnious tilles. India's support of the right of self-determination for the Palestinian people has its roots in our own struggle against colonial rule. Many changes have taken place in the region. What has remained constcant, however, is the determination of the PalElstinian people. The message of intifadah to the world is ulJnambiguous; 20 years of occupation have utterly failed to suppress the fierce nationalism of the Palestinian people. It should also have made it clear to the world, inclUding Israel, that territories illegally occupied cannot be retained for ever. Israel must withdraw from the .territor ies it has occupied since J..967, inc1.uding Jerusalem. We reiterate the call for the cOlNening of an international peace conferenOf: on the Middle East, with the participation of all the parties, including the Palestine Liberation Organization (PID), on an equal footing. such a oonference, we believe, should facilitate the establishment of an indE..'pendent homeland for the Palestinians and the creation of conditions in which all the States in the region can live within secure and reoognl2:ed boundaries. India hells always supported the aspirations of the people of Cyprus to live together in~n independent and non-aligned country, with its tenitor ial integrity intact. we deeply appreciate ~e resumption of dialogue between the two co11lnunities under the auspices of the United Nations secretary-General. We urge both sides to spare no effort to find a solution to the problem wl thin the time-limit envisaged by the secretary-General. Similarly, we are heartened by the acceptance by the two sides concerned of the secretary-General's proposals for finding a solution to the problem of Western Sahara. Here again, we hope that this question will be resolved satisfactor ily so that the people of the Territory, as well as other countr ies in the Maghreb, can live in Peace and Co-operation with one another. In the Korean ~\E!nLl'lsula~ which unhappily remains divided, there is an overwhelming sentiment in favour of peace, reconciliation and dialogue. We hope the aspirations of its people to peaceful reunification will find early fulfilment. This year marks the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The Declaration, which furnishes the philosophical basis for the human rights work of the Uni ted Nations, is of seminal importance. Like the Charter itself, it points to the interdepefi' nce of human rights, social and economic progress and international peace ar,~ security. OIler the past four decades, the concepts embodied in the Declaration have been developed and enriched, particularly with regard to economic, social and cultural rights. It remains our firm belief that the inherent dignity of the human person requires full respect for his civil and political rights and, equally, for his economic, social and cultural rights. While ther~ have been encouraging developments recently in the political sphere, the outlook in the area of international economic co-operation ::emains bleak. The low rates of growth of wor ld trade and output in recent years will not 8uffic'! to ~esolve any of the major problems facing the world economy. In the industrialbed countries high rates of unemployment persist, making it diffic.-ult for them to undertake the structural adjustments that are necessary in the long term. The major imbalance, with its attenClant uncertainties, continues to persist. For the. developing countries the outlook is even worse. Inadequa te resource flcirls, deteriorating terms of trade and the heavy burden of external debt have all but hal ted the development process of these countries. They have retarded attempts to address the fundamental problem of poverty and deprivation. The 19808 are being characterized as the lost decade of developnent. The policies of the major developed countries constitute the essential determinants of the external environment for the developing countries. There has been no coherent and considered effort to fashion these policies on the basis of co-operative international action, taking into account their impact and consequences for the developing countries. Here it is useful to recall the proposals made by the developing countr ies for removing the structural deficiencies and fundamental failings of the international monetary, financial and trading systems. The underlying structural and systemic problems of the world economy have to be addressed by deliberate and co-operative inter.national action that gives full recognition to global interdependanoe. Both the developed and the developing countries need to pursue convergent and nutually reinforcing policies in the interrelated areas of trade, money and finance. The area of international trade is being increasingly characterized by an erosion of the accepted rules and regulations and by reliance on unilateral discriminatory actim. Despi te repeated affirmation of commitments on standstill and rollback, protectionism continues to grow unabated. Protectionist measures are imposed in those areas where the developing countries have demonstrated their competitiveness and made investments for structural reforms. There has been little progress 60 far in tJle ongoing uruguay Round on multilateral trade negotiations in areas of direct interest to the developing countries, such as safeguards, textiles, agricul ture and tropical products. The Uruguay Round should prOV'ide an important opportunity for strengthening and preserving the multilateral trading system. It should also help to reduce the tensions and distortions that characterize the world trade sys tem. (Hr. Rao, India) The proposals made in the new areas in the Urugl,1ay Round have to be consistent with the r igbt of developing coun tr ies to manage their economies in accordance with their national objectives and priorities, to regulate activities of t,ransnational corporations ~nd to channel itwestment into those desired sectors of their eCa1omies. &Jch proposals should prollOte the autonomous and self-rel iant development of those countries. Another area of concern is the stagnation or decline, 111 real terms, of resource flows to developing countries. The international financial system has failed to ensure the transfer of adequate resources on proper terms and conditions to developing countries and thus provide adequate financing for development activities. The alleviation of the current developnent erisis requires a more effective system that will guarantee an increasing flow of resources, in particular official development assistance resources, to developing countries and also guarantee access by international monetary Mld fin~cial institutions to adequate resources. Let us collectively recognize the need to evolve a more broad-based system for managing the world economy that reflects the interests of all. groups of countries and prO'lides an equitable and harmonious basis for the ooUective management of global interdependence. The seventh session of the Uni ted Nations Cooference on Trade and Development was a small step in this dii:ection. In the coming &lye we must make use of other opportunities for building a renewed CotiBenSUS on ~velo(Xltent directed against the global problem of hunger and poverty. The formulation and elaboration of an interhatllonal development strategy for the ft)urth United Nations Developnent Decade prcwidas one such opportunity. The virtual paralysis of the North-SOuth dialogue makes it all the more (Mr. Rao, India) collective self-reliance through the economic co-operation among developing co\~ntri..-~ It has beoo_ imperative for developing countries to build on COIIplementari ties in their economies. In this respect the conclusion in Belgrade earlier this year ~:: the Agreelllent on the Global System of Trade Preferences was a significant ac.'lievement. It laid down for the first tillS among the signatory developing countr ies the legal and institutional foundation for trade extnnsion. In our own region. the formation of the South Asian Association of Regional Co-operation has pl'OV'ided a framework for wide-ranging economic and tec:bnical co-operation. Specific areas of mtually beneficial co-operation have been identified and practical measures are being implemented by member St~tes. one is, however, corastrained to note that econoJl'lic co-operation among developing countries has developed only partially and its full potential remains wtexplored. What is needed is a hard look at concrete programmes to address, in the first instance Md in the main, the elementary human needs of a large chun.k of humanity. In these areas it is possible to make a better impact than has happened so far. During the current year many developing countries have been hit by natural disasters requiring urgent international relief opetations. Large areas in Africa have been afflicted by prolonged drought. Jamaica has been devastated by a hurricane of unprecedented magnitude, and Q1dan by floods. OUr own region, SOuth Asia, has witnessoo widaspread havoc caused by floods, abOV'e all in Bangladesh, thoughtJe too have not been spared 'the ravages of floods. It was our privilege, as a fr iendly neighbour, to be the first to go to the assistance of the people of Bangladesh in response to an appeal from the GoI1ernment of Bangladesh. force of experts from Bangladesh and India hu been set up to study the Ganga cnd Brahmapatra waters jointly for flood management and the water flow thereof o (Hr. Rao, India) A task Over the past two decades, drug abuse and illicit trafficking in drugs have asswaed p~opOrtiQns of a major global problem, not only affecting consu_rs but also posing serious problellS for transit States. We hope that the Plenipotentiary Conference scheduled to convene in Vienna later this year in order to finalize it draft convention on this question will meet with success. The United Nations is dedicated to the pursuit of the twin goals of peace and developaent. It can claim credit for significant achievements in both these spheres, and in particular in recent IIORthS we have seen encouraging progress in the resolution of complex political issues. But in the sphere of economic and social developnent, its major successes belCX\g to past decades; its achievements recently have bee., relatively nodest. we IIUSt renew our COI'IUIlitment to the eradication of the evils of poverty, disease and illiteracy through concerted intarnational action. This is a struggle that must be waged in ~OIIl1lOn by all hUJIlankind. As Jawaharlal Nehru told· the Assembly in 1963, -The only war we want is a war against poverty and disease and its brood-. Many centuries ago India's sages gave the call~ -Let us move, together. Let us talk, together. Let us be of single common mind. r. The renewed sense of co_unity witnessed in the United Nations today giuoes hope that over the coming year, in time for its forty-four th session, the world body can set before itself Cl viable specific agenda for the 1990s that would help render our planet ready for the century drawing in upon it. SUch an agenda must assess and chart the means of fulfilment of the minimum needs of man. The world, as MaI'latIU Gandhi put it, has enough to fulfil man's ne&.!, but not his greed. This distinction between need and greed becomes all the more real and crucial at a time when geo-environmental, geo-economic and geo-political imperatives have to be fully (Hr. Rao, India) haracnized in the interest of survival. Runaway desires of imprudent humans Must be ta ilcr:ed 80 as to be COIllpatible with the capaci ty to fulfil thell. If we collectively determine to do thltt, this forUII, the united Itltions, is the place where \le must begin, for the United Nations is as strmg, and only &s strong, as th" will af its Me"ers. And when we talk of Melllbers, let us not forget that behind the Menber States represented in this AsseabJ.y are tile men and women of the wodd. It is they mo give this <kgani:lation its flesh and its blood and should therefore legitimately dictate its aspirations and efforts. Their control ewer rulers who fall short of or go beyond their aandsto is not as palpable as it should be, but that is part of un's ccnstant aspiration, which the United Nations needs to be inspired by in ordar to give effective v0100 to the millions who cannot speak for. themselves. The ati toed Nations should thus prOlllOte the ascendency of peoples, translating into reality the relationships which the peoples would wish to have among the_elves. Invested with a ~pular dimension, rooted in a time when the process of peace can be rendered irreversfble and man's scarce energies given a chance to better his own being, this is the lllO_nt for the United Nations which should endure until the mission for hUlYllity ie cQlllpleted. We IIU8t not fa!l. (Nr. Rao, India) Nr. AL--tmAlMI (United Arab Emirates) ~interPi'etation from Arabic) ~ On behalf of the Uli ted ~rab Erairates it gives me gremt pleasure to extend to Ambassador Caputo my heartfelt congratulations on his election as President of the Ulited ::ations General Assenbly at its forty-third regular session. His election reflects the appreciation of the btternational co_unity for the leading role played by Argentina at the regional level in taUn Ameri~ and at the international lcwel, especially at the United Nations. !t also !efiects the confidence the international commmity places in him and in his abUity to 9Uide the proceedings of this iaportant session with wisdom an.d confidence. It also gives me gJ:'eat pleasure to convey my sincere thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Flor in, for presiding eo ably and jUdiciously over the previous sC!ssion, its resumed sessions, and the special session. I would like, on this occasion, to reaffirm the confidsnca of my country in the S9cretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his continued efforts to enable the Organization to cope with the pcoblems it faces. I would also like to ~orlgratulatehilil Q'l his efforts to enhance the role of the Organization, and to settle international and regional disputes peacefully and through necptiations.Most of his endeavours have been successful this year. The forty-third session of the United ~tions General Asseftlbly is meeting in mique international circulIStances in the wake of a nuDbe!t' of interrtational political developnents, including the peaceful settle_nt of numerous regional disputes. Foremost aJD0n9 these developtllentsw8s the summit meeting be~een the leaders of the two supet-Powers last May. This meeting led to a great aCCORlplishllent with regard to disarmament, namely the ratifiC!ltion of the Treaty which calls for the elimination of shorter and intermediate-range nuclear mhsiles. The meeting also led to political achievements that will hwe positive, far-reaching consequences, since the two super-Powers expressed their determination to reduce the tension existing between them by replacing lack of trust by open dialogue. In that summit meeting, the two supar-Pcwers created an atmosphere of detente, even alJreement on the settlement of certain regional oonf1 icts. This session is also unique in another respect\ the fact that it is being held against the background of the Uilited Nations success in settling a number of difficult regional problems. Through its various mechanisms, the united Nations has been instrumental in settling the problem of Afghanistan, and in stopping the war between Iran and Iraq. In addi tion, the Secretary-General has taken an initiative for the settlement of the Cyprus problem, and fot the opening of a dialogue between the parties in the Namibian question in order to implement Secur ity Council resolution 435 (1978). These achievements represent an important turning-point, signalling the opening of a new litase in international politics. we in the united Arab Emirates welcome these ao::ompl ishments and hope, or rather urge, that they be utilized for prol\'Oting peaceful coexistence and (.'()-<>peratlon among nations in order that we IIBY reach a new and more adllanced stage of international relations. This stage should be based on respect for, and equality among, all nations, as well as on the right of all peoples to secure their freedom and independence. 'Ib reach t:.'1is ad\ranced stage, the following conditions must be met. First, the two super-Powers should not only sustain the new favourable poli tical atmosphere existing betwl!en them, but they should also work diligently to promote it on the level of their bilateral relations, as well as on the level of their respective military blocs. (Mr. Al-Nuaimi, United Arab &nirates) secondly, the success of the Uni ted Hations in solvIng certain regional problems must be a lesson to all of us. We must renew our confidence in the Organization and its effectiveness. We must enhance its role through the coiltftitment of all States, especially the great Powers, to the Charter of the United Nations, and to its purpOSes and principles. We must also benefit from the organs of the United Nations in all fields, particularly the security Council, which should be used as a forum for the. conduct of negotiations wi th respect to urgent international problems, and which should be utilized for the adoption of preventive and 0 ther meas ures. The United Nations has become the basis for the '!.nternational order of the future, and the instrument through which collective efforts can be undertaken to solve international conflicts and controversies, and to reduce the possibility of escalating regional conflicts into nuclear confrontations amo."'19 the big Powers. The United Nations has also had many accomplishments in economic, social, human, legal, and other fields. In the light of all this, it is incullbent upon all of us to maintain these achievements, and to expand upon them by enhancing the role of the Uni ted HaHons. Thirdly, we must utilize the existing favourable conditions by reinforcing the prevailing trend towards solving.regional conflicts throl!gh the mechanism of the United Nations. We must above all expand the scope of this trend to cover other regional and human problems, most notably the Palestine question and the problem of racial discrimination in SOuth Africa. My country welcomed the recent decision of the Islamic Republic of Iran to accept, as Iraq has done, security Council resolution 598 (1987) as a basis ~or ending the war between the two Islamic countries. We also welcomed the decision of (Mr. Al-Nuaimi, United Arab &nirates) the two belligerents to cease fighting and to enter into direct negotiations in order to resolve all their outstanding problems. In this context, we express our appreciation for the role played by the united Nations secretary-Genercll in achieving the cease-fire and in bringing the two parties to the negotiating table. we also thank him for his continuous efforts to narrow the gap between the two parties. We, in the United Arab Emirat~s, consider ~he cease-fire agreement, and the subsequent direct dialogue, to be a major turning-point in the process of restructuring the future relations between the two countries. We hope that the recent developments will lead to an agreement on just and equitable ~ace pr inciples that will leave no room and no pretext for resor ting to arms once aga in in the future. As a Gulf country, we look forward to the restoration of peace and seeur ity in our region, a peace that is just and acceptable, and that is based on good-neighbourly relations among all Gulf countries, big and small, and on non-interference in internal affairs. We are following the negotiations very carefully, and we are certilin that the two countr ies have a vested interest in the restoration of peace. We believe that good intentiol1s will inevitably lead to this end. We shall do our best to make this happen. Despite international detente and the ltlOIrement towards the- ssttlement of a number of regional conflicts, the Mid:Ue East problem - with its cote issue, the Palestine question - is still unresolved. It is still a source of tension and deep anxiety, and peace is not at hand. The Palestinian people are still suffering from oppression, tmprisonment and torture under the brutal fist of Israeli occupation. Even though Israel's aiJIs in rejecting peace and insisting upon occupation are clear to everyone, it is difficult for us to understand the attempts of certain big countries to isolate the Palestine question from the trend of international peace. It is to be noted that Israel persists in creating obstacles, which the Ufo! ted States enoorses., in order to obstruct the convening of an international peace conference. The convening of this conference has won the universal support of the international community. The crux of the pcoblem is the fact that one of the two super-Powers fully endorses the aggressive policy of Israel and refuses to recognize the existence of the Palestinian people, who are oppressed and depr ived of their basic rights. Indeed, this super-Power works jointly with Israel in a futile attempt to stamp out the Palestinian identity, hoping to re~ve the Falestinian people from the pages of history. But through its valiant uprising, which Israel has tried to crush with all its ...suu_nU of oppression, the Palestinian people haG clearly dellk)nstrated its full awareness of its national rights, and its determination to secure those t'ights. For seven decades the Palestinian people has been tenaciously struggling for freedom, indepf!ndence, and the ending of occupation. We are confident, therefore, that this lalC) struggle will lead to freedom and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State. The pr:esent trend at the Uni ted Rations to use its mechanisms for resolving certain reg10nal conflicts and problems affirms the validity of the view that the only mechanism fO£ achieving a just and permanent peace in the Middle East is the holding of an international peace conference. This conference is to be held in accordance wi th General Assenbly resolution 38/58 C, under the auspices of the United Nations, and with the participation on an equal footing of all the concerned parties, including the Palestinian people as represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), its sole, legitimate representative. Lebanon is still a source of danger and deep concern for all of us. This fraternal country will not return to normalcy unless Israel withdraws from Lebanese territory, ceases to meddle in its internal affairs, and stops its ag9ressi\)n &ga inst Lebanese towns and villages. We urge our brothers in Lebanon to p.lt aside their differences and resolve the ir dispu tee through open dialogue, in order for LebanCl\ to regain its vanguard position in the fields of culture and progreao. My country has followed with interest the process of negotiations and what has been reached so far with respect to the question of Namibia and putting an end to South Africa IS continued aggression against Angola. We hope that the pretoria regime will not renege on its colllllitment to implement security Council resolution 435 (1978), which constitut.es a comprehensive blueprint for the independence of Namibia. In this connection, we wish to reaffirm our support for the struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of the SOUth West Africa Peoplels Organization (SWAPO). Deepi te the progress achieved with respect to the question of Namibia, the policy of a par theid, aoopted by the whi te minority rQgillle in SOU th Africa, has been made more evil in its practices, thus causing more death and destruction. we strongly condem the institutional regime of this policy, which denies the ba~ic ri9hta of the O'Ien.helalng black IIIljority. This violates the principles of the Charter and the Universal J:1eclaration of Human Rights and contradicts the tenets of justice and human progress. My country also strongly condemns the continuous acts of aggression, terrorism and destabilization perpetrated by the Pretoria regime against the African f.:ont-line States. My country is a firm believer in the Charter. We therefore support its organs and call for the use of the _chanis_ prC7lided by those organs. We also wish to erapbasize the need to abide by \::he trinciples of non-interference in the internal affairs of other States,. non-recourse to the threat or use of force and the peaceful settleMnt of disputes. Guided by this belief, the United Arab EIIirates weloomed the conclusion of the Geneva Accords last' April for the settlement of the question of Afghanistan. The mec:hanis_ prO'lided by the secretary-General played an important role 1n the conclusion of these Accords and in the involveJlent of the two super-Powers in guaranteeing their imple_ntation, including non-interference in the internal affa irs of .Afghanistan and full respect for its independence and s~ereignty. We also welcome the recent dialogue allOng the parties to the KaJllPUohean problem and the constructive role played by the Gcwernments of the Association of South-Bast Asian Nations (MEAN) in this re«Jard. We also welcolIe the ongoing dialogue to solve the problems and conflicts confronting the countries of central America. In this regard, we support the initiatives of the Contadora Group and the support Group. Concerning Korea, we urge the North and SOuth to settle their differences through free dialogue unhaMpered by pressure and pre-eonditionsc This should defuse the crisis and bring about the unity the ){creans 80 earnestly seek. we welQOM the readiness of the secretary-General to help the two GO'Iern_ntB. with respect to C-\7prus, we COl1UIIend the secretary-General for his latest initiative, which has had a more favol.irable response from the parties to the conflict. we also welcome the decision of the leaders of the Turkish and Greek Cypriot colllllunities to co-operate with the secretary~neral, as well as their desire to meet wi thout any pre-ecndi tions and their setting of 1 June 1989 as the date for reaching a negotiated settlement for the Cyprus problem in all its aspects. We hope that the settlement will be just, comprehensive and durable. We also hope that within its framework, security and coexistence will b3 ensured for: the two communi ties and that the settlement itself will guarantee the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and non-alignment of Cyprus. The third special session of the General Assenbly devoted to disarmament was held this year in a favourable international atmosphere of detente. The successful results of the bilateral negotiations on disarmament conducted between the two super-Powers enoouraged many participants in the special session to believe that those achievements could be transfor1'DQd into new incentives for multilateral negotiations. Like many others, we nurtured the ambition that through consensus we would be able to agree on a final c:bcument that reflected the new developments in the field of disarmament. But our ambition exceeded the prevailing realities owing to the lack of sufficient political will on the part of certain countries for arriVing at a fruitful and successful conclusion to that session. As the secretary-General has stated in his report on the work of t..lte Organizaticn, "Disarmament and the regulation of arumenta ••• will relldn a decisive test of the illprove_nt of international relations and the strengthening of peace." (A/U/l, p. 13) In this regard my country reaffirms its suppozt fot" the crl!ation of nucleaor-weapon-free zones, especially in the Middle East. We also reiterate our tJupp:>rt for. and commitment to the United Nation3 resolution declaring the Indian OCe<1n a zone of peace, and look focward to the elimination of all obstacles that have 80 far prevented the convening of the Conference on the In(!i~n Ocean. The inaprcwelllents in international relations witnessed on the political level have not been reflected to the desired degree in the state of the international economy. Serious economic structural illlbalanoes still persimt. As a result, the pr ices of raw .JDaterials have become unstable and have even declined. Moreover, the policies of protectionism, the discriminatory practices and the restrictions imposed on the exports of developing countries have a detrimental effect on the process of d&velopment. They also cause an escalation in the crisis of foreign indebtedness fa~d by the developing countr iea • We believe that it is impossible to enhance international d8t~nte wi thout consolidating the economic foundations upon which it rests. This requires a stronger: spirit of co-operation and the eMancelMntof the role of international economic agencies. It also requires the adoption by the advMced countries of more flexible ~licies Md the introc1llct.iofi ef structural reforms in the system of international economic relations. We em(ilasize the importance of strengthening the role of the united Nations and its specializeQ agencies, as they constitute the main forum for dialogue and negotiations with respect to international co-operation for degelopment. We also stress the need to abide by the principle of multilateralism and ~ pursue an integrated approach to the various problems pertaining to fil1an«:e, currency, indebtedness, cOlll1lera! and the resources devoted to developnent. Similarly, we call on all States to adhere to thE" Charter of Economic Rights and blties of States and to refrain from using commercial restrictions, blockades or sanctions as political tools for conducUng economic relations in a manner that violates the Charter. This session provides all Members of our international Organization with a valuable opportunity to review and re-evaluate both the great achievements attained through collective co-operation and the setbacks and obstacles resulting from selfish or aggressive policies. The United Nations offers an important frame of reference for such re-evaluation. The challenge before us today is whether or not we shall be able to utilize this session by drawing on our past experience, both positive and negative, for the purpose of reaching the right conclusions. The historical record proves that peace and security are synonymous with mutual trust and that they are the only means of elevating the human race to the desired level of economic growth, cultural advancement and social stability. Modern history has taught us that the United Nations, through its organs and lllechanisms, is able to lead human society to more understanding and co-operation. Can we vest our confidence in the United Nations? More important, can we trust each other in order that we J'lBy build a world in which justice and nutual respect prevail and man may enjoy freedom and stability? Future developments, in the shaping of which we all participate~ will prO'lide the answers to these questions. Hr. 'mAN $PANG 0) (Viet Nam) (interpre~ :on from French) ~ The delegation of Viet Ham would like to congratulate Mt. Da~te Caputo on his election as President of the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. we are confident that under his guidance our session will leave an imprint COl'llllensurate with the watershed significance of the present period. We also take this opportunity to express our great appreciation of the major contr ibution of Mr. Peter Flor in, Presiontof the forty-second session, to the success of that session. The delegation of Viet Ham wishes to join previous speakers in expressing high appreciation of the indefatigable efforts made ove... the past year by the 8ecretary-Generalg Hr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, in the service of peace and security in many parts of the world. Since the ~rty-second session we have witnessed far-reaching developments in both the world and the regional situation which give rise to hopes for tho;e who are striving for a world of peace, friendship and co-operation among nations. The two sununit meetings between the Soviet Union and the united States, the ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - and the progress, albeit modest v made In the negotiations on a 50 per cent reduction. i.., strategic weapons constitute important break throughs which open up a real opportunity of achieving still greater resul ts in the 1009 struggle to free mankind from the nightmare of a nuclear war of annihilation. The strengthening and broadening of international co-operation at the global and regional l~'els - an objective necessity of our time - and especially the s1<j1\ing for the lirst time of an agreement establ:1.shi~g official relations between the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (OlEA) and the European Economic Community (EEC), gives a significant ;.mpetus to the process These encouraging events have contributed to the imprOlTement of the international political atmosphere after ' ~~y years of tension and confrontation. They have not only enhanced more than ever before the possibility of safeg13arding peace and averting the danger of a war of extermination but also ushered in a new era in international relaticns, an era of struggle and co-operation in peaceful coexistence among countr ies with different social and political systems. As a result, all the nations of the world arF.l in a better position to meet together the ~hallenges facing the whol.e of mank ind, which today cannot be met by anyone country alone, no matter how large or rich. I refer to such challenges as are posed by pollution of the environmen~, the demographic explosion, the world food problem and the problem of sources of raw materials. Important though they may be, the poaitive developments in the world situation are but a beginning. Mankind is still faced wi th the dange£' of a frenzied arms race in outer space. It is still witnessing the u~steful channelling of huge natural resources to the arms race or to regional conflicts, while two thirds of mankind are living in poverty because of the heavy legacy of a long colonial past and the unfair international economic order. (Polr. Tran Quang Co, Viet Nam) Never before hae IIl&nkind had such a strong common will to accept and 017ercome these serlous challenges 0 Prom years of fierce str uggle and untold sacr ifices and l~ses, the peoples of the world are new all the more aware of the indivisibility of world peace and detente and, furthermore, of the close link between peace and detente, on the me hand, and independence and development, on the other. There can be ne peace and detante in the world unless the independence, security and development of nations in every region are guaranteed. Conversely, the independence, s~curity and development of nations are Cl decisive factor in the presel'vation of ~ solid and lasting peace on earth. In t.'1at context, the initiative for a.a,lIt;)rehensive system of international peace and security designed to enC')urage international dialogue based on respect for the independence and sovereiCjnty of nations is certain to win the. apprOl7al and support of & broad segment of wOild public opinion~ The initial SUCC8ssaa having been Boored, thG internation~t co_unity is now stepping up i to effor t5 in the s trU9'9le for pea.::e and development. The Ministerial Meeting on disarmament held in Havana by the non~aligned countries, the third General Asserbly apecicl session on disarmament and the warld-wide mc:wement in response to the ·Peace _ves· campaign in 1988 have given powerful expressioi'l to the earnest aspirations of nations to live in peace, free from the use of forCE in international relations, and to enjoy the benefits of the relaxation of world tension and genuine security in every region, so that they can concentrate all their efforts on the long-term developne,nt of their respective countrieso, The broad movement towards the establishment" of nuclear-weapon-free zen,es ls spreading across Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin Ameriea and Oceania) it reflects the peoplef:S' determination to continue their struggle to reverse the costly and dangerous arms race in outer space and to secure a oo~lete ban on nuclear tests and a prohibition of the testing' and produc~ion of other weapons of mass destruction. (Hr. Tran Quang Co, Viet Nail) ~ . . The need to struggle for peace and disarmament cannot be dissociated from the nations'. struggle for independence and developuent. The serious economic difficulties now facing the developing countries require common efforts by the international co_unity to bridge the ever-widening gap between the developed and the developing countries. External debt, the flow of capital resources fr.om developing to developed countries, protectionism and unequal terms of trade~ these are serious problems requiring urgent and effective solutions that would contribute to the establishment of a just and equitable new international economic order. The expansion of bilateral and multilateral economic co""'Operation and, especially, the promtion of regional O)""'Operation in order to tackle the major challenges more effectively, as well as the need for a readjustment of the economic development strategies of nations - which is required by the scientific and technological revolution - are the real imperatives of our times. The new developnents in regard to peacefUl ooexistence in the world and the persistent endeavours of nations in various regions to achieve peace, independence and developaent have revealed the real p>ssibility that many regional problems can be solved peacefully through dialogue. Although, for various reasons, the results obtained vary in degree, peace talks h&ve aroused high hopes about the search for a political settlement of regional conflicts. We are witnessing vivid and diverse manifestations of that trend in various parts of the world - from Afghanistan to southern Africa, from the Gulf region to the Korean peninSUla, from cyprus to western Sahara. 'In keeping with its unswerving position, Vi-et Nam extends its constant solidarity and strong 'support to the heroic peoples of Cuba, Nicaragua and Pan~ma in their staunch struggle against the imperialist forces that stubbornly continue to engage in interve.-H:ionist and hostile policies, Md for the ~fence of their independence, sovereignty and territot ial integrity. (Mr. Tnn Quang Co, Viet Nam) We value highly the good will shown and the major efforts made by Afghenistan and the Soviet Union in implementing the Geneva agreements and strongly urge the other parties concerned to implement these agreements scrupulously in order to put an early end to the conflict and enable the Afghan people to live in peace and national harmony. Like the rest of the international ClOtm\l.mity, Viet Nam supports the correct position adopted and the good will ,shown by Angola and Cuba in order to enSlJE'e progr.ess in ongoing quadripartite negotiations towards a solution that would guarantee Angola's sovereignty, security and territorial integrity as well as Namibia's genuine independence. The South African authorities mst implement strictly the agreements reached and put an end to their warlike policy, so that peace and security can soon be restored to that region. For the sake of peace in the Middle East and the legitimate rights of the heroic Palestinian people, Viet Ham fully sUj?ports the convening of an international conference - with the participation ef the Palestine Liberation Organization on an equal footing with the other parties concerned - for the purpose of finding a fair and realistic settlement. We whole-heartedly welcome the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq and hope that their bilateral talks will soon bring about lasting peace for the peoples of those two countr ies. As for tile Korean peninsula, we hope that in the not-too-distant future the Un!ted Nations will, be able to welcome in its midst a peaceful, reun,ified Korea, free from the presence of foreign troops. With regard to regional questions, the SOcialist Republic of Viet Nam has a consistent position of supporting .the trend towards the peaceful settlement among the countries of each region of the disputes and conflicts in that region, on the basis of respect for the independence and sOI7ereignty of each country as well as the legitimate interests and aqual security of all the psrties o::mcerned, and of supporting all processes designed to achieve national reconciliation without outside interference. That Vietnamese position is in conformity with the view of the Non-Aligned Movement, as expressed most recently in the Pinal [k)curnent of its Ministerial Meeting in Nioosia, cyprus. (Hr. Tran guang Co, Viet Ham) SOUth-East Asia has of late witnessed positive developments that are in keeping with universal trends and the earnest aspirations of the peoples of that region, particulMly since Viet Ram, wi th the agreement of the People's Republic of Kampucmea, recently announced the withdrawal of 50,000 tt'oope; and the conmand of its volunteer forces from KaI\lpuc:hea. For the first time in that part of the world, which has been a theatre of constant tension over the past 40 years, favourable factcxa have emerged for IlLltual lU\derstanding and trust and friendly co-opera tion among the countr ies of the region, which are so necessary for them to find together a fair and reasooable pol! tical solutim to the Kampuc:hean question and to build South-East Asia into a zme of lasting peace and stability. On the basis of the agreement reached in Ho Chi Minh City in July 1987 between Indonesia and viet Ram, representing the two groups of countr ies in South~East Asia, the four parties of the two opposing sides in Kampuchea and the two groups of countries in South-East Asia have for the first time, after 10 years of intense confrontation, come to engage in dialogue at the Jakarta Informal Meeting in discussions on a political solution to the ICampuc:hean quelition, with the prospect of a peaceful and stable SOuth-East Asia. The Jakarta Informal Meeting took the Kampuchean question out of deadlock because that meeting did :lot follow the beaten track of the past 10 years, in which the will and interests of one side were imposed on the other ~ Its success constitutes a victory for regional co-operation, nutual understanding and respect for each other's interests, and first and foremost the legitimate interests of the Kampuc:hean people. It was thus possible in Jakarta, for the first time, for a oonsensus to be reached among the parties directly concerned in the region on reeogni tion of the two inter linked key issues of the Kampuchean problem, namely, the withdrawal of .. ' (Hr. Tran Quang Co, Viet Nam) Vietnamese forces from KamPlchea and the p~evention of the return to Kampuchea of the genocidal Pol Pot regime. Besides this extremely important adlievement of the Jakarta Informal Meeting, in Jakarta Prince S!haneuk and Cha!rmsn Run S4tn reached an agreement to resul'll9 their talks in Par is to discuss further the internal problems of Kampuchea in a spirit of nat!ClI'lal recalciliation. The results ef the Jakarta Informal Meeting and the Qgreement reached between Prince SihanolJk and Chairman Htm SOIl have not only broken the stalslMte of thQ past 10 years but have also created a f~amework for a political settlement of the KalIlpud'lean qU"*Ition in both its internal and its international aspects. They have thus opened up the prospect of solving the Kampuchean issue 51.' the not t.oo diatant future. That is Pl'ecisely why the oont!ensus reached at the Jakarta InforMl Meeting has been widely welcomed and supported by world public opiniQ'l from the East to the west, which regards it as movement in the correct direction, to be further encouraged and supported. The Nen-Aligned McWement in particular, with its constructive initiatives, has extended valuable and timely Gupport to the collllon endeavours of the South-East Asian countries to find an early solution to the ICampuchean question, thus CX)ntributing to turn¥1g that region of confrontatioR and tension into a zone of lasting peace, stability, friendship and eo-operationo In this very forum, all the countries thct are concerned about the Kantp.ac::hean question and peace and stability in South-But Asia! and sincerely desire to make a oonstructive contribution, have noted with satisfaction that, given the recent profound changes in SOUth-East Asia, there now exists a real possibility of achieving a political settlement of the Kampuch~an question. Regrettably, however, despite this CClIIlIlIOO trend, SOI'lle in this forum are still trying to swim against the tide. !Or 10 years, they have tried by any _ans (Hr. Tun Quang Co, Viet r:all) available to distract world opinion in an attempt to cover up the appalling crimes conmitted between 1975 and 1984 by an utterly inhuman regime against an entire nation, and to blur tha all too real danger of the scourge of renewed genocide in the land of AAgkor. With their one-sided arguments and their distortions of the realities in Kampudlea, they attempt to represent the genocidal clique as pi ti ful victims whom foreign troops have unjustly deprived of their freedom to conmit genocide. Is it by way of compensation that this genocidal clique has been allowed to retain the right to represent the Kampuchean people at the United Nations? As for those who, together wi th their fellow Kampucheans, have made every effort ovei:' the past 10 years to resurrect from the ruins and the killing fields left behind by the Pol Pot regime a new Kampuchean State full of vitality and having a political, economic and social life, they are denied that legi timate r iqht. SUch is the shock in9 reaU ty, despi te the e:ds tence since 1948 of the Uni ted Nations Coovention on the Prevention and PlDlishmeht of the Crime of Genocide. Worse ~t, in the face of world opinion's strong coodema tion of the genocidal Pal Pot clique, the latter's sponsors have taken up an odd line of reascning, putting on an equal footinq the danger of the genocidal Pol Pot clique and the existence of the Mministration of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, which enjoys the full support of the Kampudlean people and "as dooe 1.ts utmost to overcome the tel'r !hIe legacy of the genocidal Pol Pot regime. These same people also claim that they pursue no self-interest in their approach 10.0 the Kampuchean question. If that is so, why do they make a ser ies of (lemands that are tantamount to imposing their will 00 the Kampucllean people, inclUding on matters pertaining to Kampuchea's purely internal problems? They demand that the future Administration of Kampuchea be like this, and its army like (Mr. Tran Quang Co, Viet Nam) that. Is that the way to respect the Kampucllean people's right to self-determination? Or are these demands only aimed at serving their purpose of preserving and legalizing the genocidal Pol Pot forces as part of a solution of the Kampuchean question? I have been compelled to express the aforementioned views in order to reply to assertions that cannot remain unanswered. It is not my intention to engage in p:>lemics in this forum. I only wish to engage in constructive exchanges of views here, in an atmosphere of goodwill, with a view to contributing usefully to world peace as well as to peace and stab11 i ty in our region. Once again, Viet Nam reaffirms its full support for and active contribution to all efforts to find an early political solution to the Kampuchean problem. We are of the view that a poli tical settlement of the Kampuchean question should ensure the legi timate interests of the Kampuchean people first and forerost, their right '. to I ive free from the danger of another genocide, while duly tak ing into account . the secur ity interests of all parties ooncerned, including the PElOple's Republic of China. Like many other regional problems, the Kampuchean question has two ~spects: the internal and the international. Viet Nam wishes to secure a comprehensive settle.nt that would solve both aspects. If that is. not .yet possible, we think that the international aspect of the Kampuchean question cou.ld be solved first, as has been clearly indicated by the Jakarta Informal Meeting. As for the internal aspect of the question, it should be left to the Kampucheans themselves to settle this wi thout outside interference. All other countries should respect the Kampuchean people's right to self-determination and the agreements reached by the Kampuchean parties. For its part, Viet Nam, in a spirit of regional co-operation and together wit:h other South-East Asian countries, will do its best to make the forthcoming session of the Jakarta Informal Meeting a success. In keeping with the spir it of r~gional co-operation, Viet Ram will strictly carry out its announced withdrawal of 50,000 of its troops from Kampuchea in 1988. The remaining Vietnamese forces will be completely withdrawn in 1990, as has been stated earlier. If a political solutio." either comprehensive or partial, is reached, the total withdrawal will be effected sooner. The timetable for the troop withdrawal will be closely linked with the timetable for the cessation of all forms of outside interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea, in the spirit of consensus reached at the Jakarta Informal '\ _};) Meeting. Viet Nam's consistent wish is for a fair and reasonable settlement of the Kampuchean question. This, however, depends, not on the resolve of one side alone, but rather on the C:OlllllOn goodwill of all the parties involved, and, in particular, . on the determination of the countries of the region to continue to co-operate in the solution of the problem on the bas is of the J aker ta consensus, especially at the meeting of the working group of the Jakarta Informal Meeting on 17 OCtober. Desiring as we do an early, fair and reasonable political solution that guarantees the Kampuchean people a peaceful and happy life, with nationeu reconciliation, in fulfilment of the common aspirations of all south-East Asian CX)untr les to peace and developnent, we fully support the seven-point proposal p.Jt forward at Jakarta by the People's Republic of Kamp.Jchea. These points are, the following. First, the aim ista build a peaceful, independent, democratic, sovereign, neu tral and non-aligned Kampuchea. Second, by DeO!!mber 1989, or at the latest by the first quarter of 1990, all the renaining Vietnamese volunteer forces will be completely wi thdrawn. from Kampuchea, along with the simultaneous ending of all foreign aid and sanctuar ies provided to the genocidal Pol Potists a.,d opposing Khmer forces and cessation of the use of Khmers in refugee camps against the ,Kampucheanpeople and of .all foreig."l interference in the internal affairs of Kampuchea. Third, the internal problems of Kampuchea must be settled by the KamPQchean parties themselves on the basis of national recalcUiation, the exclusion of the criminal leadership of Pol Pot's genocidal regime and the inadmissibility of the Khmer Rouge arme'd forces. Fourth, the status <lOO in Kampucbea will be maintaine!i until the completion of general elections to the National ASsen'bly ~ which will then adopt a new constitution and form a coalition Government. Fifth, a national reconciliation council wiU be established made up of the four Kampuchean parties and headed by Prince tbrod)m Sihanouk. This council will to implement ail. the agreements r.eached , , be entr usted wi th the following duties, between the var 10U9 'Karnpuchean parties~ to organize, general elections to the National Assembly. Sixth, an international control commission will be set up to supervise the itlplemsntation of all the agreements ooncluded. SelTentb, an international conference will be convened, with the participation of ICampud'lea, Laos, Viet Ham, the members of the Association of SOuth-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Chairmen of the sixth, seventh and eighth summit Conferences of non-aligned countries, the Soviet Union, China, France, the United States of America, the United Kingdom and other countries that have contributed to the prCQ!ss of peace in South-East Asia, as well as the Becretary-General of the United Nations. The pUI'pcse of thia conference will be to guarantee the independence, sovereignty, neutrality and non-alignment of Kampudlea, as well as peace and stability in SOuth-East Asia. We weloome the Becretary-General's continued efforts aimed at promting the implementation of the agreements reached at the Jakarta Informl Meeting and supporting the 5 November meeting between Chairman Hun Ben and Prince Norodan Sihanouk so that it may be a success• •...... . The period between now and 1990 offers us the best possible opportunity to bring the Kampuchean question to a c::l.ose and to turn a new page in the history of relations 41lmng South-East Asian oountr les. Viet Nam sincerely wishes to build up IlUtual trust and ;relations of co-operation with all countries in the region in accordance with the spirit of the seven-point proposal on the principles governing the relations among SOuth-East Asian countrie&, put forward by the Lao People 'a Damocratic Republic at the Jakarta Informal Meeting. Relations of mutual trust and co-operation amng SOUth-East Asian countries are an essential factor ,in the creation of a favourable' atmosphere for the settlement of the Kamp.Jchean question. In the long run, this will prOl1ide a sound basis on which to assure the security (foIr. Trail Quang Co, Viet Nam) and development interests of each country in South-East Asia. Q'lly through regional m-operation can regional problems be solved. The WOl'ld is lDOV'ing away from confrontation towards dialogue and co-operation. The positive changes in the wer ld situation in this direction in the last few years of the twentieth century have engendered hope for a world in which nations can live on an equal ~otin9 in peace and friendship without the threat of a nuclear war of extermination, in which regiooal conflicts can be solved not by the use of force but through dialogue, and in which ideologi~l differences do not hinder co-operation for the well-being of mankind. It is hoped that, wi th the emergence of these premises, this lofty aspiration will become a reality in the not-too-distant fUture for all the regions in the world, inclUding South-East Asia. (Mr. Tran Quang Co, Viet Ham) Hr. EVANS (Australia): I warmly congratulate Mr. Caputo of Argentina on his election to the important post of President of this General Asselitlly. Our two countries share important objectives in relation to Antalctica and the liberalization of trade in agricultural products. I also acknowledge the courageous role he personally has played in the consolidation of constitutional dellDcracy in Argentina. It is a great pleasure, therefore, to see him presiding over our deliberations at this particularly auspicious time for the United Nations. This year of 1988 is not only a special one for Australia, marking our bicentenary, but a18-;) for the United Nations, marking as it does the fortieth anniversary of thE.' Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a landmark in the struggle of the international community to guarantee individual rights for all people. Not entirely coincidentally, it is also the fortieth anniversary of the presidency of this Assembly of one of the founding fathers of the United Nations, and C1ne of its strongest voices on behalf of the small and middle Powers, Herbert Vere Evatt, then Foreign Minister of Australia, who worked strenuously for, and announced during his presidency, the adoption by the General Assembly of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In preparing to address this Assenbly for the first time, I turned for a little encouragement to the wisdom and writing of my distinguished Labour Government predecessor, and I was not disappointed. A very great deal that Mr. Evatt did and thought, and that was important to him, stands the test of those 40 years. TWice in his lifetime Mr. Evatt had seen the world tear itself apart. In the First World War both his brothers were killed. He had seen the League of Nations collapse into impotence and irrelevance. In the second lbrld war he had been Foreign Minister when Australia was in grave peril. To him, therefore, the introduction to the Charter - -We, the people of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war- - was not just a resounding piece of r hetor ic but a colll1litlnent bor n of despa1.r and necessity• Fortunately, we have all been spared a third world war since then~ but this per ied has seen tragedy and suffer ing wrought on our fellow human beings by a continuous epidemic of conflicts - both regional and internal - which have blotted the world's landscape. We have sean the return of chemical weapons. War has filled the refugee camps of the world. Violence has been father to suffering, poverty and homelessness, on a scale that indicts us all. The Un! ted Nations has performed indispensable work in dealing wi th the tragic consequences of these conflicts~ but the sad reality is that for mst of the past four decades it has lai:gely been blocked from performing the task for which it was ~ll:{!-eminently created, the peaceful resolution of conflict itself. So it is with a profound sense of hope for the future that we look back over the past 18 months. From Bouthern Afr iea to the Western sahara, through the Middle East, the Mediterranean, across to Afghanistan and Callbodia, we see the United Nations, led by its Secretary-General, at last bringing to bear the collective will and CCIIlIIIIitment of the nations of the world. "" The Secretary-General and the United Nations peace-keeping forces thoroughly deserve their award of this year's NObel Peace Prize. The Prize is a very timel~ recognition of the commitment th~t this Organization must'continue to ~ssert: that deep-seated and genuine differences must be resolved without blood and agony for ordinary men and women caught up in conflicts not of their own making. In Afghanistan, despite many problems, the Geneva Agreements are holding. Soviet Union has met the target for the withdrawa~ ~f 50 per cent of its forces, and we urge that it maintain the agreoed target fClr.: the complete withdrawal. Withdr.awal wHl provide the conditions for the essential next step of allodng the The :.O'"i \..-•.'>.' people of Afghanistan to decide fol:' themselves their form of government. The international community has a responsibility, through the United Nations, to assist in the reconstruction of that land devastated by invasion and war and to help provide for the millions of refugees it has created. We have all greeted wi th immense relief the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq, another extraordinary achievement of the United Nations. But we are deeply concerned that, although the fighting has stopped, there has been little apparent progress in talks between I ran and Iraq under the auspices of the secretary-General. Australia urges both countries to bring about an enduring peace, in accordance with security Council resolution 598 (1987). In southern Africa there is a distinct prospect that independence for Namibia is at hand~ but it is still only a prospect. As a traditional supporter of the United Nations peace-keeping activities, Australia reconfirms its willingness to participate in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group for Namibia. Australia also fully supports the efforts of the secretary-General t~wards resolving the conflict in Western sahara. In recent weeks, the n~st promising meetings in many years have occurred between the President of Cy'prus and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot commtmity, again under the auspices of the Secretary-General. There have also been encouraging signs in my own r.egion. My visit to New Caledonia three weeks ago and my discussions there ~ith all major parties confirm that the process set in train by the Matignon and OUdinot accords not only is workable but has generated a whole new spirit of reconciliation and optimism. The process to which the Rocard Government and all the major groups in New Caledonia have cOJMIitted ti:1,:~mselves has Australia's support and that of the SOuth Pacific Forum. we in the South Pacific share with France a determination to assist the peaceful evolution of New caledonia to sclf-cetermination in a way which ensures that the llegi timate interests of all the people of ~"'ew Caledonia, including its indigenous Melanesian population, are fully protected, and their aspirations are given a chance to be realized. Once again, al:ter many years, Korea is on the agenda of the General Assembly - but for the fir.st time as a single item. Australia heartily endorses the common goal of this new item~ peace, reconciliation and dialogue in the Korean peninsula. Australia finds encouraging the recent willfgness by both SOuth and North Korea to consider resuming dialOgue. We believe there is now a real opportunity to bring to an end 35 years of confrontation. There have also been important recent developments relating to the conflict in Cambodia. Talks are taking place among the concerned parties. The Jakarta Informal Meeting, ably presided over by Indonesian FOreign Minister Alatas, realistically noted that a solution would require not only the wi thdrawal of Vietnamese military forces but also the prevention of the return of the genocidal policies and practices of Pol Pot and the Khmer Rouge. The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) draft resolution this year makes that point, and we welcome that statement. There remain, regrettably, a number of regional conflicts and tensions where there has been less progress. Australia is especially concerned about the seemingly intractable nature of the Arab-Israeli dispute. Australia's commitment to the State of Israel is firm: it may be traced back to Mr. Evatt's time and it has not wavered since. The right of Israel to exist within secure and recognized boundaries is and must remain an indispensable condition of peace. It is from this firm basis of colTltlitment and' friendship to Israel that we say that peace and justice for Israel will be found only when there is also peace and justice for the Palestinians. (Mr. Evans, Australia) The right of self-determination for the Palestinian people, inclwding, if they so choose, the possibility of an independent Palestinian State, must be recognized. Israel's friends can only view wi th concern the continul!d occupation of the west Bank and Gaza. Recent events there put at stake its reputation and future as a liberal democratic State and risk increasing isolation from tradit~onal friends and supporters, like ourselves, who place priority on respec:t for democratic ideals and fundamental human rights.* It is also time for the Palestinians to take historic decisionl:J regarding their relations with Israel. The Palestine Liberation Organization must reject, unequivocally, the use of terror, accept the process of negotiation and be prepared, clearly and without equivocation, to recognize Israel. To be durable, any negotiated settlement must take account of the legitimate inte:ests also of the Syrian Arab Republic., Jordan, Lebanon and other countries of the region. In Burma we have witnessed tragic loss of life as the Burmese people have struggled for their political and economic rights. The Burmese people have our deepest sympathy, and I offer to them Australia's support in the period of reconstruction and reconciliation which must follow the resolution of the current crisis. While there is much still to be done, recent events do hold out prospects for peace that only a few years ago would have been thought of as naive fantasy. Who among us two years ago - even one year ago - would have envisaged, for example, that President Reagan would be able to stand before us at this time and say that in many regional conflicts the SOviet Union had shown a ·spirit of constructive realism"? *Mr. Huerta Monu.lvo (Ecuador), Vice-President, took the Chair. The Uni ted Rations i tael f has been a crucial contr ibutor to the i..'ftproved East-West atmosphere. The United Nations needs the great Powers, but the great Powers also need the Uni ted Nations. There is a wide and growing agenda of issues that cannot be resolved by the great Powers acting unilaterally or bilaterally. The great PQti'en;, alone or toge ther, can hamstring the Uni ted Nations J but, alone or together, they cannot by themselves make it work. An effective United Nations requires the collective will and commitment of the whole international community. It is only when this is fUlly accepted by averyone that the recovery of the United Rations, wi th all i ts Potential, will become permanent. (Mr. Evans, Australia) There can be few areas where this is better exemplified than disarmament and arms control. The conclusion by the United States and the Soviet Union of the Treaty on the Elimination of Interl'll6diate-Range and Shorter-Range MissUes, the first arms-control agreement eliminating an entire class of nuclear weapons, is a truly significant development, as is the acceptance under that agreement of highly intrustive provisions for verification, which, in turn, make further agreements possible. Great progress has been made towards ccncluding an agreement to cut by SO per cent strategic nuclear arsenals; and for all those developments Presidents Reagan and Gorbachev deserve the gratitude of us all. But nuclear disarmament and arms control are not matters exclusively for those great Powers that currently possess nuclear weapons. For if there is nuclear conflict, it is not just the peoples of the nuclear-weapon States who will suffer. The peoples of the world will be devastated. As the potential victims of nuclear catastrophe, the peoples of all nations have the right to demand real progress and the eventual elimination of nuclear weapons. They have the right to demand that the nuclear-arms race not take new forms, inclUding its spread into outer space. (he of the few things that has given the people of the world some confidence that nuclear catastrophe will not occur is that almost all the nations of the war Id have undertat,en not to acquire nuclear weapons. Australia considers the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear weapons, which enOraces that comitment, to be perhaps the single most important arms-control agreement inexistence. We consider its preservation to be of paramount importance to peace and security. we understand and have shared the frustrations many countries feel at the glacial pace of progress towards nuclear disarmament, but we do not believe that frustr.:ation is well served by bringing into question the Non-Proliferation Treaty itself. Does any nation really believe that its security or the safety of the world would be served by a world in which yet more States had nuclear weapons? Further nuclear proliferation would bring about an even more desperately dangerous world than the one we now inhabit. SO we appeal once more to those countries that have not yet become parties to the 'l'reaty to do so without delay. And, reme1\i)ering - as we always mugt - the terms of the compact that lies behind the Non-Proliferation ~reaty, in which the nuclear-weapon States undertook to negotiate nuclear disarmament in good fai th and at an early date, we appeal once again to those existing nuclear-weapon States to accelerate the progress they have been making towards the elimination of those weapons. The urgent conclusion of a cxuwprehensive test-ban treat~· to prohibit all nuclear tests by all States in all environments for all time would be a major barrier to the further refinement. of nuclear weapons, and it would be an addi tional obstacle to prospective proliferatOl's. I hope the AsseJl'bly will Q1ce more resoundingly call upon the Conference on Disarmament to resume work on its nuclear-testing item. The most innediate threat is posed by chemical weapons. The secretary-General, after careful investigation, has found repeated use of chemical weapons in the G1lf region. We condemn such use without qualification or equivooation. we are convlncad that the only solution to the increasing use and spread of these abhorrent weapons lies in the early conclusion by the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva of a ccmprehensive chemi.cal-weapons convention. Australia actively supports all practical measures to advance the negoHations for a convention and to prevent the further eroslonof international norms against the use of chemical weapons• .In this context the proposal for an international oonferenCf! on cheraiCAl weapons use, made last week in the Assenbly by President aeagan, bas the support of (Mr. Evans, AlIatraUa) the Austral ianGoYernment and, we hope, of all Memer Statea of the uni ted Nations. '1'0 give effect to that proposal we must seek to ensure that the international conference is open to participation by all States, is convened as soon as possible this year and is attended at a very high level. The conference must have la clearly defined central purpose: a declaration that chemical weapons must never be used and a colll!l!tment to br ing into existence a universal cheraical-veapons conventim, as currently being nelptiated in Geneva, wich would r id the wor Id of chemical weapons for all time. Qle of the clear messages to come from the th ird special session of the <;eneral AsseJlbly devoted to disarmament in June was that we all have a responsibility for disarmament. we caMot lay the blama for the state of the world only at the door of whose who p.)ssess nuclear arsenals. The quest for greater security through higher and higher levels of conventional arms is only too well kraown to us all. The International Conference on the Relationship between oisar_ment and Developraent provided ample evidence. It is a simple proposition that more arms do not equal greater secur ity. They feed the appetite of instability and the coffers of those who choase to supply arms at levels that are well beYOljd those needed for self-defence. The only way that peace and security will ulti_tely be guaranteed is by universal acceptance of the pr inciples of COIaOll aecur ity so well articulated by the Pal_ COIIIIItssion in 1982, the thrust of whose conclusions is that no country can guarantee its own security by threatening others and that real security is achieVed, not against other countrlee, but vi th thelIa While thefoundere of the Organization sw i_ediate issues of peace and security aB the p;oe111inent role of the united RatiORS, they also understood clea~ly·that the roots of many of the world's conflicts lay in poverty, 8uffering and abuses of human rights. Austrl'llia insists that human rights know no boundaries. Human rights must always be high al the Organiz&tion's agenda. The repulsive and contempti~le system of apartheid in SOuth Africa is the most serious instance of institutionalized abuse of human rights facing us today, and. we continue to urge the United Nations security C?uncil to adopt compreheneive mandatory economic sanctions as an effective meane of bringing aPl!lrtheid to a peaceful end. In the absence of such mandatory united Nations sanctions we have worked within the COIII1IOnwealth to develop an effective pattern of economic scmctions aiming particularly ~t the banking and financial system, as well as strategies to meet South Afr ican propagandz. and to strengthen the econolnic securi ty of the front-line States in meeting destabilization by South Africa. Australia also reoognizes that all oountries must be answerable to the nations of the world on these issues, and we are willing oursel\1es to answer to the nations of the world for Australian policies and actions. Every year sees an anniversary of one kind or another, but 1988 is, as I have already said, a special one for my country. Two hundred years ago :&Jropeans arrived to establish permanent settlement in Australia. Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islanders, of course, were there before U6. They are, in fact, cel~brating at this time not their bicentenary, but the.i.L"" bicentennial bicentenary - SOme 40,000 years of habitation on Australian 8011. All too many of the 200 years of European settlement have been, for our original Australians, years of disc~imination, cruelty and oppression. Australians today cannot reverse that history, but nor are today's Australians responsible for it. Our duty today is to acknowledge the truth of our history and to redress it. In the past 20 years significant progress has been made. Aboriginal and Islander Australians have the same legal and civil rights as other Australians. We &re taking special.1I8asures to accelerate access to services and to provide a basis for fur ther economic, social and legal advancement. We are seek ing to complete a compact or agreement with our ~boriginal people and Islanders, acknowledging their rightful place not only in the past of our ancient continent but in its present and future •. Although much has been done to improve the position of Aboriginal Australians, much remains to be done. We have undertaken to the descendants of our original inhabitants - and I repeat that undertaking to the United Nations - that we will leave undone noth Ing that can be done co ri ght th is gl:ea t wrong 0 f our past. Racial prejudice and discrimination hav~no place in any contemporary society and have none in my country today. OYer 20 years ago bipartisan agreement was achieved within Australia to bring to an end the abhorrent but long officially sanctioned racially restrictive immigration policy. I bring here now, on behalf of my Government" the solemn undertaking, recently confirmed by resolution of both Houses of our national Parliament, that never.'again shall we al.low race to be used as a criterion in the exercise of~ur sovereign Eight to decide who shall enter our That undertaking is made 'riot only as a reflection of deeply held :.. .' country. pr inciple but also because if Au~tralia were to' do otherwise we would'deserve the censure of the world. Australia shares with developing countr ies the conviction that the United Nations has a major role to play in the areas of international trade and developnent• We have a COflllnitment second to none to ensur ing the success of the Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations in the framework of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). That Round is a historic opportunity for the world to demonstrate conclusively its conmitment to the multilateral trading system and to forestall the fragmentation into hostile trading blocs that damaged us all in the 1930s. The potential benefits of liberalization are great and the need is urgent. Resul ts in key areas will be very important at the mid-term review of the Uruguay Round to be held at f-bntreal in December. Early results will enhance the confidence of the participants in the Round and establish a solid base for its ultimate success. As efficient producers of agricultural commodities, Australia and its fellow members of the Cairns Group of Fair Tradin') Nations in Agriculture have a common interest in promoting a more liberal trading system in agriculture. The benefits, however, can be far more widely shared. Recent research indicates that food importers would benefit from liberalization and the removal of distortions in internatiortal agricultural trade. The adoption of market-oriented agricultural policies in the industrialized countries lies at the heart of the agricultural trade reform issue. No~ are our interests confined to agricultural trade reforms. Australia strongly supports efforts to strengthen the GATT framework, secure a broad-based liberalization of trade and extend multilateral discipline into new areas such as services and intellectual-property rights. The Uruguay Round prOl1ides an opportunity for us all to tackle these persistent and ser ious problems, an opportunity that might not come again soon. The value of the United Nations is demonstrated most particularly when the Organization helps resolve problems which respect no national boundaries. One such (Mr. Evans, Australia) problem is· the environment, especially chimges to the world's climate. Australia and our island neighbours in the Pacific and Indian Oceans have already pointed to the potentially serious consequences of the warming of the Earth's atmospher~. The very existence of a number of our fellow countries in the ~rld is at stake. It is only by a total international commitment that we can protect ourselves, and we look to the General Assenblyto give a strooger focus to international measures for deal ing wi th this threat to our envieonment • The Antarctic Treaty is a good example of international oo~peration embracing environmental Ltnd disarmament concerns. It has grown from the original 12 signatories in 1959 to 38 with the accession in May of Canada. The disarmament provisions of the Antarctic Treaty ensure that the Territory is used only for peaceful purposes. The Treaty has promoted scientific research, environmental protection and conservation, has kept the continent free from international tensions, and deserves continuing support. This session of the General Assembly has oontl\enced on a note of high optimism not least because of the commitment of the United States to meet its financial obligations to the United Nations and to pay its arrears. Australia has always maintained that all Menber States must abide by their obligations to the Charter of the United Nations. All should pay their assessed contr ibution3 in full and on time, and Australia has always done so. The decision of the United states to meet its financial obligations should not give ril':le, however, to compbcency &bout the need for reform. M.1ch has been done to make the United Nations more efficient since the Group of 18 Intergovernmental Experts submitted its report on reform in 1986, but there is still nuch to be done, especially in implementing an improved budgetary process, ordering priorities and 8V9iding aUplication; (Mr. Evans, Australia) A strong, efficient Uni ted Nations is the best guarantee that the Oi:ganization will be. able to meet the new and differ.ent challenges it confr:~ta. It is only if .. '. the Uni~d Nations is strong and efficient that continued support can be guaranteed from ~e parliaments and the taxpayers of its Hemer States. This is especially the case at a time when new peace-keeping operations are likely to place mob greater burdens on us all. Australia will not shrink from its share of that burden now that the United Nations is succeeding in its pre-eminent role of peace-mmker and peace-keeper. We have contr ibuted personnel and financial resources to the peace-keeping force in the GulfJ we have committed funds for the rehabilitation of AfghanistanJ we have oomitted ourselves in principle to providing 300 personnel to United Nations transitlonal arrangements in Namibia. It is against that background - and with those credentials" I guess - that we urge the secretariat to ensure rigorous .economy in devel6ping its peace-keeping plans. The reform process should proceed at many levels. There is an urgent need for rationalization of the economic and social areas of the United Nations. The secretary-General must have greater flexibility in adjusting the human resources of the Organization to meet emerging priorities such as peace-keeping, human rights, drug-eontrol progrannes and the status of women. I began my remarks today by referring to Mr. Evatt. let me conclude the same way. Evatt was a towering figure in Australian life. Be was one of our greatest lawyers, IS judge of our High Court, Chief Justice of a State Supreme Court. He was Attorn"Y-General~ Foreign. Minister Md a Leader of the Opposition. He was a journalist and a writer - not always the same thing. For decades he was at the centre of political, social and economic change in our nation, often its iWst controversial figure. He was an ardent nationalisto (Mr. Evans q Australia) But to this ardent natiooalist nothing ~n his entire life's work was more important than this international organization here in New York. For all his many achievements and ti tles and honours, his nodest grave in our natiooal capital has inscribed on it only his name and the words APresident of the United Nations Assenbly 11. Evatt once described in his characteristically straightforward way what he saw as the objective of the United Nations. In 1948 he pleaded for GoI1ernments to keep faith with their peoples. They wanted, he said, !lnot very nucln just peace and justice and decent standards of living, for themselves perhaps, but mainly for their children." Those words are simple and modest. They remind us that this place does not belong to the powerful or the wealthy, that it does not exist for dipl'"'", -:; Oi: officials or statesmen. This Organization belongs to the ordinary men and women of our world. It was founded on a promise to those men and women that never again would their leaders bring upon them war, injustice and poverty. That promise has not to date been honoured. We have today a second chance, a chance to fulfil that 40-year-old promise to our peoples to bring them peace, justice and a decent standard of living. Let us get it r !ght this time. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanishh I propose now to suspend the meeting for five minutes. ,\ (Nr. Evans, MStralia) ~!...meeting was liuspended at 6.35 p.m. and resumed at 6.40 p.m.* Hr. IDPEZ Q)NTRmAS (Honduras) (interpretation from Spanish): Mr. President # I take especi~l pleasure in corweying to you my GoI7ernment's satistaction at the decision taken by this Assembly to place the representative of a recently restored dellDcracy in eharge of our deliberations. Tha~ decision is, without any doubt, based on recognition of your personal merit Cllnd of your professional skills. It is also an hQ'\our to your country, with which we are fraternally linked by bCX\ds of history and geography and by our comon identification with the ideals and principles underlying del'lOeracy. we are sure that, under your guidance, this Assembly will conduct its business in a manner which will ensure its ccmplete success. Similarly, I wish to expr ess to your predecessor, Mr. Peter H. Flor in, our congratulations on the sOlmd, intelligent and constructive manner in which he conducted the business of the last session of the Assembly. Over the last few months, mankind has witnessed· at first with disbelief and, later, with mounting hope - the way in which a number of the cr ises from which the world had been suffering seemed to be nearing a solution, thanks to a ClOsmination of new circumstances. The conflicts in the Persian Gulf, Afghanistan, X_puchea, cyprus, Western Sahara and southern Africa ap~ar to be moving towards a negotiated solutiono Among the circumstances which have helped restore faith in the ability of human beings to resolve their differences in a peaceful "!Ianner, mention must ~e made, on the one hand, of the detente in t.'1e relatioi'ls between the super-Powers ~,- resulting from a realistic and positive dialogue between the Unit".ed States of America and the Soviet Union and f on the other, to t:.'le role played by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javie~ Perez de Cuellar, in his quest ior negotiated .. settlements to those calflicts. His prudence, diplol1Btic tact and amply &monstrated perseverance are factors of fundamental importance which now allow. us to glimp;e a process of peace in various regions sUffering from conflicts. I wish to offer to the Secretary-General our gratitude for his e4d:raordinary hard \.,ork for peace and also our encouragement to him in his efforts. My Government reiterates its fait.lot in, and support for, the purposes and principles of the United Nations, compliance with which is the best guarantee of the maintenance of international peace and seour ity and also the best means of promoting the economic and social progress of all PeOples. My Government wishes also to place on record its concern oveI' the financial straits in which the Organization finds itself, \\bich prevents it from fully meeting its objectives. The financial er: is is oontinues to threaten the Organiza t:l.on nowi tr'lstanding the efforts made by the secretary-General to implement the reooli1l\endations of the Group of Eighteen. we share the joy that is felt over the progress made in the negotia tions wi th a view to the elimination of the spectre of a nuclear confrontation. The success achieved by the United St:&tes and the SO\;'iet union in agreeing on a treaty which means that, for the first time, there will be an actual reduction of nuclaar delivery systems, is a step we all applaud. We trust that the signing of the Treaty on the Elb:lination of Intermediate-Ranga and Shortei:-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty - will be a prelude to new agreements eliminating for el7er the l:.hreat of a nuclear holocaust and inaugurating a new era of understanding, peace and prosperity for all. (Hr. Iopez Caltreras, Honduras) The cessation of hostilities between Iran and Iraq and the start of negotiations between the parties is also a source of pride for our Organization. In keeping with the principle that all disputes can and must be resolved by peaceful means, we encouraqe those States that have suffered so terribly from the Slcourge of war to renew their efforts to find a peaceful, just and lasting solution to their disputes. We wish to stress the importance for world peace of the complete and final withdrawal of foreign troops from Afghan territory. It is to be hoped that this process will lead to reoonci:'ia tion for the Afghan people and to the exercise of its right to self-determination. We are likewise encouraged by the talks taking place in Geneva with the participation of the Governments of Angola, Cuba, the United States of America and South Africa with a view to creating conditions that would enable Namibia to achieve independence and thus reduce tensions in that part of the world. We view with enthusiasm the positive turn taken by events in western sahara, where agreements are now beginning to emerge wich, it is hoped, will lead to a settlement between the parties to the conflict. In this respect, the resumption of dipl~matic relations between Algeria and Morocco has been' a constructive factor. Regrettably the spirit of conciliation has not spread to other delicate situations in the world, such as the case of Kampuchea, where lack of agreement has prevented the withdrawal of occupation troops \lnder international supervision. None the less, we are confident that the efforts of the Association of SOuth-East Asian Nations will bear fruit in the near future. Honduras wishes to express once again its sincere hope that the Argentine Republic t.lnd the United Kingdom will resolve their dispute over the Malvinas Islands through negotiation. (Mr. Iopez Cootreras, Honduras) We exhort the countries of the Middle East to put forth their best efforts to find a lasting solution to their dispute. The agreements arrived at by Bgypt and r Israel are proof that the determination to promte peace, even in a region which has been a witness to bloody and prolonged conflicts, can bear fruit. (Mr. Iopez Contr er as, Hondur as) In this respect, Honduras endorses the holding of an international peace conference on the Middle East. My delegation reitetates its view that the question of Korea must be resolved peacefully through dialogue and necptiations between South Korea and North Korea. Faithful to the pr inciple of universality for this Organization, we reaffirm our belief that it: is essential for all nations that endorse the principles of the San Francisco Charter to bela\g to the united Nations. My country wishes to emIilasize its repudiation of all policies of discrimination, in particular the policy of ~"!i..2, which the Q)vernment of South Africa continues to apply. One of the problems that nrt Government views with mounting concern is th,:at of t.'. illegal prociJction of, trafficking in and consumption of narcotics. Honduras, as is the case of other neighbouring States in Central America and the CiJ.I::~1)bean, by the mere fact of its geographical si tuation, equidistant from drug-p;";:C'llcing and drug-consuming countries, feels threatened by the continuing attempts to use its territory as a bridge for drug trafficking. We wish to place on record our resolute support for the struggle against the soourge of drugs and our determination to participate in the new international efforts to halt the illegal narootics traffic, as we have in the past. In the sphere of internatiOnal oo-operation for the solution of economic, social, cultural and humanitarian problems, we wish to acknowledge once again the work done by the Organization, particularly through the tJnited Nations Developnent Programme. we fully share the concern expressed in this Assellbly by the president of Ven.ezuela, Mr. Jaime ~sinchi, who said that the need to overcome the problem of external indebte.&1ess is attainment ·of social development. The GoYernment of Honduras takes great pleasure in the decision by the united Nations Children 's ~nd (UNICEF) to establish in 'l'egucigalpa a regional office that will make it possible to deal more effectively and efficiently with the important progranmes it is implementing in the Central American isthmus. we also welcome the presentation at this session of the Secretary-General's report on co-operation between the United Nations and the Organization of i\merican States. The fact that both organizations pursue the same objectives dictates the .need for a oonmon endeavour. Our initiative, adopted lest year, calling for closer and more productive co-operation betweeil the United Nations an~ th-a Organization of Amer lean Statea was des igned to ach iave th is goal. Qle of the organs of the United Nations system whose work in the Central Amer iean area deserves special emphasis is the Offic!! of the United Nations High ~ commissiooer for Refugees (UNHCR). The Central Amelric:an crisis, which is characterized by domestic crises in SOIl'd! of the countries of the region, has resulted in the international displacement of hundreds of thousands of people seeking secur!t? Hooduras shares borders with the three countries in the region in which civil wars or internal armed conflicts have taken place and have led to massive flats of refugees. Honduras extends protection in its territory at the present time to approximately 45~OOO refugees - Nicaraguans, Balvadorians and, to a lesser extent, Guatemalans - in camps which receive assistance from UNHCR. '1b that number we must add about 200,000 citizens from those cr~untries tmo have entered Hmduras since 1979 and are living widely scattered over our national territory, in many cases lacking proper cbcumentation. For Cl small country such as Hoodur.as, which is stru9gling with great determination and self-sacrifice to emerge from underdevelopment, the entry of so many refugees into its territory imposes cs burden that exceeds its ~pabiUties. In this respect, it is essential to find a permanent solution to the ptcblem of the placement of those refugees, whether by facilitating their repatriation, \oIbich l'?ecessarUy requires a successful effort at democratization and domestic reconciliation in the countr ies concerned, or by their relocation in third countries. I wish to pay a well-deserved ,tt ibute to UMHCR for its difficult and mer itorious work in connection with the mater lal care of Central American refugees and in facilitating their voluntary repatriation. !t is wortheqmaslzing that in May 1989 an international conference on Central Americlin refugees '1111 be held in Guatemla, with the participttion of Mexico and the support: of the Office of the United Nations High COI1IIlissioner for Re fugees, in order to find pl'3ctical soll.1 tions to the l-_oblems of the re~tr lation of Central hner lean refugees. we hope that the international ClOl8lu!'ait'}', whic:h has so often expressed its interest in helping resolve Central American prcblems, will play an effective part in this international endeavour, which is of v-ita.l importance to our countries. Last yeu the General AsseJ'lbly adopted resolutions 42/1 and 42/204, calling urgently for the preparation of 3 special plan of eCClnolllic oo~per&tion for Central ~erica. The secretary-General has already submitted to the Assembly, in document A/4.2/949, the special plan draWn up with the assistance of the ~ited Nations Developttent Progra1'lllle and the Economic COlllliss~on for Latin J\mer iea end the Caribbean, in close co-ordination with the Central ~:I1erican Gc:Nernmonts and Central American regional institutions•. This plan had th~ support of all the MeaP~rs of the Assenbly, whicb made it possible for the GalTern.ing Council of th~ O'1ited Nations Davelopaent Progra-e, at a later date, to allocate. special funds for the .. pr01llOticm, co-ordinatioo, implelll~tation and foll~W-Up of the plen and· th~ attainlllent of its objectiv~. Honduras is a sllSll c:owtry situated in the heart of Cei\,tral America, between the Atlantic and the Pacific O::eans, and sharing a c:onmon bcxder with El salvador, Guate_la and Nicaragua. Honduras pursueD two fWld&mental objectives in its foreign policy~ strengthening the democratic regiMe chosen by Hcnwrans as their way of life 81..,d gO'lernaent, and guar..teeing our citizens access to better levels of well-being. A baoic prerequisite for the attain.nt of these objectives is a peaceful, stable and secure environment in tbeCentral ~.merican isthmus, for which we haYe, been struggling vigorously. Our fo~~ign policy is pursued in compliance with the norms and pr inciples of interraationa'l 1&", 'in particular, the peaceful settlement of disputes, fulfilment in good faith of co_it:llents entered into, respect for the right of peoples to self-deterllination, and the promtion and protection ,of human rights. These are the objectives "hidl Ill' (bveri1ilent has sou<ght to achieve, notwithstanding the crisis which has afflicted the region since tbelatter part of. the last decade. 1'hat is why we hue taken an acti~e put in the negotiations sponsored by the Contadcxa Group and i tB sup.~rt Group, and 1&ter in connection "i th the , , Esquipulas 11 agree_nts. /' Esquipulas 11 is to a gi:eat extent a response to the regional crisis, in that it establishes a procedure agref!d upon by the five Governments of the area aimed at the return of internal normalcy in the. countries that have endured civil war and the strengthening of the democratic: system of government. It should be recalled that on 16 OCtober 1987 the General Assenbly adopted resOlution 42/1, voicing its most resolute support for the Esquipulas process. In tha t resolu tion the Assenbly renewed its support for a negotiatP.d solution to the cr isis, a support it has demonstrated since 1983. Honduras has fulfilled the obligations deE'iving from that process, including the deposit of the basic instrument of the Central American parliament. However, it is impossible to overlook the fact that the particular situation of these ClOunU iee that are experiencing internal armed confl ict is a determining factor in the regional er isis. Hon&i.tras acknowledges the difficulties that have arisen at the negotiatiil9 table Qling to the complexity of the si tuation. In certain cases, the armed opposition has sought objectives quite contrary to democratic principles. But in other cases it is p~ecisely the lack of will Q'l the part of the authorities that has pr9Yoked a deadlock in the dialogue between the Governments and the opposition I f forces. ':l ~ -. " That internal lack of will is also renected in foreign policy. Indeed, the l~er'~~t of Nl.carag~, ~ich together with the other Central American Governments ! ! ./! '" '. .,. .' , :s~9n;etl t~e Esq'ulpulas 11 Plgreements, has obsessively engaged in international . . ,}.~tionsthatare DUtually incompatible. -.~ I Haumras has underlined th.at incompatlbUity both in this Assembly and in . . other· bodies in order that the historical record will show that regional efforts to bring about peace have been adversely &ffected by the attitude of the Nicaragu& Government. (Hr .. IDpez Contreras, Honduras) I refer to the legal proceedings brought by Nicaragua against Hmduras in the International Court of Justice on the very same matter that is being dealt with in the regional poll tical process. That incompatibili ty between legal recourse and the political pcocedure of Esquipulas 11 has emptied the latter process of its substance, thus thwarting the peace inl tiative of President Arias, endangering the plan for special economic co-operation for Central Amer iea adopted by the United Nations and eYen jeopardizing the co-operation between the European Economic 'Conmunity and Central America - all efforts fully supported by RQ'\duras. In July 1986 the Sandinlst Gwernment brought suit against HQ'\duras and Costa Rica before the International Court of Justice for reasQ'\s it would be irrelevant to mention here since what is of importance is to save Esquipulas 11. RQ'\wras and Costa Rica, on the basis of applicable law, argued that the International Court of Justice lacked jur isdiction, both GoI1ernments emphasizing that they could not continue negotiating while the suit initiated by Nicaragua was still pending. On the basis of this er iter ion, upon signing the ·Prooadure for the establishment of a firm and lasting peace in Central America- - Esquipulas II - Nicaragua withdrew the action against Costa Rica and promised to withdraw it-Cl suit against Honduras, Cl c:ommitl!!ent it has not yet fulfilled. . On the contrary, the 8andinist: Government, violating the pr inciple of good faith, sought to use its law suit as an element of pressure on Eequipulas II. In view of this sandiniat stubbornness, and with the purpose of freeing illplementation of EStJuipulas 11 from the interference of the judicial procedure, HCIlduras requested the International Court of Justice to hold the oral phase on the question of jurisdiction, which took place in June this year. The Court's lack of jurisdiction in this case was firmly demonstrated before the Court by Honduras. The Q)vernment of Nicaragua has used the judicial proceedings in the International Court of Justice as a means of diversion, apparently wi th the purpose of justifying its lack of compliance with its own conmitmt:lnts in regard to national reconcilation, democratization and repatriation of the million Nicaraguan refugees - one third of the Nicaraguan population - which are now scattered around the world. The negotiations between the Government of Nicaragua and the Nicaraguan resistance undertaken in sapoa, Nicaragua, are unmistakable proof that the case brought against Honduras beloogs to what in the practice of the Court is known as ·ongoing or fluid situations" and is therefore not appropriate for judicial decision. Evidence produced in connection with these cases is intr insica11y inappropr iace and unsuitable for consideraHon by the Court. During the negotiations held by the 8andinist Government and the Nicaraguan resistance in the town of sapoa, Nicaragua, both parties reached agreements in principle on security matters. Those agreements assumed the character of an internatiooal treaty, since the Secretary-General of the Organization of American States and representatives of the Catholic Church took part in the negotiations as r qualified witnesses. The signing of the final document of sapoa on 23 March this year was a ttended by Nicaraguan Pres ident Daniel Or tega himself •* It is worthy of speci ' mential that in that sapoa agreement the parties to the conflict solemnly agreed to suspend military operations of an offensive * Mr. Dlamini (Swaziland), Vice-President, took the Chait. character throughout the national terri tory - I repeat, to suspend military operations of an offensive character throughout the national territory. It is very difficult to reconcile this carefully chosen languag(;! wi th the accusations levelled by Nicaragua against Hon<l.u~as to the effect: that Honduras is hosting and. supporting armed groups that supposedly carry out offensive actions from the frontier zohe against the Government of NicaragUa. The reality is that the Nicaraguan resistance has never been recognized by my Government and its limited and sporadic presence in the Honduran frontier zones has been a de facto si tuation similar to wha t happened in the past wi th the Sandinistas, who also used our territory as a sanctuary in their fight against the Somoza regime. I consider it essential to emphasize that in the same sapoa agreement, the S?~dinista Government and the Nicaraguan resistance defined territorial enclaves within Nicaragua that add up to 20,000 square kilometres, almost the size of the ~public of El salvador, where the resistance should concentrate wi thout laying down their weapons until an agreement on a definitive cease-fire had been reached. It was also stipulated that the Nicaraguan resistance could receive foreign humanitarian assistance. It is a well-known fact that the sandinist Government has deliberately delayed the negotiations on these points. In the light of these facts, the continuation of Nicaragua's suit against Honduras is totally absurd. It is the sandinist Government, not the Government of Honduras, that recognizes the rebel army in i.ts status as a belligerent organizati.on with a territor ial base, with the capaci ty to negotiate on an equal footing wi th the Government of its country. It is the Sandinist Government tha t negotiates and defines territor ial enclaves, acknowledging the armed presence of irregular forces inside its own territory. It is the Sandinist Government that has agreed, as a matter of principleg to the delivery of foreign humanitarian aid to its armed opposition within the territorial enclaves inside Nicaragua. But the most absurd aspect of this hullabaloo is that the sandinist Government, which calls on the Government of Honduras to prevent the use of its territory by the Nicaraguan resistance, defined at sapoa three territorial enclaves, with an area of 8,000 square kilometres and a length of about 230 kilometres adjacent to Honduran territory. The sapoa Agreement is the most eloquent testimony to the international conduct of the Sandinist Government, which, while calling for an international commission of inspection to verify the non-use by armed groups of territories adjacent to its two land frontiers, promotes conditions in which the Nicaraguan resistance can make use of Honduran frontier zones. By denying foreign humanitarian assistance, it inevitably compels the rebel army to infiltrate Honduran territory out of the sheer will to survive. How can Nicaragua dare thus to accuse Honduras, when its own nationals are crossing into Honduran territory to escape extermination? Was it not the Sandinist Government itself that agreed at sapoa to have three enclaves right up against the . Honduran border where the Nicaraguan'resistance was to concentrate? How is it possible to reconcile, from the point of view of logic and pOlitical ethics, the (Mr. Lopez Contreras, Honduras) contradictory and irresponsible use of inoompattble international procedures? Is it not clear that this is a political manoeuvre to serve the destructive domestic and international purposes of the Sandinist Government? The de11iOcratic and constitutional Government of President Jose Azcona has fulfilled all the obligations of Esquipulas II and has fundamentally met the obligation to maintain domestic peace. It has even established a national commission for reconciliation, though since 1957 Honduras has fulfilled the . cons~~tutional mandate to form governments of national conciliation. Lastly, it has approved, ratified and deposited the constituent instrument of the Central Amer iean par Hament, also provided for in Esquipulas 11. Given the disruptive elements that characterize and have caused the crisis in Central Arner iea - in particular the desire for political and military hegellOny of a super-Power alien to the American ccntinent t and the resistance prOl701ced by such ambitions - it is essential that this problem have an international and global solution. In this forum my Government endorses the proposal we submitted on 12 November last year in the General Assembly of the Organization of American States, and in that respect. urges the secretary-General.of the United Nations to work cowards the establishment ~f an international peace force consisting of units from Canada, Spain and the Federal Republic of Germany, to be stationed along the frontiers between Honduras, El salvador and Nicaragua to guarantee that Honduran frontier territory is not used by the armed insurgents in those countries. (Hr. Iopez Contreras, Hon~'!!.!!) Honduras has frontiers with the two Central Arnerican countries in which several wars are now going on. Those internal ronflicts are being fed by the two hegemonistic super-Powers. How can the Government of Honduras be compelled to disband the armed insurgent movements of Nicaragua and El Salvador when that would mean bringing Honduras into confronta tion with the policies of those super-Power s? On what grounds is an attempt being made to impose on Honduras an obligation to resolve the security problems of neighbouring States? It is a universally recognized truth that the Central American crisis is a problem of a complex international character. Consequently, it is for the international community to bear its resfOnsibilities for the maintenance of regional peace and security wi thout excluding an interna tional peace-keeping force. That force, through inspection and enforcement actions where necessary, would guarantee 'the non-use of Honduran frontier territory by Salvadoran and Nicar aquan rebels. However, it should be recalled that the Esquipulas 11 procedure was designed for the purpose of resolving not just the problem of Nicaraguan security, but also that of putting an end to the subversion, financed by foreign sources, of which El Sa lvador is a vic tim. It is equally imfOrtant to prevent the traffick ing of weapons to the Salvadoran insurgents, just as it is important to prevent the use of Honduran frontier territory as a sanctuary by Nicaraguan and Salvadoran rebels. For that reason the in terna tional peace-keeping force should 10ca te these combatants far from Honduran border s, in Nicaraguan and Salvadoran ter r itor ies. Their relocation in third countries should be carried out from sites in Costa Rica (Mr. Lopez Contreras, Honduras) and Guatelll!la, whose Governments have declu-ed themselves neutral, a declaration apparently not challenged by the Governments of Nicaragua and El salvacbr. In parallal, the secretary-General, through appropriate international machinery, would make the neceesary arrangements to prevent new flows of refugees into Honduras and t;.:.~td prOllptly repatriate thooa already in its territory or relocate thelil in third States. The people and Q)vernment of Honduras cannot go on bearing the burden which has weighed down 00 them for nine years, a burden caused ~y the presence of tens of thousands of cenual American refugees. we have thoroughly met our humanitarian quota, and it is unreasonable to expect us to make even more sacrifices detrimental to our eoono~c and social develo~ent and our ecological equilibrium. In order that this plan _y be carried out successfully, it is essential that the prooass of Central American normalization be liberated from /'tny interference th&t might have a harmful effect 01\ it - for example, InCClG\lpatible international procedures • In impleJlleilting "this initiative, it would be appropriate for the secretary-General to call en whatever parties were necessary to overcome interference preventing the finding of a solution to the Central American crisis. For example, thought .mould be given to the holding of negotiations between the two euper-Powers, on the one hand, and the five Central ~eric:an countries, on the otbSIt' - and also the united States of America and Nicaragua, when the parties deem it appropriate, as we suggested last flovel1ber in the General Assembly of the Organization of ARericGn States. (Nr. Iopez Contreras, Honduras) SUch a global approach would guarantee parallel co-operation between all the parties concerned and would make it possible to take up the subject of security" focusing on the restoration of the balance of forces, which has not so far been dealt with effectively. The problem of security is of particular importcince, in view of the irrational arms race upon which the Sandinist Gcwernment has enOm=ked, having set itself the goal of recruiting hundreds of thousands of military personnel and having recently emphasized that the size of the Sandinist army -is not subject to any type of negotiation-. This incomprehensible attitude is in sharp contrast to the agreement recently reached by the super-Powers to dismantle intermediate nuclear forces. The establishment of an international peace-keeping force as proposed by Hondur~, and the adoption of the complementary measures which I halle submitted to the Secretary-General for his consideration, would reinvigorate the peace-mak ing impetus of Esquipulas 11, which now seems to be in jeopardy. The establishment of stable, lasting peace in Central America depends on whether the sandinist Government meets its obligatial to allow the Nicaraguan people to choose its own destiny, without imposing its will in such a way as to prolalg the people's suffering yet further, so that delll)cracy, justice, freedom and peace maybe achieved. In the same spir it" my country rf terates its unswerving respect for the norms of international law, particulady those relating to the peaceful settlement of disputes through the procedures set out in the United Nations Charter and the charter of the ~ganizatton.of American states. ~n conclusion, the Government and people of Honduras are delighted by the award of the Ncbel Peace Prhe to the O1i ted Nations peace-keeping forces, on whl ch (Hr. Iopez Contreras, Honouas) we congratulate the secr.etary-General. It is a well-deserved recoqni tion of a job well done throughout may years of selfless dedication and sacrifice. Mr. TILLET~ (Belize): I bring greetings from the people and Government of Belize. I take this opportunity to congratulate Hr. Dante Caputo of Argentina on his election to the high post of President of the General Assellbly. I am confident that he brings with him the e2q2ertise and energy for which he is well known and I wish him a most successful presidency, of which he and his great' state, Argentina, may be proud. It would, hOlitevel', be remiss of me to fail to recognize the great contribution to the process of the presidency made by my colleague and friend, Dame Nita Barrow of Barbados, and to wish her p too, success in her continuing illustr 10us career. It is my sad duty to inform the Assenbly that the Foreign Minister of Belize, Hr. Dean Barrow, is unable to take his place at this rostrum owing to ser 10us illness in his family. Only something of such critical importance could keep him away. Be sends his greetings to all his mlleagues, with the following message: liThe forty-third session of the United Nations General Assenbly has opened in an atmosphere of almost unbr idled optimism. Since last we met favourable del.'elopments in international relations have occurred wi th a speed that has confounded the naysayers. we have been witness to the de-escalation of seveIal of the consuming conflicts that earlier blighted the global agenda. And we have evan seen the possible beginning of the end of the madness that is nuclear stockpllingo "We may be forgiven, then, if our speeches at times depart from the usual sententious rhetoric to strike an occasional high note of celebration. For we are enjoying a victory of setts, and that victory is nothing less than the (Mr. Iopez Contreras, Honduras) triumph of multilateralism, the revalidation of the united Nations system, and the vindication in the contemporary era of the historical vision of our founding fathers. AI think it is pl!rticularly fitting that the assignment of superintending this exciting excursion into new avenues of international collaboration, should fall on the capable shoulders of one of Latin Amer ica 's g:..ants - a son of Argentina. I congratula te you, Mr. President, at .your election to this high office, co~lfident that your authodty and capacity are nonpareil. My delegation wishes you well as you ellbark on a difficult but rewarding task. The burden of your duties will surely be eased appreciably by the fact that another eminent son of Latin America, in the person of our esteemed Secretary-General, Javier Perez de Cuellar, will be at your side. -The secretary-General has now seen mch of wat he has str iven for become reality. I congratulate him on his patience, his persistence and his success. -Often the sacrifices and h&d work of Under-Secretaries-General go unremal'ked in the bureaucratic profusiat that is the Uni ted Nations. My delegation seeks the Assembly's indulgence to record our appreciation of the under-Secretary-General for General Assenbly Affairs and his staff. They efficiently serviced the last General A3semb1y and its resumed sessions, as well as the third special sll!ssion on disarmament. -That there has been a significant reduction in regional and internationl tensions over the past year is undoubted. Greater communication has been established between the super-Powers, the global col'll1lunity is reating, a little easier, and the dream of universal peace has taken new wing. MJ.ch of the credit for this breakthrough can be claimed by the Organization., Burdened by (Mr. Tillett, ~!:.!!!) notions of their national interests and misguided by the concept of bipolarity, the United States and the Soviet Union would not have reached their current degree of rapprochement wi thout the atmosphere Cl'eated by the United Nations. It is as much to the appeals and pressure of peace-loving Member States as to their own enlightenment that the super-Powers owe the present, unpr.ecedented level of detente. "My Government congratulates the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the pod tive first step they have taken to recbce the balance of terror. By agreeing to the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty _ they have signalled some small acknowledgement of the cry of the world COlmlunity, which rejects being held hostage to the possibility of nuclear annihilation. "At the same time, the point has been fairly made that, if the super-Powers had the capacity to destroy the world SO times over, the achievement of a Treaty that merely cuts that albility in half, so that they are now able to d-:::t~oy the world only 25 times over, is more syrrbolic than real. (Hr. Tillett, Bel ize) -we. therefo~e encourage the super-Powers to continue their dialogue, recognizing their responsibility not· to let an illusion of peace replace the l'eality of Peace. Our world will be a better place if the strongest among us find ways to oo-opera~ wit;l\ each other and accept that their best security lies not in the quantity'of their arms but in the quality of their trust. Both their peoples and our.pecp~"e5wouldbenefit from the reduction of the stupendous military bud96t8, vi tb· SOIle of the savings beinC) designated for the poorest and most infirm among us. -Most countries, and particularly those in our region, Latin America and the Caribbean, have come to realize that the problei1lS of peace and development are indissol\lbly linked, since without peace there can be no development and w1 thout development peace will always be precarious. -My GovernJllent congratulates our neighbouring Central American republics on the path to peace and development they have undertaken wi th the signing of the Esqulpulas 11 agreement. We note, though, that the road has not been cs straight one. ThereseenlS to have been a sapping of the political wUl that led to the regional agreement. Stasis has set in and there may even have been some .slippage. We therefore urge Central America to recover the energy that will allow it to find a lasting and indigenous solution to a complex problem. 'At' the SBme time we CBll on external interests to refrSlin from further jeopardizing the pe:'ospects of peace"'by attempting to transform essentially local difficulties iato dimenslonG of BaatoaWest rivalry. We urge all Helllbel' States of the United Nations to abi.de by the Charter principlesl IIOst particul~rly the principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of States 0 A scru()Uloos regard foE' these norlllS of international behaviour will ensure· the-continuation of the regicnal process leading to peace, social bette~_nt, economic developmen't and security. -For its part the GcwernIHnt of Belize supports the right of all States, inc1 uding the Republics of Panarla and Nicaregua, to choose their OIIn leader s and to fashion their own political, 8o~ial and economic systellB free from threats or pressures. This is one a_11 way in which we think we can contr ibute to the process of regional.respect and reconciliation. -Another contribution to peace in Central America is Belizela often-stated willingness to remove itself frOftl the eejenda of conflict in the region. In this effort we reiterate our ~ppreciation to Member States for their continued support for Belizels independence, sovereignty and territorial integf ity. Their interest and active ..rticipation in prollOting the rights of the Belizean people continue to be a source of strength to us. -It is a measure of the maturity of that c~untry that the civilian administration of the Republic of Guate~la has agreed to join with us in a search for a solution to the difflcultie~ that have prevented our two States from the full enjoyment of norllal relations as independent neighbours .. -My Gover.-ent is pleal!ed to report that some progress hu been made during the past few MOnthS. A perManent Joint' Commission COMprising . representatives of Belize and the Rl!tpubUc of Gu..~mala, with the additional participi!ition of representatives of the United Kingdoll, hee bean established. This Co_ission is charged with the p£eparation of a CX)~rehensive draft of a treaty designed to resolve definitively the situation between Belize and GUateula. -All sides have ellbarked on this exerciae in good faith, in an effort to .• r arrive at a just and hcnoul'able8~lution'~ccep~~le to all the interested parties. Since people-participation is a fundamental pillar of Belize's dellOcr~lC:y, whatever treaty is prcx1uced must be endorsed by the Belizean pet)ple in a general referendulI beforG it can be considered to have. been accepted. ·Our country aaintains warm and friendly relations with all our l'ieigbbours in Central America, and our people would welcome Cl formula that would en~le Belize and Qlatemala not only to coexist in geographic contiguity but also to co-operate in human harllORY. "We continue to confront the challenges inherent 'in out reality as a Caribbean State on the Central American isthmus and we are encour~ged by the recognition by the United Nations system that Belize is possessed of. a dual heritage that entitles it to maintain both its Caribbean and its Centtal American identity. "It waG therefore with a aenee of special status that Belize took part in the dialogue of Latin AlAerlca and Caribbean Forei9l' Ministers ini tiate~ ~Y the Latin _ar lean Economic System and held in Caracms in SeptelllbeI'. We fully endorse the conclusions frOlll the dialogue and propose to participate actively in furth,r efforts to strengthen Latin American and Caribbean unity• .~ . ~'.- - '... ': . .:' ," ~ ... . ·OUr region, in CCllUlOn with most of the developing world, continues to ..... face a serious economic crisis that takes its toll of the quality of life 01-· our peoples, creating' conditions ripe for the political lnstmility and 80ciS',1 tensions that are anathem to the consolidation of dClIlOcracy. , "The persisting e2tt~nal,iJllbal~~o8that·characterize the international economy a~ present give rise to the inevitability of chronic dillinishing returns for pdllUY producing and debtor countries, bowever valiant their effor~ at greater prod~ction and timely debt servicing. - -. ...~.. -. awe note that although real growth in the seven major industrial countries averaged 3.1 per cent in the year just past as against 2.8 per cent in 1986, the pattern of performance in developing countries was different. The rate of output growth in developing countr ies as a group was in fact one percentage point below the 1986 level. -For many deVeloping countr iee the debt problem remained a er itical issue. The need to remain current on debt-service payments and thus retain some level of credi twor th iness was reflected in restr ictive fiscal and 1IlOOetary policies that served to limit growth rates. Faced with the need to imprOl7e external accounts, indebted countr ies have had to increase savings relative to investment or reduce imestment rela tive to savings, in both cases impacting adversely on the capacity creation for future growth. Approaches to a solution to the debt p:oblem have caltinued to focus on the case-by-case option, despite widespread recognition of the multilateral and interdependent nature of the situation. Efforts to reliwe the debt burden arising from loans extended by cOJllllercial banks have been complicated by the increasingly hard line taken by bank regulatocs in re1aticx\ to prcwisioo for inadequately performing loans. .... ~ .0 -'!b create the conditions for the era of developnent that ought to accompany the onset of Peace, hard decisions will be required to eliminate the main SOIll'Oi!S of imbalance between the larger inclJstr ialized countr ies on the ale ha.nd and between debtor: developing countries and creditor developed countr iea on the other. Un~ess the he&vnyindebted developing countr iea can be assisted to grow out of their present situation, the likelihood of voluntary or involuntary suspension of debt servicing and consequential social and political instability will only increa$e, making nonsense of the notion of peace in our time. "While not itself imunine to the vicissitudes of the international . , economil situat;ion,.:. Belize h!ls reoordedmodest grOtlth in real terms over the past year. wehave'Managed to restructure ou~ debt burden to service it more effectively. Flows Of private and public investment have increased to facilitate infraatructural development and growth in the agriculture an~ tourism sectors. Under certain preferential arrangements there has been a favou!'able trading environment for our comnodity exports, and an emphasis on diversification into other areas of actiVity has compensated eomewhat for the fall in revenue resulting from the depressed prices on the in ternational sugar market. (Mr. Tillett, Belize) IIIIn keeping wi th my Government's policy of prOl'liding the ecooomic and social infrastructure to facilitate pr: ivate-sector economic developmant and prcwide jobs for our people, we have eni>arked on a nullber of large development projects. These include rehabUitation and extension of the main runway and construction of a new terminal building at the international airport; expansio~ of power generation and distribution c:a~city in the electricity company, together wi tit feasibility assessments for mini-hydro installations around the countrYi acquisition of. international telephone services from a foreign c:aepany; construction of a new public hosp! tal for the country; rehabilitation and expansion of the main highway network, prOl1ision of credits for pr ivate-sector projects ~ and a nunber of smaller projects and initiaUves to improve the quality of life in general. ·Belize continues to rely on the performance of its people in the management and direction of the economy; but we also work for imprOl1ement with the assistance and support of international development and financial organizations as well as the assistance of a number of friendly countries. These inclUde, but are not limited to, the united States, Canada, the united Kingdom and Mexico. ·We hope to expand the roster of our Fertnars in developnent by demonstrating our capacity and our maturity in ordering our development priorities. At the same time, we consider it necessary to reject the tendency of some dmor countries and international agencies to attempt to dictate the developnent process of recipient States. That practice has led to misplaced priorities in the social and economic programmes of several developing countries, priorities inconsiutent with the basic human needs of our peoples. My delegation is of the view that donors need to adopt a degree of sensitivity to this situation. That would allow recipient countr iea to set their own agenda based on the reality of their individual experiences. "'.ft) allay the concerns of those who fear the spectre of misappropr iation of aid money, mechanisms for propei." co-ordination and accountability surely can be devised. A comprehensive needs assessment of the targeted sectors within the recipient cOm\tries ought to be made in consultation with the beneficiary country. To involve local author ities in the planning stage ensures that account is taken of the peculiarities of indigenous bureaucratic and co-ordinating machinery, and so guarantees implementeltion of projects for the benefit of the greatest nunber. "It is in that context that Belize welcomes the initiative of the Office of the tl'l1ted Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the United Nations Developnent Prograltll\e's plan for economic co-operation for Central America. Belize was originally excluded on the ground thet it was not part of Historic Central America. But as the Haitian prOl7erb puts it, 'The pencil of God has no eraser'. And we are happy ~outBelize's belated inclusion in the plan, thereby reconciling the notion of Historic Central America with the simple fact of geography. "Belize has considered and submitted some project profiles aimed at assisting us to redress the economic and social problems occurr ing as a oonsequence of the influx of refugees from situations of conflict in the region. Th~e projects respond to real needs and are intended to assist in the machinery of relocation as well as .to benefit the individual refugees and the communities in which they have been integrated. "We stand ready to work wi th the agencies concerned to make sure that the ", projects are carried ,out to the:optimum benefit of',the target group. At the . ':. " same time, we joip";~n"the:appeal' to, pot~ntial donors', that hav,e not yet done so .' ., '.' ," " .\ ., to coIllllit the nece'ssaryreserves\ to make this humanitarian' init.i~tive an early reality. i . \ "My Government joins in the conmendation already expressed to the Soviet Uraion on its decision ,to wfthdraw its troops from Afghanistan. We urg,e the Soviet Union to let nothing deter it from this decision, nor to delay'its fulfilment. "The people of Afghanistan have suffered long enough and their development has been significantly retarded by the presence of foreign troops on their soil. Our hope is that the absence of those troops will create the climate for the return to a genuinely independent and non-aligned Afghanistan under a leadership responsive to the will of the people of that troubled land. We,/ welcome the appointment 'of a co-ordinator for Uni ted Nations humanitarian and economic assistance ~elating to Afghanistan, and support the people of that country as they enbark oh, the process of reconstruction. I should also like to express my appreciation, and that of my Governmel1.t:, to the Government and people of Pakistan for the constructive role they have assumed during this crisis. Pakistan has served as host to more than 2 million rc:-~ugees from Afghanistan, at great cost to its own people and resources. It is our hope that they too can now begin the rebuilding process in their own country. "In the present global atmosphere of reconcil~ation and good will, there still remain areas where peace has been elusive. Onesuch'area is Kampuchea. The occupation of Kampuchea by Vietnamese troops is a violation' of the United . \ \ \ .;\\' \ ' Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library Nations Charter and the princlples of the Non-Aligned M\7.rement. As well, it adds to the economic and persormel burden of Viet Ham itBelf. This era of concUlation offers Viet Nam a unique opportunity to Ieflect on its own struggle for independence, which won the support and admiration of the Majority of the wCX'ld's people,; To re-establish that spirit of solidarity among the co_unity of nations, Viet Ham is art.,(',Duraged to aubscrib~ to a political settlelften\: based m the "11 thdrawal of Vif't..n~lnese forces and internationally supervised free elections. "We are encouraged by the decision of the proU\90nists in the Gulf var to agree on a cease-fire ....der the auspices of the security Council. The time has pasaed for determining wM.ch side has won or which should win this senseless confrontation. The havoc and destruction visited on both sides, as well as on innocent non-combatants, have been monumental. Security Council ~esoluticn 598 (1987) affords the JlCl6t viable ~ramewo~k for achieving a just and lasting settlement. we are confident of the ability of the secretary-General to act as a roliable interlocutor 6 and we appeal to those who ha'l. earvec1 for the_elves a special role in this affair to do all that is oosaible to g)Mure success in the ne4J)tiaticns and a return to normalcy and develq:setit in both Iran and Iraq. -Ifbe situation in the Middl~ East continues to be volatile.. My Gov"f~:4"t vaa encouraged earlier this year when it appeared that an agreement Id91t he reached on lU1 international peace <X)nfere~ce on the Middl# East. We would t'lDJpport the eKly convening of such a conference. Our policy remains ~_itted to the r iC#lt of li:srael to emst within secure borders - but not at the e~penil. of a Palestinian ho_land. For these difficult issu~8 to be ...ttlfld,i'dfld for ,peaea to retu.:'>il tp the Midc1le, East, cU.alogue between IErsel ~ th!i' Arab States 18 essential. (~. Tillett, Belize) "While athletes from the four c«ners of the globe convened in seoul to compete in fr iendly rivalry for the gold, silver and bronze in the games of the XXIVth Ol!fi'llpiad, SOUth Korea's leadership llade &~reat leap forward toward fUlfilling the dreaM of a unified Korea. we welC)1Ie and are encouraged by the declaration of Pr<2Sident Roh Tae WOO that his Galernllent is willing to end the situation of confrontation between the two Koreas and to establish relations with North Korea based on a spirit of co-operation. This funda.ental change of attitude will 90 Cl loog way towards defusing tensions north and south of the thirty-eighth parallel and towllrds re-establishing hope for reunific:ation of the two Koreas. "We are heartened by the prcgress made in the negotiations regarding the l3-year-1,on9 conflict in Angola. It is our hoptt that as the SOuth African and Cuban troops make their way home, the issue of linkage will finally be laid to rest and the way opened for Namibia to proceed at last to its independence. liThe intransigence of minority white S~uth Africa in refusing to share power with majority black SOuth Africa makes a bloodbath in that country inevitable. we regret that certain melllbers of the international co_unity are unwilling or: unable to join in mandatory sanctions against that terrorist State. And in the name of our suffering brothers and sisters we appeal for an end to this mollycoddling of the Pretoria regime. (Mr. Tillett, Belize) lOA few months ago we celebrated Nelson Mandela's 70th birthday. This occasion also marked his 26th year in Hr. Botha's gao1o To the world, Mandela is a stateslUln as well as a freedom fighter.. But in SOuth Africa he has remained imprisoned like a common criminaL. The continued incarceration of Nelson Mandela, as well as the proscription of the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC), is testillOny to the barbarous lack of foresight on the part of the ap!!=theid regimeo It might not be too late U, ,";i"..cnstrate some selllblanoe of good sense by a decision now to release, unconditionally, Nelson Mandela and the other political prisoners. SUch a gesture would facilitate dialogue between the Botha regime and the leaders of the black co_unity, and would perhaps spare the continent of Africa the SOUth African version of Arllageddon that will otherwise surely follow. IOMemers will recall that at pre\Vious sessions of the General Assellbly my delegation dealt with the matter of the production, trafficking and consuaption of dangerous drugs. The significant aggra9ation of the drug problem and its harmful effects on our societies urge i..ediate and concerted efforts to deal with it. For our part, Belize has adopted a IIIllti-disciplinary course of action to prevent and reduce the illicit demand for narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances: to control their mll~ and supply, to suppress illicit trafficking and to provide treatllent and rehabilitation for drug abusers and their victillS. This is the approach that was agreed upon by the United Nations Conference held in Vienna last year 0 "It has lon9 been recognized that the drug problem SpahS borders, econoMic ch'cu_tanoes and 1&10109ies, threatening to create! its cvn orthodoxy and its own peculiar .acal and social iMperatives. The wa~ against drugs requires the co-operation of all nations, and we cannot loa8 sight of the fact that the basic mtivation for drug production and trafficking stallS from the Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library (Mr. Tillett, Belize) readily wallable urket and the phenollenal rewards offered by that urket. Recognition of this by the largest consWler country has therefore been a welcome developMnt. ·Small Govern_nu mst oontinuously defend their political and econollic iildependence and their terdtorial integrity. Of late, assaultsl on our sovereignty have included atte1lpt8 in introduce industrial waate into our region. As industrial arid toxic waste accullulates in the developed countries, our small States are offered the arguilent that somehow we can benefit froll the dUJIping of industrial waste on our land and in our sea. This is a remarkable piece of il1so1ence from those who are determined to ~otect their own environmental balance while offering blandishments to destroy ours. My Govermrent ellPhatically rejects those overtures, and we call on the industries concerned to JUketheir own arrangeaent .. in their O'!m countries to dispose of the effluent of their prosperity. -No amunt of econoJlic benefit can compensate for the enV'ironmental devastation and human harm that will follov indiscriminate dumping of industrial uaste. The quality of life we enjoy cannot be bartered for the quantity of proaises we are offered. "We in Belize have JIOre than once undergone the trials associated with killer hurricanes. We are therefore especially able to empathize with our sister country of JaNica, with the Ca1'llan Islands and with the State of Yucatan in M9xico. We join in the appeal for international assistance to help these 8reas recover from their savaging by hurricane Gilbert. -If I began this presentation in an upbeat unner, it is just as well to end on a note of caution. POr while there have been real suecesses 111 the past year, the international agenda nevertheless remains crowded with conflicts. Ulr. Tillett, Belize) 10It would be a mistake, then, merely to give ourselves ewer to self-congratulation. What is needed rather Is to press on with a n,ew determination iilspired by our recent progress. SUch a determination should above all seek to preserve tbe gains made by the p:ocess of multilateralism and to extend them from the political arena to the sphere of economic relations. "In urging on all Member. States this renewed c:>1IIftitment to multilateralism, I a. reminded of the tale of oedipus. Members will recall how in ignorance he killed bis father and married bis mother, Queen Joeasta, and so became ruler of 'l'hebes. In t;he meantime, the fates visited a plague on bis subjects and tor'tured them with great pestilences. Wh~ oedipus realized that he himself was the cause of the suffering, he put out his own eyes and, wandered blind away from Thebes. llIThe Czech emigre writer Milan Kundera uses t.'iis story to make the point that we cannot escape the consequences of our actions, even though thClBe actions might haVe been unwi~ting• ."Now,. one ,of the recurring themes of international, relations is that there is nothing IIIOr8 injur'iou8 to an effective world order than that the law of the jungle should prevail, that the strong should take advantage of the weak, that unilater~~ ego~entricity should defeat collective responslbili~~. "If ~e were to reject tbe case for multilateralism, there~re, we would be deliberately ignoring the lessClns of history 'and could not even ls,y claim to the dUbious excuse that we proceeaecl in ignorance. And who vould gainsay . that the consequences of our ,cticn =uld entail the dQmise of ,civilization, ,the extinction of our humanity? (Mr. Tillett,'Belize) IIlIt is a chilling prospect, but one that we _y avoid by our continuing allegiance to the concept of aultilateralislI that is, after all, the very raiSeR d'.tre of our United Nations syste•• - Mr. AlII (Iraq) (interpretation from Arabic) & It gives lie pleasure to - cOftgrat\ilate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election as President of this session of the GtanerlAl Assellbly. Our pleasure is all the greater in view of the good ralations between our two countries. We are fully confident that he will lleet w1th success In conducting the proceedings of the General Assembly at this session, which faces Many vital issues of concern to the international couunity. I should also like to take this opportunity to eXPE'ess ray deep appreciation of the efforts of his predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin of the German ~.,cratic RepUblic, who so efficiently conducted'tha procoecUngs of the p:evious session with all of its lIIportant achievellent:s. Since 1980, our delegation has kept the General Assellbly inforlled of developllM:lnts wi th regard to the ~Ji:pansionistwarof ~g,.ressionthat the Iranian regime iaposed on Iraq. Every tillle we spoke fro. this rostrum, wC! stressed our desire for peace, our readiness for- peace and our resolute determination to achieve peace as strOngly as we stressed our deterllination to continue the legitilUlte defence of our country!. sovereignty, security, dignity and right to live a free and dignified life. Finally, after eight years of imposed war, with all that that has entailed in terlU of costly sacrifice in hu_n life and in ruin and destruction, we find ourselves today at the beginning of the road to peace. The international ~unity ill no dOubt interestad in the negotiations that gtarted on 25 August 1988 with a view to achieving peacel it is closely follOlf~ng their progress and the11' p1'OIIpt~ts. To do 80 wi th 'any degree of accur..cy, however, it isneeessary to review the background of recent.venu. (Mr. Tl11ett, Belize) security Council resolution 598 (1987) was adopted on 20 JUly 1987. Iraq officially welcomed the resolution just two days after its adoption. we auessed our willingness to i.ple_nt it in good faith, based upon our firll position of pr inciple and desire for peace. (Mr. Aziz; Iraq) .0 The Iranian regime, on the other hand, did 'not accept the resolution. . '. ,foll~e~ a p-llicy of;manoeuver ing, dilatory tactics and procrastination. It dwi.,sed such means of ~xpressing its !3OSition m th~~ t:esoluUcm as had been , . unprecedented in the hi,story of dealing with 5eci.trity ,Council resolutions. The intention was t~ cOlIer up' its act",alrejection of th~~~solution, to justify its insistence on continuing the war ag4inst Iraq. and on m~intain_ing its policies of aggression against the countries of the region. ' In spite of the acbption of a resolution which expt:essed the will of tb'e international ooJmlunity to establish . . . . peace, the tranian regime ccmtinued to launch me military attack after another against Iraq. It occupied more Iraqi territory as well as an Iraqi city. Official statements by Iranian leader's confirmed the 'designs to enshrine the OCCll.p:ltiOll and the insistence on. the continuation of war and aggr.esS'ion. ::The l~a~r~s ~of: the Iranian regime cCI'ltinued to use the term "liberation" to describe the occup:ltion operations they had condUcted, thus oonfirming t~eir' ambitious designs on Iraq. TheIrani~n regime cQ'ltinued its acts ef aggression against the countries of the' I .' region by aarrying out military attacks on Kuwait, by threatening saudi Ar~bia' and other countries of the region, and by cQ\tinuing to threaten freedom of,navigadoil ,- ,a,~d attack neutral shipping. Then came the turning'"POint. Our armed forces succeeded in liberating the Fao Peninsula from Iran.ian occupstion in April of this year. This was followed ~ortly afterWards by the liberation' of East Basrah, Shalamja, the, MajnoOn' ISla~ds,"a~(ttl'1e ., Zubeidat ar-eao Ithe.se,valiant defensive military ,operations broke the back of Iranian aggression, and the Il'anian regime's scheme against Iraq and the Arab Gulf States was frustrated.. The 111:usions harboured by the Iranian. regime to impose hegemony ovel: the region vanished~ and its leaders reaped with their cMn hands the bitter harvest of their POlicies of aggression ~ich,wet.e sooppoaed to the logic (Hr. Az iz, Iraq) It of history, to the values of the times and to the principles and r.lles governing international relations. It was in these circumstances of crushing military defeat that the leaders of Iran l'innoWlced their acceptance of securitY' Council resolution 598 (1987) on 18 July 1988. In spi te of this fact, we dealt with the situation on the basis of our poei tion of pr inciple inspired by a des ire for peace, and our acti.ons were prompted by realistic considerations as well as .by considerations of pr inciple. Wi th a view to tak ir19 the best course of action to achieve peace, I proposed in my letter of 20 July 1988 to the Secretary-General that direct official talks should be held between authorized representatives,of the two sides under the auspices of the Secretary-General in order to discuss and implement Seour ity Council resolution 598 (1987). This proposa~was inspired by good faith and the pragmatic desire to ascertain directly the Iranian Wlderstanding of Security Council resolution 598 (1987) s ;nce the Iranian regime put forward contradictory interpretations of the ~esolution which were alien to the letter and spirit of it as well as to the concepts of international law and the rules governing relations between States in modern times. It was Iraq's legitimate right to. ascertain directly the true position of Iran. Any impartial observer who has followed the positions taken by the Iranian regime over the 10 years of its existence will have realized that the aims and slogans of the rulers of Iran have their basis in expansionism, aggression and anbitious desi.gns, and will confirm that they do not believe in international law and the rUle!fogoverning relations between States in our time. That is why the Iranian regime has rejected all resolutions and initiatives with regard to peace, (Mr. Az iz, Iraq) from the very first resolution adopted by the Security Council on 28 July 1980 and for a whole year after the adoption of secur ity Council resolution 598 (1987). It has even rejected the principle of the peaceful settlement of the conflict and of the jurisdiction of the United Nations and other international organizations in the natter. It was necessary, therefore, to ascertain the true intentions of the Iranian leaders in accepting Secur ity Council resolution 598 (1987)" for in acoo~ting the resolution~ Iranian leaders my not have in mind belief in achieving a comprehensive and durable peace based on mutual respect for oO'lereignty, non-intervention in inter.nal affairs and observance of the rules of international law in relations with Iraq and with the countrles of the region. Serious suspicions wi th regard to the Iranian pesi tion are aroused by statements made by Iranian leaders to explain their decision to accept security Council resolution 598 (1987). "The speeches and statements of the Iranian leaders have been fl.'!ll of references to compelling, circumstances and to a predicament;:the nature and causes of which they cannot disclose. They have talked with sorrow and disappointment about being forced to accept Security Council resolution 598 (1987). On the other hand, the Iraqi people and other peopl'~ of the region have expressed their joy at . the cease-firte because of their belief in peace as a way of life. All these facts, \....' tak.en together, led Iraq to call for direct negotiations with a view to dis~ssing face to face the stepe towards peace and the coocept of peace. This post tion is not intended as a oondit!cm, since direct negotiations do not constitute a unilateral advantage for Iraq at the expense of Iran. In any case, in responl:Je to the desire of the international oonmunity for a speedy end to hostiU ties, President saddam Hussein of Ir aq announced on 6 August 1988 that Iraq was prepared to accept:. a cease-fire if Iran officially announced, with unanbiguous clarity, its agreement to enter into direct negotiations iJIIUedia tely after the cease-fire so that we might discuss, reach agreement on, and implement security Council resolution 598 (1987). Fbllowing this hismr lc announcement, which expresses the true character of Iraq's position and its sincere wish for peace, intensive cattacts were made with the secletary-General. On 8 August 1988, agreement was reached on the announcing of a date for the cease-fire. Agreement was also reached on the date, the bases and the objectives of the direct negotiations to be held between the two parties under the auspices of the Secretary-General. On that date, the secretary-General addressed to the permanent representatives of the two countries a letter which I shall quote in full because of its importance for the events wIli ch ensued: -&ccellency, - In p.1r suance of the official oort·tact I had with I raq and the Islamic RepUblic of Iran, I should like to inform you that both Governments have agreed that direct talks between their Foreign Ministers shall be held under my auspices, inunediatelyafter the establishment of the cease-fire, in order to reach a ooRlnOn understanding of the other provisions of seour ity Council resolution 598 (1987) and the procedures and timings for their implementa tion •- This outline of the sequence of events will make it clear theot the two parties reached agreement, through the secretary-General of the Un:!.·ted Nations, on setting Cl date for the cease-fire before there was full agreement on all provisions pertaining thereto. The cease-fire did actually take effect on 20 August in the form of the cessation of the shooting, and United Nations observers took up their positions before the detailed prOlTisions and legal obligations relating to the cease-fire had been determined through the agreement of the two parties wi th the United Nations. It was only natural t."aat the question should be taken up in the Geneva negot~tions wi th a view to consolidating the cease-fire through a clear, definite understanding between the two parties uL'lder the auspices of the United Nations and then afterwards they would turn to discussing the other provisions of Securi~ Council resolution 598 (1987). Against this factual background, we began the direct negotiations in Geneva. In those negotia tions Iraq demanded that the provisions and obligatio."ls of the cease-fire measures should be made clear and unanbiguous so as to prevent different interpretations of them in the course of their future implementation and to ensure that the cease-fire would bea permanent state and constitute a sure step towards canprehensive and lasting peace. Iraq also demanded that these provisions and obligations, when implemented on land, in the air and at sea, should ensure equal benefits for the two parties since that would provide a guarantee for the enforoenent of the cease-fire. On this just and sincere basis, Iraq called fl)r the inclusion of a clear provision on the principle of unobstructed freedom of navigation in international wa tars in the Ar ab Gulf and in the Strai ts of Hormuz for all abipping • (Mr. Az iz, Ing) This posi tion of ours is based on the text of the security Council resolution, '' which demands that a cease-fire be observed and that all military action on land, at sea and in the air be discontinued as a first step towards a negotiated settlement. We also base our position on the rule of balance of benefi ts. It is inconceivable thr~lt the provisions and obligations relating to the two sides should be detailed on land and in the air in such a manner as to ensure a balance of benefits for both parties 41 while at sea they should be impaired by a defect which tends to realize an advantage for Iran at the expense of Iraq because of Iran's geographic si tuation in the Arab Gulf and the Bormuz Stra!ts. Iraq also proposed that the United Nations be entrusted with clear ing the Shatt-al-Arab and ensuring safe navigation therein, without prejudice to the legal status of the river. The Shatt-al-Atab is Iraq's only outlet to the hfgh sea~. On account of the quantity of obstructions to navigation which have accumulated therein over the war years, the clearing operations will take a long time and will require the services of international experts and the availability of international funds. Since negotiations aimed at the achievement of a comprehensive and lasting peace and the solution of all outstanding issues between the two parties may take a not inconsiderable time, it stands to reason that advantage should be taken of that time to render the Shatt-al-Arab navigable. These are the only two demands that Iraq made in the negotiations which took place in Geneva between 25 August and 13 septenber 1988. The Iranian conduct in the Geneva negotiations, however, has been character ized by evasiveness and has not conformed to what is right and just. Wi th regard to freedom of navigation in international waters in the Arab Gulf and the Hormuz Suai ta, the Iranian delegation alleged a right: to control free 'navigation there through its claim to aright of search 00 the basis of interpretations which do not calform in any way to the collective security system as eJ'li)odied in the Charter of the United Nations, and which disagree with both the letter and the spirit of resolution 598 (1987) and its objective of a comprehensive and lasting peace. It is clear that the interpretation maintained by the Iranian side is conceived in terms of a truce rather than in terms of the cease-fire being only a first step towards settlement, as provided by paragraph 1 of the resolution. This has increased our suspicions wi th regard to the intentions of the Iranian regime and its true aims in accepting resolution 598 (1987). This suspicious position on the part of the Iranian de19gation was followed by its insistence on provisions which impose a de facto arms eJ'li)argo on Iraq at sea. Then Iran started to spread lies to the effect that Iraq was asking for free . navigation in Iranian territorial waters, whereas the Iraqi demand was quite clear in calling for free navigation in international waters and through the Hormuz Straits. Furthermore, the Iranian delegation rejected the proposal that the United Nations undertake clearing operations in the Sbatt-al-Arab at this stage and began to impose conditt.ons inspired by a desire to blackmail and manoeuvre. Iraq's demand that provisim for free navigation and clearing operations in the Shatt-al-Arab be included in the cease-fire arrangements is nothing new. Iraq has taken this position and coof!rmed it repeatedly since our acceptance of resolution 598 (1987). We included that demand in our letter of acceptance of the resolution on 22 July 1987, and we coofirmed the demand in the letter sent by President 8addam Hussein of Iraq en 6 August 1988, which paved the way for agreement on a cease-fire. we also confirmed it in two letters I adL~essed to the 8ecretary-General, one on 20 July 1988, following Iran's acceptance of the resolution, and the other on 11 August 1988, after the date for the cease-fire had been set, pr ior to the Geneva negotiations. Ir an 's allega tion that Iraq has imposed pre-ccnditions in the Geneva ne9)tiations is a pure lie and deception. What we have demanded is documented in official letters, which have been circulated as part of the records of the securi ty Council. What we have demanded is just, legitimate and ii. conformity with the letter and the spirit of resolution 598 (1987) and its objective, namely ~ a co~rehensive, lasting and just peace. The international ool'llllunity and this Organization are called upon to make a true and fair evaluation of the respective positions taken in respect of the Geneva negatiations. Who is presenting legi timate and logical demands and propositions which are in conformity with the objective of peace, and \oilo is engaging in evasiveness and in attempts to manipulate texts, and wants the situation to remain undecided? Iraq's wish to reach a peaceful, comprehensive, just and durable settlement of the conflict wi th Iran is nothing new. This was our post tion wen the war was imposed on us on 4 September 1980 and during the events which preceded and followed that date. Iraq ccntinued to hold firmly to this pos! tion throughout the eight years of the conflict. Iraq dealt with the international Organization seriously and sincerely and accepted its resolutions in all circumstances, regardless of the developments of the military situation, beginning with resolution 479 (1980), of ~8 July 1980, through the latest resolution of the Security Council. namely, resolution 598 (1987) which Iraq accepted inmediately after it was adopted. We confirm our desire and determ'lnaticn to implement resolution 598 (1987) in good faith, to move forward on the road to a co~rehensive and lasting peaca and to abide by the principles which gewern peaceful and good-neighbourly relations between the countries of the worid, particularly contiguous countries, in our time. While intent on the peace process and the achievement of the objectives sought by the international mmnunity in adopUng resolution 598 (1987), we must take into account a number of substantive questions if the peace is to be durable, c:x>mprehensive and just and if the region as a whole is to return to a state of peace and stability and continue to play its positive role in the international corrmuni ty • The pr imary point, which we must always keep in mind, is that the Iranian regime did not accept resolution 598 (1987) willingly and voluntarily as a result of a deep, firm understanding of the necessity for a state of peace with Iraq and the countries of the region. It accepted the resolution only because of a crushing military defeat and in b'1e context of a struggle for J.Xlwer inside Iran. While it is necessary to emphasize the opportunity prOlTided by the cease-fire, all steps towards the implementation of resolution 598 (1987) should be well studied and well balanced so as to form the basis for the attainment of the objective of comprehensive and lasting peace. Any action that might undermine any of these elements would only encourage those who have made war their paramount cause and taken it upon themselves as their sole task to avoid abiding by the requirements of peace. On the basis of this conception of the true meaning of peace, resolution 598 (1987) should not be regarded as merely a str ing of timings and procednres. Timings and procedures are necessary for the implementation of the resolution: there is no disagreement on that: point. IlJt what is more imp?rtant is to reach oonmon agreement on the meaning of the resolution, which may facilitate the achievement of lasting peace between the two sides, rather than to make of the resolution and the way it is to be implemented a political, as opposed to a tail! tary, battleground. In the light of these facts, the best way to achieve understanding is to allow the two sides the opportunity to engage in direct negotiations, however prolooged such negotiations might be. The role of the security Council and the secretariat is necessary and vital, and should be a part of the peace process from beginning to end. That role, how"i!"er, must never be played at the expense of understanding between the two parties, because it is the two parties which will assume the responsibility of regulating their relations now and in the future. Any pressures, whether created by political means or through the information media, that might disturb the atmosphere in which the negotiations are being conducted would not serve the cause of peace and could only be an expression of either misguided efforts or premeditated designs. (Mr. Aziz, Iraq) We must refer here to the campaign launched against Iraq and timed to c:oincide with the beginning of the negotiations at Geneva. Zionist circles, which h~ve allied themselves wi th the Iranian regime throughout the war years and have used all means to ensure continuation of the war, which is considered a gain for Israel - those are the circles that are at the root of the false allegations spread against Iraq. We hope that those peace-loving States that have nothing to do with the motives and aims of those designs will not allow themselves to be lured into the s~ares of those who have planned that malicious campaign. The aim of such campaigns is to encourage the Iranian regime to refrain from fully abiding by the requirements of peace and peaceful ooexistence with I~aq and the countries of the region, as well as to encourage it to reject what is right and rational. Those who have planned the campaigns have imagined that they ~uld impose on Iraq an atmosphere of pressure and isolation that would fOlce it to abandon its firm stand on its just and legitimate demands and to accept feeble solutions under pressure. They are only delUding thel1!Selves. Iraq is an independent State and enjoys complete independence in all fields, political, economic, social or military. Iraq cannot accept pressure from any quarter, especially now that its people have defended its cultural heritage, its humanitarian aspirations and its gains in a war that was imposed upon it, a war that hail lasted for eight years, doing so through reliance on its own resources and its belief in the justice of its cause - peace. Among the most important foundations for: thE building of a just and comprehensive peace are the basi'ng of relations between the countries of the region on oquality and mutual respect and abandolUllent of ambitious designs and illegitimate privileges acquired through the USQ or threat of force, as well as abandonment of positions, tendencies and policies predicated on expansionie., on the imposition of'hegemony, on aggression against others and inte~ference in their affaira. Without thOBe foundations there can be no real peace. Peace will remain a transient, nominal state in which matters stay quiet for a while only to explode into conflicts again. We must state frankly that in the past a number of countr ies have tr ied to influence the course of the negatiations, not out of cmcern for peace, bu t because of their cx)lII1Iercial and strategic interests and aims. They have sent direct and indirect signals to the Iranian regime while taking certain stands vi th regard to the negotiations with a view to gaining comercial or strategic benefits in Iran. We knew the secrets of that game and we know .who is playing it. We warn them that their game wUl not serve the cause of peace. we hope that States members of the Security Council and other States interested 1n peace and stability in the region will _ke SUIe that those playing that game will not be allowed to aOO ieve their selfish aims. The eyes of the world are turned towards the international oonmunity and the international organization to see what they will do vi th regard to the Palestinian question. Tha just cause it involves has Img awaited a solution that will seeure the legitimate rights of the struggling Palestinian people. The world is today witnessing a horrible escalation of zionist aggression against that people in which they are deprived of their rights, their land is occupied and brutal repression is exercise4 ageinet them. The Palestinian wintifada" has crowned the fa-year struggle of the Palestinian people to attain theirinaUenable right to self-deterrdnation. That uprising constitutes a living, heroic .-lIPle of the struggle of peoples for freedom and independence. It presents the united Nations with a mique opportunity to take the initiative andprcwe that it really upholds the principle. ut»n which it was (Mr. Aziz , Iraq) founded and is now ready to a~ume its responsibilities with a view ~ putting those pcinciples into force. The United Nations is called up:)n, at this. decisive , .. stage in the history of the Palestinian question, to support the P&lestine Liberation Organization, the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, as well as the decisions of the Arab summit meetings on the Palestinian question, . expecially those adopted at the Fez and Algiers a~~it meetings, which were based on international decisions. We urge - nay, we demand - that the United Nations deal responsibly and seriously with the proposal of the Palestine Liberation Organization, included among the decisions of the Arab sulllftit meeting at Fez, that the United Nations assume the administration of the occupied Palestinian territories for a specified per lad after the complete withdrawal of Israel therefrom and pending the achievement of self-determination by the Palestinian people in their own homeland. I should like to emphasize here that Ir~, with all its resources, is determined to stand beside the Palestine Liberation Organization and the brother Palestinian people to enable them to achieve their IGgitimate national aim of establishing their own independent State with Jerusalem as its capital. The developnents in the situation in Lebanon are causing us great cancern. That ·little Arab country has suffered greatly Lrom Israeli occupation and foreign intervention..In its internal affairs. Occupation and intervention have so far .' I preventee:t· .the achievement of the wish of the majority of the Lebanese people to reach ~9reement on the desired national mnsensus. The latest result of that ..... .' ': ••' . 't situation is the illegitimate and unacceptable outside interference in the presidential elections that has led to the suspension of the election of the President, thus creating an ano_lous situation. The Arab countries, in the first place, and the intern2tional oo..unity, in the second, are called u[X)n to take (Mr. bb, Iraq) ·concrete and urgentstepa to -enable the Lebanese peDple to elect a President without outside "interference. Such steps are essential to prevent further deteriexation in the si tuatim, to JlCNe towards national consensus Md to restore Sftcur ity and peace to that sist-tit country. The peoples of the WOI:' 1d are contelllPlating with opti.is. the atllOSpbere of dlttente _ich has started to ~evaU in relationabetwoen the two great POIIefS since the sUMit meetings held between the leaders of the soviet Union and the Qlited States of AIIedca and the agreements reamed on liaiting the arlls race. Iraq has weloo_d those encouraging developllents. It has also weleo_d the indimtions of intptOlled ptosi'8cts for the settlellent of a num« of regional confiicts that have been going on for years, including the aituation in Naaibia and Angola, the question of Kampuc:hea and the situ&tion i" Afghanistan. Iraq highly appreciates the role of the United Nations and its Secretary~neral in resolving those conflicts. Inq, which has been a victill of aggression, sincerely believes in peace. It believes it is a necessity that the pr inciples of peac.ful coexistence, good-neigbbourly relations and the negotiated settlement of disp.ltes prevaU in our affairs. It believes in strengthening the o,i ted Nations system and the sowereignty of the pr inciples of the Cbarter and international lCilw. The PRl!3mENT\ We have heard the last speaker for this afternoon. I shall now mU on those representatives who wish to speak in o_rcise of the right of reply. ,'. May I rellind lIemera that, in accop:dance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statellents in exercise of the ri9ht of :4ply are U,d ted to 10 minutes for the fi~8t intervenUon and to five Minutes for the b~cond and should be ••deby re~esentatlves froll their seats. (Mr. Asia, IrS)- Hr. AL-Q!\YSI (Ifaqh ;t had said that -.y delegation woUlld reply to the statelNftt _de yesterday by the F«eign Minister of the Islallic Republic of Iran, and I ehall not take MUch of the General Assellbly'. ti.., owing to the lateness of the hour. However', we felt we should not let this .,lMnt pass without setting the record straight. Meabers will have noted that. in his stateMnt the !'oreign Minister of Iran accused Iraq of efforts throughout the couree of the Geneva talks to distort the spirit of Security COuncil resolution 598 (1987) and the Secretary-Generalcs iMpleMentaticn plans' to change the 11a1 ta and scope of relevant rules of international laws to secure international apprcwal for its ·expansionist designs·, and to use the ceaaa-fire to weaken its very foundations. It was very interesting for those of us who have followed the Iran-Iraq war for the put ei9ht years to hear such a statellent _de by the Foreign Minister of Iran. There have been 10 years of Iranian abuse and vilification of the United NationSI eight years of war imposed by Iran on Iraq deapi te seYen security Council resolutions) and one year dnee a _ndatory resolution of the security Council characterizing the situation as a Ix'eachof the peace. And despite all that, we new hear references to rules of international law, the security Council resolution .3nd the iMplellentaticn plan of the Secretary-General, and we hear a strong advocacy of their application. All right; Let us be patient; we have to be paUent when it oo~s to peace. But let us see how the Iranian Government abides by all this in the peace process. The !breign Minister of Iran says that what is in effect needed for the success (if the Gsmeva talks is the i_diete iMplelleRtation of (:he re_ining paragraphs of the reso.lution, ,a resolution which is binding und&r Articles 39 and 40 of the United Nations Charter. In the sa_e vein he said that the teKt of the rnolution and the Sec:ret&rY-General's iaple_ntation plan should constitute the basis of the talks, and t:hat the Council _abHS' understanding of the spirit of the resolution could a180 contribute to its illPleeentatlon. Let us agree on this. But when the Foreign Minister of Iran COllies to the General Asselllbly and claims that Iraq iD raising in the talks irrelevant issues, secondary utters and prcwisiona outside the agenda of the talks, we have to ask hill on wnat basis he is aaking tbese allegations. The "irrelevant issues", the "secondary _tters", the matters "outside the agenda of the negotiations" are two, according to the Iranian Gcwernment: the iS8ue of freedoa of navigation, and thft issue of the clearance of Shaet al-Arab. If tmat the FCX'eign Minister of Iran clainus is true, and if at the same time he has stat3d categorically that the implementation plan of the secretary-General is one of the crit1tria for the implementation of security Council resolution 598 (1987), how can he explain to the General Assembly that in that very i.ple.entatf'Jl'a plan, under the very title of ·Cease-fire", under the very sub-ti tie of "Cuse-fire at sea" the two issues raised by Iraq are dealt with. Thus, they are not secondary _tters; they are not irrelevant issues~ they are not matters that fall outside the agenda of the talks. Bither you base yourself on the' implementation plan or you do not. If you do, or claim that you do, you have to take what is in the implementation plan. Apart from th~t dilltortion, let me point out another: The 5ecretal'y-General's letter of 8 August was quoted by the Foreign Minister of Iran. He seems to think that direct talks 00_ after the establishment of a cease-fireJ now we have an established cea8e-fi~e, so we have to go to the other provisions of the resolution. we have to ask him, if this is so why has the Socretary-General presented to the parties detailed proposals on the obligations of a cease-fire, on the legal status of the United Nations Iran-Iraq Military Observer Group (UNIIMOG), (Mr. M-Qaysi, IfS) lind on the obligations of the parties towards that fotce? If those provisions were vary well settled and agreed upon, why should they have been presented by the Secretary-General? A third distortion~ Despite all the talk by the Iranian Foreign Minister of how they love security Council resolution 598 (1987), they still cite a paragraph of that resolution in a way the paragraph itself does not state. They still cite paragraph 6 as a ~ragraph on the setting up of an impartial body to "identify the aggressor". I challenge any representative of the Gouernment of Iran to show us such language in th.t paragraph. we remind them that the paragraph calls for the setting up of an if.partial body to dea],q on an inqui~y basis, with responsibility for the conflict. Mr. OICUN (United States of America>: The Libyan representative today made a series of outrageous and totally unfounded statements including accusatIons against the United States. Ee misrepresented the deliberations of this Assembly and the policies of his own Government. The Government of LibYd has seen fit to use deception, subversion and violence as the tools of its foreign policy. Many in this Hall today represent States which have been ~e recipients of Libyan attention. We all kl'lOW too well that Libya has been and remains a singular cause of insecurity in many regions. It is arrant hypocrisy for Libya to wra~ itself in the United Nations CharteE' and to claim to be the victim rathar than the perpetrator of' terrorism. Libya haG a 1009 and deplorable record of violating the Cha:ter of the United Natioi')s by threats and acts of aggression. It has, amassed a lethal arsenal of conventional weapons. More ominous is the Libyan production of chemical weapons"pa~ticularly given public reports last year that Libya had wed chemical weapons a~ainst Chad. (Hr. AI-gaysi, Iraq) hu been 1JIplicated In attack. against inftGQtnt truellera at ail'porta, .....!natian. of expatriate Libyans, supply of ar_ to teuocist groups on three continents and protection of one of 1ta diplOMtic agents who .hot an unar_d poUCWOIIIm on foreign .011. As the record cSellOft.trate., Libya baa distinguished itaelf 1n thla body in one none. re.pect, It ha. a record of violations of the United Ration. Charter second to ICy delegation is ready to continue this debate at the appropriate lIO_nt. l.8b to speak to refute the fa1-.. allegations of the representative of Viet __ on the pcoble. of Kaapuchea. The ..ny Manoeuvres by the Hanoi authorities cannot hi. the fact that they have not the slightest intention of ruching a political solution of the' pcobl•• of KallPUchea and withckawing their forces unconditionally u called foe in the nine rnolutions adopted by the General A&selllbly. Pirst, the Socialist Republic of Viet NB. has not yet given up its IncSo-chinese federation strategy. The various congresses of the VietRaMse co_unist party, froll the first to the sixth, tbe latest, in Decellber 19S6 in Banoi - have nQt failed to .reaffirm this Indo-chinese federation strategy. The Hanoi authorities have systeutically inculcated this strategy in generations of party _mers and young CQIUIunists nince 1930, when the Indo-Chineae eoamW1ist party was founded -that strategy which they must at all costs impleMnt by INking the.elves the masters first of LaOS, then of Kupuchea and then of the whole peninsula between India and China. '1'0 date, the Banoi authorities have de facto annexed· Laos, by the 1977 Treaty that abolishes the border between Viet Ham and La08. If they have not achi~'ed their expansionist goal of an Indo-Chinese federation it is because the patriotic resiatancefcrces of Kupuchea have been fighting them weapons in hand fOIr 10 years, anc;! because the international co_unity firmly opposes their aggression against and occupation of Kampuchee. Secondly, the 80vlet Union has not given up ita regional st~ategy in South-East Asia and Pacific Asia. To achieve this the SOV1et Union has f!nM~ed Vilat Nail to help it to invade and overcome the Kampucbean resistanca forces. In exchange, it has obtained froll Vlet Nam use of the Call Ranh and Danallg bases, w'bt.ch &~e Soviet outposts in SOuth-East Asia and Pacific Asia. Gcxbachev's speech at KrasnoYN'sk showed clearly that the SoITiets are using these bases in VietNam to demonstrate their politica:" diplomatic and r.lilitary !light in orde~ ·to cbMge the geopolitical situation in South-Best Asia and ~acific Asia to suit their awn interests. In a word, neither Viet Nam nor the Soviet Union is ready to abandon its regimal and glClbal expansimist strategies. Therefore they are not going to let go of Laos and Kalll(lUmea. All this is reason enough for Viet Nail to hang on to Kaq:uc:bea. Thirdly, the war cCl!l'itinues in ICaIlpucbea, were the battlefields are spreading throughout the whole territory and where there is no front line. The forces are abwt equal. The struggle betwcten the IMpucbean resistance fexces and the Vietname!!~ forces can be compared to a tug-of-war. If Viet Nam really withdrew 50,000 men from Kallpucbea, me can i_gine on which si~ the rope would land. The Hanoi authOf: ities lie shamelessly in saying they are withdrawing their troops, because not only has there been no vi thdrawal, but they are reinf«cing the troops already in place, Most of whom are already wear ing the uniform of the ~hnom Penh puppets. Military political and diplo_tic observers, as well as serious researchers, have confirmed this. The washington Pcet, o~ 17 Septemer 1988, noted that (spoke in &lglishh ·Viat Nam .... appears unlikely to meet its declared goal of pulling out 50,000 of its soldiers this year-. (continued in French~ Recently, th0 Indo-Chinese studies unit of the Institute of Asian Studies of tbe university of Chulalongkexn in Thailand, basing itself on information recaived in inten'iews with Vietnamese tlIoldiers captured by the KMpudlean resistance forces affir.d that ·Viet, Nail is continuing to send reinfotcements to the comat zenes in Kallpuduy.· (The ~t1cn.. Bangkok, 20 Septelber 1988). There !s no mention of the forcible recruiblent by the Hanoi authorities of Ihmer p,lppets soldiers which is being stepped u:;'l. Viet Nail he no intention of withdrawing its troops froll Kampuc:bea in 1989, 1990, or the year 20CO, particularly if the pressure eases. What 1s the political goal of these VietnaJlese allegations concerning the vi thckawal of troops frOll KMpachea in a given year and of the other heneyed statements by Viet Hall? They are simply part of the pa~"Cholcgical tlropaganch manoeuvres ud caapdgns. Viet Nail is doing its utl1lCl8t to pKsuade w«ld public opinion that the p:ablea of the withdrawal of Vietnueese troops from Kamp,lchea no longer exists, and thflreby divert publig attention to othsr problems. In so doing, Viet Nam's aim is to weaken international support for the struggle of the bIIp,lchean people and to create pcoblemsfor the natiorull resistance forces. If Viet Nam achieves its objectives, it will be able to crush all the national resistance forces on the bat~lefields and thus perpet!!5te its oOCllp!!ltion of Kampuchea. In (X)nclus ion, we wish to convey our profound grat! tude to all peoples and friends that cherish peace and jWltice,and to the United Nations, .ich has given 1ts invaluable support to the euuggle of the people of lfalllpUchea and the Coalition Government of Demoratic KalIpuchea• Mr. ICAZA GALLARD (Nicaragua) (interpret& tion frOll Spanishh we had hoped tl'tat the speech of the RQ1duran 1"01'eign Minister would give us an opportWlity to respond in our usual serious and constructive _nner, but this afternoon the representative of Runduras iterely repeated incoherent and irrelevant observations which uke it clear that ~'lat country has not the slightest intention of shaking off the yoke of for:eign occupatiQ1 and intervention _ really preferring to do nothing. We regret that the Bcnduran Minister did not tak~ the opporttylity to rel)ain SORe of the Cl:lIdibllity and lIeriousness that his country's policy needs. Claiming that the cOW'ltftr-revolutionary forces, \llbich Me financed and supported by the Unite~ states t are not using ROl'ul1ran tenitory to attack Nicaragua is like trying to blot aut ~e sun with a fingerQ Bis arguaent about the inea-patibility (\f peaceful _ans of settling the con!:liet 115 siaply legal nonsense. In orc1ctr to put an end to the arguaent, we shall adopt the most ccr..!!tructive position: first, we Mall not contribute to the confusion of the Assellbly) secondly, we mall save the ti_ of the representatives present, who need it to rest and prepare to listen to the i.portant state_nts that will be aade tollOUOU. Mr. MUNTASSBR (Libyan Arab Jamahidya) (interpretation frOll Arabic): Mr. President, I apologize to you and, through )lOu, to all _libel'S present here for speaking in exercise of the dgbt of reply at this late hour, but the stateMnt _de by the representative of the United States has _de it neces8ary for _ to do BO. 'lhe repeated acc~lJations made by the representative of the United States are not true. We have challenged the United States and we continue to challenge the United States to co. forward with concrete and conclusive pl'oof of their accusationso The ccapetent tr!bmulls and the internaticn&l _dia h..,e absolved the Libyan Arab J.-ahiriya of those accusations. The rctpresentative of the United States should b& the last one to speak about terrori8lle It is the Uni te4 statee uhich eXplici tly sl?Oftsors State terrodslI against other State80 It i8 difficult for .. at this late hour to enu_rate all the acts of terrori_ carried out by the United Stateso It i8 sufficient to .ention the following: its invasion of Grenada) its flagrant intervention in Nicaragua, Panalll and Cuba, as well ~s in the Middle East, including, Lebanon, where it (Mr. Ie.a. Gallafd, Nicaragua) attacked civilians from aircraft carriers, killing women, children and the elderly, its action against the Iranian civilian jetliner, when lIOre than 290 people were killed, with JIlOre than 100 women and children 811101'lg them. The United States has conducted violent raids against the cities of Tripoli and aengb6zi, killing innocent women, children and old people. This action has been coneJemned by the whole world through various international bOdies, such as the Organization of the Islamic Ccnference, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and the Organization o~ Afr iean Unity. Even ROre important, in resolution 41/38 of 20 NO'1ember 1986, the Assembly ccnde_ed that act of aggression against the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya by nearly 80 votes. That is conclusive evidence of the condel'll\adon of the Uni ted States. Such acts by the United States are premeditated. Thase designs have been exposed by well-known writers and journali8ts~ Perhaps the representative of the United States has read the series of articles in The W&shiniton Post: and !he New York Times, such books as ·Veil: The secret Wars of the CIA 1981-1987 11 , and similar publications. In his reply, the representative of the united States said that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya possesses chemical weapons. He ha forgotten that his country manufactures the most destructive weapons in the world. other countr lee are prchibited from ensuring their self-defence, but the United States has the right to lIanufacture all types of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. All this is well known to the memers of this Assezly. I apologize for speak ing at th is late hour, and I resel:ve the r 19bt of lily delegation to speak again if the representative of the United states responds. The meeting rOBe at 8.55 p~m8 (Hr. Muntasser i Libyan Arab Jatubirii!.)