General Assembly — Session 43

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• (cQntinued) IOLICIm OF APARTHEID OF 'rim Q)VBilR4~T OF SOOTH APRICA\ (a) REPORT OF TUB SPECIAL (J:)MMI'1"1'EE AGAINST APARTBBm (A/43/22) (b) RE»?ORT OF THE INTERQ)VElUMPNTAL ~UP 'ro MONI'roR THE SUPPLY AND SHI IMBNT OF OIL AND R'mOLSUM PRODUC'!'S 'ID SOUTH AFRICA (AI43/44 (c) REPORTS OF THE SEQlETARY-GEHERA~ (A/43/682, A/43/699, A/43/786) (d) REPORT OF THE SPECIAL lOLITICAL Q)MMI'l'TEE (A!43/802) (e) DRAFT RBSOWTIOl\1S (A/43/L.30 to A/43/L.38, A/43/L.41, A/43/L.42) The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish) \ I should fir st like to dr~w the attention of the General AsseDbly to the report of the Special Political Committee (A/43/802). May I take it that the General Assembly takes note of that report? It was so deci~. The PRPSIDENT (interpretation from Spanishh I should like to lZopose that the list of speakers on the item before us this morn ing be closed this afternoon, 28 November 1988, at 5 o'clock. If I hear no objection, it will be so decided. It was so decided. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish) \ I call first on the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Joseph Garba of Nigeria, who will introduce the Special Committee's report. Mr. GARBA (Nigeria), Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid: It is indeed an hoocur for ne to address this lofty body as we colllllence the debate on agenda item 36, on the policies of apartheid of the GoI7ernment of South Afr iea. (Mr. Garba, Chairman, Special Commi ttee aga inst Apar theid) The paraCbx of SOuth Africa today was best defined by Jose Marti, who, in 1893, expressed most eloquently the essence of the struggle in today's SOuth Africa when he said that: "Men have no special right because they belong to one race or anothen the word 'man' defines all rights." we find it iron ic that 95 year s ago people of that gener aUon could, in their limited civilization, perceive and define rightly what today our so-called civilization is at pains to make a pronouncement on. Hence it happens that in South Africa today a white minority con..tinues to cling to power by subjugating the !l\ajority population of that country - the blacks; that, in breach of the Charter of the united Nations, the South African regime continues to implement with abandon l ts apartheid policies, thus negating the inalienable and political rights of >lacks in the country of their birth. (Hr. Gmrba, Chair_n, §!ecia! Committee against Apartheid) The political and socio-ecQ'lom!c reali~y of SCu(:h Africa cnd the southGrn African sli:n:egion is today stark. Recent negotiations in the southeri'l African subreg10n give reason for cltutious hope for the resolution of the wer confli~t in Angola and for the independence of Namibb. we are, hClWever, aW&re of the enor!!Ous difficulties faced by any political accord regarding a settlemmt of the conflict. The fact is that changes in the confi~ration of the \\,-orld polity have been instrumental in the role played by the wor:ld Pow~s in pcesent developments in the region, in particular regarding the independence of N4mibia. These changes shculd be an important reminder of the positive effect that intEnatiatal actiQ'l c.m have Q'l events in SOuth Africa end in the region. (he ie, however, bothered thet even the i:eCelt ou tbreak of global psce hQS not extended to G:X addressed the speci fie and disturbing ques'cion of &part&;ein. For this r~ason, while South Africa is engagad in a prOOl!S8 sooking an end to the conflict outside its borders, it reJll!lins at war wi th its own people. In that conb:n:t we 8erio~sly question the viability of any peaceful settlement in the region while !E,8rtheid cootinues in South Africa. As long as the racist regime oontinues to p.1rsue its aggressive policies against its people, the political stability and peace of that sUbregion will be under constant threat. South Afr iea is today a police State. The renewal of the state of emergency and the virtual ban imposed last February at peaceful anti-apartheid organizations and individ1als are designed to stifle any opposition to the regime. The Draconian measures imposed on the domestic and foreign media, affecting even an Afr ikaner opposition newspaper, ahOfl that the regime persists in its efforts to censor drastically any opposing view inside the country and any Jft3dia effort to relay the ugly domestic reality of that country to the outside wor Id.. What seems clear is that the enactment of these repressive measures was aimed at crushing any (Mr. Gat ba, Chairman, Specia! Committee against Apartheid) oppositicn to the so-c::alled reforms and the nation-wide mmicipal elections of last Cctober • As is known, those elections were put of the "reforms" being proposed by the regime. Blt these "reforms" cb not respond to the ultinate demand of the black people in that country for full political ri~ts in an unfragmented, democ:ratic and non-racial south Africa. They respond ra th.er to a dwingenuous effort to co-opt secmrs of the blaclt ~p.1!ation into a lEoposed adl1 isary political body, the so-called Natioosl Statutory Council (mC). Olrerloilelmingly, blacks have rejected the pcop)sed If;C because it gives an appear ance of power-shar ing that in tr uth is illusicnary and wi thout substance. The resu! ts of the recent nation-wide mmicipal elections, when only 1.3 pel' cent of the overall black population voted, can only be a IXesage and sober remindei: that the R3C is doomed to failure. The Human RiC#lts Commission - a body created recently to monitor the application of the tbivel:sal Declaration of Human Rights in SOUth Africa - issued a report before the elections detailing official acts of initimidation and violence and abuses designed to coerce blacks into votL,g and thus thwart any opposi tioo to the elections. The Commission's rep'rt concluded that the conditions set down by the Un iver sal Declara tion of Human Rights for genuine elections had not been JroC1t. The illega11 ty of the elections was never in question, and in a resolution on the elections adopted last month the General Assenbly reaffirmed that in very clear and unambiguous terms. We believe that recent events demonstrate cler ly the regime ea two-pronged approach to the catflict in south Africa~ at the ate hand, an attempt to coerce the black majority iilto submissiat and further subjugation and, on the other, an a'.,tempt to lure them through political legerdemain into accepting sham reforms that would leave the p)wer o~ the white minor ity intact. The election results (Mr. Garba, Chairman, Special COIMlittee against Apartheid) demonstrated that, despite system!ltic retreSSiCXl, resistance to the apartheid regime continues, led by the national liberation movements. As some anti-apartheid organ iZ8tions are bamed, others rise up to take their place. And so it is today that in South Africa the trade unions and human ricjlts and religious groups are in the fcxe fralt of the struggle fce 1!beratim. Tragically, the situation is becoming increasingly polarized in that country, and this bodes ill for the future. I£tt us not forget that, along with official coercion and violence, paramilitary, r icj1t-wing extremist groups, whose links to the South African security forces are in little doubt, have in the last year increased the systematic violence against anti-apartheid opponents inside South Africa and the assassination of cadres of the resistance outside the region, even in capi tals of western nations. The bonbings of Khotso and Kanya Houses - both the offices of religious and other anti-apartheid opposition organizations - show that even church and other religious organizations have not been spared. The !i'lcrease in political trials of activistG at charges of treason and the subsequent death sentences imlOsed are evidence of the regime's use of the judiciary as a legal weapon against its opposition. The conviction in the Delmas trial is sic.J'1ificant and has lcmg-term implications for the anti-apartheid opposition. The judgment not only criminalizes any form of oppeaitim, but also establishes a fateful pr:ecedent~ that any non=violent action that may oppose the regime is treasonous and therefore subject to the death penalty. The c::ommtatlon of the death sentences Cl'l the Sharpeville Six, which we. all welcome, came only after the whole wor:ld had to mobUize to save the six ~ung people convicted at the basis of the "common purpose" doctrine. The cormnutation of their sentences is remarkable in that it clearly shows the dilemma of SOuth Africa today and the tragedy of that country, and remarkable in the sense that for Botha to be able to OOllll\ute their sentences he ("'1'. Garba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) had to placate the extreme right by the pardon of four whites convicted of actual murder. This trading off is not only unbalanced but detr imenul to whatever good the regime may want the world to perceive. The question in truth iS$ were the Sharpev1l1e Six death sentences ml'llnuted on their cwn merit or used as an avenue to save the lives of four whites guUty of the murder of some blacks? South Africa is today a oountry at war with its GWn people·, it is a society in crisis. Time is ruming cut as apartheid cootinueo to corrode south African society, both black and white, a fact that is hav ing an impact even on the Hational Party's AfrikanC!r support. It is a historical truth that the fomdations of a society begin to weakm when that society loses the support of its intellectuals and i t:s youth. More \lib!te youths are leav ing the country because they C8MOt see a future in SOuth Africa.. small sectors of Afrikanerdom are growing restless, further disenchanted \1Ii th the National Party, and have entered a process of political dialogue with the anti-apartheid opposition forces inside and cuts ide SOUth Africa. OWerall, a search, is under WIly among the anti~apartheid groups, both black and white, to find connon ground to confront the apartheid regime l' indeed to buua unity in action. What has the international oonmunity's response been to these developnents? I must admit that the response has fallen rather short of ,*,at is required. Since this Assembly last considered the aeartheid question, in Nov~er 1987, with few exceptions the llCessure on South Africa has come f~om non-gCNel:nmental sources':. from banks which find it increas ingly riaky to lend to South Afr 1ca, from companies which find investing there too hazardous and almost non-profitable, and from indiviciJals and organizations which oontinue to press for global disinvestment. With the exception of further actial taken by the Nordic countries, it is only Commonwealth, with the exception of the United Kingdom, and the United states Congress that have kept up the momentum of gOlTEnmental action against Pretoria. Unfortunately, the international colfillunity has failed to adopt the most important lieuure, the ally measure capable of giving thel SOU th African regime the unmistakale message that. its apartheid policies will not be tolerated because they are anathema to the basic tenets of a civilized wcxld. I am referring here to the faUure of the international coilll1unity to impose comprehensive, mandatory Sa'lctions against SOUth Africa under Chapter VII of the Q1arter of the thited Nations. (Mr. Garba j Chairman, Special Corami~tee against Apartheid) It is true that a nul1ber of GoveE'nments have cadopted measures against SOUth Afr iea and therefore have contr ibu\:ed sign ificantly to the cOl1lllOn efforts of the international community in that regard. The Nordic countries and the thited States have adopted some far-read1ing measures. I regret to say, however, that the measures taken by the European Ecooomic Community have been rather weak and, in many ways, seem to haITe been des!9!\ed for perceived effect rather than effectiveness. The Special Committee is particularly concerned and deeply regrets that the thited Kingdom, the united States and the Federal Republic of Germany continue to be major economic partners ef SOUth Africa, although trade between the united States and South Afriea did decline in 1987 as a reeult of the united states anti-Apartheid Act. Our Committee views wi th a.pprehensim that in 1987 Japan assumed the position of the PI: imary trade partner of South Afr iea by substantially increasing its trade, both imports and exports, with that country. The Special Committee hopes that the decline of trade registered in the first months of 1988 is a sign that the Japanese GeNe:nment is serious about mdertak ing measures to curb its eoonomlc ties with South Africa. The COJ'll'llittee acknowledges the efforts ef the Japanese Government to streamline its trade relations with South Africa and is ootllizant that the rise in trade figures has resulted in part from the appreciation of the Japanese yen. we ne'lertheless feel that the Japanese authorities must do more to absolve themselves. PUrtherzgjre, it appears that some countries are seeking ad'lllllltages by filling the eccncmic vacuum created by the selective sanctions a(bpted by those countr ies which have heeded the call of tha internatiooal ooml'lumity to isolate South Africa. In this regard, the Special COl1lillttee is disturbed that the (ECNince of Taiw~n M.d certain other Asiatic countries have also increased their volume of tzade with south Africa in the past year. The Special Committee is particularly disturbed that the 11 feline of the Sou th African economy - that is, short-term credit - is being prO'lided mainly by the thited Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany and Sfitzerland. It is further concerned with reports that recent infractions of the arms embargo have involved the sale to SOUth Africa of sensitive equipment with military use from the Federal RePlblic of Germany and some other western countries. The Special Conmittee is closely following the investigatioo undertaken by the Parliamentary Committee in the Federal Republic of Germany, in particular concerning the sale of submarine blueprints. The Committee hopes that the P~liamentary Committee's final report, in contra:Jt to the Governnent's fiscal review which patently failed \'i:o do so, will bring all the facts to light, for the benefit of everycne calce:ned. ]iven that the arms embargo is ale area in whic:b the united Nations has been able to impose mandatory sanctions on SOuth Africa, the Special Committee views with seriousness attempts by some Menber States to bust the arms embargo to the imp:>sition of which they had hi therto been parties. The alUS is al t.he GoIer:nments of the coun tries concerned to redeem their image and credibility by thOl'oucj11y investigating these viola tions. The situation I have just desc::r!bed gives us no reason for confidence or canfort. The situation in SOUth Africa cmtinues to deteri«ate~ if the international colllllunity is to be a serious actor in the unfolding of events in South Africa, it needs to ta1ce decisive actial and acbpt effective measures against the regime. In this context ,it is my duty to introduce the report of the Special COlIlIIlittee against Apartheid in cbcument A/43/22. I draw the attention of mel'lber:s to, among other things the section -Review of developnents in South Africa- in paragra(h8 5 to 60. I should like in particular to draw attential to .:he (Mr. GM ba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) conclusions and recommendations I'Il!!de in paragrarns 183 to 194. I should also like to point out Annex I, containing a report on recent developnents ooncerning relations between SOUth Africa &nd Israel, which the Special Committee has submitted in compliance with the directives of this body. I feel it is my responsibility to point out that, in the discharge of our 1IUIndate, we have found that the Government of Israel has taken certain J:Ositive measures to redefine its relations with SOuth Africa. The special Committee is therefGt'e mCJ\izant of its tecent economic actions as well as action.s against its sportsuen who went to South Africa. The Committee hOlifeYer feels that it lot more needs to be done in the area of military collab<X'ation • The report of the Special COl'llllittee against Apartheid concludes that the most effective sanctions, short of the imPOSi tion c)f canprehens lve and manda tory sanctions, should be targeted at a few areas of the economy, notably a ban on imports of coal and agricultural p:ocllcts, ClIt the aupplyof loans and credit, on the transfer of technology and on direct air fli~ts to and from South Africa. A mandatory oil ellbargo still remains ale of the most powerful ways of pressuring the racist regime. As e_mplified abcwe, the effective monitoring of the arms emergo is of extreme si~ificanC'e in the internatiooal campaign against i!putheid. The &lropean Fconomic COJIIftunity and Japan which, in the scope and implementation of sanctions, currently 1ag substantially behind the Nordic countries and the thited States, should be urged to raise the level of thf' '. sanctions and close the loopaoles in.existing sanctions. Me~sures shoold also be considered to p:event countries from benefiting from the vacuum created by other sta~eB tiaich have imposed sanctions. Ql this issue, paragraph 60 of the secretary-General's rep)rt al implementation of national (Nr. Garba, Chairman, Special COIlIJIlittee against Apartheid) measures acbpted against South Africa (A/43/786), to which I also draw the Assembly's attention, concludes that the undarmining of sanctions is inherent in situations where sanctions are not Wliversally applied or ~en internationally accepted IX inciples and procedures have not yet evolved. The ~ecial CODlllittee further believes ttu~t states deciding to L"ltroci1ce sanctions should acbpt natimal legislative measures to penalize violators of sanctions, instead of merely relying on policy statements. Finally, experience so far has shown that the sanctfons adopted against South Africa need strengthening, better oo-ordination and standardization, imprOlTed implementation and a more effective centralized monitoring and reporting system. In the final analys is, events in South Afr lea wUl determine the cow: se of the history of that country. There is no doubt, however, that the internal pressure of the anti-apartheid opposition c:oDbined with effective external pressure can becnne a powerful force against apartheid. In that CQ'lt:ext, the potential effect of economic measures against SOuth Afr iea has been key in the call to the interna tional community to impose fur ther sMotions on SOU th Africa. The cost to the regime of maintaining apartheid must continuously be increased,; it should be clear, though, that the intention of the inta-national commla\ity is not - as is son;etimes disingenuously argued - to damage the South &fri08n eoonomy irreparably. Rather, sanctions have always been envisimed as a c.stalyst for the domestic and international business oo!llllunity because sanctions can affect those ea;)nomic secta:s which have influence en the political decision-making process in that country. In the same vein, other efforts to isolate South Africa, sum as in sports and in the cultural field, can exert a parallel pressure at the ruling white minority and therefore should also be strengthened. (Mr. Gar ba, Chairman, Special Canmittee against Aparthei~) Today the need to exercise economic and po:I.itical. ptessure against the regime is even greater. The united States, the united Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan must use their considerable economic and politieal leverage on South Africa to assis't the ma10rity of the people of that country to defeat apartheid. Increasing attempts by some countries in the Far East and certain cOWltt'ies in Afr lea to help South· Afr iea evade sanctions should be 4!xposed and indeed caadeJlfted. There can be no traffi c:k ing wi th the apar theid regime. No country should pr.ofil: from the spoils of apartheid. On its part, the Special ComRlittee will c<X\tinue in the coming year its activities desi~ed in particular to influence not only decision-makers but also opinion makers in order to strengthen the international campaign against the apartheid regime. The COlIIfilttee is increasingly targeting its efforts, sparing resources, but spar ing no efforts. Our seminar this year in Lima vi th some 17 journalists from Latin American and Caribbean countries was intended to mobUize opinion-makers in an area which Pretoria has tried to infiltrate - and in some cases successfully. (Hr. Garba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) Our Symposi\lll on Culture against Apartheid, in Athens, with 36 renowned personalities from the world of culture gave the cultural isolation of Pretoria an urgent and realistic impetus. In the same vein, the Special Committee plans to organize in 1989 meetings with selected parliamentarians, members of the media, educatCX's and labour leaders. While there are signs that the political climate in the southern African Bubregion is improving - a de'lelopnent that the Special Canmittee welcomes - the international coJIIDunity should intensify its focus on the continuing deterioration of the internal situation in South Africa, where apartheig" which is the root cause of the regional conflict, remains virtually intact. If Hr. Botha is coJIIDitted, as he says, to a peace ~ocess in the region, let him begin that process inside South Afr ica by responding to the demands of the black major ity population and its white allies. Let him establish the conditions for the peaceful resolution of the conflict in SOuth Africa by~ first, lifing the state of emergency, immediately and uncQlditionally release Nelson Mandela and all oth.er .political prisonei-s and detainees, particularly children, lifting the ban on all political organizations and opPonents of apartheid,' and allowing the safe return of all political. exiles~ secondly, withdrawing the regime's troops from black townships and repealing restrictions on the freedom of the p:ess~ and thirdly, ending the policy of bantustanization and forced population removals and military and paramilitary activities aimed at neighbouring countries. The Special COJIIDittee against Apartheid welcomes the release tb.is weekend of Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) leader, 2ep-ania M;)thopeng,' and African National Congress of&.luth Africa (ARC) member, Harry Gwala.· It hopes that this humanitarian gesture is also a political gesture and that it will be followed by (Hr. Gar ba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) the genuine release of NelsQ'l Mandela and other political priscmers. This is the first necessary step in a ~ocess of negotiation for the peaceful resolution of the conflict in that caun try. The ultimate power in any society rests with the people. In South Afr lea a minority assumes that the J'M.jority is not enlightened enou~'h to exercise this power. This fallacious assumption cannot be given currency and credibility by th~ international commtmity, foe it creates a situation that caMot be accepted in any other sr;i1ere of the international ooll1Dunity. In presenting the report of the Special Committee - an affair that hClS become an annual ritual - let me say that, while the debate on apartheid may for some of us be a chore that must be performed in the course of a General Assellbly session, it is for the rest of us a commitment to bring an end - Cl peaceful end, indeed - to the heinous crime of apartheid. Let us remenber that the fate of millions of black and ~ite SOuth Africans is bound to our actions and our votes. The Special Committee is and continues to be sensitive to the feelings of those Mellber states that fa: one reason or another do not support our work and our approach to this issue. In the discharge of our mandate we continue to strive for: objectivity based on a fair and unbiased assessment of issues as we perceive them. It is neither our intent nor our man&lte to challenge the sovereignty or policies of MeJlber States, but I believe that it is our responsiblity to report such policies in so far as they relate to ap!rtheid South Africa to this body. Thus, in discharging our manda te we have called names where th is is factuall y requ ired • This is inevitable, and I do not think we should be apologetic for our actions. If Menber States feel that they must criticize our report, they must do so constructively and in good faith. They must, however, appreciate and accept., (Hr. Garba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) in their objecticn to name-calling, that no l!lIlDWlt of name-calling can equal the brutality and violence that apartheid policies and the racist regime visit on SOuth Africans. Our collective action must, therefore, be pE'edic:ated upon our candid perception of the enormous burden imposed on us by the evil system of apartheid. Mr. CRAQJLA (tbited R!public of Tanzania), Rapporteur of the Intergovernmental Group to M)nitor the SUpply and Slipping of Oil and Petroleum Prowcts to SOUth Africa: I have the honour to introwce the report of the Intergovernmental Group to Mlnitor the SUpply and Shipping of Oil and Petroleum Procilc:ts to SOUth Africa (A/43/44). This is the IntergCNernmental Group's secood report to the Assembly since the Group was established in 1987. It was wi th considerable anxiety that at the begiming of 1987 the meuDE!['S of the Intergovernmental Group accepted the invitation to join the Group, for it was a unique, difficult and delicate assignment that we wittingly accepted. The Group's task is unique in thet this was the first time the General Assenbly had created a body speci fically to mani tor caapliance wi th a non-mandatory sanctions measure. We did not have precedents or experience of other such bodies to fall back upon, and we are still aware that the future employment of this appcoach lIBy well depend on how effectively we e3llecute our mandate. Our task is a difficult one by any standards. OUr work is of a very technical nature - mm ma:e technical than ootsidel:'s perhaps realize, and more technical than tee ourselves expected at the beginning of our work. We first had to acquire a tedmical l.I'lderstanding of the problem and its divel:'se intel:'national aspects. we had no mater lal resources for our task, the Group having been established at a time of financial er is is in the Organization. Nor would it have been proper for us to (Mr. Chagula, Rapporteur , Interg01ernmental Group to M:>nitor the Supply and Shipping of Oil anil Petroleum produ~ to South Afr iea) seek such resources at that time befCll'e we knew that we could employ them .in a meaningful manner to carry out our assigned tasks. FiJrthermore, tlle mpartheid regime of south Africa has done everything possible to frustrate outside monitoring of its oil supplies, even to the extent of reluirin9, and paying extra for, _ximum secrecy in this regard. 'l'hus, f.rom the very b8CJinning we realized that our task would depend on the co-operation of Governments, particularly those of oil-exporting and oil-shipping States. However, what made· our task mre difficult was the fact that there had previously been almost no reliable mechanism for monitoring canpliance with, or co-ordinating the enforcement efforts in respect of, the oil embargo against South Africa. This situation created favourable conditions for oil shippers and trade:s to defy such an oil embargo against South Afr iea with little fear of any adverse consequences, particularly as the ellbargo was voluntary. Just as we slarted out wi th a feel ing of anxiety almost two years ago, it is only now with a CEH ta in feeling of relief that I can speak today to peesent our secatd report to the General Assenbly. I feel that our achievements in these first two years have been significant and remarkable and that if we can maintain the same mmentum we will soon be making serious inroads into South Africa's illegal oil supplies, so far as ooncerns the Assembly having regard to its resolutions 41/35 F and 42/23 F, reference to wich has been made in our report. Regarding the technical. pt'oblems I can only state that we have rapidly been gaining e~t~M,:!rience in sifting and evaluating the voluminous information on ships' voyage recor&, oil discharge doollnenta tion and the like. We plan to widen our ap~oach by introci1cing certain new methods of data analysis in the coming year. we have been heartened by the extent of Government support for our efforts and in certain cases the {Xecision of informatim prCJllided by GOITernm~ts was decisive for our analysis. We have also very much appreciated the indispensable support we have been receiving from the thited Nations Centre against Apartheid in our task. The report of the Intergovernmental Group to lbnitor the SUpply and Shipping of Oil and Petroleum Products to South Africa consists of seven chapters and three anne~s and prOV'ides both a descriptive and an analytical review of the work of the Intergovernmental Group. The report this year is more canprehensive than that of 1987. New sections on foreign invesbnents in the South Afr iean petroleum industry, transfer of technology and the role of the oil canpcmies, dissemination of information and the proposed hearings on the oil embargo r:d~,st South Africa have been added to our r.eport this year. Annex I of the repor:t contains replies from Gover nments to the q ues tionnair e we sen t out to member Sta tes r egarding the supply of oU and petroleum t:owcts to Sou~h Africa and Namibia. The other two annexes deal with cases of alleged violations of the oil embargo. In this cCX\text let me prOlTide a few statistics. In 1987, our first year of operation, 32 cases of alleged violations involving 25 ships were reported to us. Of these cases three were eliminated en the basis of information supplied by the Governments concernede In the remain:lng 29 cases we concluded i:.'lat oil shipuents to SOUth Africa -~ad pr:obably occurred, unless evidence to the cCX\uary emerges in the future•. The co-operation of Gove:n~nts in this ellercise is crucial. In 1988 we received reports of 64 alleged violations of oil shipments to SOuth Africa from outside involving 32 ships. seven allegations were withdrawn &le to insufficient information; in nine cases the GoI7ernments ccnceri1ed prodded doOllllentation of oil discharge in noo-South Af!:ican p;>rts, leading us to delete these cases from the list. The rema1.1'1il1g 48 cases are still wdet' investigation by the Group. This year there were also four additiCX\al allegations of oil shipnents £ran SOUth Africa to Namibia. Gle of these was confirmad, the other three are still being investigated. OUr rate of detection ~11d coverage of violations of the oil embar90 agaL,st South Africa is increasing, and we are dealing with more cases t*lere the same ship has been involved in more than one voyage to SOuth Afr iea. A reasCX\able goal for the IntergOlTernment,al Group at this point is to raise the rate of detection ana coverage, thereby cxeating a powerful disincentive to engage in this traffic. ViOlatCEo -<fill th1M twice now that they know there i9 a greater chance of detection and th~t such detection will subject them to further scrutiny in the future L, respect 0.£ a'd1er ships in their fleet, not just the .:me that was caucjlt deliver!nCj oil to South Africa. Perhaps freight charterers will think twice about engaging ships or canpanies ~ic:h have been identified as violators. 'lb achieve this we obviously must publicize names, but I should like to assure delegations that our app:oach is CXle of vigilance and not vindictiveness. Because vigilance on behalf of the Assembly is our main concern, we have felt it p~ticularly important to apply stringently fair standards in evaluating evidence and to extress ourselves very cautiously in our findings. The IntergOlTernmental Group has emphasized that publishing these cases "does not in any way imply a charge against or a passing of judgement on the individual States concerned or canpanies tmder their jurisdiction. a (A/43/44, p. 10, para. 38) For that reason we stre8s that a "confirmed violation" to us means only that sufficient evidence has not been p:esented to dispel the allegatim that the oil in question prcbably has been shipped to South Africa. For the same reason we decided to accept oil discharge c.bcumentation as a refutation of alleged violations. In the meantime we must" howwer t emphasize that Governments concerned should scrutinize the authenticity of the cbcumentatioo presented and be more vigilant than in the past in order to Irevent oil and shipping companies from forging sum cbcumentatim. we prefer to err CXl the side of leniency in order to ccntinue the present hicjl degree of co-operation and trust the Group enjoys from Governments. Our assignment is mique, or at the very least unusual, in another lCespect. On the one hand we have been mandated by the General Assenbly to monitor compliance wi th measures which it has recCllllmended to ! ts Henbers. B.1t as far as the can !age of crude oil to South Africa is concerncad we are not dealing with normal legitimate commerce but rather with an "illegal" trade in a comJlDdity which is being fraudulently diverted to South Afr iea against the expt'essed wishes of the producer e S1~in9 of Oil ..0 Petroleum Pr ets to South Afr lea) and exporters, for fiO exporter or p:'od1cer of etude oil allows it to be exported to s:.uth Afr lea. The oil-exporting countr ies have done everything, from discouraging and banning such exports to actually making them a criminal offence. In most cases they have done so independently of, and prior to, the reoonmendations of the General AsseDbly. In this sense the IntergOlTernmental Group is simply co-ordinating the enforcement of the national measures already taken by Memer states. What I have just stated applies to crude oil. In some cases, however, States have even begun to take similar legal measures with regard to refined petroleum products. And in recent years two major maritime countries, Norway and Denmark, have made the shipping of oil and petroleum l%owcts to south Africa illegal. we hope to see more States in the near future taking similar steps to ensure that the process of supplying South Africa with oil and petroleum proc1lcts is rendered illegal by the States whidt in one way or another IOOve or handle the oil between p:ocl1cers and end users. The In tergcwernmental Group feels that, b~ides being fa ir, its approach should also be b~oad and comprehensive. J!tlr this reason we have taken up, albeit very briefly, the related question of South Africa's attempts to mitigate the effects of the oil embargo by converting other hydrocarbals to fuel and by oil explcration or stockpUing. Wa have done so because there is less unanimity in the international (X)nmunity on this question than there is on the question of supplying oil to South Africa. By drawing attention to outside suppliers of critical t.ed1nologies for these activities we hope to gain greater understanding. OUr view is that this too should be p:ohibited and that appropriate measures should be taken by the international oonmunity throucjl the Assemly. Let me just briefly report on several commWlications wid1 reached the Intergovernnental Group after its report for 1988 had been prepared. These commll\ications CQ'lcern our ongoing investigation of cases of alleged violations of the oil embargo against South Afr lea, and other related matters. These commWlications from Gcwernments will be considered by the Group as soon as possible and will be reflected in its report next year. However, I would like to give a brief report on them foe the information of delegations. The Permanent Mission of Qatar, on 7 OCtober 1988, sent a&U tional information cQ'lcern ing the ques tiOM8 ire we had sent out. The Permanent Mission of the FederAl Republic of Germany, in a note verba1e ..'. dated 10 OCtober 1988, stated the following ~ (Kr. Chaq.11a, Rappor teur , Intergcwernmental Group to f1bnitor the9.tpply and Shipping of Oil ald Petroleum Products to South Afr lea) "The 'German Shipowners Associatim' has been advised of the Federal Goverrment's Policy and of the decisions taken by the Foreic;J\ Ministers of the European Community on 10 S!ptenber 1985. No crude oil shipments to SOUth Africa are being carried out either directly or in transit from {X)rts in the Federal R!public of Germany or by vessels fiying its flag." The Perlnanent Mission of the united Ar.ab :&nirates sent a note verbale, dated 31 OCtober 1998, concerning the case of the ship Fidius, which stated, inter alia\ "1. It was alleged that the ship arrived at Fujairah anchorage on 18 June 1987 and left after five days. In this CQ'1text, it should be known that neither an oil port nor any port for loading or transporting oil exists in Fujairah. Accordingly, no oil Miatsoever could have been lifted from Fujairah. "2. It was also alleged that the ship left for Iran and then departed and called at me a: more South African ports to del iver oil. Assuming that such movement on the part of that ship is rorrect, it does not in any way Miatsoever ~O'le, or even indicate, that it 11 fted oil from Fuja irah or any other por t in the un i ted Arab Emira tes • "'1'0 sum up, the allegation about: Fidius carrying oil from Fujair8&'l is false and wi thout: any fomda tic:n. It The Office for Foreign Affairs of Liemtenstein sent a note verbale, dated 31 OCtober 1988, concerning the ships Berge Prince and !.",rge Princess, which ota tea, inter alia \ "The Office for Fcxeign Affairs wishes to state that the ships owned by a compsny registered in Liechtenstein had been bare-boat chartered to a Norwegian shipping firm. These ships did in fact call at ports in SOuth Africa in connection with oil trade. SUch cialls were according to authcxity cQ"ttained in the bare-<:08t charter agreement permitting them to engage in 'lawful trade'. In the meantime, Norway has passed a law which forbids engaging in oil trade in SOuth Africa. Accordingly, the ships will have to obey 'th is law. ". The Permanent Mission of Qatar, on 9 Novemer 1988, sent notes verbales accanpanied by c.bcumentation of disdlarge of the oil shipments of the ships Berge Enterpr lse and ~, both of whidl were delivered in Singapore. The Mission of Iran sent a note verbale, dated 18 NO'lenber 1988, wi th a copy of the certificate of discharge of the ship Fidius, which departed from Iran in June 1987 and delivered its 011 cargo in Ibtterdam, Netherlands, on 16 August 1987u The Mission of Iran also sent another note verbale, dated 2S Novemer 1988, denying that the ships Berge Pr iDee Md Serge Pr incess were il1lTolved in supplying Iranian oil to South Afr iea. It may be recalled that the Intergovernllental Group has always requested that certi ficate of discharge should be submitted to prO'le that the oil shiprillmt in question has not been delivered in South Afr lean ports • ." The Pruident returned to the Chair. I have tried to reflect fa! thfully the views expressed by various Gcwernments after our report for. 1988 had been prepared simply to assure Menber states that the Intergoyernmental Group very carefully considers all communications it receives from governllents .befOre it compiles its remnmendations to the Assenbly. Before I cooclude, I am cmty bound to expcess the indebtecbess of the Intergovernnental Group to the Centre against Apartheid and its Director, Assistant secretary-General Mr. Ebt1rios ~usouris, u well as to its staff, particularly Mr. Amer Araim, who very competently acted as the Group's seC%etary throucjlout the year. for their support and collabora tioo. Finally, in my capacity U Rapporteur of the Intergovernmental Group, I should like to thank the Olairman, t.ile Vice-01airman aid all menbers of the Group for their oollaboration, whim has enabled me to finalize and present th is report to th~ General Assemly in good time. It is my hope that the Asseil'bly will adopt the report without any dissent or reservations. Hr. MLLOJA (Albania) ~ South Afr lea's racial 1X'licy has been before the thited Nations in one form ex another for more than 40 years. Inta-national opinim has not failed during all that time strongly to denounce that inhumane system, ~ich has deepened and institutionalized in that country the racial JiOlicies inherited from the 19th century. In spite of the efforts and struggle of the Azanian people for national and social freedan, ~ic:h takes various forms, apartheid continues to act like a system that oppresses, exploits and humiliates not only the Azanian people, but also the Namibian people, and in so doing defies the entire African oontinent. Therefore, the international oonmunity cannot remain and has not remained silent towards that regime and its system ~id1 is based on the racist theory that the white minority should rule the coloured majority only because they are bern colour'3d. That attlorrent regime, which relies on violence, is the cause of the destabilization and tension in southern Africa. Testimony to this is the grave situation of the Azanian people, the occupation of Namibia and the aggressive and subversive acts carried out systematically against the countries of the region. In the };resent circumstances, as in the past, the source of concern is the plight of the Azanian people. R!gardless of the rigid censorship the racists have imposed with the aim of creating a blackout around the COurlUY, information reaching the world shows that apartheid leads to the killing, arresting and blackmailing of people, only because they demand the most el&mentary rights. Even defenceless children, women and old people are not spared. The demonstrators protesting for better working and living conditions, for equal ri9hts and justice, are suppressed most. ferociously. Every aspect of life in SOuth Africa is ,character ized by violence and terror. The massive oppression of the people is the racists' agendae Throuc#'l the dracCl1ian laws enforced I.I1der the state of emergency, which has l(l1g since been declared throughout the country, the racists carry out criminal acts. thder the p:etext of the state of emergency, the so-called securi ty col1lllittees have been turned into a shadow administration of violence &nd ten-or. Il1t this atnorrent regime does not confine itself to the oPIX'ession of the Azanian population alale. Aspir 10g for hegemony, it has turned the southern region of Africa into a hotbed of subversion and destruction. The illegitimate occupation of Namibia, the continuous acts of subversion against the neighbouring countries, testify to the policy of State terrorism pursued by the regime. The £root-line States, which are a direct target of such er imina! practices, as well as all the other African States, are conscious that Sou th Africa is the real cause of the grave situation and the political, eoonomic and social oomplications in the region. At the same time, they know that this challenge should be opposed in solidarity, with determination and without comp:omise. The People's Socialist ~public of Albania stands in full solidarity with them in their legitimate struggle. In the history of our organization, among the dictatorial regimes the racist regime of SOUth Africa is probably the most condenned and denounced by wodd opinioo. Such unanimous oonc1emnation is a demonstration of the opposition they have shown to the regime, which has constantly defied the aspirations of the Azanians and the solidarity that other peoples maintain with them. There is no doubt that the source of its defiance and arrogance does not rest en the strength of the racist repres~ive machine of the white minority alone,; it stems from the support that the regime gets from the big imperialist powers, notably the (hi ted States, which have VE ious interests in that part of the continent. Furtherl\1ore,the destabUized situation in southern Africa is becoming more complicated because of the co~tinued interference of the two super-Palers, the lbited States and the SOviet thion, which are serving their imperialist interests • Eadl of them t::ies to exploit the situation in the way that most benefits them, trying to make space fbp: their expansionist amitions. In addition, their bargains and agreements, which they ever more consider to be their exclusive dollBin for the settlement of regional conflicts, in fact aim to secure a carte blanche for their diktat and interference in the internal affairs of the region, their goal being the strengthening of their political, eoonomic and military positions. But it is clear to the peoples of the region that imperialist interference entails grave oonsequences. The unity of their efforts, desires and will, should be determinant in lessening tensions and creating genuine circulIStances cmducive to the realization of their aspirations. The course of events in Azania and in southern Africa as a whole has shown that the racist regime will be eradicated nei ther through pleas nor as a result of the bargains or sdlemes designed by the imperialist powers, but throucjl the resolute struggle of the peoples of Azania and Namibia with the solidarity and support of the African peoples and international opinion. The struggle waged by those two peoples against apartheid is a major social conflict and not a conflict between races. It is a struggle between the Azanian people on the ale hand and the apartheid system on the other. The so-called solutions based on reform are but manoeuvres to hoodwink the masses of the people wi th the ail1l of perpetuating the racist rule. That is why, in our opinion, the Azanian questio:i is not a question of constitutional reform, for apartheid cannot be reformed, it must be canpletely varquished and abolished a1C8 Md for all. B}? upr:ooting the racist, neocolalialist and imperialist domination and plundering of that part of Africa, the people would eventually gain the rights for which they have loog foucj1t. Theremre, the Azanian and Namibian peopl",s, as well as all the other African peoples, have never agreed with the demagogy of reforms,. on the (Mr. Mlloja, Albania) ccmuary, they have opposed them and are fighting, arms in hMd, for fzeedan and self-determination. Their struggle and, in the first place, the spirit of ~termination displayed by the popular masses are the best gu&umtee, clearly indicating that no future awaits the racist regime of South Africa. The Albanian delegation reconfirm that our people, as in the past, will resolutely oppose every kind of r ac1al discr imination. We strongly denounce the racist policy of SOuth Africa and support without reservations the just struggle of the Azanian people and of the other African peoples for national liberation, in defence of freedan and national independence and against the interference of the imperialist and neooolooialist Powers. We expceas oonfidence that, due to their spirit of sacrifice, courage and strong will to live freely in their homeland, the day is not far away when the Azanian people beoome masters of their own oountryq like their brother African peoples. ~. BADHfI (B:Jypt) (interpretation from Arabich The Afr ican oontinent is confronting enormus and various challenges Wiich can be OI7ercome only by unshakeable will and fierce determination. Our peoples in Afr ica have no choice but to face up to those challenges and cwercome the difficul ties. The first of those challenges, and perhaps the JOOst prcwocative, is the deteriorating situation in southern Africa created by the racist and aggress ive policy of SOU th Africa against the people of the region. Apartheid is a frightful human tragedy·, and it is p:actised by an inhuman regime based on repression, bloodshed and murder. The Un ited Ha tions and the international community have reiterated their ca1dennation of this crime against mankind, and we all remain convinced that it must continue to be opposed and that those respons:fr>le foe it must be punished. A regime based on racial discrimination and the denial of the fundamental rights of the overwhelming majority of~e population is in flagrant cootradiction of the spirit and doctrines of the revealed religions and goes against the principles of the United Nations Charter, from which all Menber States draw inspiration. Egypt's strong principled stand is against all forms of racial discrimination running counter to the pt'inciples of freedom and justice, as cClltained in the thiversal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The racist minority in Pretoria remains firmly committed to the shameful policy of apartheid, whim it practises against the overwhelming major ity of the population, in flagrant violation of human rights, the thi ted Nations Olarter and resolutions of the Organization. As has been shown in the past, this policy is the root cause of the shedding of blood and the escalation of violence in a vicious circle not limited only to South Afr iea but spr ead throughout the region. It has forced the oppressed majority to take a stand against it sinoa it has not emly been subjected to racist legisla tion and de1% ived of its fundamental human ricj1ts and just politieal representation but has also been the victim oi terrorist measures, oppression and repression. The pr isClls are thus overflQling with detainees, many of whom have been tortured and k Hled. The growing v iolence in SOuth Afr iea has taken on unprecedented proportions. &nergency measures are applied against elements of the national resistance 1n a desperate attempt to suppress and annihilate the growing resistance by means of which the masses are confrmting the racist policies and manoeuvres. This terrible human sUffering endu;red by the persecuted people of South Africa has only strengthened that people's resolve to rid itself of oppression and in a rarely seen political awareness to unite behind its organizations and leadership. The international community must consolidate its commitment to the oppressed majority of South Africa in its struggle against racial discrimination and must redouble and diversify the pressure brought to bear against the Pretor ia r.egime and uni fy all efforts in support of the growing rejection of apartheid in order to secure the final elimina tion of all inhuman pcactices. The united Nations first considered the question of racial discrimination in SOUth Africa more than 40 years ago. It is regrettable that circunstances have allOtfed f oese heinous policies to persist, in spite of the international community's unanimous cmdennation of them. Throughout these years the thited Nations has been firmly against racial discrimination, in the conviction that. effect of these policies poses a serious threat to international peace. That is why Egypt believes that greater efforts must be made without delay to free that State, which is torn by racism, thus alleviating the misery and suffer ing of the people and ridding mank ind of the shame and the poison of apartheid. Ji>;ypt also believes that it is up to the international community to take more effective action in order to rid South Africa of violence and prepare the way for a pe,lll.ceful and del'lDcratic settlement. A del'lDcratic dialogue among all the parties, on the basis of equality, is still possible~ it is in fact the most effective way of reaching a peaceful soluticn to the racist conflict in south Africa. At thou~ this is nothinCj new, we nevertheless believe that there must be dialogue among t.he leaders of all factions in South Africa and that such a measure is increasingly urgent. Peace can be restored in sou thern Africa only wi th the participation of the overwhelming majority of the region's population. Th,' Pretoria regime should respcnd to all appeals to reason and wisdom Md entf\.I into a democratic dialogue with the opprf::ssed majorit.y aimed at reaching a peaO!ful solution guaranteeing the interests of all the parties. Thus the Government of SOuth Afr iea should rescind all the measureD it has adopted against the peaceful resistance and immediately J:elease all political prisoners liS an essential nrst step towards the peaceful settlement of the conflict in SOuth AFtica. Pretoria is ooly deceiving itself lllhen it cQ'ltinues to believe that it can Plt an end to the pcoblem by stubbornly adopting measures against ta'1e resistance by banning political rallies or by flouting justice and the Clause of this oppressed people, or by arresting ita leaders. On the contrary, dialogue is the only means of restoring peace in the region. On behalf of the people and the Governnent of Fl:Jypt, I take this opportunity to express our best wishes to the Special Committee sgainst Apartheid, and to its Chairman, Mr. Garba, on the twent:"~-fifth anniversary of theComittee. The internaticn&l commmity sincerely hopes that the Commit.tee will be successful in its efforts to carry out its mandate in denouncing the racist policies and practices of afar theid and rnak ing world public opinion aware of the er uel ty of the regime and mobil!::!ng it in the struggle against apartheid and racial discdm1n~tion. For a quarter century the Committee has with great dedication made laudable efforts to develop and co-ordinate a plan of action to p!t an end to apartheid. we alao commend the a truggle of the fra ternal people of SOuth Africa, and i to leader f Nelson Mandela, who, in this heroic struggle, ~as been emf:)~lary in his principled firlll'less llnd faith in justice. In spite of all the trials and difficulties, he has made of that struggle a legendary saga. Egypt has always supportad the liberation mOV'ements in Africa because of its belief in the unity of the pa~t and. the future. It reaffirms its determination to do all in its power to give moral, political and material support to its brothe:s in South Afr iea so that their heroic struggle may soon be crowned with suocass. Mr. B1fIADNEH (Jordan) (interpt'QtatiQ1 from Arabic): I have the hooour to speak on behalf of the states of the Organization of the Ialamic CQ1ference on the item on the policies of apartheid of the GOV'ernment of SOUth Africa. Those policies are not only a crime agaiJIst humanity and an affront to the dignity of man, but also a threat to international peace and security. The Islamic states, on the basis of their principles, their history and their firm positions, vigorously Caldellll and totally reject tha t heinous policy. They consistently affirm their solidarity with and support for the people of South Africa in their valiant struggle against the racist GOV'ernment of South Africa to force it to renounce its policy of racial discr imination • The States member s of the Organization of the Islamic Conference raaffirmed that position at "the 17th Conference of Foreign Min !sters, which my country had the honour of hosting at the end of March this year. The United Nations h. tried ever since it was established, to bring an end to the racist policies of SOUth Africa. It has adopted many resolutions strongly mndemning those policies snd calling for their elimination. However, the Government of SOUth Africa persists in defying the will of the international cOlllftunity and violating the p:inciplas of the United Nations. It continues to defy security Comcil and General Assenbly resolutions en this subject. It persists in its r~lZessive policies aimed at suppressing any national opposition to its aparthe!!! policies, while cmtinuing to step up its Ul"Jdeclared war and commit acts of aggression against the frCl1t-line countries within the D:dmework of its policy of destabilization designed to ruin the economies of those States and prevent them frem opposing the policies of apartheid and supporting the national resistance movement. The Governnent of South Africa tries from time to time to implement proposals that it calls reforms. The lastest of these have been the elections to the municipal oouncils, which were boycotted by the people. These are desperate, vain attempts, mder internal and external preasure, to hide the ugly face of apartheid and make it more acceptable and more viable. Thus the Governnent o~ SOuth Africa la going against the current of history, disregarding the fact that racial discrimination is an erroneus system that must be eliminated. It is a crime against humanity a.,d its perpetratexs must be punished. It is also a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter, the universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the GrCl1t!ngof Indepaldence to Colmial Countries and Peoples. Some people believed that they oould persuade SOuth African leaders to give up the policies of epartheid voluntarily. Elit now that the opportunities and the time given to those leaders led to nothing, they realize their mistake. It iF'· now clear that the SOUth African leadtl[s merely wish to consolidate their racist regime and make it more effective. The regime believes that it can turn this confl iet to its awn advantage by using force and violence, despite the lessons of histocy. we are convinced that despite the armed attadcs by this regime on all fronts, internal and external, the national mmements will continue to mobilize their OWll forces and step up their activities so as to plrsue their struggle fbr as long as is required and whatever sacrifices are necessary, because they Me determined to win their freedom and preserve their dignity. The tbited Nations, in ita purposes and principles represents the conscience and aspirations of sankind. Therefore the Organization has a special responsibUity, that is, to spare mankind from the ignominy and the scourge of aertheid. Since this racist policy is being pursued by the South African GcNcnlllent and in view of its flagunt defiance of the international will, the United Nations must take effective deterrent action and imp:>se comprehensive mandatory sanctions to isolate the Government of South Africa internationally and fbrce it to renounce its policies of apartheid and eradicate them once and for all and without further delay. '!'he situation in SO'"th Africa is becoming werse and spreading, thus endanger ing int:ernational peace and secur i ty • '!'hat is why we cmdemn all co-operation between south Africa and any other State. We call upon all States to cease to support and assist that racist GoIrernment. we cmde8l the eollab«ation between the Gwernment of SOUth Afrie~ and Israel, as mentioned in the report of the Special COIMIittee against Ap&rt)ft~A~ (A/43/22), particularly in the milltary and nuclear sJ;:beres. That collabcxation extends, as in adlUtionto arutraf,ficking and the strengthening of SOuth Afr lean defences, to the training of that regi... 's forces Md auxiliary troops in its regioncl conflict, whldl is haraing all the front-line States and all those fi91t!ng for freedaD and independence in Namibia. We hail the struggle of the people of South Afr lea against the p)licies of apartheid, ane! the resistance carried out by the frmt...line States against the continuing acta of aggression by the racist regime of 9:)uth Afr lea. we call on all States Melllbers, to respect Md guarantee effective implementation of all security Council and General Allselllbly resolutions relating to the struggle against ap!rthe~• Wi thout that commitment on ever)'body's part, the policies of apartheid could not continue. We call upon all States tc give moral and material support to the people of South Africa in cmtinuing their struggle, to support the fratt-line comtries in their resistance and to help to mitigate their sufferings. we apPl"eciate all the efforts of the Special COJlll'llittee against Apartheid in fUlfilling its mandate, and those of the secretary-General in consolidating and co-ordinating international actim to conbat the policies of apartheid and ensure their elimination. Hr. ALs.6HAKAR (Bahrain) (interpretation from Arabich I should like at the outset to extend my thanks and appr:eciatim to the Special Committee against ?partheid for the valuable efforts it has made in the interest of the eradication of apartheid, that otnoxious wil which the thited Nations and the international community as Cl whole have declared to be a er ime against humanity. The U'lited Nations W:lS eatablished to reaffirm the belief of all the wexld's peoples in the ri91ts of man, his basic freedoms, and to uPtold the di~ity of the individual ane his human worth. It was entrusted with safeguarding ar.d pconoting those ri~ts and freedoillS for all lien, irrespective of race, colour, sex or creed. This year's debate in the General Asse.,ly on the policies of apart:he~ pursued by the Government of South Africa coincides with the fortieth 8nn!versa:y of the acbption of the tbiversal Declaraticn of RUMan Rights. It takes place at la time when the concepts of freedom, equality, decency and human dign ity have beco:R fWU)Ulental to the acl1erGnce by the wCX'ld 'a nations to the principles of the Charter and of other intert~ational instruments and conventions. They have bem. c:onstants of int«national behaviour that cm no longer be abridged, diluted or denied) nor can they be ceded, abanCbned or violated. Qle of the glaring paradoxes of today 'swadd is that, at the very threshold of the twenty-first century, the ~vern.nt of South Afric:a continues to p.!raue its Inachrcoistic policy of apartheid, "'ich hes been unanillOusly condemned by the whole world as a beinous crime against mankind and a grave threat to international peace and security. In its report (A/43/22) the ~ecial COIlIIittee against !eartheid fully reviews the political cmditions and the policies of apartheid in south Africa and their regional and international ruificstions. It also reYiew8 the letelst developaentB in the relationship between the two racist regi.88 of South Africa rnd Israel .. IAlring the period under rfiiew in the report, the ap'!rtheid re9i. in South Africa has not shown any sign of readiness to accept the establiBtUllent of a dellDcratic, :?Olitical and social system. ~ the contrary, the dominance by the white minority of tho blade _jodty ccmtinuee. The racist regime "till denies the basic righ9"~ of mil11on8 of non-whitesc The majority is still aen1ed the IlIOst elementacy political, eCClnomic, social and civil rights, Md even the most fwuJa!i1ental right to equality Md dign ity. The Go~ern.nt of SOuth Afr iea has been escalating ita apartheic! practices against the black _jarity.. n has eYen invented new _thods of relEesslon against thell, in conteMpt of the nu.rous resolutions of the ~ited Rations, "bieb has been ccndeming this vicious policy 8 inee 1952. The IIOst seriou8 consequmce of this ucalation is the U3e of murderous paramilitary civilian groups, wU:ll8e cppearanC! .-ad growth are Cl .ast serious tendency in the anti~ppoaition etrategy of the apartheid regi_. The reviSed labour la" of 1987 "uc!eaiCJJled to aM yet another lil'lk to the chain of tCl8trlctions iapoaed Oft the black people in «del' to ensure the full patalysis of It i.Row evident that the plight of the black ujority in SOuth Africa is not yet oyer. '!'he report lhedB light on the trsgic detail. of the conditions in the country and h!~li91ts tbeir gr..,e coneequenot8. The IMjority still liv.. under the yeke of an anachrmistic regime wich resorts to all forms of racinliSli'l, oppression, humiliation and persecution. It is ac!amant in pursuing ita outdated policies by Wtatever arbitrary racist means it can devise. The racist regime has reimposed the state of emergency and siege. It ~as resorte<1 to censorship and the .uzding of the media. It has also shackled all the .political activities of the opposition, the tradl! unims and the opponents of apartheid. The racist regime cmtinues to flout the resolutions of the General ASsen'bly and the security Council calling for & stay of exe01tian of the foes of apartheid. This has been demonstrated by the declared intention of the GoveE'nment to execute the activist Paul 'ntfo Setlaba. The per ioe! under rev iew has also witnessed an inczease in the nuraber s of men, women and children who have been imprismed and detained without trial. 1'hey still ,1an9Uish in prisons and camps. Moreover, the freedom fi~ter NelsQ1 Mandela is still im~isa1ed in spite of the deta:icxation in his health. He should have been released on purely humanitarian grounds. My delesation joins in the appeals to the South African regime fee the &.mcmditimal release of Nelsal Mandela and other political p: lsmer s and detainees. History has shown that apartheid cannot be reformed out of existence. This is a pipe dream. The regime is unreformable. It must be eradicated, exactly as stated in numerous General Assemly resOlutions. All the so-called constitutional reforlllS, phony bicameral a>uncils and local and municipal elections, which run cotnter to General Asseiibly resolutions, in particular resolutions 38/11 and 43/13, are merely cosmetic changes. They are cate~rically rejected by the internst10nal comm\l1ity as they are caltrary to the principles of the Charter and thited Nations resolutions. What is really needed is the establishment of a demoa:atic system baled on the political and social equality of all SOUth African citizens. This can be brouc#lt about only if the South African Government el'Ji)races the tenets of jw:stice and reco~izes the historical inevitability of the dismantling of the apartheid regime throuc#l genuine and sincere consultation with the resl African leaders in SOUth Africa, with a view to achieving majority rule and creating a system to which all the citbens of !buth Afr lea can belong, irrespective of race, colour or creed. This is the only viable ap1Zoac:h to eatablishing a genuine, democratic sooiety in SOuth Afrlce. Pretc.tria's continued CJnslau~t on the opponents of apartheid, including Church leaders, the imposition of ceNlarship, the recourse to detention and the baming of / ( ftl1 an~i-ap!rtheid activities show very clearly that that regime has no intention ~~' . ,': ;of putting an end to its obsolete policies, but rather intends to consolidate them /.: in ~actice ,and legislationo , ~ ; .. ' ~ The situation in t.i~uth Afr lea has developed into a ni~tmarE! that tortul'es the {' 'conscience of the internatiCllal community. Year after year, the General AsseJl'bly witnes'!l£!,s the infliction of more misery a~d suffering on the overwelming majority " at 'the hinds of the practitianer8 of the stmorrent apartheid policy. This SUffering continues because the II&jority rejects that policy and carries on the 11 truCJgle to PIt an end to th is atlhorren t regl_. (M~. Al-Shlikar, Bahrain) A careful reading of the report of the Special Committee leads to the follow ing conclus ions. First, there is no reliable evidence that the apartheid policy can be eliminated. Ql tha cat trary, we see that the regime is resorting to behaviour aimed at consolidating this p:>licy by all p:>ssible means. Seccndly, the cCX\tinued state of emergency in ilouth Africa reflects increasing deterioration of the situation. This deterioration has led to the escalation of p:>pular resistance in an attempt to change this regime, ldlich is ana theme to all who cher ish human values. Thirdly, if the situation continues to deteriorate, the p:>ssibUity of a blood-bath in South Africa caMot be precluded. Slch a development CaMot be avoided under the policies of apartheid. This is a fr ightening fact, especially if we take into account the arbitrary policies of oppression of the r,cist Pretoria regime. Fburthly, continued trade, and the increasing economic and military CX)-operat1on between South Africa and Israel .,~ some other States help to perpetuate the apartheid regime and increase the suffer ing and aggravate the pI. ic#1t of the SOUth African people. It has become abtmdantly clear that this is the result of the close co-operatior! between the Pretor ia and the 'l'el Aviv regimes, whidl has been caldelllled by the thited Nations, especially the military collaba;ation. This increasing co-operation is neither new nor strange. These two racist ~egililes systellBtically use violence and ter~orism against the oppments of their r acis t policies and colon:lal setUement. They £loo t Un ited Ha tions resolutions and disdain the bade values and principles enshrined in the O1arter, the tbiversal Declaration of Ruman Ric#1ts and, indeed, any other international ins trumen ts • tn the light of all this, the intc.!'natimal commWlity as ellbodied in the united Nations should take specific measures to pit an end to the apartheid regime and support the struggle of the SOU th African people by the imposition of col!llXebensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter, to ensure the eradicaticn wi thout fur ther delay of the inhuman policy of aear theid and to safeguard peace and stability in southern Africa. Q'1 numetous occasions Bahrain has ccndenned the atilorrent apar theid policy, which is contrary to the values and ideals of the glor ious Islamic shar ia, based on the Wlity of human hope, the equality of all people and the right of all to enjoy their basic r i~ts without regard to race, sex or religion. My coWltry once again declares that it supports all concerted internatimal efforts aimed at putting an end to the apartheid regime and at the establishment of a democratic society in wich all citizens can enjoy equal rights, wi thout discrimination as to race, colour or creed • In this respect, I appeal to the international ool'l'll\unity to continue its assistance and help to the PeOples of Azania in support of their legitimate struggle to put an end to the abhcrrent apartheid regime and enjoy their legitimate right to freedan, equality and self-determination. Mr. WAN IIJSSEIN (Malaya la)':, Malaysia is gravely concerned over the situation in south Africa. The brutal repcession of the majority black p'pulation by the I.&cist regime has oontinued with increctaing sever ity. The mass arrests, detentim and forced remOl1al o~ populations reflect the alarming desperation of the regime in the face of the relentl~s struggle of the black major ity against the evU and inhuman policy of apartheid • (Mr. Wan Hussain, Malaysia) Malaysia has stated time and again that apartheid cannot be reformed.. The only way to accord the blade major i ty of SOuth Afr ica its legi timate r icj'lt to self-determination is by totally destroying the inhuman system ef institutionalized racism embodied in apartheid. This heinous system must be abolished if peace and stability are to be attained in SOuth Africa and in the southern African region.
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• (ccntinlled GENERAL DmATE Mr. tMACHUKWU (Niger iah On behalf of the Niger lan delegation, Sir, I wish to congratulate you on your election as President of the General Assembly at this session. I am particularly pleased to see you occupying this high office because of the very friendly relations between our two countries. I am sure that this session of the Assembly will benefit from the sterling qualities that you will undoubtedly br Ing to bear on your duties as President. May 1 assure you of my oo-operation and support and that of Nigeria d~!ing your tenure of office. This session is taking place at a time of considerable improvement in the international political climate. The United Nations has preYed its value as an effective and indispensable instrument in the painstaking process of neC]Otiating th~ terms of settlement of most regional pr:oblems. This augurs well for the future of the united Nations and of mankind. At this point, may I congratulate the Secretary-General on the leadership role he has played in the cause of world peace and the strengthening of the uni ted Nations. The award a few hours ago of the Robe! Peace Prize for 1988 to the United Nations Peace-keeping forces is the greatest tribute that could be paid at this time to our Organization, but it is also a challenge to the United Nations to strive even harder to progress from Peace-keeping to peace-making. As Chairman of the United Nations Special COl1l1littee on Peace-keeping Operations, Niger ia is proud to be associated wi th the peace-keeping operations of the uni ted Nations. The international economic environment remains extremely unfavourable for the developing countries. The indices of this situation include the continuing decline in the prices of primary connodities, the general worsening of the terms of trade, the problem of rising protectiooism, the increasing debt burden and net capital outflOl from these countries. The political will needed to address these issues, in particular the debt problem, has not been sufficiently demonstrated by the developed countries. Indeed, the debt burden has become a major ~mpediment to our economic growth and social development. The North-South (~ .alogue has lost momentum, and with it the desire to look critically at the operation~ of the international economir system. Nowhere has this worsening economic situation facing the developing countries been exemplified more vividly than in Afri':a. The economic situation of the continent remains critical. In our determination to improve our economic situation, we have embarked on major reforms of vur national economies. Many of us have cour~geously undertaken fundamental structural adjustments aimed at reviving our economies, stimulating growth and promoting development. The reform measures have included drastic devaluation of our currencies, reduction or elimination of subsidies, privatization of publicly owned enterprises and the streamlining of our bureaucracies. These measures entail considerable political risks, and social costs arising from the sacrifices which our peoples have been called upon to make. They certainly demonst~ate our willingness to do everything possible towards the development of self-reliant economies. * The mid-term review and appraisal of the United Nations Progranme of Action for African Recovery and Development 1986-1990 has demonstrated that the serious economic difficultias faced by Afr iean countr ies remain largely unsolved and in most cases have worsened. The contributions of the international community to the implementation of the Programme have fallen short of the expectations of African countries. Yet, when the Programme was adopt:t2d at the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly, two years ago, it was widely acclaimed as a positive *Mr. Essy ~Cote d'Ivoire), Vice-President, took the Chair. response by the international community to the serious economic problems of the African continent. Nigeria perceives the Programme as a compact between African countries and the international community. we in Africa ~re fulfilling our own side of the pact; we expect the international community to fulfil its commitment. Jointly, we must find solutions to the most serious economic problems facing African countries through debt relief, an increase in official development assistance and support for agreements to stabilize the prices ol primary commoditie~, on which the economies of most Afr iean C01Jntr ies depend. The Nigerian Government is facing the challenges of the overall development of our national economy vi th a courage and dedication unequalled in our history. The focus of the strategy is the modernization and transformation of our national t:~onomy. '1'0 this end we have adopted a structural adjustment programme designed to improve the.performance of our economy. The implementation of this programme has opened up opportunities for our citizens and improved the climate for foreign investment in our country. Two years of its implementation have brought into bold relief the obstacles that hamper our development. These include, principally, the lack of an adequate supply of external financing and the high cost of imported manufactured products and machinery. These problems have been made more acute by our crushing debt burden and debt-service obligations, as well as by huge losses in export earnings as a result of the sharp and continuing decline in t~e prices of our primary commodities, including oil. Thus the economic development of Nigeria, like that of most other developing countries, continues to be constrained by an adverse international economic environment. We believe that the economic problems of African and other developing countries are issues that can no longer be swept under thecarpat. The phenomenon of a world in which one fifth of the population lives in luxury and affluence and four fifths live in abject poverty and squalor cannot guarantee peace and s~curity for mankind. Such a world would have little chance of. saving succeeding generations from the scourge of war, nor would it promote fundamental human rights and the dignity and worth of the human person. We believe that, unless the international community takes more seriously its obligations and commitment to establish conditions in which justice ~ld respect for human dignity prevail, the primary purpose of our Organization, which is the maintenance of international peace and security, will con~inue to be in jeopardy. In a few weeks we shall be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the adoption by the Uni ted Na tions of the Un iversal Declara Hon of Human Rights. Since its adoption the wor ld has witnessed tremendous progress in the field of human rights, globally, regionally and nationally. The one exception to the universal advancement of the rights of the individual is South Africa, where a white minority continues to trample upon the rights of the black majority. When we in Africa discuss the issue of human dignity, we do so with the conviction that our African culture recognizes the sanctity of life and liberty as universal. We believe that when any man's dignity is trampled upon anywhere in the world, all mankind suffers a little. That is why we denounce aparth~ as morally outrageous and indefensible and politically unacceptable to the civilized world. The pernicious apartheid system continues to be an affront to the international community. Worse still, the racist regime continues to destabilize the front-line States of southern Africa. It is not only unfortunate but outrightly unacceptable that this evil regime in Pretoria should continue to pursue its obnoxious policies with the active support of important Members of this world Organization. Though we are told with sanctimonious piety that sanctions do not work, the same countries that make the claim are quick to impose sanctions on other States wit.!l which they disagree. We call on all Member States to rise above pecuniary considerations and impose comprehensive and mandatory sanctions on that evil regime. The Commonwealth Committee of Foreign Ministers on southern Africa, of which Nigeria is a member, has produced incontrovertible evidence to attest that sanctions indeed do work. I know that South Africa has been feeling the effect of the limited sanctions imposed on it by some Members of the United Nations. We are most disheartened to know not only that a number of countries are continuing unashamedly to trade with South Africa while proclaiming their abhorrence of the evil system of apartheid, but that some of ~'em are benefiting from the limited sanctions imposed on that State. This must stop. We call on all those who give the racists succour and support to join the civilized world in ostracizing that pariah State until a non-racial regime com~s to power in South Africa. Nigeria will continue to support progressive forces within and outside South Africa that are corrmitted to the dismantling of apartheid. This is a commitment that is shared by our people and our Go~ernment. Nigerians see the denial of basic human rights to black people in South Africa as a slur on mankind. That is why as far back as 1976, for example, individual Nigerians voluntarily contributed $15 million to support the peoples of southern Africa in their just struggle to be free. Africans are a generous and forgiving people. When right triumphs oyer wrong in SOuth Africa, when freedom oyercomes tyranny, when harmony replaces discord and dissension, the Boers will not be victims of reverse racism, as many of them fear~ rather they, along with all. God's children on the African continent, will march forward in freedom and harmony. for the good of the human race. This is the thrust of the Lusaka Manifesto adopted by the Organization of African Unity in 1969. we call on th is Assent>ly to convene a special session in 1989 devoted to apartheid in SOUth Africa and the destructive consequerces of South African aggression against the front-line and neighbouring countries. We hope that the special session will formulate new strategies for the early liquidation of the apartheid system. We welcome the ongo ing negotia tions on Angola and Namib ia. We believe Angola should be left to develop along its chosen line. It is also the sovereign prerogative of Angola to secure its independence. The recent withdrawal of SOuth African forces from Angola is only a return to sanity, legality and international decorum. Ten years ago the security Council unanimously adopted resolution 435 (lg78). The continued illegal occupation of Namibia constitutes not only an affront to the United Nations but a deliberate challenge to the security Council. SOuth Africa must withdraw forthwith from Namibia. It is to us an irony of our times that any group of countries, fully aware of the grave dangers posed to lives and the environment, would either condone the dumping of toxic and radioactive waste or actively encourage their export to other countries. The international community must accept, as my Government has actively canvassed, that dumping of toxic and radioactive waste is a moral equivalent of war. The Nigerian Government has made its position clear on this matter, and followed this up with a call on the international communitYi at the subregional and regional l~~els, to enact laws to discourage this callous and unacceptable assault on lives and the environment. At the levels of the Organization of African Unity and the Economic Community of West African states, firm resolutions have been adopted to discourage the importation of these hazardous wastes into our continent and to penalize any persons or private organizations which collaborate with outside interests to turn Africa into the garbage dump for toxic and radioactive waste. At the meeting in July, in Rio de Janeiro, of the countries of the South Atlantic, bold new steps were taken to strike back at this menace before it becomes truly unmanageable. Recently also, the Nicosia meeting of the Foreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Movement adopted a Declaration which strongly condemned the dumping of hazardous waste. Wi th the establishment of a "Dump watch", my country is currently collaborating with many Members of thi.s Organization in the dissemination of precise information on the extent and location of toxic waste vessels now roaming the high seas. We have co-operated with and will continue to count on the excellent support of non-governmental organizations which have devoted their time and other resources to the protection of the environment. Nigeria was a victim of this despicable practice. Between August 1987 and May 1988, toxic wastes were secretly dumped in the Roko Port area of my country. By this act, the people and the environment of Koko were put at very grave risk. In addi tion, the economic life of the area was dislocated. The Niger ian Government moved wi th despatch to have the waste removed. It also enacted appropr ia te national legislation &gainst the dumping of toxic and radioactive waste. My delegation is gratified to note that several delegations have in the course of this debate and in other forums condemned this act and expressed their willingness to crusade effectively against it. As a start~ng point, we have called on all Member States to curb the activities of those involved in the transboundary movement of waste. We call also on all Member States and non-governmental organizations to adopt the "Dump Watch". Just as we are worried about the dangerous effects of toxic and radioactive wastes on the environment, we are also concerned about the possible hostile use of these wastes. We are equally happy that the International Atomic Energy Agency at its thirty-second session, last month, condemned all practices of nuc~ear-waste dumping and requested the Director General to establish a working g~oup of eXPerts to draw up a code for international transactions involving nuclear waote. We call upon the present session of the General Assembly to give the Conference on Disarmament the mandate of commencing negotiations on a draft convention on the prohibition of the dumping of radioactive and toxic waste for hostile purposes. In the Middle East, after four decades of endemic cycles of violence and needless loss of life, the United Nations has finally outlined a peace process which, if faithfully implemented, has a credible chance of bringing durable peace to that area. Nigeria supports a United Nations-sponsored international conference on the Middle East. Another area where a solution compatible with the Charter of the Organization is urgent is Kampuchea. Nigeria will continue to work within the United Nations, particularly through the Committee on Kampuchea, in pu~suit of an acceptable solution to this problem. The ongoing wi thdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan has demonstrated what is possible when there is political will. It is our hope that the Geneva accords on Afghanistan will be adhered to by all the parties concerned. Similarly, we commend the peace initiatives of the Latin American and Central American countries. We ~all' on the entire international community to support the ongoing process for a lasting peace in Central America. I had the opportunity at the fifteenth special session of the General Assembly, devoted to disarmament, to congratulate the two s~per-Powers on the conclusIon and ratification of the Treaty on intermediate-range nuclear forces. That agreement is histolic as the first true nuclear disarmament measure eliminating an entire category of nuclear weapons. The joint declaration by President Reagan and General Secretary Gorbachev that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought has given great r(~lief to a world dangerously threatene. by the possibility of self-destruction. My delegation, like others that worked hard for the successful outcome of the special session devoted to disarmament, is naturally disappointed at the failure to agree on a concluding document. However, we believe that the international community cannot afford to be totally discouraged by such periodic reverses. We appeal to the super-Powers to see multilateral involvement by the United Nations in disarmament as a useful and necessary complement to bilateral and regional efforts. An urgent area for multilateral action is the negotiation of a convention on chemical weapons. The achievements of the Organization in the four decades of its existence have been quite impressive. The United Nations has contrihuted substantially to the c1p.colonization proc~55. But For 1";<:; "rIJani.zat; ...... ~· \"e ,.r"i h-.·", ,p."... Wit-~)llt instruments and frameworks of, accountability such as the codes, conventions, norms "lnd principles that at present regulatp international relations. We are encouraged by the resurgence of hope and faith in our Organization. We are further encouraged by the increasing desire to use it for tre primary purpose of advancing international peace and security. The United Nations is indispensable to all the countries of the world. The presence of all of us here is a reaffirmation of that fact. My country, Nigeria, remains firmly committed to the United Nations Charter. Mr. MOCUMBI (MOzambique): It is with great pleasure and satisfaction that I have the honour of congratulating Mr. Dante Caputo on his election to the presidency of this session. His vast experience in international relations and diplomacy gives legitimacy to our expectations that our deliberations will be successful. I should like to assure him of my delegation's determination to work closely with him as he discharges the responsibilities unanimously entrusted to him. I take this opportunity to recall the recent visit President Chissano made to his beautiful country, Argentina, during which we had an o~portunity to explore ways for strengthening further the friendly bilateral relations of our countries. Similarly, I should like to salute the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Peter Florin, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of the German Democratic Republic, for the efficient and commendable way in which he presided over the deliberations of the forty-second session and the special session devoted to d isarmament. I take this opportunity also to congratulate the secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, on his commitment and devotion to the search fnr solutions to international problems as well as the promotion of better understanding and co-operation among nations. We have learned with great satisfaction tllis morning of tile decision to award the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces. That fact represents a singular recognition of tile outstanding, indeed unique, role played by the United Nations in promoting peace. The situation in Mozambique continues to be characterized, on tile one hand, by war imposed on us from outside and, on the otiler, by our firm determination to defend our independence and promote peace and progress. When addressing the last session of the General Assembly, in this Hall, His Excellency President Joaquim Alberto Chissano of the People's Republic of Mozambique referred to the massacres, the widespread destruction of social and economic infrastructures and the extremely large number of displaced Mozambicans, both inside and outside the country. In general terms, tilat situation still prevails today. The criminal acts of the armed terrorists continue to spread sorrow, pain, famine, insecurity and homelessness to many Mozambicans. But that is just one side of the coin. The other gives rise to increased optimism in our people as a result of the victories we have scored on the military, economic and diplomatic fronts. On the military front, our armed forces have been able to restore peace and cranquillity to various parts of our country previously affected by the criminal acts of the armed terrorists. In this endeavour, the support and participation of the front-line States, notably Zimbabwe and Tanzania, continue to be important and greatly appreciated. Equally worth mentioning is the contribution of the Malawian forces in the protection of the Nacala railway. The Mozambican Government is aware that these efforts intended to eliminate terrorism must be complemented by the adoption of other measures designed to integrate into Mozambican society the terrorists who have repented. As a result, our People's Assembly approved in December 1987 an important law - the law of amnesty. This law forgives those who have committed crimes, massacres and other abominable acts perpetrated against our people and the State. As a result of the application of this law, many terrorists have been granted amnesty and have returned to normal life. The birth of the law of amnesty translates the deep-rooted nature of the humani tar ian policy of clemency adopted by FRELIMO since the times of the armed liberation struggle for our motherland. At the proclamation of our independence in 1975 a situation arose in \~hich some Mozambicans were found to have committed, at the incitation of colonialism, heinous crimes against their own people or to have been oc'laborators with the colonial repression system. All these individuals were integrated into our society, and today they are working as valid citizens with other Mozambicans in national reconstruction. The law of amnesty constitutes an integral part of our efforts to bring about reconciliation, unity and the rehabilitation of those MozalTbicans who were brutalized through crime and terrorism and were turned into tools of our enemy. We are ready to welcome them in to our midst and to help them regain their dignity, rights and duties as citizens of a free, independent, sovereign, ncn-aligned and democratic State. 'this process is taking place at a time when the ltbzambizan people are engaged in the preparations for the Fifth Congress of the FRELIMO Party and ace involved in the'revision of the Constitution. These two processes constitute an example of the exercise of democracy in our country. They will strengthen democracy there and reinforce. the fundamental freedomS of our cl tizens. We are aware that our project and our dream of building a peaceful and happy society ar-e shared by all peoples of the 'wor ld Clnd that they enjoy the sympa thy of the internatiOnal community at large. ~e manifestation ~f such feeling is the visit ,of His Holiness Pope John Paul II to Mozanbique. He was "'elcomed enthusiastically by the whole people, regardless of their religious belief, in a massive demonstration of national unity. We hope that his message of solidarity with~ and wishes of peace to, the Mozambican people Wi'~lfind an echo in every corner of our globe. Those efforts go hand in hand with the economic and social recovery measures we have enbarked upon. AS we have repeatedly stated in the past, the war of aggression against Mozambique by armed terrorists is responsible for the overall retrogression of our development, not only because it entails the diversion of efforts and means away from other endeavours to the defence of our motherland, but also because eoenomic sabotage and the destruction of socio-economic infrastructures were the 'most favoured policy of our enemy in such a war. Those who conceived the strategy of d~stroying our country first set out to destroy'our economic base. Our ing th~ last few years they have embarked upon wanton massacres, which have recelved widespread internatit)nal condemnation. I\s a result of such a strategy, education and health care, which experienced considerab.le advances 'during the first seven years of our independence, are now confronted with serious and numerous difficulties, as can be seen from the following figures: 2,269 primary schools destroyed, affecting half a million pupils and 700 teachers; 400 teachers murdered, kidnapped or mutilated; 22 secondary schools destroyed, affecting 80,000 students) and 36 boarding schools and 4 teacher training centres destroyed. As I pointed out earlier, terrorism does not affect only the economy, educa tion and heal the It also affects the Mozanbican man and woman, the ftbzarrbican ch ild, the r-Dzambican youth and the r-t>zambican family, as the following figures illustrate: 1.1 million people have been displaced from their usual places of work anQ residences, and 800,000 of them are in neighbouring countries; 3.3 million citizens are seriously affected; 5.9 million citizens are in a difficult situation, affected by severe shortages, in both rural and urban areas) and 200,000 children are in a difficult situation - fundamentally they are orphans, abandoned children and children who had been utilized by the terrorists to carry out their criminal acts. In addition, there are a large nunber of mutilated citizens and citizens with physical disabilities. It was in this dismal scenario of socio-economic conditions that we introduced the economic recovery programme and the emergency programme. As a result of the implementation of the former, it was possible to reverse the downward trend of the economy which had been taking place in the last few years. To illustrate this, the data available for the first six months of 1988 suggest overall economic growth of 5 per cent. This percentage is higher than that registered in 1987, when the gross domestic product exper ienced a 4 per cent growth. This growth is primarily due to the positive evolution in the agricultural sector. Despite this positive trend, OUL country's economic and financial 5it~ation remains difficult. Foreign debt still constitutes an enormous burden to our (Mr. Mocumbi, Mo~ambique) economy, negatively conditioning its growth. Although there has been some significant progress in the debt-rescheduling process, there has been no generalized application of the more favourable conditions we have been seeking. This situation leads to a net outflow of resources and thus prevents the allocation of finances required for the development of the productive sectors of the economy. Therefore, we hops that the consensus reached at the Toronto summit meeting regarding the provision of debt relief measures for low-income African countries will be vigorously and expeditiously implemented by all ~reditors. We call upon our development partners for renewed efforts aimed at an effective reduction of the stock of debt and debt-servicing obligations. In turn, in spite of its difficultie.s, our country will continue to do its utmost to honour its foreign debt obligations. It is with high expectations that we look forward to the forthcoming second meeting of donor countries in support of our economic recovery programme, to be held in Paris next November. It is our hope that this meeting will mobilize adequate resources that will enable us to move to the second phase of our programme for economic recovery, which contemplates the rehabilitation of infrastructures. In order to cope wi th the emergency situation, our Government has had to mobilize both internal and external resources. In April this year the second International Conference on Humanitarian Assistance to MOzambique was held in Maputo, with satisfactory results. We were particularly encouraged by the fact that the international community has recognized that it is imperative to supply the affected people wi th the means of production and building materials and other means required for the recovery of the infrastructures destroyed or damaged by the criminal acts of the armed terrorists, so as to enable the affected people to resume their normal way of life and production and become self-sustaining. I would like to seize the opportunity to express our gratitude once again to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, ~·donor Governments, to organizations and agencies of the United Nations system, to governmental and non-governmental organizations, and to humanitarian and religious institutions, for the support they have been render ing to our people. Let me turn my attention to the situation in southern Africa. Only a few weeks ago the President of the People's Republic of Mozambique, His Excellency Mr. Joaquim Chissano, described the situation in the region as follows~ "SOuthern Africa is experiencing contradictory processes. One such process is the r,:Qnflict which is rooted in the colonial past, in the persistence of the ambitions of domination, in the survival of apartheid, a political system based on inequalities of man and on racial discrimination. The other is that of solidarity amongst the PeOples and States that pool thei~ efforts together and combine their resources to promote social and economic development." The state of affairs in southern Africa could not be better characterized. Indeed, the front-line States realized at a very early stage that their fate is intertwined by roots which can be traced back to a common history of domination, colonialism and exploitation. Thus, they have fouad that pooling together their resources and potentials is a definite way out of servitude to alien interests. The moral, political, diplomatic, material and military support that the front-line States are rendering to the People's Republic of Mozambique is a manifestation of this solidarity. When the blood of soldiers from the brotherly countries of: Zimbabwe and Tanzania mixes wi th that of our f": .,Hers to safeguard sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, this solidarity acquires an hi~toric dimension. Mozambique, in its turn, made its modest contribution to the liberation struggle of other countries and peoples. Although Angola is experiencing difficult conditions, it has offered its territory as a rear base in the struggle for Namibia's independence, as did Tanzania, Zambia ana others. The Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) constitutes one manifestation of this common objective, as well as the affirmation of the unanimous will of the countries in our region to free themselves from oppression and economic domination through the integration of their economic potential on the basis of solidarity and co-operation. This solidarity is an important factor in the establishment and preservation of peace, stability and security in the region. The People's Republic of Mozambique is proud to be part of such solidarity. Southern Africa will owe its future of peace and prosperity to this unity, cohesion and solidar ity • In such an endeavour, however, we come across negative and destructive factors, which must be urgently eliminated. More specifically, we are referring to the persistence of values that are both as anachronic and as abominable as only apartheid can be. In South Africa these factors manifest themselves through the institutionalization of inequality, racial discrimination, injustice, division, depersonalization, repression, oppression and refusal to recognize the fundamental rights of the majority of the people. In Namibia, colonialism still persists and represents a source of violence and conflict. In other words, colonialism constitutes a serious obstacle to peace and development. Peace initiatives aimed at bringing about a negotiated solution to these problems are now taking place. 'f~:~ quadriparti te negotiations involving Angola, Cuba, South Afr ica and the United States of Amer ica are developments in line wi th the wishes of the region and of the world. It is our duty to encourage the parties (Mr. Mocumbi, ~zambique) concerned to proceed, with seriousness and responsibility, in the negotiation process so as to ensure success and implementation. We also commend the efforts undertaken by the secretary-General in order to implement security Council resolution 435 (1978). In the framework of the peace initiatives in the region, a summit meeting between the people's Republic of Mozambique and South Africa was held in Songo. Its objective is to ensure the implementation, in letter and in spirit, of commitments entered into at Nkomati. These developments cannot, and must not, in any way be used as a pretext for certain members of the international community not to fulfil their duties and responsibilities to contribute to the eradication of the apartheid system. We are aware that these efforts can bring about peace and stability only if South Africa honours its obligations.. For this reason, the international community is called upon to intensify its pressure on South Africa to abolish its policy of apartheid and engage in the process of negoLiations leading to the establishment of a democratic society in South Africa. A just and lasting peace in South Africa demands that an end be put to the state of emergency, repression and violence, as well as to other measures adopted by the South African regime with a view to silencing the voice of justice and reason. It also demands the release of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners, with whom the regime must entertain a dialogue in order to find a just and equitable solution to South Africa's problems. Refusal to have dialogue with tile legitimate and genuine representatives of SOuth Africa's majority people can only delay further the solution of the problem and will certainly result in a greater heightening of tension in SOuth Africa and in the region as a whole. The People's Republic of Mozambique reiterates its support for the African (Mr. Mocumbi, Mozambique) National Congress (ANC) and the SOuth West Africa People's Organization {SWAPO) - the authentic representatives of the peoples of South Africa and of Namibia respectively. The People's Republic of Mozambique further reiterates its readiness to contribute to the process of negotiations currently under way in southern Africa. As we review the international situation we cannot help but express our satisfaction at the positive trend we have witnessed in the last few years. The climate of dialogue between the two major nuclear Powers undoubtedly brings renewed hope for the future of international relations. We are in~reasingly witnessing recourse to the provisions envisaged in our Charter in the search for solutions to conflicts. They ure peaceful alternatives based on the most elementary norms governing relations between nations. In this context, we can cite such delicate conflicts as the Iran-Iraq war and those in Western Sahara and in south-west Asia as examples of the important role that the United Nations, given the opportunity, can play in the maintenance and the preservation of peace. We hope that the commitment undertaken by the parties concerned will be honoured and that peace, stability and security will prevail in those regions. In South-East Asia, there is a willingness to embark on dialogue. We hope that such willingness will materialize so that, sooner rather than later, it can bear fruits that will contribute to the reduction of tensions in the region. Chad and Libya have given an example of political maturity as they choose to try peaceful means to solve the conflict between them. Central America also aspires to peace and stability - objectives that can be realized only when there is respect for the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of the countries ia the region. The dialogue now taking place (Mr. Mocumbi, Mozambique) must be encouraged. We would like to reiterate our appreciation of the efforts being undertaken by the Nicaraguan Government in order to find a peaceful solution to the problems of the region. As I salute this positive trend in international relations, I cannot help but point out that other challenges still await us. The Palestinian question, which is the core of the Middle East problem, must find a rapid and immediate solution so that the Palestinian nation can be established in peace, freedom and independence in its own territory. We consider that an international conference on peace in the Middle East would contribute to the solution of those problems. Therefore, we want to stress that such a conference ~hould be convened with urgency.* *The President returned to the Chair. (Mr. Mocumbi, Mozambique) Similarly, an urgent solution must be found to the conflict in East Timor, where foreign forces have invaded and occupied that territory. We sincerely hope that the secretary-General will be able to reactiva te the process leading to self-determination and independence for the people of East Timor in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the security Council and the General Assenbly. The reunification of the ROrean nation has not yet taken place despite various initiatives and repeated efforts in that direction, which we support. We hope that the day will come when a unified Korea will be admitted to our family of nations. we expect that the consensus reached at the hi Hoc Committee on the Indian Ocean establishing 1990 as the date for the convening of the Colol'ilbo Conference will be respected. we must therefore start acting now with vigour so as to ensure its success. The sacrifices our people have made in order to defend our freedom and independence are truly enormous. Despite the generalized campaigns of terror and the crimes committed against our people, despite the destruction of social and economic infrastructures, the Mozanbican people re~in undeterred in the defence of their mother land and in the building of a future of peace, progress and happiness. It is in the ~earch for attaining such goals, which are much cherished not only by our people but also by the whole wor ld, that we have been treading on such a hard and difficult path for about a quarter of a century. We want peace. It is only with peace that we can rebuild our father land, use all available resources in our country, extend education and health care to everyone, eradicate famine, remedy the lack of clothing and overcome misery and underdevelopment. We should like to reiterate our appeal to the international community to continue providing its multifarious assistance and support to our people so that they can as soon as possible ease their SUffering and attain a lasting peace. Mr. ANDRID'rl'I (Italy) (interpretation fr om French h Hr. Pres ident, on behal f of the Ital ian Government I should 1 ike to congratula te you mest warmly on your election 0 We are pleased that th is honour should have been confer red on the representative of a country to which we <':2re bound by long-standing ties of friendship, personified by the presence of a large Italian community in Argentina. Your abilities and your experience will guarantee the successful fulfilment of this mandate, a mandate that has been rendered particularly delicate by developnents in international affairs which offer hopes that cannot be allowed to die. May I also be allowed to express my appreciation to the outgoing President who, in performing the task entrusted to him by the General Assembly last year, met the challenges posed to our Organization dur in9 that per iod with dedication and sk ill. Lastly, the 5ecretary-Genera1 has the gratitude of the Italian Government and my personal appreciation. As Cl worthy heir to the Latin American juridical tradition, he has succeeded in handling with extraordinary political vision, commitment and negotiating skills situations from which othetS would have emerged the loser. In the effar ts he has generously devoted to the PJr sui t of peace and security, in his quest for negotiated solutions, and in his firm defence of the pr incip1es of the Charter, the secretary-General has had, and continues to have, the unconditional support of the Italian Government. The winds of histDry seem, today, to be blowing in the right direction. This is confirmed by the trust and sincerity of the ongoing dialogue between the united States and the Soviet Union, and the incisive role assumed by the United Nations in regional crises and conflicts. Italy is contributing to these deve~opments the whole-hearted co-operation of a country fully aware of its international responsibilities. In view of the advances made by the two major Powers in the field of disarmament, we must recognize th.at many things have changed over the past 12 months. Positive changes have opened up new prospects for stability, particularly in Europe. The Italian Government, acting individually and in the framework of the Atlantic Allianca a.'1d the European Community, has made its own contr ibution to prolOOting these prospects. The conclus ion of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermedia te-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles has particular significance. Above all, it suggests a new way of dealing with disarmament problems because, for the first time in the history of mankind, massive quantities of weapons are being destroyed, not through wartime military operations but, on the contrarY6' as a consequence of negotiations. And here I should like to emphasize that this Treaty, together with tt.e detailed ver ification procedures it provides for, should serve as a lOOdel to be followed and, accordingly, extended to other agreements as soon as possible. We all cher ish the well-founded hope that the agreement on a SO-per-cent cut in the strategic arsenals of the two major Powers will also be formally concluded at an early date. We would call attention both to President Reagan's consistent commitment to prolOOting the dialogue at the highest level wl th the Soviet Union and to the dynamic and courageous approach taken by General Secretary Gorbachev, also in his international policies. It is chiefly in the area of disarmament that the coDli1unity of nations must play a role if bilateral agreements are to be gradually extended to cover all types of weapons existing on Ear th • TOday, in the light of the results achieved, our objective must be to eUmina te the risks of a sudden change of course. Th is is an endeavour incurrbent on all nations, and should be self-evident in the case c.!. an Organization that believes in the strength of its universality and the need to take the utmost advantage of all possibilities afforded by a more serene international climate. Unfor tuna tely, the agreements between the two major Powers have not yet been matched by any appreci.able results in the various multilateral forums. The proceedings of the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disrmament did not produce any specific conclusion. Of course, we do not underestimate the con tr ibution that emerged from these joint delibera Hons towards more effective mechanisms for the transparency of military bUdgets, towards a deeper analysis of the principles governing verification of arms control agree~nts, and particularly towards increased effectiveness for United Nations initiatives in activities directly or indirectly linked to disarmament. These deliberative contributions are by no means minor. But our task does not consist solely in stating and illustrating positionsJ it requires us to work coherently for the realization of the good intentions and the equally receptive attitudes that exist. At the conference table in GeneYa no progress has been recorded for some time in almost any of the areas under discussion, from the cessation of all nuclear-test explos ions to the prevention of an arms race in outer space, or from the banning of radiological weapons to the comprehensive programme of disarmament. Only in the field of chemical weapons are negotiations I10ving ahead, but even these ara moving too slowly. At one time we had hoped they mi gh t be completed th is year. In fact that was the hope that, together with Foreign Minister Genscher, I personally expressed in Geneva last February. That has not happened, although the use of this terrible instrument of mass destruction is again of current concern to Governments and public opinion. We do not, of course, underestimate the technical difficulties of applying adequate verification procedures in this field. For that very reason we sponsored an international symposium last May in Rome, attended by eminent scientists. Information and conclusions emerged regarding the possibility of conducting experiments to verify that there are no diversions for military purposes in indus tr ial production processes. We shall bring the resul ts of the proceedings to the attention of Govermr.ents. Regionally, the imbalances in conventional weapons existing in Europe are " " another dangerous source of insecurity. We must therefore make every effort to secure prompt results that will permit the achievement of greater stability at lower levels of forces and armaments. Here, in the context of the informal vienna talks on the" elaboration of a mandate for future negotiations, there are signs of a significant convergence of views on questions of substance. We intend to continue to work, in every possible way, towards the speediest possible completion of a sa tisfactory final document. I should like at this point to reaffirm the validity of the Helsinki Final Act, an irreplaceabl~ instrument in international relations which has indissolubly linked the United States and Canada to the future of the countries and peoples of the Old World. In this context let me express the hope that Albania will also play a part in the overall European framework. I would interpret as a positive step in this direction the very recent Albanian decision to resume active participation in the Inter-Parliamen.tary Union, which will be celebrating its centenary next year. In a final reference to the topic of disarmament in Europe, I would mention that Italy, as part of a drastic reduction in armaments, is giving priority to the elimination of assymetries in the most destabilizing offensive-weapon categories. This elimination should be followed by a restructur ing qf military deployments in a defensive posture. It will be recalled that the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons itself provides that all the signatories, including the nuclear-weapon Powers, should purs~e negotiations for the conclusion, as expressly stipulated in article VI, of "a treaty on gen~ral and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control". (resolution 2373 (XXII), annex) The representa tive of the country currently holding the presidency of the Council of the European Communities has already stated the common position of the member States on the various more delicate aspects of international activities. The statement made by my colleague from Greece has testified to the work done by the TWelve towards harmonizing their respective foreign policies, a harmonization we Italians hope will become increasingly visible and extensive. We are indeed convinced that we must build a more united and mutually supportive Europe capable of progressively asserting, primarily on the basis o€ the Single European Act, an identity of its own and its own role in shaping a free world responsive to the demands of the various peoples. This identity and this role fully accord with the aims attributed by the Charter of the united Nations to regional arrangements. The United Nations has recently achieved encouraging results in endeavours to resolve some of the most acute and difficult international crises of the past decade. The advances made constitute real successes for the Organization and its Secretary-General, to whose perseverance and skill as a negotiator they are largely due • . 1 refer, first of all, to the good offices which led to the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan. In the case of Iran and Iraq, a cease-fire was achieved and a direct negotiating process between the parties has finally been launched. We fully support the efforts of the Secretary-General to consolidate, through implementation of security Council resolution 598 (1987), the results obtained thus far. In the ~~curity Council and at the bilateral level, we shall continue to work for the restora tion, between the two countries concerned and in the GUlf, of the conditions of security and stability which are the prerequisite for peace and are indispensable for the commencement of reconstruction. On the question of Cyprus and in the dispute over Western Sahara, the patient quest for points of contact also seems to hold out prospects of change. We are thus at a point in history when the United Nations is offered increasing opportunities p either directly - as in the cases I have just mentioned - or indirectly, to consolidate and bring to fruition the agreements reached at the regional level. This is happening in the case of southern Africa, where in Angola and in Namibia the United Nations may be called upon to facilitate and guarantee the wi thdrawal of foreign troops, the restoration of domestic peace and the completion of one of the last great deco10nization processes in history. The role of our Organization is undoubtedly becoming more incisive. We have seen the increasingly favourable reception accorded to offers of mediation by united Nations bodies and the new opportunities for action that are constantly opening up. The new possibilities and the prospects I have mentioned are, without doubt, due to the changed climate in relations between the two major Powers and the overall improvement in international relations wrought by that change. For the first time since 1945 - that is, since the appr~al of the Charter at San Francisco - the United Nations now finds itself operating within an internat~.onal context not unlike the one envisioned by the founding countries, a context in which international collaboration, a tendency to engage in dialogue, the negotiated solution of problems, in short multilateralism and the rule of law, should take precedence over arbitrary approaches and the use of force. The present convergence of positive elements could enable the United Nations to make greater use of all the instruments available under its Charter. Here we have a great opportunity, but also a great question mark. Once the differences between East and West have been reduced and, we hope, eliminated, it remains to be seen whether those uninvolved in that tension, and those who were loud in their denunciation of the inherent threats to international progress and stability, will also shoulder their responsibilities. There must be a broadening of narrow regional outlooks, less rhetoric and a greater focus on action, a feeling of participation in a common design. There is a need for a spirit of dialogue, which we must all patiently seek to make more effective. The successes I have mentioned would not have been possible without the mediation efforts, I say again, of the Secretary-General and his associates, with the contribution of the security Council - an importsnt context for its function and the problems confronting it, but a limi.ted one, and, I would say, certainly inadequate in the light of the great potential of our Organization. The time has come to test the potential of all the organs of the United Nations, inclnding the General Asseni>ly. We must overcome the conflicts between groups, which have been a frequent feature of the past few years. This is a necessary development if the system is to pursue the role assigned to it by the Charter, keep pace with developments in international relations, and thus preserve its credibility. one thing is certain. If the dialogue between the United States and the Soviet Union is pursued in depth and results in a strengthening of the cause of peace and the necessary conditions for security, there will no longer. be any excuse for those countr tes or groups of countr ies that have thus far, more or less deliberately, tried to shirk their historical responsibilities. Special attention should be given to unresolved conflicts. The Palestinian uprising in the occupied territories, which began last December, clearly reflects the distress of a population compelled for decades, and wi~bout any political proapects, to live in a state of occupation. The disagreements between Arabs and Israelis and the Palestinian problem are back in the limelight, serving as a drainatic and, indeed, a daily reminder to the international community of the existence in a sensitive area of an open wound that requires healing. We are all aware of the complexity of the problem confronting us. Everyone, including the parties involved, is looking for a way out of the situation, and it is .also generally recogni:ed that repressive measures against a movement that is widespread and spontaneous are of no avail. Israel is a menber of this Assenbly, as it is entitled to be. This must be fully recognized, and so must the corresponding right to security, without offensive charges of racism. Similarly, Palestinians and Israelis, particularly those of the younger generation, must be helped out of the vicious circle of hatred and confrontation and encouraged to enter into dialogue and co-operation that can open up new prospects for development throughout the Middle East. There is a growing conviction, shared by a very broad section of the community of nations, that an intern~tional peace conference, subject to rules and procedures that are imaginative and innovative, could help overcome the problems and obstacles in the way of a global, just and lasting solution to the confUcto (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) We welcomed the acceptance in principle by the United States of: ~he idea of an international peace conference, and we appreciate the aims underlying the personal and generous commitment demonstrated by Secretary of State Shultz in presenting his peace plan. I am convinced that solution of the problem confronting us - which, in essence, concerns the possibility for all the countries of the area, including Israel, to live within secure and recognized borders, and the right of the Palestinians to a homeland - is not always facilitated by those who take up purely declaratory positions which remain without effect. I believe that a serious, positive effort must be made by all of us to reduce existing differences. In tlle Middle East context we also view developments in Lebanon with concern, for its institutional difficulties are all the more alarming in that they could jeopardize not only the coexistence of Christians and Muslims, but the very unity of the State • In Central America, after encouraging progress in the dialogue following the Esquipulas agreements, we note with concern disturbing symptoms of intransigence that will make it harder to achieve the general reconciliation we hoped for and, hence, that "happy peace for all" to which the Presidents of the Central American countries referred last year when agreeing, inter alia, on the promising idea of a common Central American parliament. Italy is an active participant in the political dialogue instituted between the states of the region and the countries of the European Community. The latter countries are continually and actively following the regional peace efforts and hope that all parties will show that genuine political will necessary to give ti10se efforts a constructive thrust and renewed momentum. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) The Horn of Africa region also deserves the attention of the Assembly because of the tensions stilt existing there. These tensions, and some major natural disasters, have unfortunately made living conditions unacceptable for hundreds of thousands of human beings. Realism and a genuine spirit of conciliation are the components needed to consolidate promising agreements and translate into reality the political solutions that would restore peace to that area, as an essential prerequisite for its social and economic progress. For years Italy has been giving the highest priority to its co-operation in the development of this region. We are prepared to strengthen this co-operation further if conditions permit. In this context, Italy is devoting special attention to the situation in Eritrea, where its co-operation and humanitarian assistance efforts are encountering particular obstacles, which are having a negative impact on the normal development of those efforts. Another crisis, that in Kampuchea, shows signs of posi.tive developments, provided that the parties are able to maintain the commitments already undertaken and the conditions are achieved for the formation of the broadest possible domestic coalition. The history of our planet is becoming increasingly a clos~ly shared experience in which peoples, nations and different economic and social systems are participating. This is not, at this juncture, an empty statement. On the contrary, it has a particular meaning for a world that has become mor~ aware of the dangers of collective destruction caused by misguided developments in science and technology and is consequently intent, above all, on rediscovering the values of solidar ity and justice. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) The deliberations of the forty-third session of tile General Assembly cannot fail to take account of the new climate of increasing openness to mutual understanding and of willingness to search more actively for common ground. Italy has always been a supporter of the role of the United Nations in the pursuit of international peace and security. Our very presence in the security Council reflects those concerns and proceeds from the assumption that the role of the secretary-General should be enhanced and that parties to a dispute should be constantly persuaded to take a peaceful view of their own interests. The successes the united Nations is scoring today confirm the validity of multilateralism and show that we must all have faith in a system of agreements that promotes the rule of law and increasingly restricts recourse to violent means. In this connection we affirm our belief in the principle of universality as a fundamental principle that must be reinforced and extended, where the proper conditions exist, by consistent conduct on the part of United Nations bodies and Member states. We hope, in \.:lis context, that contacts between the two Koreas will be resumed and yield positive reSUlts, so that the principle of universality may also become a reality for them. We must also ensure that the United Nations is in a position to over_Jme its present budgetary crisis and that there is a sound financial basis for its peace-keeping operations, which we all wish to see extended and consolidated, so as to infuse new life into the purpoRes and principles of the United Nations. Our Organization cannot confine itself to reacting to events. It must take preventive action and look ahead if it is to understand and satisfy the far-reaching demands of our peoples and redress the glaring imbalances which are still poisoning relations between nations. We must, in other words, take full (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) advantage of the opportunities available for bringing about a world order guaranteed by the rule of law and considerations of justice. The path is now strewn with obstacles, difficulties and burdensome restrictions. The efforts of the entire international community are required to overcome them. Our peoples feel ever more acutely the need for an improved quality of life, a healthier and better protected environment and true freedom from the enemies of society and civilization, such as the heavy indebtedness of some countries, recurrent food crises, pollution of the atmosphere and the oceans, the effects of excessive urbanization and the prouuction and use of drugs. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy> In actual fact little has been done to combat these evils. I am thinking, in particular, of the terrible dimensions of the drug phenomenon, which is undermining the very foundations of out society and destroying our young people, who are our hope for the future. We must attack drug production by carrying out adequate programmes to assist economic and social development and to substitute other crops for drugs in the producing countries. We must attack trafficking by means of increased co-operation between jUdicial and police authorities and by introducing, through international agreements, financial controls that will make it possible to freeze and confiscate the proceeds of drug traffickers. Lastly, and perhaps above all, we must strike a blow at illicit drug use by putting into effect all appropriate preventive measureG, edu<.:ating and sensitizing public opinion, harnessing for this purpose the power of the major communications media, using appropriate school and leisure facilities and instituting programmes for the treatment, recovery and rehabilitation of drug addicts. International co-operation to combat drug use is particularly necessary now that it is affecting all states, albeit to a different extent, so that no country can really consider itself immune. It is a terrible evil which we all share, from East to West, North to SOuth, and we all have a duty to take forceful determined action to combat it. The economic, .social, health and environmental effects of urbanization also need careful consideration. It has been estimated that, after the the year 2000, some 50 per cent of the world's population will be living in megalopolises, and that this phenomenon will affect the emerging countries particularly. While it is easy to imagine the kind of effects produced by the concentration of populations in cities, it seems more difficult at the present level of our knowledge to identify suitable remedies to reduce - at least partially - the (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) reeulting anomalies. Perhaps, in this particular area too, help will come from co-operation between scientists, in a setting in which science is growing more open, rising above ideological barriers to become a vehicle of universal progress and not an instrument of competition. There are certainly many opportunities, even in this area of the quality of life, for encouraging and developing international co-operation. The United Nations, precisely because of its universal character, cannot evade these new challenges and, indeed, should be ready to provide convincing and eloquent responses to them. I am not at present in a position to suggest the courses to be taken. Perhaps, and particularly with a view to preparing fv or, if possible, preventing major natural disasters - I have in mind disasters of the Sahel type - we might consider setting up a collective emergency force to be placed at the disposal ()f the Secretary-General. The establishment of such a force would complement certain activities which, to some extent, are already being carried out, and would confirm the universal role of the United Nations, viewed as a catalyst for human solidarity. It would be over-ambitious of me to delineate the exact contours of oue future, and predict the structure of our society at the planetary level. However, there is one element in the thinking of the authors of the san Francisco Charter that remains particularly valid - the idea that the United Nations and its machinery should be a profoundly innovative factor in relations between States. Besides, the mere fact of achieving harmony between peoples with such diverse cultures and systems through a process that precludes suspicion and mistrust in the interests of promoting co-operation, must inevitably result in something original and unique. (Mr. Andreotti, Italy) Now is the time to embark on this venture, precisely because we must realize that the pr inciples and purposes set forth in the Charter could not ha\'e been properly affirmed in an atmosphere, such as we have experienced in the past, characterized by serious tensions between the two major Powers. Is it possible, then, to attain these objectives in the framework of the process of revision taking place in relations between the United States and the Soviet Union? If we tried to give a definite affirmative answer to that question I think we would be venturing onto the unsafe ground of prophecy. We will merely note that there now exist favourable conditions for change and that the requirements linked to this change are coming to light, even if they a~e not always perceived fully and with total clarity. More than any other design, that of a more balanced order, an order that is informed, above all, with the principles of justice, appears the most likely eventuality as we approach the year 2000, if only because, as Plato said, every individual or State that is unjust contains within itself the seeds of its own destruction. And this is still valid for all mankind. The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m.
  1 mtg
• (cmtinued) GBNERALDIlBATB 'Mr 0 aUl()-QIICRI (Benln) (interpretation from Frenchh The delegation of the People's Republic of Benin welcomes with great satisfaction the election of Hr. Dante Caputo to the ~esidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third seBsim. We ask him to cOlWey friendly and brotherly greetings to Argentina from the (bvernment and people of Benin, which is happy to see the representative of Cl country wi th which it shares the same aspirations to peace and social justice preside over the General Assembly of our irreplaceable world Organization. (Hr .. Capo-Chichi, Benin) I should like to take this opportunity to cOlWey the heartfelt ccmgratulations of lW1 delegation to Mr. Peter P'lorin, the Deputy Minister for P'oreign Affairs of the German DellDcratic Republic, who, throughout the work of the forty-seccmd session of the General Asse'lfbly, showed such competence, wisdom and statesmanship.. our CQlgr~tulations also go to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-Gener&1 of the United Nations. I should like once again, on this solemn occasicm, to say how nuch the people and the 'Raticmal Exacutive Council of Benin admire him for the dynamism, patience, tenacity and oompetence, with which he has served the United Nations, and in particular for the p:ofeaaicmalism - each day !lOre decisive - that he has shown in finding solutions to the various crises that our w«ld has been witnessing. On behalf of Benin, we wish to extend to him our full support in the disdlarge of his cnerous and delicate responsibUities. The award this year of the Nobel Peace Pr ize to the Uni ted Hations Peace-keeping Pbrces is a well-deserved tr ibute to the work of the Organization and the secretary-General. This great hQ'lour ccmferred upon our Organizaticm has created a new climate of optimism and confidence in the search for ways and means that might lead to peace. The forty-third session of the General Assembly has opened in an atmosphere of eWtente and hope, indicating that internatiQ'lal Peace and security, which our Organization has been striving to attain, should be understood as a pre-conditioo for promting development in all fields and for ensuring the right of peoples to life, freed)m and dignity. When they adopted the principles set forth in the United Nations Charter in San Prancieco, in 1945, or ~en they acceded to theJl later the State8 represented here showed their determination to saye succeeding generations from the scourge of . ' war, to promtle social progress and better standards of life in fuller freedom. (Mr. Cap?-Chichi, Banin) we thus proclaimed' 9ur faith,in fundamental human dght'IJ, in the dignity of the . , human person, i~ '~e' eq'ulil ,rights, of men and women a'nd of nations large or small. •• , .1 " . , ." ) Three yearD'ago v~ ~m<xat8d'here, and in cur co~try" the fortieth \, " anniversary of the signing·of the Charter in a p)litical climate that was marked by ) -. \ . - \ many areas of tensicoand by the mad rivalry between the nuclear Pewers. This year we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of RU:::lan Rights in an environmcmt marked by glimmers of hope, thanks to the determination of the two nuclear super-Powers to reduce and gradually eliminate nuclear weapons, which are a real threat to international peace and security. It is therefore my honour and pleasure to state before the Assembly that my Cbvernment is preparing to implement, within the ccntext of the celebration of this fortieth anniversary, a rich, diversified prograrrme of events, ranging from a national seminar en human rights, whi ch will follow 1p the interna tiooal seminar 00 human l' ights~nd economic and social progress hosted by my country in May-June of 1988, to a numer of cultural and sporting, events in all parts of our country, information meetings about this Declar.tion,and its publication in French a."1d in most of the na tional languages of our COWl try • By signing the ~greements to dismantle nuclear weapons, both medium-range and shorter-range, the USSR and the United States of America established a basis for a real nuclear disarmament process and detente. On behalf of my country, I salute the initiatives' taken by the President of the united States of America and the General secreta I of the COl'llllunist Party of the Soviet Union, and I wish the leaders of those two countries ever greater success in following up their negotiations with a view to the gr'aclJal reduction of s,trategic weap)ns until they are completely elimina ted. 'y ;\ \ ' \ \ .... '. \ 'rhe peoplea of the \lfbole world want peace. They want all other nuclear Powers to fIollaw the ••FP!e of thl! United States e.nd the Soviet Union, to stave off, once Md foe all, the risk of a nuclear war, tGich would be the last ene. ems.BUll with regard to the fleans of athieving nuc:lear disarmament seems to be ••efglncJ. !lit the third IBp.&eial session of the GEneral Asselbly devoted to dl••......,t .bOlted what a lmg way we have y~t to go to establish the basis of g....a1 Md CClIIIlp1ete cUsulIlmeet. we IIUSt therefore riseab:C"Ne intransigence, national a.1ft.hneas, differences and ideological tmr.r:iers, in or-fier to prOllOte the lh<. i_cy of the t:ni ted Hations in diSHllameRt. w. Nust reoognbfJ that there 18 & logical link between disarmament and our Orgalfab.tion, htid frOll 24 April to 11 Sspte!lber 1981, established so e1QJuently.. So we h.e grounds for hope. Remar~able pt'ogress ha been made in settling f,\1%iOU8 re9ion~1 conflicts, all of ..ich ere deadly and run comter to our aspirations for peace and progress.. There 1s no doubt that the path leading to PMC8 la long and diff:l.c~lt, but there is no alternative to peace except peace I tae1f.. kc:orc!illgly, it is good that, in2ltead of confrontation the enemies of yesterday hue tlO&ly cb~M the way of dialogue and "l4llgotiaticn, tlhether in the PCK'eian Gulf, the Mictil" Ba8t, western sahara, southern Africa, Central lWerica, Afg..mt.atan « "'PI~ea~ In Afr iQ the "'l!~tb.id syate. of the Pretor la regime, vhich aur un iversal CGnIIC1Mc:e eanda._ voclferously litIS .1ch no country or Govern.ant could justify or le9iti.b., is at tbe very core of the tr&9Cdy suffered by the black peoples of aouth@n Africa. Th. racist regi.. CClfttinUI2!S, et_pite c::cB8OIl sense and raMal, to divide the international coRUnity in its quat for. peaoe, security and social (Mr. Capo-ehichi, Benin) The policy of apartheid of the south African regime is etill very _ch a cri_ against hwunlty and an affralt to the universal cxmscienoe. The assassination of Dulcie septel'llber, in Paris on 29 March 1988, abows that the leaders of that COWltry will atop at nothing to co_it the lIlost heinous er:lllea. Pretoria is being obstinate, dsepite the peotesta of the "'ole wecld, in insisting on keeping NelsCln Mandela in its gaols, thus eel'iously damaging his health. It cQ'ltinues to impCl8e a state of emergency Q'l blade South Africans in order to further suppress their legi tillBte aspirations to dignity and well-being. In its solidadty and unswerving support for the struggle of the African National Congress (MC) and all other de~cratic anti-aputheid forces, ray country appeals to the reason and CCBJIIOn sense of all states Hellbers of the Q\ited Nations to see to it that Qt this forty-third session the General Assellbly will once again delHlld the impost tion of COlIprehens ive, JUndatOfY sanctions aga inet the racist regll18 of South Afr lea under Chapter VII of the Charter. It ia our collective responsibility - and one we must shoulder - to wexk to restore all the inalienable rights of the Soqth Afr lcan people and the independence of Naiaibia, and to glllatMtee to the frmt-line col.Dtries the enjoylllent of security, stability and tel'ritorial integrity. The front-line countries, the South-West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the ARC, and all other dellOcratic forces defending their inalienable rights in southern Africa can be 8.ssured of the solidarity and support: of the entire people of Benin mtll their emuse tri1.llphs - the cause of justice and freedom for mich they have been shedCling their blood. We hope ~at ~he dialogue that is now going Q'l and that is developing in the negotiations between Angola, South Africa, Cuba and the United states, will result in a just peilce in that part of Africa tihieh has beGn ravaged by 80 many years of ar_d conflicts. (NI.'. Cap?-Chichi, B!!l!!) In the Mestern Sahara, the People IS Republic of 8ellln Is pleased that the two parties to the exmflict, Morocco and the POLISARIO I'rant, have finally chosen the pcth of dialogue in accepting the peace plan of the current Chairman of the Organbation of Afric:::an Unity (OAU) and the Secretary-Gf/\,eral of the United Rations, relating to ccnditions for the organization of a referendUII on self"'Cietermination for the 8ahraoui people. However, on this question, &s on so lUny others, the inte~national COIIalmity aust re.in vigilant in o~der to avoid bitter disappointllent. We are pleased that relations between Chad and Libya have been iJlprcwing. The retur.n to peace between these two fraternal countries will enable the Chadian people t.o tackle the work of national reconstruction and eoonollic recovery for the greater well-being of all Chadians. . Like other peoples, the Palestinian people is entitled to an independent hoaeland. Renc~ a stop IIUSt be put to its suffering by way of the restoration of all its national rights in a Middle East that is reconciled and at poac.. The Palestinian question 18 one to .aicb my country hopes the General A8selbly will attach opecial irapol'tanc. this ~ar, especially sinOl we &ball be celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the universal Declaration of Huun Rights. Hence Berlin lOOks for.1'd to the convening as soon a8 PDsslbllt of the internetional oonfl'l'ence on the Middle But, under the auoplces of the 'blted Hattons, and "i th the puticipation of all parties ooncerned, including the Palost!.ne Libel'atiop. Organization (PID), on an equal footift\J_ In the Persian Gulf, reason and dialogue have finally replaCltd the language of viOlenc:::o in a war that f« eight year. hu tavaged that put of the third w«ld~ III \IIel00. theOllaee-fhe between. I ran ane! Irlll and hope that the Socretary-General's tirele~. efforts wUl be .UOoN.ful, 80 that the peoples of that region can finally _joy pea... (Nr. Capo-Chichi, Benin) In Afghanistan, we hope that the nor_lizatiCXl prOCElSS will cantinue en course, thanks to the full implementation of the Geneva Accords by all parties cCl\cerned. This will permit the reconciliation of all the country's people, for it is high time to end the suffering and t.'1e dispersal of men, women and children in :refugee camps. The trend in international relations is towards dialOCjUe and the peaceful settlement of disputes, and the talks that have been started by the political forces in K&mpumea muat also lead to the establistuaent of a democratic, political and administrative sz"Stem in keeping wi th the interests of a free Kampucbean people at et territory fr~ from any hint of a return to the notorious past, as well as the retm'n of any foreign troops. The withdrawal of foreign troops from the Korean peninsula is a guarantee for the peacefUl reunification of the two Koreas. The international community should work to ensure that this divided people can recover its unity an13 greatness. In Central America, the peoples and tne States of that region have the right to live in peace, harmony and mutual respect, free from interference or foreign intervention, and, &bwe all, with each respecting the political, ecanomic and social choices of the others. In th is context, the hopes reaised by the Arias plan and the Esquipulas agreements should be sUPPCirted, as wall as the efforts of the Contadora Group to establish lasting peace in the region. in contrast to the relief brought about by the positive developments we have seen in various war-torn parts of the world, the rather grim picture of the international economic situation is, to say the least, distressing. Indeed, the internationl!Ql economic climate is now chareacter ized - particularly with regard to tbe developing countries and, more specifically, the African countries - by increasing protectionism by the industrialized countries, a sharp drop in ooanodity prices R and the inverse transfer of financial flows. The colbined cUllulative Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library effects of these trends have sedo.ll~ly affected developllMtftt PC'08peCts for our CX)untr iea and have lIa'" any efforts at economic rec»very highly unpredictable. Wars and prolonged tension have disorganized the economic and social 11 fe of many c:ountr iea to such an extent that no .ecurity can be guaranteed for any length of time. In many regions of Africa and elsewhere food production has fallen below survival needs, thus bringing about a situation of perll2lnent hunger and, in some cases, famine of catastrophic pcoportions in the warring countries. Natural disaatera of incalculable consequences have often added to these scourges. Pollowing the recent torrential rains experienced in the People's Republic of Benin, entire regions were £1oo"'d, causing considerable material , . damage and seriously disrupting the lives of numy people. CUt of the six provinces in Benin, four wre particularly badly hit and declaredemergeney areas by the GcwernMnt. Given the _~1tude of the disaster, the 1Illjor national effort we have made - despite my countryVs difficult economic ,Situation - will not be enough to put an end to the tragedy of the people cMcerned': . Therefore, the Government of the People''!' Rep.lblic of Benin _de an ur9~nt appeal for international solidarity in prOllid~ng 'emergency assistance to the affected peoples and toWllSe . On behalf of 1IY coun,try I8hould like to seize this opportunity to thank all friendly countries and gOllernllental and non-gO'1ernllental .organiz,ations which, in a burst of solidarity, have s~rted tq Pl'cwide valuable 88sistance to the.' victim. of , . t:his di8u·te~. In the cirCUlD8tanCl!l8 to which I hue jU8t referred, the deterllination of the developing countril!s to iaple",ent .eaningful and economic social refe;tflls is coming up against e.,genou8. CX)ns~~a1nts connected with the hostile international and ecenOBlic 911.te e I.n order to cSea! "itb thi8 situation, a large nullberot countrie. have estab1i11hed special recoyery lIeauru through structural adjustl.'leftt progr..... .,hieb tb not often lead to any significant b,prOl7••nt in the live. of their peop1.ea. With regard IIOre zpecifically to the critical econo1lic situation in Africa, it b approl,Xiate to point out that two yeare after the adoption by nul' Orgmization of a Progr... of Action for African &::onollic Recovery and Developaent 1986-1990 the eCCflOIlic and social situation of all African countries cmtlnues to deteriorate. It must be said that the international co_unity ha not kept the pledge it _de at the special session of the General Asseably devoted to Africa to pr017ide sufficient r 88001'088 to baclc up and Buppl.lI8nt Af1' lea '8 develop=ent efforts. The mid-terll review of the Progr__ our Organization has just carried out should prompt Afr iea '8 partners to increase their efforts to enable U8. to achieve our goals. The rich countr iea IlIUSt be ser ious1y concerned aboot the external econo.ic factors that have so otNiously ccapcnmded At'rica's present difficulties. In this connection, genuine _as\olra to reUeve the enorllOus debt burden of ..ub-Saharan Africa ~ to incre•• the flow of resources to the regicn Mould be encouraged. In spite of everything, we .till hope that the pr••ent detente in relations between the two Powers and the rebirth of a clillate of trust within the international co_unity - because of the various ongoing peace initiativ.. on lIlUly war-fronts - can be considered a8 a prelude to lA now era of co-operation and dialogue atDOng nations. It i. our duty to reaffira fore-fully end with faith· our total ~tMnt to the valu. that enhance the .tature of nu and underpin the idlal. of our Ckg_uatiCft, u ve eelebl:ate the fortieth anniv••uy of the Oliv••al Deel.tattoo of BPan Ri~ta. It i. our clJty to enh*,ce th..e vdu.., to defend thea wher.er tbey could b. violated, becaUlle in tbe. li.-. the .urvival and grandetii' of ....ind. Mr.• OI)UDIliRY (Bangladt.hh Let .. fir.t ocngratulate ~. Pr_idlnt on hi. eleetian, _ich wu _a«able and vell-4.erved. It redounda •• _ch to hi. own peraanal credit ae to Argentina's contribution and role In the United Rations. I record also our deep .p~eeiationof the rHolute and efficient luderllhip provided to the forty-second ••••1on by his _nent predeces.or Mr. Peter I'larin. Our tribute. extend to our secretary-General for his pratient ..d per.latent diploucy. Bb single..lnded efforts to forge ,. greater lI01idarity .-ong nationa and p£omte .. convergence of interMta an the vital is.u•• of peace, atllbility and dave10paent d.serve our unstinted pralae. A concrete ...nifestatioo of his contrlbuticn ha been the decision of the Habel Coea1ttee to ~wud ita 'eace pru. to the United Rations peace-keeping . cantrlbuted so _~!ngfullY to the cause of peace. BMglacJe. ia ~~45 to be part of this process. I reiterate ay Q)ver......t 'a dlltt8raination t:c continue to· cantribut» to titis noble _de.our. The ChEter.... ~eed on t;I:Ie yearning of aanklnd for a ••fer, ~1'. equiUbl~­ IInd pr08PUOua war:ld bound together by the inherent intel'cJtpend8nce and .en.e of co_unity. Por Bln91adesh that vlllicn 1:...11'. 1'..1. we believe that it illl achievable, and "e reaffir. our total CORJIIitlHftt to it. It ia for this reason that we welcoae the reaurgent p.mlic lnter..t in the Unit:l8d Nations. The solid acbieve_ntIJ of the recent past - progr... in regional, 'security iuu., advances towards nUclea~~~ central, IIOYU to Bhcce uP, hulUft dignity - are but SOIDe of the hard-won fruitai of the {:amstak!ng efforts ,of the Qli ted Hations over the decades. Propell in~- them was the pullh to pursue, not individual, but global interests, to, emphasiae -hnequivocally that security is ,. - indivisible, that military solutions are not viable, th~t the self-perpetuating ilrll8 race ls insuprtable in cost and ine:alculable in dlnger, and that prosperity cannot be achieved at the expense.of others. There ls a collective ~arenes8 to~y that we have entered a new tilDe and pattern of international relationa, pl'omted by dialogue andd8tente alllCl'lg the big PeNers, by the eIMrgenoe of a new lIultipolar!ty on the inbtrnational economic ..... :',' " ;' ..•':..';. I . '. plMe, by a greater tolerance foe diversity in Socio""8cmoiaic 'Md political systems. In the face of this cnnvergence of i~tereets the Un!tQd Nations must seize:the initiative to forge (Xactical agreements through dialogue and negotiation. It !lust, indeed, go beyond and expand its undertakings to br inl) together tb~ I . capacities of nations for the good of mankind, for the COIIlJlCln ;:)enefit of a;l. As the Pd_ Minister of Canada emphasized, in this new age the differenmls, dividing us are les8 ilJportant than the dangers we must face together. Ccncrete acts which llake our 1lIOrld lICE'. secure IIUSt be matdled by tangible co_itsents to reduce :,'. poverty in the dweloping wcxld and to protect our Coaaon envirornM!I\.t.~ . Thils potential for concentrating the oo~ined efforts of the international 0Q1l1lUnity in the service of huunity has partiCUlar relevance for:' BanglAdesh. The inextricable link between poverty, (tnviraurent, hwun health and the economy is best illustrated In our i.media te pr:ediCllllent. The wCX'st f.lood in living IMtIlOrY.·. overran Bangladelh this year. It, haa co. in the wake of the disasb;~\t,18 cy.clcne of 1985 and the floods of 1987. These calallities have exposed the total vulnerab11i ty of our ecCRORY and environtl6nt to destructive forces of I\fltur:e beycnd our capacity to control or effectively iIIitigate. Their cause lies as much in the impact of nature as in the nature of pwerty.The statistics of disaster in Bangladesh have al"aY8 been terrifying in their intensity. They have literally anaesthetized belief in ~e true extent of th§!ir enormity. Nevertheless, they are real and COlillp)uncJed by cumulative accretion. The international colllllunity's response has been one of heart-warming spcrltaneity. I express at behalf of the GalTer~ment and the people of Bangladesh our deet38st gratitude to all donor muntries, to the heads of interrHltional Ofganizatlons, as well 8S those of thi ted Hations special bed-, agencies, to numerous nan~overn.ntalorganizations and to those thousands of individuals and groups that rushed to our assistance in our hour of maximm need. Our particular thanks go to the 8ecretary-General, who acted quickly in sending his Special Representative, Mr. M'hamed Essaafi, to serve as co-ordinator of united Nations agencies in the field and to mobilize their activities for purposeful and unified intervention by the United Nations. There was optimism this year that, despite the vicissitudes caused by last y"ar Os floods, genuine pl:'ogress was being made towards the achievement of. a 6 per cent growth target, in QOlllPlsrison to the 2.5 per cent flood-depressed growth readte~ in 1987. Sign! ficant recovery had taken place in the &gricultural sector. PollQiing the 1988 floods our plans have gone awryo Given the already stringent adjustllents _de in the Annual Dwelopment Plan, the ability to manoeuvre is -severely constrained, acco1lllP&nted by the continuing need to pare our· deficit budget, realign our balance of paYllefitaand re41ce ext.-nal debt, "'ich now totals $11 billial. The Ol/erall I'Il!lcro-ecCl'lOillic picture is ate of uncertainty, wi th the projection of grpwth for this ~ar dramatically scaled down from 6 per cent to 2 per cent. Several important lessons emanate from our experience. Th~ first is that such disasters have long ceased to be viewed in the context of humanitarian relief. They canstitute an insurmountable burden CI'l the eca'iOl'Dy and development plans of a countrYe causing irrecoverable setbacks in growth and necessitating impossible adjustments. The need for sustainEld development assistance mer the long term is vital. The second lesson is that the link between economic and social development and the need fa:: environmental supportive growth strategies is no lClllger subject to academic debate. It has become a bounden reality, despite the raoognized ccaplexities in balancing priorities. Many of these catastrophes could not have been prevented nCM or in the illJllediate future in the absence of in-depth study of the cumulative factcxs that cause them and of massive investment over time to remedy them. It has now been widely acknowlec;ged that there are 'tab many aspects for any uingle comtry cx even groups of countries to be able to deal with effeotively. They need a global reach and outlook, supplemented by regimal coOperative efforts. The President of Bangladesh has appealed to the international conmunity to assist Bangladesh in seeking a permanent solution to the problem. In doing so he has re-elaborated a comprehensive national programe to recuperate from the devastation caused by floods, cyclCXles and drought that now appear to have become a P8l'ennilal visitation. The pt'ogranme includes, inter alMs - BrOQd-bued institutional arrangements and standing operation&1 pt'ooedures to be activated throu~out the c:omtry at the immediate onset of a disaster. They include contingency plana for: pre-positioning atoC$.8 of essential supplies, in particular food grains, R\i)dicine, transport and construction materials. - IIIIHdiate rehabilitation measures tlO restore flood-stricken people to normal life by ccncentration on such priorHy areas as agricultural recwery~ 8UfJ~y of key inputs of seeds, fertUizer and irrigatiau infrastructural repairs, particularly in communications and housing, and restoration of health and sanitation facilities. - Medium-term measures for rehabUitation and reconstruction of the economy and infrastructure, wi th special emphasis on disaster preparedness and preventive schemes. A factor requir ing major adjus tment would be to change the cropping pattern fram" dependence en the monsocn crop to emphasis on enhancing the winter crop. As we grapple with the gigantic task of recovery we are conscious that remedies extend far becnd our individual capacity. Our location in the delta of a vast flood plan, on a parcel of land barely above sea-level, places us permanently on the receiving end of calamities caused as nuoo by nature as the environmental depredations of man. Recurring floods in India and the devastation of earthquakes and landslides in Nepal compound the impact of these disasters on Bangladesh in the monsoon season as rampaging waters and bUllons of tons of silt are carried down by the rivers that criss";'cross our country. In the dry season, scarce water resources needed by hundreds of millions of people along the Gangetic plain are squeezed to a trickle by the time they reach Bangladesh, exacerbating the consequences of drought and I'aising the annual spectre of famine. As we look towards approaches for a permanent solution, the pr imary imperative will be to harness regicnal co-operation ammg all our catcerned neighbours \11 th a view to arriving at coherent and well co-ordinated policies and plans to our mutual benefit. This n~ds to be backed by internatiooal suppcxt and intervention. A "ital necessity is the stimulation of expert studies and feasibility reports through collation and synthesis of existing I18terials and through collective exchange of ideas and forward projection of practical remedies 0 The President of Bangladesh has already initiated the prcocess through direct CQ'ltact with the (Mr. Choudhury, Bangladesh) leaders \)f our regional neighbours and through communications wi th the heads of international organizations and financial institutions, including those in the United Nations system. Bangladesh has closely co-operated and co-ordinated its activities with Mr. M'hamed Essaafi and the United Nations agencies in the field in the prepara tion of a report to be submitt.ed to the Secretary-General to elicit international assistance. we extend to him and his colleagues our hC!artfelt thanks for their dedication and commitment. It is our hope that a special meeting will be convened at this session of the Assenbly of Member States, agencies and organs of the United Na tions system and international economic and financial insti tu tions to deal comprehensively wi th this issue. The experience of Bangladesh serves dramatically to highlight a growing crisis affecting developed and developing countries alike. Desertific:ation, soil erosion, deforestation, swollen cities and giant spill-offs of pollutants, acid rain and the dumping of toxic wastes are all symptoms of this crisis. SOme are the consequences of poor people seeking to survive, others of the pursuit of economic grCMth at any cost. Remedial actions have been set in train, but mum more needs to be done urgently. Conferences on various aspects have been convened or are under preparation. Formal instruments have been adopted~ others are being formulated, including contemplated guidelines foe environmental codes of conduct. This momentum has to be maintained. It is only fitting that the United Nations has declared the decade of the 1990s as the Internatioo81 Decade for Natural Disaster Reduction. Bangladesh believes that the time is indeed ripe for the holding of an environmental summit at the highest level, perhaps as a special session of the General Assembly. It is thus with a sense of acute foreboding that we turn to review the world (Hr. Choudhury, Bangl~deah). eCORaay. we share the growing anxiety ewer what appears to be a diminution of interest in the cause of eO'.)nomic developuent, a cause fueled over three decacSas by the Uni ted Natione that embraces the twin objectives of prollDting equitable growth and alleviating poverty. We find today that the gap between the rich and the poor ha inexorably widened. The cri tical IlDtors for rals ing w«ld stMdards of 1 lving - ecemontc growth, finance, trade and resource tranofors - are all stalling. Their dillensions have been spelled out in numerous resports of the United Nations and pin-pointed In the statements of speakers befoUl me. This much is t:ruo~ that developing coWltrles re_In prisoners to a system where external markets, t~rll8 of trade Md interest rates greatly influence their economic fate and remain outside their control. Developed countr lea continue to resist negcltiatlon on the er: It!e&l 18SUB of trade, flnanca, debt and developlient in any forum controlled by the developing countr les. The resulting stalellate has 8Jtdc:erbat&d the adverse International dilate and is yet to be broken. The illpact on the poorest of the poor, the least developed countr ies, hQII b"n devastating. The _In goals of the 1981 Substantial New progr.. of Action re.in a distant ideal with little hope of reaching the main target of increasing official dwelopllel\t assist..ce to 0.15 per cent. Per capita inCORes are ccntinuing to fall. Beternal. indebtedness has increased druat1cally. ~ric:ultur&l 'CCMlllctivltr has rallen rar below the .. per cent -.;rowth targets emrisaged. Given rapid population growth, this hu .ant a 03ntinu!ng decline in per Qtpita ~ood pcoductian, the 1I08t eerioUB c:taallenge racing these coWluies in the COIling decac1e. (Mr. Choudhury, BanglacJes!t) The African situation is a cmtinuing case in point. Despite efforts to carry out adjustments in their national economic policies, most African countries have found little respite from harsh climatic cooditions and the adverse internatiCXlal ecanollic envircnment. Sustained and timely co1llftitment to the United Nations Programrae of Action for African EcCXlomic RecO'lery and Development 1986-1990 IIIUSt be maintained. The hope remains thAt we will be able to reverse the North-South polarization and reinvigorate t."le process of constructive dialogue. It arises frolll the practical reality that for as lmg as the 80cio-eoonolllic policies of the developed colmtrieu rellllin incompatible with the interests of the developing wcxld, the goal of sustained and durable growth of the WO~ld economy will remain illusive. Significant opportuni ties to turn these hopes into practical reality in the years ahead\ the 1990 conference in Paris on the least de~eloped countries, the fOI'l'!lUlation of the internAtional development strategy for the fourth United Nations developnent decade and the Montreal meeting of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trbde (GATT) Miniaters to raview the Uruguay Round of mul tila teral trade negotiations are but a few e_lIIPlas. Equally important are follov-up measures for a growth-oriented debt strategy linking .debt service to the creation of viable conditions for developnent, the convening of an international conference on JlCmey and finance f(X developlllent, and efforts to stem the reverse transfers of resources that continue to illpover jsh the deVeloping countr ies. ill Ue gaping holes cQ'ltinue to ridcJlethe fabdc of wcrld peace, a painstak ing patc:hwrlc prooess has bec;un. The rawrochelMnt of the two major POlIers has had a beneficial spin-off Oft a wide variety of plt'oblelll areas hi therto anc:bored in attr ition. The cease-fir~ between I~iIn ud Irq and the initiation of direct political talks wu!3r the auspices of the United Nationa Secretary-General ~odde tlope that a COII.an lI\derstanding will be reached en the prcwisions of security Council resolution 598 (1987), opening the way for a just and lasting solution. I'cxward llO'Ie_nt is discernible in Karap.lC:hea following Viet NaIl's annoll\ceJlent of the !based withdrawal of its trClOPS. Regional efforts initiated by the Jakarta InfOl'lIal Meeting to end the impasse have cenu ibuted to the feaaibility of a comprehensive political settlement based on the declaration of the International Conference en KamplC::hea. Bangladesh looks forward to the time when we can see firmly established again a neutral, independent and non-aligned Afghanistan. iia are already witnessing the Plased withdrawl of foreign UClOPS, and we support the str ict and effective implementation of other aspects of the historic Geneva Accords of 14 April 1988. These constitute an essential Pl'erequisite for a comprehensive settlement that would, inter alia, enable the return of Afghan refugees to their homeland in safety and honour, and allow the Afghan people to e_relse their inherent right to determine their own destiny and choose their own GcJIIernment. There appears to be a more receptive climate in western sahara for an end to the conflict, with tbeacceptance by the parties of the peace plan submitted jointly by the Chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAIJ) and the Secretary-General. W~ hope that the essential l'iDdalities gewerning a cease-fire and a referendum will soon be worked out. The leaders of the two Cypt'iot co_unities have also agreed to ruWM dialogue without pre-eonditionll' ...d to attellpt .to achieve by Jm'\e next year a negotiated eettleBent of all aspects of the Cyprus problem. We hail these devel0p'ents, as we do the eigns ot the renewal of talks between the two !tcxeas, and pcogres8 towards . peace in the Bern of Afr lea. The willingness of the leader 8 of Chacl and Libya to resolve their dispute by peaceful lIeua urks the end of acute tension in yet we are encouraged by recent diplomtic activity in southern Africa and Angola, which has increased the prospects of early independence in Namibia. As a member of the COWlCU for Namibia, Bangladesh has no need to reiterate its consistent stand. We have already indicated our willingness to participate directly in the United Nations Transi tion Assistance Group in Namibia, for Witch cootingency plans are already being drawn up, in pursuance of Seour ity Council resolution 435 (1978). Vital breakthrou~s towards peace have thus been made. Many problems, however, remain mired in intractability. The situation in the Middle Fast is intolerable. Cont1,nuation of the status quo is illegal and colWlter-pr:odtctive wi th regard to peace. The Palestinian intifadah, in the teeth of brutal repression, is glar Ing testimony to its outr ight rejection. Peace in the Middle East can be guaranteed only by a comprehensive, just and lasting solution based en the resolutions of the Seourity COUncil and the General Assenbly. Bangladesh endexses the core conditions laid down in the Fez plan of 1982 and the decision adopted by the extraordinary Arab sumit in Algiers in June this year. we fully support t.tle efforts of the Seccetary-General to pursue the convening of an international peace conference, with the full and independent participation of the Palestine Liberatim Organization (PID) as the sole and legl timate representative of the Palestinian people. The human tragedy in South Africa cantinues to unfold in the vicious eycle of resistance, retaliation and oppression imposed by the brutal apartheid r6gime. Its d_tructive consequences have spilled 80&'088 the frontiers of South Africa ald have been lIlIlnifested by repeated acts of aggression, sabotage and destabUization. The front-line States _iob are the _jor victiJll8 need sustained support to coll'lter the effect of economic strangulation and. politiClll disruption. we join in the call for the release of Nelson Nandela aft a first step towards the inevitable - the (Hr. Choudhury, Bangladesh) dismantling of apartheid. In the face of SOUth Africa's cCl\tinued intranaigence, we fully support the call for comprehensive mandatory sMctions against the racist regl•• We are meeting in the wake of the third special session of the General AB8ellbly on disarmallent. Though its outCOIIe fell short of the acbption of a final docu_nt by consensus, it rflpresented a significant advance in increasing awareneas of the Clucial issues involved and identifying area for progress towards a negotiated settlement. Surrounding the session was the hope generated by the historic breakthrough in the. field of nuclear-arms centrol by the signing and implellentation of the Treaty between the United States of IIIerica and the Union of SoIriet S,cialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shoe ter-Range MislIiles - INF Tready - and the under sunding reamed between the signatories that they would str ive for a 50 per cent recliction of strategic nuclear weapons. Bangladesh's position on these issues was elaborated at length at the third special session on disarllaJlent, and I wish merely to SUII up 1ts ..in centont. The ~verall goal of general and collplete disarmaMnt within a ooaprehensivfl fruewCX'k of negotiations must be pursued simultaneously vi th efforts to resolve regional conflicts, promote 80010-eoonolllc develoPl~nt, and build up confidence and trust a8Xlg regional neighbours. Disarlllll'll8nt is a joint undertaking of all States, and not t.he exclusive respcmsibiUty of the two biggest Powers. It is for this r\luen that we have .trcogly advocated an increaeo in the llellber8hip of the Conference on Disar__nt to re~.ent all shade8 of opinien. (Mr. Choudhury, Bangladesh) Pur ther ~ogre.s in nuclear diaEIIDMeIlt re...ins an iaP6i.'o\'ltive, in recognition of the obvious truth that IIOr. weapon. cb not Man IIOre security. Dependence on the cbctrine of deterrence ill misleading. Reliance on nuclear leverage can Mly perpetuate a co_unity of fear. We have rejected the nuclear alternative and have therefore adhered to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Rle1e81' Weapons. we support all measures, partial or otherwise, that could promote disarmament and deter the horizontal 8pt'ead of the 81'.8 race, both quant:itatively and qualitatively. (!!.:...Choudhury, Bangladesh) Immediate priorities call for thf! calpletion of the convention b~ing the production and use of chemical weapons, the imperative necessity of a oomprehensive test-ban treaty, control of conventional-arms transfer, particularly in conflict situations, and the meariS to strengthen verification, inclUding an integrated multilateral verification system with!!" the thited Nations framework. We remain oonvil'ioed that what is really threatening peace and stability is the dire incidence of poverty, hunger and dest! tution existing in our world. This has been exacerbated by the channelling of vast resources for the· purposes of destructicn, not amelioration, of the wellbeing of peoples. The adverse environmental impact of those unnecessary arsenals, both in terms of materials and resources expended on their prowction and in terms of the dangerous consequences of their use, cannot be minimized. In the nuclear context it embraces the content of all life on our planet. We have passed through an anxious phase ,-,hen the very viability of the United Nations has been seriously questioned.. The catch-phrase was Athe erosion of m~ltilateralism.1lt That loss of conf:l..dence in the United Nations was attr ibuted to disparate reasons as III1ch political as administrative Md financial. Assertions of the so-called. tyr anny of the major ity, mutual accusations of repe titive and hardened postures, of outdated illusions and outnoded attitudes and attempts to preserve pr ivileged positions - all these conbined to cr~te a picture of multilateralism lIni~r· 'coocerted attack. Since then, there hu been a fundamental reexamination of'~he United Nations functioning and role. Ccncentrated reforms have been effected wi th a view to improving administrative efficiency and to tightening financial str ingency. Those steps were accolllp&nied by measures to streamline the capacity of the United Nations to find inteyr:ated solutions to the problems of social and economic developnent. We believe thac. that prooess must be continued in a spirit of practicability and acCOiftnodation. Even as the crucial peace-M. in9 and Pfjace-keeping role of the o-.ited Hations is beginning to toIin back essential crecUbility for: the world body, a host of new ancS lIushrooming ~cblelU such as drugs, terrori., threats to the envirOl'Ullent, problems that respect no international boundar ies, have further underscorl!d its relevance and importance. They are global ~cblems that call for global solutions. They cannot be dealt with in isolation. The future is fast impacting '.on.,the present at a rate of acceleratiQ'l that has rende:ed obsolete old values, old perC?8ptions and concepts of space and time. 'lbgether, they pose new challenges.. they call for new perspectives and for a radical change of outlouk Q'l the part of world leaders. 'The United Nations rellsins the only vi~ble repository for pooling the world's talen~, intelligence, expertise and, most important of all. its concern and compassion. Support for the United Nations ia no Imger an exercise in idealism. It has become a practical necessity, a hard reality. It is in reoogni tion of that fact that Bangladesh has reposed its total confidence and comnitment in the wer ld body. \ Mr. CHARLES (Haiti) (interpretation from Frenchh I should like first of all to express Haiti's deep gratitude to the countries of our region for the invaluable support they have given us, both mrally and diplomatically, in recent weeks. We are part.icularly grateful to the delegation of saint Kitts and Nevis and our neighbours on the former isl1lnd of B1spaniola, our brothers of the Dominican Republic, wi th whom we share not only geograP'aY but a common future in our two peoples' constant pur suit of dreams of peace, pluralistic and liberal democracy with a human face, based on social justice, ,freedom and fraternity. I .. puticularly bappy" en behalf of the GoIrKuent enet people of Haiti, to extend to the Pr.lcJent our _ra congratulation. and "lab. for -.aoce•• on the occnlon of bis electicn to pr_lde OI1er the Gen..al Aaellbly at ita forty-third ....ion. we Mould al.o Uke to pay a tribute to the outgoing Pr.ident, Alba.ador Peter rlorln of the Geraen DI&'cratic Republic, w08e pr_tige end re..kmle talents a. a moderator enbena.d the Pl'oceeding. of la.t year'.....ion • .. are bappy alac to auoclata our.elv. with the tribute paid to our Secretary-General, Bie B1ccallency Javier Pern de Cudlar, for hia effortll on babalf of peace _d the p:omtion of the ideal. of the ti'aUed Ratione in it. role u the con.cience of huunity. Is it not, indeed, the vitalizing source - wen the special source - of the grHt achieve.nu in the field of huun rights In the twentieth century? Does it not a180 ccntribute to support for the COIIJIunity of nations a. it lICWea towards a better 1IlOrld where dialogue and agree-.nt w11l take the place of confrantation? The recent succeS8es that have been sc«Xed - successes that augur well fOl' a fruitful forty-third se8sion of the General A8selllbly - emph.ize once again that the Organization re_ins. in the bleakeat tiMes, the last bastion of the equal scwereignty of States and the right of peoples to self-deterllinatlon and, finally, the 8pecial place where the people's IIClBt preciou8 hopes are placed, at this ec1d of the century, for a future of peace, justice and international co-operation. The course of wents has recently hi~lighted a clear lessening of tensions in certain regions of the world. Nevertheless, there are still llany hotbec18 of crises and many d1allenges that are of Ca'lcern to the internatiQull COII_mity. The IIOst suiking and 1I08t perniciou8 ca8e is without any doubt, in our view, that of So:th Africa, where the 8yste_ of apartheid persists.. Q,ce again we raise our voice to say no - a thou8and tt1'l88 no - to that regl_ of infinite degradation, exploitation and misery. It 18 essential that werythicg be done to put an end to that unspeakable 1'8gill8 and thereby do away with this ser iou8 threat to internatianal peace and security. On the 8_ samject, we are fOllowing with the greatest interest the progress of the talks desi.'Sil"led to end the illegal QCeupation of Namibia. This i8 a ti_ to reaff1rll our solidarity with and 8upport for the courageous Nalllibian people, who are struggling, mder the leadership of the SOUth West Africa People's Organization (SUI.AIO) - their: sole, legitimate repr8l!Jentatlve - to break the hated yoke of colm1al, raci8t oPPl'essiCln. Cantinuing to refer to Afdca, ve were very ..cb encouraged by the results of the negotiation. under: the auspices of the united Nations which led to the Geneva agreeaent of 30 August 1988. That: i8 clearly a large stelp in the right dil'ecticm taken by Ibrocco ad POLISARm. We cannot but encourage th•• to continue on that cours.,. becauae ve are c::onvinced that, given the good fai th of the parties and the political wUl, the people of western sahara vill finally be able freely to exercise their right to self-dtterllinaticm. In the Middle Ba3t, the establish_nt of the cease-fire batween Iran and Iraq and the opening of bilateral nego'~lations in Geneva give us reuen to hope that the peace process ha really begun and that it vlll lead to a lIutually satisfactory solutien. On the other hand, ve deeply deplore ~e vave of violence that continues to clalla 80 lIMy victillS in the occupied territ«iea. Never theless, we feel 1l01lle optimisll about the future because of the prClBpects for an indispensable dialogue bebfeen all the parties, tltlich could finally lead to th~ impleMentation of security Council resolutions 242 (1961) and 338 (1913)" In that regard, we support the principle of an internaticnal cmference cm the Middle East to lay the founda tions for an overall settlement thnt would take sillultaneously into account Israel's inalienable right to exist within secure and internaticnally recognized boundaries and the Paleetinlan people's inalienable right tu self-determination, including the right to a hoaeland. So far as Lebanon is concerned, we endorse anything that can restore peace, begiMing with the withdrawal of all f«eign forces, tllhich is a pre'"'CClIlditian for the restoration of the lebanese people'.. sOl7ereignty and national and territor lal integrity. With regard to SOUth-BaIIt Asia, we ceratinue to give our full support to the conatant effora by the United Nations to find a negotiated solution in the case of X.pudlea as well as that of Af~anistan. Motecner, we continue to place our hopes in the reunification of the Ioren nation and we offer our support to any initiative that could contribute to achieving that peacefully. The solution to the problellS of central ~eriea can be found only by the' peoples of the region theselves. That is the real meaning of the Arias plan, whieb we are pleased to support unreservedly. we regret, however, that the dialogue wiob has begun has not yet procllced all the eXP3cted results. We state again our conviction that there is an indissoluble link beb(leen disH_ent and development, which are the undisputed bases of international peace and security. 'lbday the expenditure on over-ar__nt activities can be counted cmly in the thousands of billions of dollar 8 - even after the recent Treaty on the BlDination of Inter_diate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - whereas a part of these resources could have been advantageously reimested in meeting hUMan and social r.~da and, moreover, would have increased the security of all. The Republic of Haiti J:Xotests against the practice of INking the third-wcxld countries the dUllping grounds for toxic WAstes frOll the tbrthern countries. It strongly condfJMla this new form of aggression and supports the idea of an international convention on the ptchibition of and pun1tJhment for such .scts. Pinally, in response to the wishes of natieraal poolic opinicn, the CkwerMent of the Republic of Haiti intends to struggle tirelessly against the illicit traffic in drugs and is willing to accept any aesi8tance that .y be given by the countries with some exper lence in this field. My country, which is classified aMOng the lMl!!t developed countries, cannot fail to note that, despite the strength of the eccnOJlic recO'lery in the lndustrhlbed countries, the gap separating the North frOll the SOuth ccntlnuee to widen ..ingerously. In view of that situation, which is of the greatest concern, it appears quite legiti_te far: our peoples, the proclJcers of raw .terials, to wender how they can again have the conditions of sustained ll.nd bdanced growth when the fall in the pcicea of their c:omnodities increases year after year Md their external debt weighs heaVily on ""eir export capaci ties and compromises ttudr p£OiIpects foe investment. We are conv inced that it is urgently necessary to infuse dynamism into official deve10pnent assistance and make it more accessible. We feel that it is also indispensable to set up a new international order able to respond to the expectations of the least favoured countries through the effective democratization of interna tiona1 economi c rela tions. Finally, we believe that the debtor countr ies should be given an opportunity, over and above their debt servicing, to meet honour ably the obliga tions ar is ing out of the social, poli tical and economi c oontract that binds their Governments to their peoples. In that way the right of these peoples to the minimum well-being that Saint Thomas Aquinas said was necessary to the pr actice of v irtue may be effectively tak en in to account. We turn now to the situation in our country following the najor political events which have taken place recently, and we wish to tes tify to the hopes that have been aroused by the deoocratic renewal in all social sectors of our population. The Haitian people has just given striking new proof of its J;X)werful attachment to freedom. '1\\10 years ago, on 7 February 1986, this people clearly indicated to the world the forcefulness of its democratic instincts and its unshakeable courage in the face of the burden of bankruptcy, an economy in ru ins and social and political structures unadapted to the challenges of the end of our century. In the enthus iasm of that time, a powerful des ire for national reoonstruction was bor n. Thus in the Consti tution of 1987 we adopted a new char ter of rights and freedoms that defined the main outline of a new social contract and a legal framework on which the institutions for guaranteeing Haitian democracy were to be founded. Unfortunately, our hard apprenticeship in the cause of freedom did not go forward W1eventfully. Through one uIileaval after another the country was plunged once more into a climate of violence and confusion in which suddenly the freeCbms achieved and the victories in our struggle were again jeopardized. In that context the already precar ious economic situatiOit muld not but worsen and social disorder increase. It was clear that we vere lDCWing bJwards the collapse of a regime that was incapable of undertaking the expected relorrcs and meeting the needs of the rural and urban maSRes. From t.."lc depths of the &byss, the Haitian army once again, in the face of cur national peril, responded on 17 septellber, to the appeal of our coWltry. It was guided solely by the need to defend the higher interests of our nation and by its fai th in the dynalll1ce of lasting structural change in laying the foundations of democracy in Baiti once and for all. Thus a new Government was formed in which the entire coWltry could see its views reflected. !t is a consensus Government, desirous abwe all of the CODllOl'i good and national dignity. It il:~ determined to gather together all political trends, all schools of thought and all Haitians of goodwill f without exception, so as to seize the oppcrtunity of establishing once nnd for all the founda tions of genuine dellDcracy thatwill put an end to the structural instability of power in Heiti and prevent any return to dictatorship. The nation has redlscOl1ered its true nature and the State its authority. we see the new Government, in full agreement with the desires of the people, resolu tely errbarked on the course of necessary change, aiming to bring the people out of its per iOO of transition to assume raspansibilit;; for its destiny through elections that at last will be free and honest, in a climate .of representative democracy irreversibly founded on a multi-party system, respect for essential freedoms, the inviolability of the rights of the human person, and social justice. To that end the 1987 Constitution, .....ich was adopted by a large IIIljority, will be reatored, with the changes that the people, in its sClYerGignty, 1IUlY feel it necessary to Iilake to it:. The institutions that it: had defined to ensure the proper wrUng of the Haitian society will ba re-0s~bli8h"d to Illeet: a twofold challenge - the aodernization of our political structu:es and the imrigexation of our ecCftcmy. FrOll now on, Baiti turns a new face to the world. Freedolls - I lIean all freecbllS - are guaranteed) the political parties are rS'1l1erging) justice is resuming its rights) those who were forced to flee th~ country are COiling back~ and, abCJl1e all and fClC the first time since 7 February 1986, a demcrat1c dialogue has begun allong all political trends and schools of thought and the Go'lermllent, in a desire for ccmplete national recalclliaticn, without \bidl the reccmstruction battle would be collltroJllised froll the outset. In the p:esent circumstances there is only one possible policy~ that aimed at giving a lasting fcundatiQl to a regime of law and freedom Md attacking the structural causes of absolute p:Jverty. Those tllO courses are closely linked and inse~rable. It is clear that it is imposeible to exercise poli tical rights in any meaningful way without full enjoyrient of eocnOliic and social rights, and to that end we must tackled thoot fur ther d~lay the lIlII jor pi'eblems Mli ch the Rat tian economy is now facing and which call for urgent Mdium- and lcng~term solutions. The grave ckter!exation of tha phyaic:al enviren.ent aB <la reeult of the deforestation and erosien collPOunding the desertification of our country, Cleficiencie. in the _cbinery of IX0c'1ction and the uncertainty of incoM, particularly in the rural areas, are factors behind the colIPlete halt in eeonOllic growth, lihUepopulatim growth is aboUt 1.5 per cent. It Must also be e.tilasille4 that as a result of soc1o-political troubles cilring the pviod 1986-88 the pr:cble. of eJlploy.ent has enly wClI:sened, ..ing the socio-econOlllic: situ"tion of the needy sectors of our population even IIOre difficult in a country that already had a hl'#aly alarlling rate of unesaploYllent. Another point to be stressed is the burden of financial difficulties, which have been aggraYated by the freeze on international assistance fex a year now. That io collpOunded by the considerable lIlaterial daINge caused by hurricane Gilbert. In .hext, the past eight year. have been characterized by a £erioos, constant decline in p:oci1cticn, ..p1oyaent and the level and quality of life in Haiti. we fear: that the 1980. _y be a lest decade for cJevelopaent unless energetic, tiaely action, strOfig).y supported by the lntarnational COIIllUftity Is taken to help ..at is the only leaet developed country in the IIIericas to break this vicious circle of underdevelopnaent. In this regard, the stateaent of the Episcopal Conference of Haiti on the events of 17 Septeaber this )18ar 1M1S U1nubiguouso It reada\ "We beg you, the international organbadons, to continue the assistance given to this e»untry. But in the pr:.sont circumstances we address an urgent appeal to you to increase aid foe the developeent of our people 0 • In its p:ogr.... of action the OOvernMnt has .et itself. ttu:ee-part target - the ..tabliBhllent of a 1'891_ of feeedoll and huaan diCJl\ity, econOJlic growth and social developaent - In a cllllate of eaceptlonal econo.lc difficulties. That is why we make an urgent appeal to the whole international COMIIWlity, friendly countr iea and the specialized agencies of the United Nations to mobilize the necessary resources to permit a return to sustained growth in Haiti after years of sta9llation. In this regard, we believe that the pcoposals, reco_eneJations and co_it:mentB in resolution 39/196 of 17 De~..lIber 1984, concerning a special Olited Mltions progr..-e for assisting Haiti, could be updated and their CIOntent could be expanded to enable our country to tackle its most urgent ~cblellO, <Wercome its many handicaps and deal with the "structural SEoblells that have all too often been neglected in the past. we hope abO'le all that with _tual respect and trust Haiti's partners will w«k to ensure the iapiementation of that decisive plan of action, which the people of Haiti believes it has a right to count on, if it is to achieve by the year 2000 a level of econCllic, social and cultural developnaerlt COIIlpatible with fundamental hUHn rights and the require_nu of hWl8n dignity. Fex our part, we shall spare no effort. That was the gist of the message of the President of the Republic, Lieutenant General Prosper Avril, when he said at the inaugura tion of the Cabinet, WThe task is iMen8e and cannot be put off. Let us begin it i_ediately, Jllaking it a point of honour that the true foundation of our legiti_cy should be the extent of our services to the co_unity. 'lbday a lIan of good will is Buetc:hing out his hand towards other lien of good wilh a chain of solidarity must be formed and lIade lcnger and longer, stronger all.d stronger, 80 that Haiti _y live and make pcogreos. w Nr. MBOHDlB\ (BurWldi) (interpretation from Frenchh In addressing this tnternattanal gathering, I have the hcnour to COIN8Y to the A8sellbly • lIessage of fraternity and best wishes for every success frOll Major Pierre Buyoya, ChairlUn of ( (Mr. Jl)onimp!, Burundi) the MUitary Ca-ittee for Nstional Ritc1emption and President of the Republic of Il.1rWldi, on the occasion of this forty-third sHsion. I _ a180 pleuec1 to express on behalf of IIY GoIrernment warm and heartfelt congratulations to Hr. Dante Capum, Ibreign Minister of Argentina, and the other officers of the AIIaellbly on their election to guide our work and the manillOus expression of confidence it re~fl8ents. We pay tr ibute to the President as not enly an eminent, skilful diplomat, very fuUiat vi th the lNny difficult concerns of the international community, but is fervent defender of solidarity and co-o~ration between peoples in a spir it of dignity and BOITereign equality. My delegation is determined to give hill every assistance so that his noble task _y be successfully accomplished. Ne join pcevious speakers in expr:essing our deep gratitude to Mr. Peter Plorin, who conducted the Assellbly's varied work competently and effectiVely a8 President of the forty-secend session, vi th a devotion tha t recbunded to the hcnour of the United Nations and his rounuy, tile Gerun Demcra tic Republic. We also pay tr !bute to Hr. Javier Perel: de Cuellar, the 5ecretary-Genera1, for his constant, tireless efforts in the service of the intelnational COIImunity and for the outstanding successes he has scored - to his own credit and that of our Organization - during the past year. Before s t&ting ay country ~s poeition en SOIle of the i tea be for:e th is Assel'lbly, I wish br iefly to desar tbethe situation that has prevailed in Burundi since the establilhllent on 3 septelllber 1987 of our Third Rltpublic. I mould like first of all to p:ovide SOlle inforMllt1on about the painful events that have ravaged two ccnall'les in the north of Burundi and that very nearly destroyed the stability of Bay country's social fabric. The international co_unity heard of the 91' la Events that shook Burundi in extremely far-fetched versions in that segment of the press that delights in the sensational) in IIIOst cases these accounts were in line with the version of thE perpetratCX's of these crimea. I wish therefor:e to shed SOIle light en the events so mellbers may have as clear a picture as possible and 80 the international m_unity _y finally learn of the guilty disinfOl.'.ticn put befor:e it. It began in the co_une of ~rangara in N;ozi pt'ovince, where the downtrodden populace rose up armed wi th spears and _chetes to defend tJ14tlll8elvu against a non-existent enemy) they refused to withdraw, clalaing that they were in danger of being killed. For several IlIClnths the pr.ovincial authorities had noted the s~C!lQd were being conatantly distributed by s_l1 groups of Burundian refugees .0 cmtered of seditious writings and cassette recordings stirring up raclal hatred. These the country frOll abroad. This subversive. literature Il~de these peaceable peasants beliwe in an ill!llinent ussaera, and tr ied to make them take preemptive action to forestall the imaginary enelllY. It has now been established that these disturbed activists were seeking to BOW confusion, evade gcvermaental vigilance and cause a war vi th ethnic overtmes in order to slEud deaolation throughout the entire country. "en the authorities learned of the explcsive situation and of thMe crillinal plans, they tried first to understand the reasene behind the. and then tD calil the population by mowing clearly that there wu no civil ",,,r and that the COWltry was calli.. The people quickly realized that they had been unipulated. They te-opened rOlcla they had cut off as a Pl'eventive meuure, and returned to their hOlies in peaO!l. All th la took place very peace fully. In its spirit of toleranee, the Government did not ~tt_pt to pl.Wbhh the pel'peuator:s of the disturbanca. It wae believed that the llieftts ;,culd see reason because the twisted ideas they were sp:eading would be quickly discredited through dialogue and pusu_ten. Unfortunately, just as the Goverllllent had begun to congratulate itself on the return to nor_lcy, violence erupted on U August 1988 in the neighbouring COIIIlWle of Ntega in the adjacen t: province of Kir -=ncb. Tbi. ti., learning frOll their failure due to the peUMU' tefuaal to believe lies, the organizers theuelves took a,-tion and b8C)an the Jlassacre. we knew what happened then. Heavily dru9ged and ar_d with _c:hetes_ spears and cl.ms, they bsgan a real blood-bath, killing Men, woaen, children 5n4 old peoplo alike. They put a radical atalllp on their er i.a by burning houses and crops and slaughter ing livestock. Initially, the perpetrat«a of these horrors selectively attacked _libel'S of the 'l\ltsi group and their ~operty. They then e.cuted those of their OIr8n ethnic group who refused to join In the _ssacre. Hot satisfied with their er1ll8s in the Htego co_une, the hordea of murderers extended the horror and killing to the neighbouring cc:a.tme of Marangara. There too the rebels ovftrca_ the resistanCll or~nized spontaneously by the local people of all ethnic groupe, and COJIJiitted DXe of the aaM atrocities, destroying all huun life in their path and setting fire tr., houses, ooffee and banana plantations and forests. Given this Wlpcecedented violence and the large loss of life, the Government 'IllS ooapell84 to send in the arllY to halt the II&S8acres and protect the people. The ar_d forces restcxed order in three days and wi th the greatest discipline .. I take this opportunity to deny accusations !Mde in certain press circles cancerning the role of the BurWldi ••y and to reaffirm that as of 20 ~gust 1988 the Dituaticn was under oo~trol in the two affected co_unes and peace reigned throughout the reat of BurWldi. Despite the arJl'/'s effectiveness in halting the killing, Burundi cannot but laMent the large hUIIIm and _ ter ial losse.. During th is period 5,000 1 ives were 10llt and material damage is estlllated at 820 million. Few of the wounded survived the lIUsacre, 'ChUe large nullbers of people fled to Rwanda and neighbouring Burundian C)_unes, leaVing behind the. p)verty and desolation in a region that had ance been the wealthiest and ..t accive in the country. Those are the gr ill facts that have plmged all:undl into sonow. PrOM the outset, the Gcwerntlent has pursued a poliey of openness with respect to these facts. It rec)Ularly kept infor_d representl.:ltives of caunules and internatianal bodies residing at IlIjunbura; it invited & delegaticn from the Office of the United Nations 8igh Co_la8ioner for Refugees (UNBat), forei9R diplcmats and journalists to visit the troubled areH) thcse 'Cho wanted to learn the facts in situ were author ized to do so. The Secretary-Genel'al of the Organization of African ti'lity (OAU) was illYi ted to carry out a fact-finding lIiS8ion in BurWldi, and a 'it)rld Bank llission visited the oountry, Sill11arly, the Secretary~neralof the Gllted Nations .yat any tiae send a fact-finding lIissiat to BurWldi if he thinks it necessary. To deal with the tftega lind Marangar& tragedy, there was a great spontaneous 8urge of national solidarity, Wlidl enabled the Government to ptCNide first aid to the victi•• of the disaster. at behalf of the Gcwernment and people of Burundi I should like to take this opportunity to thMlk the friendly countries ana organizations thitt have so generously given eMergency assistance and to reiterate our request to the international co_unity for hwnanitar ian aid. Apart froll the _terial lossee and loss of Ufe, the events in Ntega and Marangara have once again threatened to destroy the solid social tissue that had always character !zed our society. The existence of ethnic antagmism in Burundi is a recent pbeno_non. It has been caused by social and polit.ical rivalries between the Butu and '!\Itsi elite who divided power after independence in 1962. Subsequently, this antagonism increased further and periodically degenerated into bloody upheavals that were explained by internatimal media often in a very peremptory way, thereby encouraging the demands of extremist groups and making cclm dialogue almost impossible. We should point out that of all those who have- spoken about these recent events in Burunai not one has condemed the actions of the rebels wo have massacred innocent people. Many reports, and even certain official declarati~ns, support the not~cn that these murderous rebels are seeking power~ and that, if their demands are heeded, there will be no furt.'1er violence in Burundi. RCMever justified their delUnds, nothing can legitimize the deaths of innocent people. To succulllb to blackntaU, the blackm&i1 of terrorists, would be to compromise for ever our search for peaceful solutions. We note that awareness of ethnic or i9in, which is ages old in Burundi f is not a source of conflict that our «al pre-oolonial traditions were aware of. Under the political regime before colcnization, the royal families that ruled used the two _in tribes, the Rutus and the '1\Itsis, in guidiR9 the affairs of state. The (Hr. MbanimPll1 Burundi) colonial regime, in its search for greater effectiveness of the indirect admin1str ation systell, chose to deepen ethnic rifts by ass igning to each tr ibe spe::ifio hierarchical roles~ The system of mdernizing the poUUcal regime eliminated the RUtus from the! administration of the oountry.* Mr. Jean Paul Barroy, tile former Governor-General of Rwanda-Urundi, in his book "Burundi It, stated~ "We should not simplify judgments, speak ing of the dominant 'l\!tsis, the oppressor 'l\1tsis and the dominated oppress~d Rutus. In agricultural Durundi, which is a land-locked/; over-populated country, we saw two miSin groups facing each other, each made llP of both 'nltsis and Hutus, led by dynamic Baganwaa." Further al, the author, speak ing of the oolonial administratiOi1, said\ "The political programme that adITocated strengthening the authority of Mwmai and the chiefs unfortunately eliminated many Hutu chiefs by eliminating the small fiefdoms." From 1957-1958, when the movement for independence was gather ing strength in Africa and, in pcrticular, in Burundi, th~ colonial agents did an about-face and sought an alliance with the Hum elements in order to thW4rt nationalism, the nationalism of the young cadres of whom the majodty were '1\!tsiso They financed and created many parties, based for the most part on tr Ibal ideology, whClBe objective was to oppClBe the Uprona party, ..iob was alone callil'l9 for imMediate independence. Thcee living in Burundi at that time will recall the many tracts dropped fran 'planes provided by colonial agents that, inter alia, carried such *Mr. Moushoutas (Cyprus), Vice-President, took the Chair. (Hr. MbcniDpa, Burla1di) slogans as IIBwengebuka na Ruqor ihenda 11 .aich "Qane, 11tetally, the p.tupid and the cl"tver people. The two adjectives were applied, respectively, to the Butus and the 'l\l talis. The 'l\1tais were called 11Nilo-Buitic 11 and 11101'da 11, whereas the Hu tus were called "Bantu ne~roesll and aserfa ll , and a whole pseudo-scientific literature was developed on the basis of their respective height. That ideolo;y, assisted by the goal of replacing the colonial agents in power, finally won oyer extremist elellents froa the Burundi elite who reached the point where they believed that they belcmqed to another race and that they should accede to pl:1¥er by exterllinating th~ other ethnic group. That is the ideology being spread by the detractoIs of national unity - INSrticularly the activists who bave taken refuge amead Md tIho still refuse to return to the country to participate in its construction, despite the appeals, and guarantees of security and jobs offered thea by the Third Republic. The evidence is very clear that these s_ terrCll'!sts organized the Ntega and Harangaras events. At 80me time they infiltrated BUfundi, particularly the border co_unes, to preach hatred and genocide by _ans of tracts, cassettes and secret meetings. The IIOtivea of these miefl ts of Pur wadi society are clear. Their CX)ncern is to thwart the policy of national Wlity, social justice, delllOeracy and progtess being established by the author ities of the Thilt'd Republic under the guidance of His B1Ccellency, Major Pierre llIyoya, Cha!rlUn of the Military COIIJIittee for National Salvation and President of the Republic. This policy, whose lIlain points I now outline, was intanded to depr ive the terror ists mC8 and for all of an audience within the country and to stop the flClf of funds generously providltd. ostensibly to serve a CJOo)d cause, that of the IIoppressed _jorityll fl'"1og itself of the "m,inority of oppressorsll, or IIlords ll• Anyone who is falliliar with the real (!r. )l)onimp!, 81u:md!) situation in Burun~ ,4~an atteat that our country ill frlte of this aocial 8 trat!fie.•tion. In internril policies, the Goveraent of the Third Republic has, since 3 Slptellber 1981, been pursuing a policy of har.anl.ation and dialogue on all prClble.. facing our eountry. In this -=ntext the question of natianml unity is being thar:oughly debated in PHty Metinga and during viaits that the aut'-aorities of the Third nepublic, headed by the President, have regularly paid to the pcovinces, the COII.unea and the hilly areas. Many national cadres have been appointed to responsible posts in the ad.inistration of the party vi thaut any distinction as to ethnic origin. In order to strengthen this national unity, the Military eo-ittee for National salvation has just established a COIIII18sion which has been asked to uJce a thcxough study of _ye and lIeans to strengthen national unity • (Mlr. Mbon-PI!, Burun.!!!) It consists of paople ebC!en for their patriotiaa and integrity, repi'~S6nting all ssctors \)f national life in Burundi. Political pr:iscners were released upon the eetab,!!,ll,shuent of the Third Rapubl1c. , and the Church-State canflict has been satisfactorily resolved. Thus, fr_do. of religion has been resbored, religiol!8 leaders expelled under the second Republic have Ixten allowed to return to Burundi and sellinaries and property requisitioned have been restored to tb"t Chur~. 'rhe NatiClt'lal Party for Unity and progress, which for a lCll'lg ti_ now has been the crucible of national unity, has been restructurf!d to serve as an ideal frallftock for the practice of democracy in BuruncU. General elections, vi th universal Guffrage and ~ecrecy, hCW'e been successfully organized to establish the basic organs of the party, and .this dellOcratic process will apply at the highest levels of the party and the adlainistration. In foreign policy, the Gos1ernsent of the Third Republic, fa! thful to its pr inciples of good-neighbClurllness, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States .. international co-operation, non-alllJll_nt and support for national liberation lIIO\I'ell3ntB, has been ClOnclJcting a policy of clear-sightedness, trust and ongoing dialogue. The author!ties of the Third Republic were quick to norulize relationships with all neighbouring countries, and en:toy relations of friendship and ClO-operat!cn, free from suspicion and any other psychological barrier, wi th other countries and friendly organizations. 1fi tb regard to economic and social IDtters, the Third llepubl1c has given priority to developing the rural sector, where 90 per cent of our people live. Accordingly, the sixth five-year plan for social. and ecCftomic develOpMent gives priority to the Ministries of AgricUlture and Rural DevelO(llent. Efforts are CMr. Mbon impa, Bur undi ) under way to develop social infrastructures, such as schools, health centres and drinking water facilities. Since the advent of the Third Republic, the approach taken by our President and our Government has been consistent: first, to recognize the problems, then to put them forward for discussion, and finally to carry out the solutions proposed and encourage the commitment of everyone to their success. The problems of Burundi must elici t responses by Burundi. In officially opening the work of the national commission to study the question of national unity, the·President of the Republic said: It If there is one way that foreigner s can help to resolve Burundi's problems. it is by becoming thoroughly familiar \I1i th them10 by questioning the people and the facts, observing the phenomena and studying the history. That is the effort that is necessary from all who wish to judge the situation ""i th respect for the tr uth ... Speak ing of the recent tragedy, he went on to say: "We are capable of fighting, we are capable of transforming our past weaknesses into assets in ensuring solidarity and fraternity, where before there were suspicion and hatred." We welcome the wise advice of friends, but we deny anyone the right to settle Burundi's affa irs except those mainly concerned - that is, the people of Burundi. We do not believe in the effectiveness of solutions imposed from outside, whatever the size of the group of countries and the organizations from which they emanate. It should be clear to all th at advoca te sanctions or pr essure of any kind aga ins t the Government of Burundi that the ir ini Ha tives go against the policy of national r econcil iaticn advoca ted by our Pres iden t, Ma jor Pier re 8.l yoya, and his Government. SUch sanctions, if applied, would hit the people of Burundi (Mr. Mbcnimp, Burundi) indiscriminately and seriously com~omise peace not only in Burundi but in all the other Great lakes countries. Despite this troubled shert-term situation in KfJ country, Burundi is very alive to and conc,erned by the JIltny problems that threaten international peace lmd security. Fear of a nuclear catastrophe, the ravages caused by armed confliot throughout the world, colonial oppression, racial segregation and the deplorable world economic situation, are fCcblells of vital CDnO!rn that disrupt cur world. The Republic of Rutund! follows with keen attention all the efforts made by ~he international CDr.lftunity to p:eserve peace and security among paoples. In particular, we welcome the fncreuing tendenoyof the two super-Powers to place the question of the pr:evention of a nuclear holocaust at the forefront of their concerns. we greatly appreciate their determination in the last few years to e"\gage in constructive dialogue, which led recently to the ratification in fbscow of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - ,1Nl!' Treaty. This was a political result of vital imp:»rtance, since it could contribute to giving a fresh impetus to the prooess of disarmament and co-operation in matters of international security. However, unless all the nations of the world, collectively and individually, are committed to the success of the great and noble task of disarllllmnt in all ita dimensions, we shall still tend to doubt the effectiveness and the value of initiatives taken to prevent the frenzied arms race, which could threaten mankind, whether through cynicism, mistake or tragic accident, according to cbano:t. We believe that the highly desirable multilateral process of disarmament offers a number of ~dvantages. Generally speaking, it would certainly allow U8 t:o examine objectively the vat10us aspects of the problem, At the same time, it would (Mr. Mbonillpa. BurlDldi) help us to dlbge the views on dis8r...nt of State", that posse.s nuclear arsenals, as wall aB t:be pesi tion of this quae tioil on tha Beale of pr io1' i ties of those states • In this context, ve veleo_d the convening of the third special session of the General AsoeJlbly devoted to disar__nt last ,Tune. '1b ita credit, that session, a.,..g other things, reaffirn:ad that interilational peace and security cannot depend cm the re18tions between only two States, however powerfUl, but are the concern of all Henrbel: Sbtes of the Uni ted Hations. At the regional level, ve appreciate the collbined efforts to put an end to arlled conflicts that have afflicted many third w«ld countrietll for many years. . (Mr. Mbmimp!, Bur undi) Burmdi welcomed the signing in Geneva on 14 Apr 11 1988 of the Geneva Accordd relating to Afghanistan. we pay a tribute to Hr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the _ Becretary'-General, for his Pltient and fruitful efforts in seeking cl peaceful solution to the er itical situation in that country. This was, of course, made possibl~ thanks to the flexibility shown by the main parties to the cmflict. We express pcofound feelings of solidarity ,with all frmt-line States that have spare~ no effort, at the price of great saeri fices,' to provide all necessary support for Cl people oppressed, exploited and dispossessed by the racist apartheid regime of south Africa.' Still on the subject of southern Africa, we are particularly interested in the negotiatims that have been started between Angola, the United States, Cuba and South Afr ica. These quadr ipartite negotiations between Angolans, Amer icans, Cubans and south Africans could lead to Cl process to 'establish peace in that part of Afr iea. For aurundi, the independence of Namibia cannot be subordinated to any Caidition that runs counter to the aspirations of the,'peoples concerned for . . self-determination, as expressed by the Sout:!) west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people. That is why we once again eaU: upon Pretor ia 's ,allies to recognize the imperative need to implement wi thout further delay security COW'lch resOlution 435 (1978), regarding Namibia's accession to independence. It is out of the same sympathy and solidarity with ai11 genuine liberation movements that our delegation expresses the firm hope that the sahraoui people will in the near future exercise its inalienable right to self-determination. Burtmdi also warmly welcomes the commitment undertaken by the Islamic Republic of Iran last July officially to accept seOUlity Council resolution 598 (1987) which constitutfJS a peace plan for thfJ two States that have for years been engaged in the Gllf war. we are happy to see the opening of direct negotiations between Iran and Iraq to put an end to the hostili ties between those two fraternal peoples. With regard to South-East Asia, we support all the pea... ~fforts now being made to bring about a normalization of the situation in i"CIlpuc:hea in keeping with the profound aspirations of the people concerned. P\lrthermore, we welcome the common political determination manifested by the leaders of the north and south of Korea to reach peacefully negotiated solutions, which should inevitably lead to the retmification of the Korean nation. On the s~ject of the Mic:tile East, we are firmly convinced that the conflict in that region c-an come aboutonl,y within the context establiShed by security Council resolutions 242 U,,967) and 338 (1973), so that the Palestinian people can ,. enjoy th~ir right ,to a homellMld. " Turning to Latin' Mer iea, we hope that the peoples of tha,t tegion will finally come to the necessary agreement to establish stability and peace there, in keeping with the political will expressed by the Glatemala Agreemen~,signed by the five Presidents of Central America in August 1987. Many previous speakers have emphasized the dangers of the present economic situation. Since the 1970s, third world countries have constantly been forced to have recourse to foreign loans tn meet their increasing budget deficits. It is " apparent that loans entered into in international markets and granted by various financial institutions have placed the recipient countr iea in a situation of dependence, at first imperceptible and then very marked. The most disturbing aspect of this dependence lies in long-term obligations that are very costly in t.erlllll! of political economic control. we are fully aware that proposals and initiatives hollVe been put fexward to overO)DIO the serious debt problems that paralyse many third world countries. But they all s>!em very limite,d to us, ineluding the structural adjustment programmes, the United Nations Progranme of Action for Africa, North-South Co-operation and the regional economic integratim policies. That is why my delegation once again makes an urgent appeal to the United Nations to consider in depth the question of establishing a new internaticnal economic order. We sincerely hope that international economic transactions can be carried out in a way that can generate investment capital for the developing countries. That would en8ble them to train the needed competent manpower and to produce the technology and capital goods these countries need to deal with the extreme pcwerty of their peoples. Another problem, that of the envircmment, has been added to the matters p:eoccupying the international community. I refer to the export of toxic waste to third-wor Id areas in general and to sub-Saharan Afr ica in particular. western corPCX'ations are propcsing that comtdes of the region receive millions of tons of toxic waste for a pathetic amOunt of money. The mortal danger to human and aninlal life and to vege'ution involved in BUch speculations Is very clear, as are the unfor t ....a te lalg-term consequences for future generations in the countr iea oonoerned. We urgently draw this utter to the attention of all the specialized agencies of the United Nstions, in particular the United Nations mucational, SCientific and Cultural Organization, the 1brld Health OrC)afI'lization, the Food ~d Agriculture Organization of the United NIltions, the United Rations Environment Programme, the "odd Mtte«oloc;ical Organization and the International labour Organisation, which lUst continue to play their noble roles in sensi tizing world public opinion on environmental issues and finding, urgently and concertedly, verifiable measures with regard to the intern5tional regulation of the serious (Xoblem of exporting industrial waste. Success in meeting this challenge of course requires the unanimous oofilllitl1lent of all nations of the w«ld collectively and individually to fight pollution. we hope that in the cases of other scourges also, such as war, terror ism, hunqi!r, disease, poverty ~d ignorance, there will be a collective will to pronote the building of a world of peace, justice and security. Congo is at pr:esent involved in a proce•• uf ne90ti&tionlll 1Ilhoae goal is to resolve the question of Namibia and to establish peace in southern Afr lea. This is a historic m_nt. The 1Ilhole world expects it to l8llld to a new era for the peoples concerned and for the whole international m_unity. In COiling to this rostra I 8JI deeply conscious of the great honour that. the 'highest author ities of lIlY country have donllt lie in appointiillg me to speak cm their behalf at the forty-third sessicn of the General Assellbly. It is in the natut'e of nations to mnodve of glut designs,. t!lts memorable l~w, of course, did not take shalpe at the founding of the United Nations, but found in it satisfactory expr:ess:1on, and today Us most exmltbag hour has come. Rising abwe .threats and insults, after the eataclya of a total wcxld war, the l"nited Nations has succeeded in pursuing what is clearly its goal of goal'J~ the search for and the maintenance of internatiliJnal p8lll08. We are glad to see that for 43 years this goal has been achieved, and th&t mankind as a whole has been preserved frOll atolllir; &nnihllation. BIt this year, 1988, our Organization bears within it a magnificent hope, and all nations of the w«ld, in trust and in confidenee~ are locking towards it. 'l'hat hope offers our Organization nev opportunitiGs for mnstructive action. My delegation wishes to express its gratitude and pay a tr ibute to the Secretary-General, Hr. Javier Perez de ClIlellar, for his readiness and perseveranoe in the area of peace and international securfty. *en we read ttbat he has written we see that the p£incipel organ. of the United Nations have been working more and more in the way the Charter intended. As he notes, the working relationllhip of the security Council and the Becretary-General ha rm:ely, if ever, been clOler. (Mr. Mouki, Congo) The events of recent months - in regard to ""'ieh we feel we must express the Ccngo 's a~reclation and indicate what our country wants for the future - have highlighted tha potential of our Organization and the legitimacy of the hopes that the peoples of the world have pinned on it and on multilateralisll. Before I begin, however, I wilb to extend to the President the very warmest congratulations of the delegation of my eountry to the forty-third session. ArC]jentina, which, thanks to Mr. Caputo'e remarkable qualities and high diplomatic office, has recently aoceded to the eminent place it new occupies in Latin A1Deriea, belongs, like my country, the Congo, to the Mcwement of Non-Aligned Countries. I note, for example, that our two countri.es have recently taken an active part in ensuring th~ success of the first meeting of States of the Zone of Peace and Co-operation of the South Atlantic, which was held in Rio de Janeiro. My delegation cannot but be delighted to see Mr. Caputo presiding over the forty-third session of the General Assembly, which will be considering, among other things, the conclusions reached at that meeting. I should like also to expresa our sincere gratituch to his predecessor, COKade Peter Florin, President of the forty-seccnd session, for the competent unner in which he conducted the work of the Assembly. The people of the People's Republic of the CCXlgo, like all the peoples of the wor ld that eher ish peace, fel t a sense of justi fied pr ide when it learnt that the Nobel COB1Ilit tee had decided last manth to award the Nobel Peace Pr ize to the Unl tee! Nations peace-keeping forces. I should like here to recall with satisfaction that a few IDOnths ago the People 's Rltpublic of the CCXlgo held a non-permanent seat on the security Council, and directly contributed, In that position of privilege, to the perfor_nee of the tasks of that _t prestigious organ of the United Nations, which ha very special responsibilities in the lIaintenance of international peace and security. The Cango is, then, vell avare that the tribute thus paid by the Nobel COIIIIlittee to those ..n and wo.n, those guardians of peace, and to their bravery and courage as they vork for peace in lNny, often dangerous, theatres of operations throughout the world, vas well deserved. This Prize, this _t distinguished award, encourages the secretary-General in his constant attitude of tireless patience and in the efforU he makes vi th a persistence rarely equalled today, particularly in the Persun Gulf, Afghanistan, Western Sahara and NaIIibia. (Mr. Mouk i, CcnE) How could my delegation not mce again pay a tribute to Hr. Javier Perez de Cuellar for those achievements which strengthen our Organization and its role in the cause of peace? It is encouraging to see our Organization's name now cloeely linked to the settlement of ooaplex conflicts that have been up to now stale.tea. Most of the significant negotiations an them have been begun either within the United Nations or through its intervention. There is no dolibt that there are still many hotbeds of tension in the world. A heavy toll in death, destruction and atrocities of all kinds CXintinues to be taken, in particular in the occupied Arab territories, in Lebanon, in SQuth Africa and in Latin Ilmerica, where, despite the activities of the Cont&dora Group and the Lima group, the Esquipulas II Agreements, are being put to the severest tests, even though it is essential that they be respected Md implemented. In the case of South Africa, a country still gcwerned by absurdity and still under the rod of a minor ity Upholding the hateful regime of apartheid and its iniquitous laws, the black majority of the populatiat ccntinues, in the midst of the fiercest repression exacerbatl:ld by the state of emergency, courageously to seek i ts pa tit and to struggle. The illegal military occupation of Namibia by SOuth Afr iean troope has not come to an end. It has for ten years been hindering the urgent and \8'lcooditional implementation of the United Nations peaClll plan contained in secur~"Y Council resolution 435 (1978) which is to lead Namibia to independence. So we 8ee how in many areas of the world the ••tcbe of delllOCl:acy and the enjoyment of fundamental huun rights are still seriously hindered by dictatorial ~ers and ptactlces. what is IIOre, policies of confrcntation have not . disappeared. Tempered by political realities, we have learned that One cannot change the nature of things by smply recalling principles but cnly by translating those principle. into practical reality. j And yet today the international si tuatioo does reflect several important changes and signs of detente. The dialogue begun between the Soviet Union &nd the United States of Amer lea and the agreements reached by the two super-Powers have ~ wi th the help of the determined will of the peoples of the whole worId for peace, generated th is indispensable cli.te of detente. The United Nations, taking the best advantage of this imprO'lement in relatioos, has opened up new avenues for its own activity. Thus, thanks to this flower ing of diplomacy, the process for settling vat'ious local or regional conflicts has been serengthened. By way of example, the guns hue really fallen silent between Inn and Iraq. The Congo is pleased that thCl8e two countries, wich C1!'e among the eminent menbers of the Jbvement of Non-Aligned Countries, should have agreed to begin direct talks under the auspices of the Secretary-General. This exercise, certainly a difficult one, on which the parties embarked no later than last week in New York, shows that the chances for the establishment of a lasting peace are real and that the prospect of reconstruction is drawing closer. This success Is of considerable importance for the region. It does honour to the parties concerned, and my country invites them to persevere in this course and to continue to co-operate closely wi th the Secretary-General. Like the cease-fire established on 20 August last, the progress being made equally rewards the sustained efforts of the United Nations. Security Council resolution 598 (1987) - which the Coogolesedeleqation knows well since as a member of the Seour ity Council, it assisted at the time in its adoption - prO'lided the basis for the current negotiat-ions. Once again I would like to stress the role of wise mediator: pla)'lad by the SeC'retary-General in this process of settling the Iran-Iraq confUct. (Mr. Mouti, Ccn9Q) The course of events with regard to the situation in Afghanistan is also promising. The allied troops have indeed withdrawn from that country in conformity wi th the Geneva Agreements of last Apt' 11. My country welCOllled those Agreellents as a oontr ibution to peace and a decisive step towards a solution that will enable all Afghans to exercise their ught to self-determination. In regard to the Geneva Agreements, the secretary-.(;eneral stresses that this is the first time that the two nost powerful States of our world have become guarantors of an agreement negotiated under the auspices of the United Nations 8ecretary-General. Mhat is more, the gener&!." feeling with ragard to situations of armed conflict is that the intensity of those conflicts has declined.. The possibility of finding peaceful SOlutions to the situations in those troubled regions has thus been considerably strengthened. The prospects for a settlement in SOuth-East Asia, in particular in Kampuchea, i~ recent months have benefi ted from many ini tiativea, among them the recent talks in Indonesia. Diplomatic efforts should lead to the establishment of institutions with the broadest possible national representation. We have noted many diplomatic efforts with a view to finding points of agreement on the question of Cyprus. The good offices of the Secretary-General, employed under a mandate from the security Council, are beginning to 9i':1e rise to fcwourable reaotions. My country encourages the parties concerned in this course. The nWJber and variety of so many positive and im(X)rtant talks show ~lCW it is po3sible to build peace among nations that agree to enter into dialogue, and there are no conflicts or situations threatening international peace and security, however complex or acute they may be, that are irremediably stalemated. In Afr ica, N'Djamena and Tripoli are irrefutable proof, if proof we need, of this. The two capitals have announced that t:&ley will begin to restore diplolliltic relations between their bfO countr les. Congo encourages the author i ties of Chad (Hr. Mouti, CClftgo) and Libya to pursue their efforts aft4S, in the interests of their two peoples and the neighbouring countries, to find a peaceful and lasting solution to the borde~ confiict between thell. The CongowelCONs these pcospects for peace and reasOI).ablenes8, which cbe.rVKs unanimu8ly agree they were mi_ginable to so_ a few months ago. These pr:ospects for peace consequently contr ibutet to a particular strengthening of the peace ideals of our organizaticn, which 80 uny nations 8upport, and also the general role of the United Rations, whict~ is becoJling IIOre And IIOre active. The iaprcwe_nt in the general cU.te of international relations and the areas of agreement now volW\tarily acknowledged - for example, one on whicb we concur and which has been mentioned at this rostrwa, the subject of chellical weapons - cannot hide the fact that there are conflicts yet unresolved and situations of tragic actuality that continue to affect developing countries. In this regard my delegation would like to dwell first on the unbearable situation in southern Africa. Everything leads us to believe that Pretoria intends to uphold the system of apartheid and thus to continue its repression of the people and, what is more, its aggression against the front-line countries. The international community cannot forget that apartheid is a crime against humanity. Hence it must maintain and step up its pressure on South Africa and adopt comprehensive, binding sanctions against that country, particularly now that we are preparing to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. If South Africa wants peace it must recognize the most elementary rights of the majority of the people in the oountry. The banning by the ruling whi te minority in Pretor ia of the activi ties of non-violent organizations and the arrest of all kinds of pacifists, including clergymen, betray the inherent incapacity of the apartheid regime for reform. In fact, that regime must be totally dismantled and it must give way to a democratic and multiracial system of Gover nment. Furthermore, the international oommunity must continue to exert all forms of pressure on the South African Government to ensure that the emergency measures now in force are lifted and to obtain the release of all political prisoners, including Nelson Mandela. Angola, a country that is a fr iend and brother of the People IS Republic of the Congo, has been deeply afflicted, bu t recen tly it obtained encouraging resul ts in Geneva towards a cessation of hostilities in the war of aggression being waged against it by the apartheid regime of South Africa. The new prospects for peace now emerging must, however, be consolidated. My country, on the initiative of its President, Colonel Denis Sassou-Nguesso, actively supports the efforts being made in this regard. Thus Brazzaville, our wonderful capital, long known for its (Hr 0 Moulci, Cclngo) Cuba and South Africa, with the IMdiation of the United states. After three rOlD'lds of negotiations, which produced some progress, my country has high hopes of seeing the parties concluding their talks in Brazzav!lle very soon.. No one will be surprised to see the People's Republic of the Congo playing sueh an active role in such ~n important process. This only reflects the customary policy of peace and international co-operation advocated and carried out by President Denis Sassou-NguesYo. It gives me great pleasure to recall here that in April last year, in Brazzavdle, the dialogue between the United StJ3tes of America and the People es Republic of Angola was resumed. It was also in Brazzaville on 13 May that a bilateral meeting between An901a and South Africa was held. OUr tradition of struggling against domination, colonialism and all forms of injustic~, and our readiness for solidarity, as well as the commitment of the Congolese people to everything that concerns peace, progress and security in eouthern Africa, have col'iOined "ith the efforts being made by the United Nations and the Organization of Afr ican Unity (OAU) to create this climate which has led to our country's becoming the meeting point and place of dialogue the international cotm\unity was seeking. OVer and above the immense benefits expected from this event that we see il'1 the quadripartite talks in Brazzaville, ! can confirm that the spirit of Brazzaville will always remain a soorce of pel.\08 and security in our regian. The prospects for independence for the international Territory of Namibia, which is still under illegal military occupation by SOuth Africa, are clearly imprcwing in the light 0.1 ('lu~rent diplOl':l&tic contacts, 1!U'id 1 November 1988 ls a date we eagerl:.v look for"'l'isr.'d to for the illple8entation of the United Nations peace plan for Nallibie. It shOUld open an exhilarating periolS in the lives of the Namibian peopla, IJnder the leadership of the South Wut Africa People's organization (SWAPO). Namibia would thus achieve independence. I turn now to the conflict in the Middle East, a conflict whose complexity has often been stressed. My country abares with others the conviction and the hope that only an international peace conferenca with the PLO taking part could create in the region chances for the establishment of a COIIprehensive, just and lasting solut~on. we are pleased that certain countries, whieb previously were openly h08tUe to such an international conference, now accept the principle. It is high tille to make this conference IIlOre than merely the 8ubjec~ of talk. In the Korean peninsula, the direct CCXltacts that have been established between the two Koreas, despita the mcdf:sty of the results, contribute to the creation of favourable conditions for the establishment of a new climate free of tension and ~nduche to the unific&tion of the Korean homeland• . In the western Sahara, Morocco and the lULISARIO Front have accepted the peaC3 plan of the 01\0 and the United Nations, which advocates a referendum on self-determination for the Sabraoui people. The Congo supports the joint efforts of the Acting Chair_n of the OW and the 8ecretary-General of the United Nations, which flow from the decisive action taken by President Denis Sassou-Nguesso when he was Chairman of the om. The hEM era that is opening in SOviet-American relations ~d for peace in the world confers pmrticular importance on the question of disarmament. Moscow and washington have shown clearly their determination to c;all a halt to the arms race. The conclusion by the two Powera of the Treaty on the Blimination of Intermediate- Range and Shorter-Range Missiles, and the ve~ification me3sures it contains open up interesting prospects for stability in the world~ The developing countriesg howevElr, are aware of what was, ~fter all, the minor impact those prospects had at the time of th~ third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. It is unfortunate that the results of its work were so lleagre. (Hr. Mouki, CcJnso) 'rbe insupportable cost of the UNS race not only threatens international peace and security, but also continues t» swallow up colcesal SUlU of money that could serve the goals of ecmollic and social development, particularly the eccnollic developaent of de~eloping countries. Only a change in perceptions and attitudes, which we have heard deset!bed in cootradiction one wi th another: dur ing the course of the debate - ..1f1ich must, of course, oontinue- can lead to an eventual evolution in the situation. If the ecmoDdc situation of the developing countries is to illprCNe, sum contributions are necessary. lJftmediate solutions are called for, of course, but they must: be appropriate solutions that take into account the long-term developaent goals of our countries. The major industrialized countries meeting in Toronto advocated various ini~iatives, among them the setting up of a multilateral fund to guarantee debt f'ervicing. There was also discussion of measures to cancel a portion of public indebtecmess. According to me eminent participant in the Tormto meeting, -the international co1Dunity must show qreater realism and imagination-.. We can agp:ee with that,' for the problem of ~oreign debt has served only to intensify the consiCIerable pt:essure on the young and fr agile economies of our countr ies, as well as to increase the uncertainty prevalent in the international financial system. 'rhe mid-term review of the United Nations Progr&nllle of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990 by the NI lIoc Committee of the ltfiole of the General FoBsellbly concluded that the econolYtic and social situation in Afr ica had deteri«ated , nowi thstanding the considerable sacrifices made by the African States in imple_nting the Progrune. Lack of resources, indebtedness and the unfavo",zoable external ecanomic environment have been identified as the principal obstacles to recovery efforts. (Mr. Mouti, Congo) At a time when the General Assellbly is planning to Ueclare the 1990s t."e fourth United Nations develoPftent decade and to prepare an international development strategy for that purpose, my delegation cannot refrain from noting that the preceding d~cades so solemnly proclaimed from this rcsuum have to a large extent re-.in&d a dead letter. The experience of the 19808, the Third - or lost - Developaent Decade, which will soon draw to an end, corroborates that bitter acknowledgement, given the discouraging predictions for the watld economy in 1989. The cr isis is ser ious and deep-rooted. It calls for bold and lasting solutions, not mere cosmetic tinkering that leaves tmtouched the very foundations of relations based on gross injustice. The 1990s are the doorway to the third m111enium. If present adverse trends continue, the scope of the economic and social crisis in the developing countries is likely to mean the exclusion of the majority of mankind from the inexorable lUrch towards the year 2000, which relies upon economic and technological capability, and to ~'!clude their entering into that third millen.ium. New efforts lIlust therefore be made in our deliberations on international co-operation fol..' developllent. Ibr many reasons the thorny problem of nuclear and toxic waste being surreptitiously dumped in various parts of the woeld will be one 1 of its aspects. Africa condemns the dumping of such wastes en the territories of its States. As a result, the organization of African Unity (OAU) has called for and obtained the inclusion of this item on the agenda of the present session. lbt too long 8go the convinced partisans .of.t;i~~gthening the United Nations .~:.:.::.<..:' role in world affairs were fearful - and quite. rightly - that the organization might go down wi th all hands under the blows to its work and to its very principles . by the advocates of a retultn to the values of individualism and tr iUllphant bilateralism. (Hr. Mouki, Congo) Faced wi th that threat, but determined to survive, the United Nations embarked on a process of careful re-examination and healthy streamlining of its own bodies : ~" and their modus operandi. The Secretary-General spared no effort to awaken states Members to the seriousness of the situation and to obtain from them an active commitment to preserving the achievements of more than 40 years of efforts and experience, and renewed determination to ensure future success. 'lbday we feel that we can see the dawn of better days for the Organization. That is what the delegation of the Congo has, in part, been saying in its present statement. SUch cautious optimism can be justified by various events, in particular by the payment of part of the arrears owed by States Members who had fallen behind in their contributions to the regular working budget. Nothing, however, will have been truly accomplished if those optimistic signs do not survive beyond the present situation. Thus t as the general debate at the forty-third session draws to a close, we are proud to note the strengthening of a fortunate overall trend of hope that the united Nations can continue to forge ahead in the service of mankind, for whom it is an indispensable tool. The meeting rose at 6.10 p.m.
  1 mtg
• (con tinued) QJESTION OF Nl\MIBIA (a) REIDRT OF THE UNITED NATIONS mUNCIL FOR NAMIBIA (A/43/24); (b) REOORT OF THE SEECIAL CXJMMI'l'TEE ON THE SITUATION WiTH REGARD 'ID THE IMPLEMENTATION OF TriE DECLARATION ON THE GRANTING OF INDEPENDENCE TO mI.ONIAL mUN'lRIES AND POOPLES (A/4~/23 (Part V)t A!AC.109/960); (c) REIDRT OF THE SEOlETARY-GSNERAL (A/43/724); (d) REOORT OF THE FUURTH COMMITTEE (A/43/780); (e) DRAFT RESOWTIONS (A/43/24 (Part Il), chapter I) The ffiESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish): I shol1ld like to remind representatives that, in accordance with the decision taken at the 47th plenary meeting, the list of speakers in the debate on this item will be closeCi today at noon. I ask those who wish to speak to inscribe their names as soon as possible. Mr. AL-SHAKAR (Bahrain) (interpretation from Arabic): I should like ~t the outset to extend to the members of the United Nations Council for Namibia and to the members of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementa tion of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial eoun tries and Peoples our deepest apprecia tion for their reports and their tireless efforts to ensure the early and complete i.1dependence of Namibia. The question of Namibia has been one of the issues of decolon iza tion, and it will remain so until that Territory has achieved its total and real independence. At the le.st session the General Assembly, in its resolution 42/14 A of 6 November 1987. declar~d that South Afr ica's illegal occupa tion of Namibia constituted an act of aggression against the Namibian people. (Hr. Al-Shakar, Bahrain) It also reaffirmed that any political solution of the situation in Namibia should be based on the immedia te and unoondi tional termination of the illegal occupation of the Territory by South Africa, the withdrawal of its armed forces from the Territory and enjoyment by the Namibian people of its rights to self-determination and independence, freeli' and uncoodi tionally, in accordance wi th General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). In his annual report on the work of the Organization, the Secretary-General of the thited Nations expresses his hope for the independence of Namibia when he says~ "There has been an imprOlTement in prospects for the independence of Namibia. Recent diplomatic activity has made a significant contribution to the peace };E'ocess in southern Afr iea, which should facilitate a settlement in Namibia without further delay. The date of 1 NoveJli)er 1988 has been reoonmendeci f01' beginning the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). In the light of these developments, the secretariat has undertaken a review of its contingency plans in order to hold itself 1n readiness for the timely emplacement of the {hited Nations Transition Assistance Group in No1mibia. It is my hope that current efforts will finally succeed in bringing independence to the people of Namibia.· (A/43fl, p. 3) Bahrain welcomes what the Secretary-General has said in his report; and we also welcome the constructive role played by the eoocerned parties in the quadr ipartite n~gotiations to ensure a jus t and viable solution, the restoration of peace in southern Africa and the independence of Namibia. We have also expressed the hope that the visit by the 5ecretary-General to South Afr iea last month will bring closer the independence of the people of Namibia. We eagerly await 1 November 1988 and the beginning of the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) of 29 septen*>er 1978, t.bidl described the lhited (Hr. Al-Shakar, Bahrain) Nations plan for the independence of Namibia as the oolyacceptable international formula for the amievement CIf the total independence of Namibia. Regrettably, it has not yet been acted 00. We hope that an agreement leading to the restora tion of a just and total peace in that important region of the African oontinent which has been afflicted by armed conflicts will be amieved through the negotia tions in Geneva between Angola, Cuba, SOuth Afr ica and the Urdted States to achieve the independence of Namibia, whim is long overdue. Bahrain has follO\lled with great interest the various quadr iparti te negotiation meetings on the independence and future of Namibia and security and stability in the region. We regret that South Afr ica has not agreed to start the implementation. of the tl'lited Nations plan for Namibia on 1 Novetrber 1988, whim is the recommended date. In spi te of the significant improvement in the prospects for independence of that internatiooal Territory, it remains illegally occupied by South African forces. The occupation has for 10 years hindered implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia, incrEasing the deprivation of the Namibian people and frustrating its legitimate aspirations to independence, freedom and self-determination. The situation in Namibia is unique not ally because of the special responsibility of the tmited Nations for that international Territory and its people but also because Namibia is a special colonial case in that it has been afflicted by an institutiooalized racist regime that has plundered its reSourceEl by means of its illegal military occupation. The freedom and independence of Namibia are still subject t.~ the pllicies of the racist regime in Pretor ia. ltlile talks are unier way wi th the objective of (Hr. Al··Shakar, Bahrain) establishing practical measures for the implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978), the policy of terrorism and suppression perpetrated by the Pretoria regime continues against Namibian civilians, including detention, indiscr iminate impr iscnment without tr ial and execution for those who sympathize . wi th the SOUth West Africa People's Organization (SWAIO). The intransigence of the South .Mrican regime and its continued rejection of the United Nations plan for the indePendence of Namibia are obstacles to the impleme-ntation of that plan. Bahrain has repeatedly condemned the racist policies of South Africa in the Territory and the suppression, terror. ism, dispersion and indiscriminate impr isonment perpetrated against the Namibian people and the continued acts of aggression against the front-line States in southern Africa. At a time when we are celebrating the tenth anniversary of the adoption of security Council resolution 435 (1978), Bahrain reaffirms its staunch sup~rt for the right of the Namibian people to freedom, independence and self-determination~ it also reaffirms its continued support for the struggle of that people, under the leaderShip of SMAro, its sole and authentic representative. NlUe we associate ourselves wi th views that have been expressed on the existence of an impetus that could lead to the restoration of peace in southern Africa and bring &boot a just and peaceful solution, we also support the call for caution with regard to manoeuvres of the Pretoria regime, to hinder the implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978). (Mr. Al-Shakar, Bahrain) By acbpting policies of prevarication and procrastination over the past 10 years the regime in Pretoria, has hindered the implementation of that resolution and fr us tra ted all efforts and expecta tions. The international conrnunity should always remembeJ:' that South Afr iea was a party to the negotiations that-led to the acbption of the Utited Nations plan for the independence of Namibia and pledged itself to implement its provisions. Yet, since the acbption of that plan the Pretoria regime has always tried to shirk its responsibilities and attempted to frustrate international efforts to implement the plan by procrastinating at every turn in order to prevent Namibia from achieving total independence. We therefore believe th.at it is our duty to emphasize t.he importance of being extremely vigilant to prevent any other attempts by the Pretoria regi,meto stall for time and to entrench itself in its illegaloo::upation of that in terna tional 'rerri tory. The collective ability of the international oonrnunity to stand up to the challenges posed by the Pretoria regime will be impeded so long as Namibia remains under the apartheid regime,; hence, in order to unblock this situation, the United Ra tions should set another aa te for the practical implementa Hon of the Uti ted Na tions plan for the independence of Namibia which is the conmon goal of the international community on this the tenth anniversary of the acbption of security Council resolution 435 (1978). In order to achieve that cOJllllon goal, Bahrain calls upon the Security Council to take the necessary specific measures to implement that resolution, including the deployment of the united Nations Transitional Assistance Group (tfiTAG) in Namibia. we also consider it necessary that the securi ty Council exert pressure on the Pretoria regime through decisive measures aimed at circumventing its prevarications (Mr. Al-Sbakar, Bahrain) designed to frustrate the tl'lited Nations plan for th~ independence of Namibia, such as «:he acbption by the Council of mandatory smctions against that racist regime under Chapter VII of the Charter" we also believe that it is the duty of the international OJlmlunity, represented in the United Nations, at this historic moment: to cCl\tinue to prOlTide every support to the Namibian people in their just struggle, under the leadership of SWAlO, their sole and authentic represen'=ative, for an independent, free Namibia.* The United Nations has continuously supported the deoolonization of Namibia. My delegation is convinced that the U'lited Nations will play the largest role and shoulder the heaViest burdens in the transition period leading to the independence of Namibia, with its territorial integrity intact, including It:llvis Bay, the Penguin Islands and other offshore islands that are part and parcel of Namibia. The expected independence of Namibia will be " victory not ooly crowning the just struggle of the Namibian people but also a victory for the United Nations and for all peoples struggling for independence anld against foreign danination and racism. Namibia will relWlin the direct responsibility of the United Nations until its national independence is ad"tieved and until its people enjoy their right to self-determination in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions. We hope that we shall not have to wait too long before we see Namibia occupying its rightfUl plaC2 in the international co1'!ll\unity as an independent and free country and as an effective MenDer of our Organizatial. *Mr. Huerta Montalvo (Jibuador), Vioe-President, took the Chair. Hr. ADOUKI (Congo) (interpretation from French) ~ At its forty-third session the General Assembly again has before it this year, I.I\der agenda item 29, the question of Namibia. This endless debate could have become tiresome, 22 years after the U'lited Nations agreed to assume direct responsibility for that Territory, were it not for the profoundly unfair fate of an entire people. The question of Namibia, therefore: clearly remains a major qUeRtion in the poUtical debate at the United Nations, as much for its lcng-standing posi,tion as the scandal of the century as for its cost in t.erms of human suffering resulting from this colonial war, as well as for the frenzied illegal exploitation of uranium, diamonds, copper, lemd, zinc, manganese and other metals and of a9l':icultlJral and fishery products, for the 1mg-standing collus ion and mutual suppor t between the South Afr ican regime of occupation and the transnaticnal corporations. located in Namibia, and lately for the disappointed hopes and failed opportunities - 4 OCtoher 1969, when the security Council ordered South Africa to withdraw from Namibia; 1978, Security Council resolution 435 (1978); 1981, Geneva; 1982; 1984 and so on - and for the legitimate thirst for freedan and the profoWld aspira tions of the Namibian people to self-determination under the leadership of !:NAto, their sole and authentic re presenta t ive. (Mr. &louti, Congo) 'l\:) illustrate our point, let us turn fex a .aJlent to the report of the thited Nationa Council for Na.ibia iaaued .a cbcuMnt A/43/24 (part: I). First, however, I vilh to pmy a tribute to the O\itad Nations COWlcil for Nulibia, to the Special Ca.i ttee and to the Secretary-General for the important efforts they are Jlak ing with .. view to achieving independence for Namibia. My delegation is deeply grateful to the. for their exeellent reports, which shed further light on all the dillensio.'1. of the question of Namibia. Now, the .lIsessMnt of the situation in Namibia by the United Nations Council for Nmibia, the legal Mminietering Authority of the Territory, highlights the IlIRuthless political repression, racial discr: imination and apartheid and other grOO8 violations of human rights lll• (A/43/24 (Part X), par~. 152) The Presiaent of the Republic of SOuth Africa, during his visit to Namibia in April, took measures which were ilia clear hUmiliation for the so-called interim government at Windhoek" (~., para 155) • . and whim elllPbasized that goverrament's "colllplete dependence on the whims of the Pretoria regime". (~.) The people of NaIIlibia have cQ\tinued their struggle for independence, yielding nothing. For exaq;»le, they mobilized to oolllllemorate, on Nmlllibia Day, the launching by the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) af the armed struggle. Similarly, lIIas!u~s of schoolchildren paraded in winclloek to honour the memory of the victiM of the lIassacre perpetrated in las8inga, Angola, by the south Africanc on 4 May 1978. Many _nifeatationll by the people against the pseudo-power in Namibia and against the South Africans have taken place despite the state of emergency, _rUal law and the violence ulled by the South African security forces. (Mr. Mouk i, Congo) SWAPO, which provides poU tical leader ship for the Namibian PeOple in the Territory and abtoad, is also, with the international oolll1'lunity's assistance, doing everything it can to meet the needs of the Namibian refugees and to lay the foundations for the building of an independent Namibian nation. It has, for example, established various health and educatiCl'l centres, in the ope&:ation of which my cou."ltry generally participates - not to speak of the other facH ities that SWAPO is given in our country. SWAiO, as we all know, remains fully conmitted to the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Militarily speaking, the situation in the Territory and with regard to the security of the froot-line States has been affected by the folly of the South Afr iean military-indlJstr ial oomplex, whose considerably increased share of South Africa's defence budget has reached 40 per cent. There is no tangible sign that the military Nx::upation of the Territory will cease. On the contrary, Comrade Hellll1t Angula, the Permanent Observer of SWAPO to the tbited Nations, indicated in his statement from this rostrum yesterday that Pretoria had just massed 50,000 troops along the frootier between Angola and Namibia. The number of South African soldiers stationed in the Territory increases regularly because the apartheid regime is facing ever-increasing opposition there by the Namibian peopj1~, led by SWAR>. I shall not dwell on the fact that, compared with last year, military expendi tures have increased by 30 per cent r or CI'l the aCXIuisi tion of new weapons by the very official South African Armament COrporation~ Moreover, South Africa has a vast military-industrial complex, which gives it a capability of producing nuclear weapons. Hi th regard to foreign economic interests in Namibia, their activity still consists of pillaging the considerable economic resources of the Territory. The transnatiooal corporations collabOl'ate closely with South Africa, to which they pay taxes, and they regularly provide the necessary fuel for the occupation forces. My country has l:llways held that the Namibian people must exercise as quickly as possible its inalienable right to self-detet'mination and to genuine independence, under the leader ship of SWAPO. The in terna tionally accepted bas is for a settlement of the question of Namibia is the United Nations peace plar~ cCI'ltained in resolution 435 (1978). The glimmers of hope which have emerged from ile developnent in world attitudes and prospects and which are becoming stronger in Asia and ratin America and even in Afr ica - apart from southern Afr lea - appear to us to have some relevance to the controversial case of Namibia. Without wishing to unleash bitter diatribes ooncerning the apparent marginalization of a (Dwerl<!ss United Nations, my oountry supports the negotiating process under way among Cuba, Angola and South Africa J under the mediation of the United States of A,'"lIerica. The strengthening of prospects for peace sometimes means that the international conmunity must take p<:agmatic paths and use other imaginative forms that are different from the usual classical and institutional onp-s. Thus, when a peace initiative concerning la given situation is achieving progress - the cease-fire between Angola and South Africa is a fact - the pr inci~l actors in the international ooll1llunity have the duty of lending their full support, until appropriate formal peace agreements are reached. My country, the People's Republic of Congo, and its capital, Brazzaville, are giving IIOdest but active support, under the enlightened leadership of His Eiccellency President Denis Sassou Nguesso, to that political and diplomatic (Hr. MODI( i, Congo) exercise. The present consultations in Lclndal, New York or Geneva allClng Angola, Cuba, South Africa and the United States mediator and the fut!..~re four-party negotiations in Brazzaville are. having - despite the obstacles, shady manoeuvres and fragility of the exercise - a refreshing offect on the process towards peace~ thia allbition of the struggling Nai1libian people, this now-univers4111y-shared faith in the near future of what will soon be independent Namibia. We have an infinite need of the li'li ted Hations, to Mlich all Hemer Statea muat lend their sUlJIX)rt and full (X)-operation when Security Council resolution 435 (1978) is finally implemented. At that time the path will be opened to deep change as the Namibian people exercise their right to self-determination, under the direction of SWAPO, its authentic representative. Hr. ZAaltANN (German Democratic Republic): The Fbreign Minister of my ountry~ like many other representatives of States .. noted in the genual debate at th is session of the General Assembly that an auspicious trend has emerged in internaticnal events. 'i'his assessment is also true of developnents in south-tfestern Afr iC2. In that region, too, the realization that there is no military solution to differen<ees existing betwaen States has led to negotiations. The Garman Democratic Rep,lbUc considers the negotiations between Angola, Cuba, SOuth Africa and the tbited States, whidl open up avenues for Namib:la'sear1y independence, to be an irRpor tan t step on the road leading to a political set"~ement of the ecmflict in south-western Afl' lea. They are evidence that solutions even to complex issues, to the benefi t of peace and for the good of nations t are feasible if there is goodwill., common sense and realism and if the interests of all parties to the conflict are taken into account in a balanced way. The results achieved so far have met with a world-wide response. The l\ngolan GoV'ernment's constructive and flexible! position, its courage and its realistic approach have bE'ought about a breakthrough in a prOQ!ss that had been deadlocked for many years. At the negotiating table the international cmditions have now been created for ending South Afr iea 's undeclared war against Angola, which took such a heavy toll in human lives, and starting to reconstruct and develop the country in conditions of peacea The German Democratic lepublic supports the policy pursued by the MPLA-party of Labour, whidl offers all Mgolans the opportunity to p'll'ticipate in the country's reconstruction. At the same time, it views the solution of internal problems as an exclusively Angolan sovereign matter. It is resolutely agl1linst the attempts in certa in quarters to internationalhe thase questions and make them tha sl:bject of the current negotiations on ways of settling the conflict in The catalogr ' of principles for a peaceful settlement in the region, whim is now before us, and the measures which have been agreed urun to implement it are a result of the readiness for canpranise and flexibility of all sides. If ;;''1e negotiations were successfully carried forward and, if furthermore, all that has been achieved were consistently implemented, there would be a real chance of peace, securit-] and developnent in ~ooth-west:ern Africa. Such a process oould not but have a positive effect an the restoration of a healthy international situation. Against this background there is increasing insistence that South Afr ica prove that it is serious about the negotiations and willing to put an immediate end to the illegal occupation of Namibia and remove, without pre-eonditions, all obstacles stanc'!ing in thE" way of the scrupulous fulfilment of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). We believe that nal, aSI always, there is every reasl:Xl for caution. This ~ttitude springs fran our experience, especially during the last 10 years, in which ~;here have been attempts on the part of the apartheid regime to pcevent a gettlement of the question of Namibia. The pressure of wcrld public opinion on South Africa must be maintained for as lalC; as the illegal occupation of Namibia, wi th all its consequences, persists and the implementation of Security Co~nci1 resolution 435 (1978) has not begun. The Security Council is still called upon to take measures against South Africa under Chapter VII of the {bited Nations Charter. The deoolonization of Namibia and the granting of national independence to that OOlmtry have been on the agenda for too long. As early as 1966 the General Assembly 'IIithdrew oompletely from South Afr ica the ~!andate over that Territory. Since then both the G!neral Assembly and the Council for Namibia, which it set up, (Hr. Zachmann, German Demoeratic ~publi~) have been indefatigably active in many ways in support of the cause of the oppressed people of l~mibia. Apart from assistance to the victims of colonialist policies and efforts to enlist the all-round co-operation of the Namibian national liberation movement, the South west Afr 100 People's Ql.ganization (SWAPO), the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people, their activities have focused on the mobilization 'Of wor ld pUblic opinion ill support of the liberation struggle and a just settlement of the question of Namibia. The United Nations security COUncil has taken important decisions which are in the interest of the Nam!hian people. They include, in particular, resolution 435 (1S78) and the related plan which is to lead to the independence of Namibia. The procedure envisaged under that plan - a cease-fire, the sending of the O1i ted Nations Transition Assistance Group, with a military and a civil component and the preparation and holding of fre~ elections under 0\1 ted Nations supervision - would create the necessary prerequisites for a swift, lasting and, above all, peaceful solutim to the question of Namibia. The implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) presents a 91'eat challenge to the tl\ited Nations. Its early and successful implementation would greatly add to the international prestige of the United Nations. We welcome the statement by the Secretary-General that the Organization is ready to fulfil its responsibility with regard to the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). The German Damoeratic Republic has assured the Secretary-General of its willingness to participate in the process and has submitted relevant offers. This is a reflection of the German Demcratic Republic's basic stand in favour of all steps designed to make peace more secure and help resolve eXisting conflicts by peaceful means. My country will cmtinue as a matter of course to show its solidarity with the Namibian people by giving them political, moral and material support. Especially -- :u -- -- - --- in the transitional period, which will cmfrCXlt the country with 'lUny new problea, wide-~an9ing international assistance will be of vitQl importance. ~ For uny years now YOWlg Namibians have received vocational training in the German Democratic Republic, and their skills will be essential for the future independent CO\l'ltry. We have also admitted Namibian students to our universities and colleges and have trained technicians and engineers, as well as medical Personnel. These programmes are caltinuing~ Material assistance to Namibian refugees returning to their COWltry will be increased. '1'0 the people of the German DellDcratic Republic it is natural to extend solidarity and assistance to the Namibian people, just as it is to support elll colmially and racially oppressed peoples in their struggle. The independence of Namibia, the tr iumPl of that people, will also be a tr iumPl of international solidarity, to which the PeOple of the German DellDcratic Republic, too, have contr ibuted their share. Hr" SHlHABI (Saudi Arabia) (interpratation f.om Arabich Since this is the first time I have spoken from thi:: rostrlll\ at this session, I wish to take t!lis opportunity to congratulate Mr. Caputo of Argentina on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at the forty-third sessiCXl. *y G:ld guide him in his endeavours in conducting the work of the Assembly with objectivity and impartiality, tmich, without doubt, given his great ability, he is capable of achieving. I wish him suoc"!ss and accompli&h~nt. Thi= Assembly is an arena were the interests Md aspirations of States and peoples interact and where actions become evident and positions crystallized. We come to it on a broad basis of camnitment to its Cherter ~ and we work in it on en understanding, which is not subject to My other interpretation, that we should CCXlwct ourselves according to the letter and spirit of the Charter. Anyone.mo deviates from this rule is easily discovered, and m1y violator of its principles in letter (X in spirit i.B very quickly exposed. we find the ale wo is genuine ~d truthful wlSlk intl tall, and those who manipulate by hiding behind screens of interpretatiom~ and explanations, through l«lich they believe they can mislead world public opinion, are wrong. Forty years and more have taken the United Nations through Iilases of growt..Il, political matudty a.,d full represe.,tation of all the peoples and states of the wor ld~ and it has become in fact an int.ernational council which reflects the conscience of the world throucjl its CQ!lprehena ive representation, where the small have their place as well as the big, where the big have their position as well as the small, and where everyone has a wide or a limited role under this dome. I mention this while passing to the subject of Namibia and the tragedies of the racist regime it encanpasses, to discuss a ~enomenal whic:h supposedly ended with the Second N:>rld war - the era of military, political, economic, 80cial and racist colaliaUsm and the disease of racial discrimination and racial bigotry which denies human values and contradicts all laws and norms. This phenomenon transforms society into masters and subjects and into despots and the subjugated. It is the evil of the worst colmial and exploitative regimes of past centuries. Namibia, our subject today, is the victim and the prey. Its white minority, which rejects the path of the future, is the disease and the disaster,; it is the unbending remnClllt which refuses to acknowedge that the world has changed &nd that the psth to cantinued life is the path of the peoples marching into tomorrow's world. Through its stand, it is passing judgement upon itself. A hundred and three years ago the darkness of forei9l' occupation fell upal the land of Namibia; the people of Namibia fell under colonialist subjugation in its ugliest manifestations and forms. ~mibia was afflicted by foreign rule which assumed successively one form after another, until the last and the worst form, the regime of apartheid, which South Africa practises as basic State policy, as if the people were a herd of sheep whose destiny is decided by others. We have discussed, in this Hall, in tbe corridors of the Ulited Nations, in its Councils and in its Comittees, the regime of apartheid in South Afr iea. We have condel'llled its content as violating all human values Md principles and its forms as contradicting all human customs and conventions. We have condemned it as a policy, practised by any civilized or uncivilized society. We have deplored it as a Means of aggression, oppression, exploitation and the usurpation of the wealth of the people, practised by authorities who have lost their international credibility. In this oontext, the only two racist regimes remaining in the world, practising it without hesitation, are those of South Afldca and the Zionist entity in Israel, the partner of South Africa in racial discrimin&tion and its peer in lack of human consideration, as well as i ts co\Xlter~rt in the policy of usurping the resources and the wealth of the Palestinians and in depriving them of their (Mr. Shihabi, saudi Arabia) most basic human rights. For those who 1'IIIly be doubtful, let them observe Ytat the Zionist authorities in Palestine have been corrmittin~, in an attempt to quell the intifadah of the people on their land, for the past 12 mcmths. The two stubborn racist regimes, which represent the worst of what the human spirit possesses of a tendency towards evil and selfishness, 6re based Q'l the denial of rights to their owners. They are defying the march of history~ but history will judge them in the same manner. Since its foundation the United Nations has been comitted to work for the rights of deprived peoples. The international Organization declared its authority OYer Namibia, an authority it has had for 24 years, since it established the United Nations Council for Namibia. The thited Nations has committed itself, and we pledged ourselves to support this Council until Namibia's independence, until the country is returned to its owner, its resources harnessed for the benefit of its inhabitants, and the international piracy, in which some foreign companies are participating with SOuth Africa in encroadling Q1 the resources of the country, is stopped. It is stated in the report of the Special Conmittee on the Si tuation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaratioo Q'1 the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples that "The Special Comi ttee reaffirms that Namibia is the direct responsibility of the United Nations mtU genuine self-determination and national independence are achieved under the terms of the relevant resolutions and decisions of the General Assembly. It stroogly cmdemns SOuth Africa's brutal rep£ession of the Namibian people, its efforts to destroy the national unity and terri tor tal integrity of Namibia." (A/43/23 (Part V), para. 4,) (Mr. Shihabi, saudi Arabia) In Namibia - a country of abWldant wealth, in its soil and maritime regions, aa well as in its agricultural and livestock resources - the people are living at the edge of the lowest level 0 f hUffian exis tence, lolhile Sou th Africa, in collaboration with a handful of foreign companies, pllllders its resources at the cheapest of prices, and reaps the highest profits in disregard of the economic future of the country, when it is restored to its people. Colonial exploiting CCIlpanies are racing against time) they are racing against the reversion of the right to its owner. In its report the Special Comittee states, "The Special Committee reaffirms that the natural resources of Namibia, including its marine resources, are the inviolable heritage of the Namibian people, and expresses its deep Calcarn at the depletion of these resources". (ibid., para. 22) (Mr. Shihabi, saudi Arabia) Last year we stated that 9S per cent of the coloured people in Namibia wo~ked in agr iculture, earning only 2.5 per cent of the income, and that S per cent of the 1lIhi te people worked in agricul ture earn ing 9S per cent of the agricul tural and livestock income of the country. The exploitation of minerals is even worse for the ec~omic destiny of the country, since South African companies, in pap:tnership with foreign companies, own 80 per cent of the country's minerals and export 95 per cent of them. These figures have not changed. They convey the story of eXploitation in its ugliest form and draw a picture of colonialism at its worst. Where are the ri9hts of the Namibian people? How will they account to future generations for these cr imes against their national assets? The Government of saudi Arabia imposed a trade embargo against SOuth Africa. It applied firm measures to pcevent Saudi oil from being exported to South Africa. It is undertaking the proper measures against those 'Who break these regulations, or who are !'Coved to have violated their oonmib'nents. We uphold this firm stance and cooooperate wi th all in implementing its purposes and realiz 1ng its objectives. w~ reiterate here our firm position towards the racist South African regime and the Israeli Zialist colalialist regime in Palestine, and their violation of declarations of rights and cOJmlitments to the pr inciples of proper human relations. we C<lI\delll1 their persistence in following the same path, and warn them that history has no mercy for those who deviate from its norms. The essence of the stUdy of history and the lesso:.:'£.1 it teaches is to look forward, not to turn backward. Those who turn to the past, such as those two regimes, will be left behind by the march of time, which strides into the future leaving them behind, absolved of their burdene Those who do not see the intimate relationship between the two racist regimes should a(XJuaint themselves wi th the extent of the tacit and explicit collaboration between them in the most important specific fields. They (Hr. Shihabi, Saudi Arabia) should examine wat Zionism is ~acticing against Arab people in Palestine, and even towards the coloured Jews from Africa and from the United States itself. They will realize where Zicnism stands in the forefrcnt of racial discriminaticn. The Governnent of the Custodian of the '1\10 Holy Places, King Fahd, has supported and affired all the positions of the lhited Nations coocerning the indePendence of Namibia and the c.'Onservation of its resources. It has support.ed the United Nations Council for Namibia in all its endeavours and condemed South Africa's aggressions against neighbouring countries, considering them aggressions against the Charter of the U1ited Nations. It calls for the full implementation of the relevant lhited Nations resolutions, including those calling for sanctions. It exp>ses the Parallel between the two regimes in Pretoria and Tel Aviv, and calls upon the international cx>li1nunity to take all possible measures to put the Charter's rules inw effect in intetnational relations. I conclude my statement by quoting the Special COlmlittee on Namibia~ tiThe Special Committee reiterates its convictioo that the apartheid regime of South Afr iea is responsible for creating a situation that seriously threatens international peace and security ... tI (A{43/23 (Part V), p. 4) Should we not deal with the threat the situation in Namibia is posing to international peace and security with the same measure of seriousness as the Special COlllllittee, before the threat materializes at a very high price?*' *Mr. Rana (Neps!), Vice-President, took the Chair. Mr. AKSIN ('lurkey): Once again the General Assembly has been called upon to consider the situatiQ'\ in Namibia, a question which represents a ooique responsibility of the United Nations. The present debl!lte is ft reaffirmation of the impo:tance attached by the international community to this pressing problem. In Security Council resolution 435 (1978), adopted ten years ago, the Security Council endcx:sed a c:anprehensive plan for the independence of Namibia, a plan which was formally accepted by the Republic of South Afr iea and fully supported by the internatiQ'\al community. That plan set out a detailed timetable for independence and provided for the creation of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) to ensure the early independence of Namibia through free and fait alections supervised by the United Nations. It is causing us great indignation that, deepi te this situation, Namibia remains under the illegal occupation of South Africa and the Namibian people have not yet been able to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination. Given that the international community, through the intermediation of the Secretclry-General, has been able to resolve all the pending questions related to the implementation of security Council resolution 435 (197e>u there is no justifiable excuse for the delaying tactics that South Afr iea has been pursuing since 1978 in defiance of international law. However, the process of independence for Namibia is now enter ing a new and critical stage. My Government is encouraged by the positive developments that. have, at loog last, beefi registered in this atea and the agreements that have been reached. we we.tcome the cease-fire of 10 1tugust 1988 as a very important first step in the right direction. We sincerely wish that this developnent will lead to the granting of independence to the people of Namibia through the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) without any further delay. The dire!:t responsibility of the United Nations for Namibia cmtinuea, even though it has not (Mr. Aksin, 'l'ur key) participated in the recent talks relating "0 Namibian independence. The tbited Nations must remain involved md display vigilance until the transfer of power to the people of Namibia, thrcx!gh free and fair elections under its supervision and exmtrol. Against this background, we consider that the activities of the Council for Namibia will assume partiCUlar importance in the coming period. The Council should remain active and vigilant in its efforts on behalf of the people C)f Namibia un tU genuine independence is achieved. AsIQ'lg as the Namibian people are not able to exercisel their right to self-determination and independence, and as 1009 as the racist Pretor ia regime continues its illegal occupation, there can be no stability or true peace in that part of the world. The 'l\lrkish nation has always had a strong sense of solidarity with the Namibian people in their heroic struggle for natiooal independence under the leadership of the South west Afr ica Peoplels Organization (SWAPJ), the sole, authentic representative of the Namibia., people. We have great respect for the patience and wisdom displayed by :-MAR> in the course of its struggle. The decisioo of the Turkish Government to host the thited Nations seminar on the international responsibility for Namibia IS independence held last March in Istanbul was a further expression of its unflagging support for the just cause of Namibian indepandence. The legi timate aspirations of the Namibian people to freedom and national sovereignty have been reflected in the Istanbul Declaration. In the call for action adopted by the seminar, there are reconmendations to mob11ize concer!:ed efforts by the internatiooal community in support of the immediate independence of Namibia~ for concrete measures to end South Afr iea Os illegal occupation of Namibia~ and to seek and increase all forms of urgent support for the struggle' of (Mr. Aksin, Turkey) The debate at that seminar edloed moe again the profound Calcern of the international co_unity over the situation in Namibia and the obstacles to the implementation of security Council reSOlution 435 (1978). It was reiterated that a prOlllPt settlement of the Namibian question in oonformity with resolution 435 (1978) would not cmly spare the inhabitants further suffering and despair but also oontr ibute significantly to the restoration of stabil ity, peace and secur ity throughout southM:n Africa. The Government of 'l\1rkey subset ibes to the conclusions of the Istanbul seminal:' and, given that all the pending questions relating to the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) have been resolved, reaffirms the imperative need to proceed without further delay with its implementation. I wish to expr:ess lffIJ Governmantls appreciation of the tireless and skilful efforts that the secretary-General cmtinues to deploy in order to ensure the early implementation of resolution 435 (1978). His recent visit to South Africa and Angola was a useful step in this directial. The South African authorities have been informed that the United Nations has started the administrative machinery for the emplacement of the U1i ted Ha tions Tranai tion Assistance Group (UNTAG) in Namibia. We comend the diplomatic activities that the 8ecretary-General has undertaken in order to overcome the obstacles set up to implementation of the thited Nations plan. B\!fore concluding I would like to reiterate that the 1\lrkish Government gives full support to all efforts aimed at secur ing Namibia IS independence. To demonstrate its solidarity with Namibia in its just cauue, Turkey will vote for the draft resolution submitted far our consideratial. As a founding menber of the thited Nations Council for Namibia, my country will continue firmly to support all its efforts to discharge the responsibilities entrusted to it as the legal (Hr. Aksin,L Turk~~) A long struggle has l)een waged by the African countries to achieve self-determination and independence. Regrettably,- Namibia remains the last vestiqe of an anachrCl\ist1c system. This is intolerable. Namibia must be independent. Turkey is and will remain a staunch supporter of the sacred cause of the Namibian people. Mr. SHA~ NAW~ (pakistanh The question of Namibia hdS been under consideration by the thited Nations for 42 years, ha\Ving been inscribed on the agenda of its very first session, in 1946. One emergency session and three special sessions of the General Assembly have also been convened to discuss this vital issue. The United Nations has taken a pr incipled and decisive position on the ques tion of Namibia, namely, that the PeOple of Namibia must be granted the opportunity to e»!rcise their inalienable right to selfndetermination and independence in a uni ted Namibia, in accordance wi th the Charter of the thi ted Nations and the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. The thi ted Nations has also affirmed, both in the security Council and in the General Assembly, that Namibia's accession to independence must take place with its territorial integrity intact, including Walvis Bay, the Penguin Islands and other . offshore islands, which are an integral part of Namibia, and that any action by South Africa to annex these territories would be illegal, null and void. This position has been ec::hoed by the Organization of African Unity, the Non-Aligned Movement and the Organization ot the IslMlic Conference at the highes levels. The issue is therefore well past the stage of discussion and debate. At the forty-third session the General AsseaOly is called UpQ'l to take firm and decisive action for the iJ'lll\ediate realization of the independence of Namibia. The question of Namibia is a question of decolmizatim "mic::h must be resolved Namibian people~, in conformity wi th the letter and spirit of Ganeral Asseml:r resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960. 'i'he framework for Namibian independence is llvailable iil the provisions of security Council resolution 435 (1978), I:.'dich has the express agreement of all the parties directly roncerned. Recent developments allow some optimism regarding the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). Referring to the ongoing talks between Angola, Cuba and South Africa, with United States lIIediation, Mr. Helnut Angula, the Permanent ObserveI:' of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAR» to the United Nations, in his statement before the General AsseJOOly yesterday expressed the view that given goodwill there existed a real possibility of resolving the conflict in southwestern Africa. Nevertheless ~ delegation would like to emphasize that the international community must avoid complacency in its dealings with South Africa. Pretoria's past behaviour does not inspire confidence in its pledged word. While the international community nay have reason to welcome the recent signs of progress, it is imperative that we remain vigilant. In his statement yesterday the Permanent Observer of SWAPO to the United Nations also pointed out that the Pretoria regime was notorious for its bad faith and arrogance. He reminded us of Pretor ia 's failure in the past to relinquish SOUth Africa's Mandate over Namibia, as demanded by the thi ted Nations, and of its defiance of the United Nations plan for NamibL'1's independence to which it had agreed earlier. It is no wooder that the inordinate delay in the implementation of the relevant united Nations resolutions in regard to the independence of Namibia drew from him the observatiQ"l that the people of Namibia were indeed their own liberators and in this context whatever the international colllllunity was ooing waB canplementary to their own struggle. contr asts sharply wi th developments in the diploma tot c field. The Pretor ia regime has intensified its repressive measures against the Namibian people. The shooting of innocent civilians, looting of property, and detention and torture have been on the increase in recent weeks. Reportedly Pretoria has also reinforced its military forces in the Territory, in particular in northern Namibia, where 50,000 South African troops are currently stationed. Reports also indicate that the South African occupation army is involved in a sinister campaign in villages, involving compilation of identity card numbers, addresses and political affiliations of the Namib ian people. The fresh wave of repression and intimidation has forced many more Namibians to seek exile in Angola. The SOuth West Africa People's Organization has indicated that hundreds of Namihians are seeking refuge in its centres in Angola every day. On 10 Novenber 1988 the President of the U'lited Nations Council for Namibia ilSsued a sta.tement in which the Council strongly condemned the Pretoria regime for its repression of the Namibian people, its unprecedented militarization of the Territory and its s\')-called registration of voters aimed at imposing on the Namibian people, individuals and groups, subservience to Pretor ia's in terests. The Council urgently invited the attention of the international c:x>nmunity to this dangerous situa tion and underscored the imperative need for closely mooi tor ing Pretoria's activities in Namibia. It also demanded an inanediate end to the recent wave of repression of the Namibian people and the forced registration of voters by the South Afr ican army ~ In the light of Pretoria's recent actions inside Namibia, the need for constant vigilance on the part of the international community cannot be over-emPtasized. The political and diplomatic pressure on Pretoria must be maintai,ned to .ensure that the ongoing talks succeed in paving the way for the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). Pak istan has affirmed in every forum its firm support for the immediate independence of Namibia. Only last month ItiV country demonstrated yet again its cootinuing solidarity wi th the people of Namibia in i:heir ~t;:U99la for independence. In a message issued on 27 October \:0 coliillemorate the week. of Solidarity wi th the People of Namibia, the President of Pale istem said: "The racist minority regime of South Africa oontinues to maintain its illegal occupation of NCli1\wia through policies of oppression, coeroion and terrorism, in blatant violation of the principles and purposes of the United Nations Charter. "In its effort to <'.heck the forces of liberation under the indomitable leadership of the South West Africa People's organization, the Pretoa:ia regime has also resorted to naked acts of aggression against neighbouring States • .Such policies betray Pretoria's utter disregard of the demand of the international conmunity for the immediate independence of Namibia. n The President reaffirmed Pakistan's total commitment to the cause of freedom in southern Africa and pledged that the Government of Pakistan would spare no effort to ensure that the people of Namibia attained o without any further de~y, their cherished goal of national independence. My delegatioo would like to reaffirm the solidadt.y of the Government and people of Pakistan with the freedom-loving people of Namibia and our unflinching support for the South West Africa People's Organization, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people. The c:out"age and determination with which SWAPO bas guided the struggle of the Namibian people has earned our respect. We would like to pay a special tr ibute to SWAR) fol': the saor !fieas it has made Oil the battlefield and for the spirit of statesmanship Md co""Operation which it has displayed in the political and diplomatic arena. The Government and people of Pakistan salute the heroism of the Namibian people and commit their unswerving support to the cause of Namibian independence. I should like a180 to reiterate Pakistan's firm support for the people of South Africa in their struggle for dignity, freedom and justice. N)thing is more repugnant to the human spirit than a system based on racial discrimination. !partheid is a cruel and perverse creed and a er ime against humanity. Pakistan will stand by the emBttled people of south Africa until apartheid has been dismantled and racial discrimination and domination have been abolished.* I should like to conclude with the expression of my delegation's deep appreciation of the ebiding oolliiiitment of the Secretary-General to the cause of Namibia's independence. We would like to acknOWledge his untiring efforts to bring fteedorn to Namibia and look forward to the day when his ceaseless endeavours will be crowned with auccess. Mr. DJOUDI (Algea:ia) (interpretation from Frenchh On 29 September last the Security Council considered the questioo of the situation prevailing in Namibia and expressed its grave concern that 10 years after its adoption resolution 435 (1978) remained unimplemented. The General Assembly has now resumed its consideration of this decolonization problem, with respect to which it has an exceptional role to play because in Namibia it is the very authority of the O1ited Nations that is being defied. That is why we do not see this debate as an occasion for reflection on the remnants of our collective failure - ~ich has to be admitted - but rather as an occasion for the disce!:ning stocktaking that must be dme to give impetus to our efforts to achieve rapid and uncmdi tiooal Namibian *The President returned to the Chair. independence,. Thus there are truths to be spoken and repeated, just as there are manoeuvres to be pcevented. In Namibia a people is heroically fighting for its liberation and recovery of its independence mder the leadership of ita sole, authentir.: representative, the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAIO). It is a just cause, a quest for the freedan of the Namibian natioo, ~ich nothing can thwart and no political calculation can indefinitely hold hostage. In tlamibia too the direct responsibility of the thited Nations is totally committed. The historic decision of the General Assembly of 1966 was taken to call a halt to the annexatj~onist propensities of Pretoria over this Territory,; and the sustained action of the AHsembly confirms the determination of all to see SOuth Africa withdl.'aw from the Namibian territory it illegally occupies. Moreover, in 1978, with the security Council's adoption of its resolution 435 (1978), the CoW1cil laid down specific and irrevocable ways and means for the accession of Namibia to independence. By confirming on a number of occasions that all the coodi tions for the application of that decision must be met and by proclaiming the complete availability of StlAlO for that purpose, the Secretary-General has for a long time thereby explained the delaying tactics of the Pretoria regime vis-it-vis its responsibilities. Lasely, we must mention the impmity of the Sou th African regime in its refusal to respect the numerous decisions of the General Assembly and the security Council relating to Namibia, impunity that has led it to feel authorized to continue its repressive policies with respect to the Namibian people and to embark on an aggressive and destabilizing policy throu~out southern Africa. Because the call for sanctions against its multiple crimes is attracting a greater nunber of adherents, and because its adventurist policy has turned out to (Mr. Qjoudi, Algeria) be rather costly, South Africa is today speaking the language of a possible ultimate willingness to withdraw from Namibia. However, we believe that such a situatioo is no cause for excess ive optimism and should not suggest. any relaxation of Vigilance and determination on our part. To say t.hat is not to cultivate doubts as to our collective capacity to bring Pretoria at last to submit to the rule of law, it is, rather, to bear in mind the true nature of that regime and refuse to indulge in a rash, nUmbing euphoria that leads us to forget recent events. First, the apartheid system, which the international oonmunity has legitimately declared to be a crime against humanity, is a regime that has clearly outlawed itself, that flouts all our values and cannot be considered capable of keeping its word. Secondly, the past 10 years have sometimes allOWed us to believe Namibian independence was imminent, but we have experienced certain reverses. The developnents following the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the Geneva Conference of 1981 and the negotiations in New York in 1982 all demonstrate and remind us of that. And now South Africa's strengthening of its military presence in Namibia is a daily reality that cootradicts the speeches of the adherents of apartheid. Thirdly, to let it be believed that Namibian independence could be the subject of an inappropr iate linkage that the in ternatimal community has coodemed here, and that this is an inescapable issue that calls for the satisfaction of Pretoria's illegitimate claims, would be dangerously to open the way to a future that could well be perilous to the international authority that has been invested in Namibia. Fourthly, recent claims by South Africa irQ1ically calling for thited Nations impartiality with respect to the question of Namibia must be firmly rejected. This alce again is a new delaying tactic against the immediate and unconditional implementation of a process which is beyond discussion and which has in fact been accepted by Pretoria itself. Those who have accepted martyrdom for the independence of Namibia, like those who are still struggling in that country for that same goal, have clearly identified the support they expect from the international conmunity. In this duty of solidarity, the General Assembly has a special role to play which today calla for vigilance and lilttengthened action\ vigUMce, first of all, so that it may be clearly mderstood that a "wait-and-see" policy has lasted lalg enough and that nothing can render acceptable the scandalous distortions of perfectly clear data on the Namibian question; vigilance, in order firmly to ensure that the independence of Namibia requires the total implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) J vigilance, to guarantee that any new delaying tactic al the part of the illegal occupier will, at last, call for appropr iate action involving the application of canprehens ive manda tory sanctions. Md strengthened action is called for so that the struggle for national independence of the Namibian people will be given all necessary assistanoa for its success, so that its authentic representative, the South west Afr ica. People's Organization (SWAIO), will remain the only legitimate spokesman for the Namibian people~ strengthened action, finally, so that the direct responsibility of the United Nations in Namibia may ccntinue to be exercised for the complete fulfilment of its mandate. Thus there is support and there are means to be given to the United Nations Council for Namibia, which is the legal Mministering Authority of the Terd tory, so as to enable it to continue and expand its role until the total independence of the Terri tory • 'lb conclude, may I renew on this occasioo the unswerving support for and constant solidarity of Algeria with the Namibian people in the heroic struggle it is waging, under the leadership of SWAPO, for the attainment of its inalienable rights to independence and national sovereignty. Mr. '!REIKI (Libyan Arab Jamnhiriya) (interpretation from Arabic): There is no doubt that the question of Namibia is one of the major concerns for the African peoples and for the international community as a whole. Indeed, Namibia is still occupied by the racist regime of South Africa which, for more than 40 years now and ~espite the relevant resolutions adopted by the tllited Nations - first and foremost General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), which terminated South Afr iea's Mandate over Namibia, and security COlmcil resolution 435 (1978) and other relevant security Council resolutions - has refused to withdraw from the Terriwc y. The Pretoria regime is not satisfied with its military occupation of the Territory; it is also engaged in plmdering Namibian resources. It is practising oppression against the people of the Territo~} it is engaging in arbitrary mass arrests, the imposition of death sentences, massacres of innocent civilians - women, ch ildren and the elderly - the cles ing the schools, and so on. AI. though the international co_unity has on many occasions oondemned those practices and the use of Namibia as a springboard for aggression against neighbouring sovereign States, the Pretoria racists are continuing to pursue a policy of extermination of the Namibian people. They are using Namibian territory as a staging area for aggression against neighbouring States, with a view to their destabilization, attacking their legitimate Governments which are against racism and the policy of apartheid of South Afr iea. However, those States have not ceseed to prcwide support to Namibia in order to help it to attain independence. The African States, in the cootext of African soUdarity, and with a view to ending colonialism and supporting the forces of the (Hr. T!:'eik i, Libyan Atab Jamahidya) world that cherish peace and p:o~reGs, have in many ways, Mterlally and morally, 1X'OIrided assistance to the brave struggling Namibian people, ufider the leadership of SWAPO, their natimel liberatioo movement. My delegation wishes to reiterate its total support for our brothers in the froot line, in their hist.oric resistance and their courage in the face of aggression from the terrorist regime of South Africa. At the same time, we should like to reiterate our complete solidarity with the NaJIlibian people, struggling for freedom and independence, under the leadership of SWAIO. We take this opportunity tc; ex~ess our gratitude to the Secretary-Gen~al for his efforts in reg03rd to the implementation of the United Nations plan for Namibian independen~. We welcoJre the work dale by the U'lited Nations Council for Namibia and its President, .!'filbassador Zuze, and by the Special Collltlittee on the Si tuation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration 00 the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, for its unflagging and sustained activities to achieve independence for Namibiao The actions of the terrorist and racist regime of Pretoria are exactly reflected in the calduct of another terrorist and racist regime" the ziooist entity in occupied Palestine. One finds exactly the same actions, the same er irnes in occupied Palestine and Cbe same acts of aggression as those practised against the Afr iean peoples. Just 8S the SOuth Afr iean regime is illegally occuPJing Namibia, the Zionist regime continues to occupy Palestine in defiance of all relevant international resolutions. The international coauuunity is called UPQl today more than ever before to hold in c:hecic the two racist regimes and urgently undertake responsible action to achieve independence for Namibia. we are bound to act in accordance wi th the Charter and to mpoae iX)litical llnd economic sanctions in support of the struggle of the Namibian people for freedan and independence. In the past few ~tha, the world has witnessed the beginning of talks with a view to independence for Namibia. (Mr. Treiki, Libyan Arab J amahidya) Ne welcome these talks if Namibian independence and the cessation of SOuth Afr iean aggression against Angola are the real objective~ unfortunately we are only too familiar wi th the good intentions of racist regimes, especially the racist regime of SOuth Afr ica. Cuban blood has mixed with Angolan blood, proving that the peoples are carrying out a common struggle against racism here and the forces of evil and that Africa and Latin Jlmerica are waging the same struggle for freedom in brotherly solidari ty. Afr. iea is indebted to the Latin Jlmer ican people6~ it can never forget that the Cuban brother people stood at its side and made great sacrifices in defence of freedom in Africa and against racist aggression in Angola. That stl'uggle in solidarity ccmpelled the racist regime, because of the great defeats that it suffered, to accept the pr inciple of talks. That COlMlon struggle strengthens our convictiQ'l that South Africa's decisim to participate in the talks stems not from a sincere desire for peace but from the suocessive defeats inflicted on it by Cuban and Mgolan forces. We hope, nevertheless, that the SOu t;ll African regime will, because of the pressure exerted 00 it, abandon its policy and accept the pr inciple of Namibian independence and withdrawal fran Namibian territory. However, since that regime is persisting in its heinous policy of apartheid and the oppression of millions of South Africans, we beUevt) that our struggle will be long and that the independence of Namibia, if it is achieved, will be just me episode in that 1009 struggle to put an end to apartheid, that threat that hang~ oyer the whole African continent. In conclusion, I reaffirm my country's solidarity with the peoples of the froot-l ine Statea in the African cootinent, in particular the people of Angola, who must resist that heinous, e\'il regime. We reaffirm our solidarity with the people of southern Africa, and we shall stand at their side until Namibia achieves its Hr. DOS SANTOS (Mozani>ique) ~ It has always been my dream that by the time the General Asseni>ly tak.es up the question of Namibian independence the next year I shall have the inunense pleasure of addressing a message of congratulations to the new Government of Namibia and the Namibian people, in particular the SOu th west Africa People's Organization. That dream and that hope are dashed every year. Time and time again our hopes are raised sky-high, only to be brutally crushed. This time is no exceptiont. 1 November 1988 is behind us. The latest developments have cast a white shadow cm the prevailing clillBte in southern Afr iea and are contrary to the world's expectations ooncerning Namibia's accessicm to independence. Because of these developments we find ourselves once again in a situation in which we are obliged to look back and review the history of bad faith, solemn mdertakings broken and false hopes. It will be recalled that when Security Council resolution 435 (1978) was adopted in 1978 a very great momentlXll was created CXl the question of the self-determination of the people of Namibia. It seemed almost certa in to everyone that the time had come for the independence of that Territory. However, at the last minute and against all expectations, the independence of that Territory suddenly became a distant possibility, jeopardized by the insistence on some new and extraneous elements as pre-conditions of the implementation of resolution 435 (1978). From the very begiming the objectives of thooe elements were clear and twofold. On the one hand the aim was to ltSe the independence of Namibia as an eXCa1ange commdity for political and strategic interests~ and cm the other, they were brOUght into play in order to perpetuate the occupation and the plunder of Namibia's natural resources. Q'le may waader, therefore, after a lapse of 10 years, we are not faced with a repetition of similar tactics. One may also ask oneself, and righUy, whether what we are witnessing is not a prelude to another deadlock in regard to the independence of Namibia. (Mr. Dos santos, Mozambiqu€) Although the occupationist regime of apartheid still cc:ntinues to express verbally its colllllitment to the implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978), on the independence of Namibia, it simultaneously takes steps which ~re not in keeping with the spirit of th~ ongoing dialogue. Indeed, the South African regime is still pm:suing its policy of military build-up in the illegally occupied territory of Namibia, a move that could certainly undermine the climate of negotiations. The racist South Africans are masters at both buying time and not fUlfilling solemn agreements, even when undertaken at the highest level. The Robel Committee should institute a special prize and award it exclusively to the Pretoria regime for this achievement. As we have stated time and time again, the presence of Cuban troops in Angola is not, and never was, an obstacle on the road to Namibia's independence. The reverse is true. The illegal occupation of Namibia by racist South A,frica is a threat to the scwereignty and territorial integrity of the People's Republic of Angola. In fact, the Cubans were called upon to help defend Angola's independence fran SOUth African aggressim. The racist South Africans are the ones that have repeatedly crossed the borders between Angola and Namibia and carried out acts of aggression against the former sinoa 1975. There is no record sustaining the allegation that the Cubans have ever crossed the southern borders of Angola. In addition, there is no record in history showing that the apartheid regime of South Afr iea has ever been willing to grant independence to the people of Namibia. On the contrary, the records show that in 1946 SOuth Africa attempted to incorporate Namibia into South Africa as one of its provinces. However, this attempt failed, thanks to the international community's overMielming and timely rejection of that attempt. (Mr. Dos Santos, Mozambique) Again, it will be recalled that the racist South African administration over Namibia lapsed in 1966, when the General Assembly acbpted resolution 2145 (XXI) termirlating SOUth Afric~ 's Mandate over that Territory. ltlat must be noted is that South Afr iea has not abided by that resolution. On the coiltrary, since it was acbpted it has opted for overt defiance of the international community as a whole. At the time the resolution was adopted the Cuban forces were not in Angola. Angola was in the hands of Portugal, another regime friendly to the apartheid system. The in~p'~l'idence of Angola was still a cher ishOO dream. 9:) one knew at that time that it would come nine years later. It was still a distant goal. Furthermore, when resolution 435 (1978) was adopted, in 1978, the Cuban forces had already been in Angola for almost three years at the imitation of its legi.timate Government, in accordance with the prOllisions of the United Nations Charter, to help it face the south African military invasion. As was noticed, the resolution did not mention this issue in its paragraphs, precisely because it was an element totally alien to the process of Namibia's independence. Nei ther racist South Africa nor its friends hinted at this fact, let alone mentioned it. That is why we fail to understand the reasoning behind the linkage concept. If there were any relationship at all, that relationship should have been between the racist SOUth African threats against the sovereignty of the People's Republic of Angola and the inalienable right of its people to defend themselves, using all means at their disposal, including assistance from a friendly country. The proponents of linkage seem to be so obsessed with the security of the apartheid system that they fail even to pretend that they are equally preoccupied wi th the security of other States and people in the area - in this case, Angola and its people. There can be no doubt about who is blocking the ~th towards the independence ...• (Hr. Do8 santD8, Mozabique) with the raci8t South African regime is not by itself an indication of any iI'lplicit or explicit recognition of the so-called linkage. On the contrary, it clearly displays a sense of high political _turity and goodwill. It represent8 a clear manifestation of political CIODIllitment by Angola and Cuba to do all they can to proilDte the search for a way to solve the question of independence for Namibia, safeguard the security of Angola and bring peace to the region. Therefore, one cannot resist the teIllptatim to pay a deserved tribute to Angola md Cuba for their diplomatic flexibility, courage and sense of responsibility. The People's Republic of Mozambique, at this stage, wishes to epxress again its full support for the continuation of this dialogue, for it strongly believes that this is a unique opportw,ity the regicn has to put an end to the growing Buffering of the people in the area in general and of Angola and Namibia in ~articular. In this context, the international comllunity is called upcm to exert its pressure on the racist South African regime eo that it will not only negotiate in good fai th but also fully and speedily iIIplement any understending or agreement already entered into or concluded in the future. In the past, Namibia was repeatedly used as a sprine,;poard for wars of aggression against neighbouring countries and the occupation of Angola. In fact, the occupation of southern Angola ended only recently, after an agreement had been reached between Angola, CUba and racist SOuth Africa in that regard. These agreements were possible auy after the racists had lost their military superiority in Angola, having been soundly defeated by Angolan and Cuban forces. 'lbday we are Witnessing an attellpt to use the same Territory as a pretext for interfering in the internal affairs of Angola. certain forQEls are engaged in efforts designed to dictate prescriptions for how the Angolan people shOUld address their internal business - namely, the end of the war in their country. A new linkage is being presented. Are there any means in sight capable of satisfying the insatiable thirst for linkages and powerful E'.nough to break this chain of linkages? We are aware that this is part of a strategem carefully framed to diV'ert the attention of the international colll1lunity from the core of the problem. In this regard, efforts are und"'<t way to induce the public to ccncentrate on the situa tion in Angola and to blame it for the delay in reaching, or the failure to reach, an agreement on the independence of Namibia. That is why we are witnessing the shifting of attention from the problem created b}· the illegal oooupation of Namibia by South Aftica to the so-called conflict in Angola, thereby blaming its legi tima te Governnent for the continuation of the conflict fanned by the very same circles. However, the truth is very well known. It is exposed through the intensifi~:~tion of repression and killing in Namibia, through the muzzling of the press and the banning of anti-apartheid individuals and organizations, through the promotion of a puppet regime as an alternative to the independence of Namibia and thKOUgh the cootinuation of the mill tary build-up ;" that Terri tory. People cannot be deceived forever. They know who is to blame for the denial to the people of Namibia of its inalienable right to self-determination. Let me end my remarks by expressing my country's renewed admiration for and support of the valiant people of KMl,:lbia, and the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAIO) in particular, their sole and legitimate representative, in their struggle for the independence of their l1Dtherland. Namibia will be indepenClent sooner rather than later. A lute cootinua. Mrs. DIALID (Senegal) (interpretation from French); Twelve years ago, in 1976, one of the very first internatiooal conferences dev.... to the question of Haraibia was held, in Ilakar, Senegal. That conference was followed by the World (Mr s. Diallo, Senegal) Conference in Solidarity wi th the Struggle of the People of Nmnibia and the International Cooference on Namibia - held in Paris in, respectively', September 1980 and April 1983 - and, of c;~urse, the international conferences in 1986 in Brussels and Vienna on the same subject. As for the General Assembly, it has been regularly debating th~ Namibia.. question since the United Nations was christened. All those activities in various international forums and within the tbited Nations are evidence that the internati,onal ootm\unity has been oonstantly showing an uBIuestiooable interest in and concern over the Narnibian caseQ It must also be admitted that this is evidence, unfortunately, that the States with responsibility in this problem have not so far demonstrated the same political will to meet the challenge thus flung at the international oonmunity by South Afr iea. 'lWenty-two years have passed since the General Assembly, by its resolution 2145 (XlI), of 27 October 1966, terminated South Africa's Mandate over Namibia. (Mrs. Diallo, Senegal) ~ on 29 septel'lber 1978 the security Comcil unaninously adopted a plan f'or the settlement of the Namibian question, endorsed in its resolution 435 (1978), which the mole international coramunity accepted. Yet to this clay the Pretoria regime, in defiance of the authority and credibility of our world Organization and its principal organ responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, continues its illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia. At a time _en, in a sudden resurgence, the U1ited Nations is again arousing interest in the minds and hearts of the nations of which it is composed, which have finally decided to ensure that it plays the role assigned to it by its founding fa thers, no challenge could be greater • The case of Namibia, which is the most enlightening example of an attempt to perpetuate an anachrcnistic colonial heritage, contrary to the course of history, calls into question the purposes and principles of our Organization. Although the O'lited Nations plan f« the settlement of the Namibian question existed and the outstanding questions of a technical and operational nature had been resolved, according to the conclusions of our SeCll'etary-General himself, SOUth Africa introduced the concept: of linkage, tying the implementation of. security Council resolution 435 (1978), Md thus the independence of Namibia, to the wi thdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola. This Assembly, b'1e Movement of Non-Al igned Coontr iea, the Organization of African Unity and the Security Council of the tl1ited Nations have categorically rejected the inclusion of any extraneous element in the implementation of the tbited Nations plan for the independence of Namibiae In defiance of this unanimity of the universal conscie~lC.'e, South Africa continues with impunity its attempts to perpetuate its racist domination cm Namibian territory, to increase r19pression and to try to legi timize a so-called interim government the installation of which has been declared illegal, null and void by the security Council. (Hr s. Dia110, Senegal) An cbjective analysis of the Namibian case history rev~als the delaying manoeuvres and tactics - at which South Afr iea is a past master - employed to hinder Namibia's accessioo to independence. Yet, need it be recalled that the Namibian question is essentially and basically a problem strictly of decolonization which must be settled peacefully in the spirit of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countr ies and Peoples - resolution 1514 (XV). However, with canplete cootempt for the Ulited Nations Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights - the fortieth anniversary of which we celebrate this year - and the Declaration in resolution 1514 (XV), the racist regime in Pretoria cootinues to flout the most elementary pr inciples of international law, international morality and the peaceful coexistence of peoples and nations. Senegal takes this opportunity to condemn once again vigorously and unequ ivocally Sou th Africa's coo tinued illegal OCCUpation of Namibia and its stubbornness in trying to perpetuate its racist and military domination through the transfer to the Territory of the loathsome and inhuman system of apartheid by means of a wide range of oppressive laws and the forced recruitment of young Namibians to the South African forces of repression and destabilization. The United Nations Council for Namibia, which is the legal Administering Authority for the international Territory of Namibia until its independence, and of which I'!\Y country has the honour and pr ivilege of being a member, has never missed an opportunity to draw attentioo during international conferences, meetings, symposiums, round tables and weeks and days of solidarity and c011lt\on meditation devoted to the problem of Namibia to the urgent need for implementation without delay of the negotiated settlement plan endorsed in Security Council resolution 435 (1978). (Mr s. Dia110, senegal) It is the duty of peoples and countries Mlic:h believe in freedan, human values and human rights to assist the valiant Namibian people struggling heroically to free itself from the colCllial yoke and regain its independence in dignity and honour, under the enlightened leadership of the South west Afr iea People's Organization (SWAPO), its sole, authentic representative. It is the duty of those - peoples and countries to contribute to the completion of the liberation of Africa, the victim in its southern region, in particular Namibia, of the unbridled plundering of its resources and unprecedented colonial domination by South Africa, in defiance of all relevant resolutions and decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. 'i'he struggle waged on several fronts by the fighters for freedom and justice in Namibia deserves the full support of all nations that wish to work towards the reali~ation of the noble purposes and pr inciples of the united Nations Charter. Senegal wishes to reaffirm, through me, its active solidarity wi th SWAPO, whose leaders have once again demonstrated their great sense of histori.cal responsibility by officially declaring that their organization is ready to sign and to comply with an agreement with South Afr iea on a cease-fire to pave the way for the implementation of Security Council resolution '435 (1978). In a statement issued on 29 september 1988 marking the tenth anniversary of the ac.bption of resolution 435 (1978), the menbers of the Security Council unanimously eXPressed grave concern that suc::h a long time after the adoption of that resolution the Namibian people were still not able to exercise its right to self~etermination and accede to independence. They strongly urged South Afr ica to canply forthwi th wi th the Security Council's resolutions and decisions, particularly resolution 435 (1978), and to co-operate with the 8ecretary-General in its immediate, full and defini tive implementation. (Mrs. Diallo, senegal) This unhappy tenth anniversary that we celebrate this year could however have its positive aspect~ it could prove fruitful if, as well as a time for stocktaking, it were made a time for actim. It could offer an excellent opportunity if, in this period of renewal for the United Nations, a period unique in its eventful history, the Organizatioo were to decide to take posi tive actioo to ensure the fulfilment of the legi timate aspirations of a martyred people. We therefore hope that this pcocess of renewal will have a favourable effect on the Namibian came so that Namibia may at last join the family of free and independent nations without fur ther delay. In our opinion Security Council resolution 435 (1978) remains the ideal framework for the peaceful settlement of the Namibian question. Its full implementation without pre-c::onditions, will require greater determination on the part of the international community, in particular memers wi th special responsibilities, which must increase their pressure on the Pretoria regime. (Hrs. Diallo, senegal) we must also support the laudable efforts of the Secretary-General of the O\ited Nations and his colleaguesl as well as those of the members of the United Nations Council for Namibia, whose exemplary commitment, dedication and readiness I am pleased to emphasize on behalf of President Abdou Diouf of the Republic of senegal, who expresses his appreciatiQl to them and offers them his encouragement CX\C6 again for the ac::hievement of the tr lumph of the just cause of the f,caternal Namibian people. At this time of detente, when the world seems at last to have found the way towards negotiation, reason and sense, there seems to be a suitable opportunity for the General Assembly to mark its firm resolve that the United Nations settlement plan be applied without delay so that the people of Namibia might at last exercise ita inalienable right to self~eterminat1onand genuine national independence under th~ leadership of the South West Africa People's Organbation (SWAPO). In doing so the Assembly would further promote the cause of peace and would act on the consensual will of the merrbers of the community of nations to put an end to the untold suffer ings of that martyred people. Senegalv for: i to part, in close co-opeation wi th all the coontries tIlat cherish peace, justice and freedom, is determined to maintain its conmitment to that cause, because, as was appropriately pointed out by the secretary-General dUring the recent celebration of the week of Solidarity with the People of Namibia and Their Liberation Movement, the independence of Namibia has been awai ted for too lmg. Hr. PEJIC (Yugoslavia) t At the outset of my statement, I should like to associate myself with those who have paid tribute to Jawaharlal Nehru, one of the greatest statesmen of India and of modern times, and one of the founding f, thers of the Non-Aligned Movement, on the centennial of his birth. His legacy will be (Ht: Pejic, Yugoslavia) treasured for many years to come, not only in his native India but also by many all over the world who were inspired by his example in the struggle for deoolonization, self-determination, freedom and independence. This year, as 80 many times in the past, the situation in Namibia has figured as ate of the IGOSt prominent topics a\ the political agenda of the Olited Nations General Assembly. This was borne out by the recently concluded general debate. It has been proved ooce again that the occupation of Namibia for uny years and the policy of aJ?!rtheid and ,destabUization of the front-line States, pursued by the SOUth African regime, have transformed southern Africa into one of the most eXplosive hotbeds of crisis in the present-day world,. that the independence of Namibia is not <Xlly a question of decolonization but, first and foremost, of the maintenance CIf peace and international aecurity~ that this is not only an Afr ican problem, but very oocb a global prClblem as well. The international oo_unity, primarily through the United Nations, has made si9Dificant efforts to find a solutial to this problem. Numerous bodies of the world Organization are dealing with various aspects of the question of Namibia. In spit'! of this and the fact that the United Nations assu_d dir~ct respoMibility for the realization of the independence of Namibia more than blenty years a~, that Territory continues to be under the Ix'utal occupation of south Africa, and the Namibian peo~e is being denied its inalienable risht to self-determination. Nlen speaking about Namibia today, the ccaplex dic:hotalBy of its situatic..'n is readily brought to mind\ a negative past experience and a hope that better prospects my lie ahead. Ten years have elapsed since the security Council adopted resolution 435 (1978), but the plan for the independence of Na.ibia worked out at that time has not yet been implellented. A manth or 80 ago the security Council mmrked this anniversary, as did the foreign ministers of the non-aligned countries {lit their regular meeting at the begiMing of the regular session of the General (Mr. Pejic, YUqoslavia) Assellbly. li\at becaJle apparent ClI\ both occasions was the convictioo that the United Nations plan was the only universally accepted framework for Namibia's accessioo to independence, that it has no alternative and that it mlZSt be realized forthwith and without delay. The fact that the plan has remained dormant for ooe whole decade has had an . unfavourable effect (In the authority and recognition of the world Organization. The Organization has faUed to forestall the manoeuvres of the racist regime in South Africa, which, by its intransigence and insistence on irrelevant and extraneous issues, has scuttled all attempts to implement the United Nations plan. Regrettable as it is, this has been IIIlIde possible, by and large, because of the absence of the necessary political goodwill on the part of sone international factexs to bring pressure to bear on pretoria and to resort to adequate measures envisaged in the Charter to attain that goal. Yet things seem to have taken a different course today. ~oently, we have witnessed dynaic, important developaents on the world scene. Increasingly prospects are being opened for resolving issues outstanding in international relations. The (X'ocess of negotiation and agreement-making has been given new momentum. Hints to that effect are evident also in relatim to Namibia. Here I have in mind the four-party ne9l)tiations on that question. Yugoslavia welcomes the efforts _de in that directim. We hope and expect that they will pave the way to speedy implementation of resolutiun 435 (1978) and that before loog Namibia will attain its long-awaited independence. However, we lIuet nWElr lose sight of the fact that the hopes we sometimes entertained that the occupation of Namibia would come to a speedy end were ever so qUickly doused on amy past occasions. Every 80 often the racist regime in Pretoria has found a pretext brazenly to flout the expectations of the world (Hr. Pejic, Yugoslavia) public. This time around, however, the in ternat10nal coJlUllunity and the 0\1ted Nations can ill ~fford another let-down and disappointment. Therefore it is necessary to ccntinue to bring sustained and effective pressure to. bear on South Africa until the genuine process of the decolonizetion of Namibia is started. l\1goslavia maintains that all available measures should be taken, including the imposition of the comprehensive mandatory sanctions under - Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, to achieve that end. Failure to impose Sl!l'lotions has been nothing but a helping hand to the regime in Pretoria in its efforts to prolong the occupation of Namibia and to perpetuate the otlloxioUB policy of apartheid. The Security Council is duty-bound to ensure that resolution 435 (1978) is implemented. In the not so distant past the Council demons.,tratec1 that it could act effectively and with one voice. We believe that effectiveness and unanimity will prove to be its hallmark also in 'the case of Namibia. ~at: should be done next is .. to emplace the United.Nations Transition Assistance Group (WTAG) and let ~t begin work. I should l:;'ke to str~~s aloe again that Yugoslavia is prepared to make its full contr ibution by participating in WTAG. Of particular importance in the process of the implementation of the O\ited Nations plan for Namibia is the role of the Becretary-General of the United Nations We highly value the personal involvement of Mr. Perez de Cuellar and his unwavering coJIIDitment to the cause of Namibia. As in the past, my country will cootinue to render its full support to the efforts and involvement of the secretary-General. The activities of the United Nations Council for N4mibia deserve to be mentioned and recognized this time again. The Council has organized l!I'ld spearheaded numerous assistance progranmes to Namibia in its selfless effort to make a contributim to Namibia's accessim to independ~c:e. (Hr. Pejic, Yugoslav.!!) Of particular importance are tbe Council 'a efforts to protect the human and natural wealth of NalQ.bia. In this context, it is very important to emphasize once again the importance of Decree No. 1 en the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia. Yugoslavia sucmgly condemns South Africa and other foreign economic interests tiu~t, in violation of this Decree, ccmtinue to plunder the mineral, maritime and other natural resources of Namibia. We consider that it is necessary to cut short this practice wich constitutes a flagrant violation of the right of the Naaibian people to sovereignty over its natural resources 0 The tbited Nations CO\mcil for Namibia was established to administer the Territory until its accession to independence. We consider that the Council could and should play a very. significant role in the coming process of .the realization of the United Nations plan for Namibia. The Goverllll8nt and peoples of Yugoslavia have rendered, and will <»ntinue to render, unstinting support to the heroic struggle of the people of Namibia for freedom and independence, under'the leadership of its sole and authentic . representative, the South West Africa People's Organizaticm (SWAlO). SWAPO has grown into a powerful liberation movement and politicGl organization and, because of its cCDDlitment to the goals and principles of the policy of non-alignment, enjoys. broad international support. The people of Namibia and. SfAIO have made every sacrifice in theil( struggle against the aggressive and racist policy of SOUth Africa. It is the moral duty of the international community to extend to this SUffering people all possible assistance and support. Yugoslavia has certainly cbne so, and will continue to help materially and in every other appropriate way and, as a _lIber of the AFRICA Famd of the non-aligned countries, will work on the mobilization of broad international assistance and support. In conclusion, let me recall that 10 years have passed since the formulation of the United Nations pl51 for Namibia; 22 since the world Organization took over direct responsibility for the Territory, and an entire century since its colonial enslavement began. At the threshold of the twenty-first century, the international community has little to feel Proud abOut this sorry record. Namibia's accession to independence can no longer be postponed. Every effort is needed to make sure that next year, in the General Assembly, we speak of independent Namibia. Mr. DELPECH (Argentina) (interpretation from Spanish)~ My delegation wishes first to express its appreciation for the work carried out by the united Nations Council for Namibia, under the outstanding and effective Presidency of AOOassador Zuze of Zanbia, Md to rei tera te our support for its activities on behalf of the just cause of the independence of Namibia. Accordingly, we shall support the draft resolutions cootained in the Council's report now before the Assembly for its consideration. Just recently, on 29 september last, we had oooasion to oonmemorate the tenth anniversary of the adoption of the historic Security Council resolution 435 (1978) concerning the independence of Namibia. On that occasion several united Nations bodies, the aforementiooed Council for Namibia, the security Council itself - of which Argentina is at present a non-permanent member - and the Conmittee on decolQ'lization agreed to express their grave CQ'lcern that la years later the Namibian people still had not achieved self-determination and independence. kcordingly, it is essential today to reassert that the only internationally agreed basis for the peacefUl settlement of this question, whose main objective is an independent Namibia, is the United Nations plan cootained in security Council resolution 435 (1978) 0 All the conditions necessary for the implementation of the plan have already been met. Therefore, it is our duty not to allow extraneous, pre-existing circulIStMces that are unrelated to the tl'lited Nations plan for Namibia to undermine the spirit of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Similarly, ve must not lose sight of the fact that that c'5ecision is based on another historic reec"lution - General Assembly resolution i5l4 (xV) - whose sole objective, irrespective of any catdition, is to put an end to all types of colonial situations. The various talks held between the c.bvernments of Angola, Cuba, the United States and SOUth Africa in the course of this year lead us to hope that a change in the generally obstructionist attitude of the Pretoria regime will bring us closer to a definitive solutiaa to the various conflicts in southern Africa. This, however', should not make us forget previous disappointments experienced by the international community after assessing optimistically similar attitudes on the part of SOuth Africa. For this reaSat, the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Non-AliCJf\od Movement, of "lhich Argentina is a memer, issued a communique on 3 OCtober this year in which they recalled that on previous occasions the Pretoria regime had resorted to delaying and obstructionist tactics in order to prevent a start at the implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978). It is our obligation, as Memera of the Organization, to ensure that the traditionally defiant attitude of the Pretoria regime towards the international community is finally translated into compliance vi th the repeated appeals for final withdrawal of its illegal p:esence in Namibia, thereby removing obstacles to ending the colonial era In the Terri tory. Argentina deeply regrets the fact that it has not been possible to attain the objective of beginning the implementatial of security Council resolution 435 (1978), which was the shared desire of the international conmunity and the goal (Mr. Delpech, Argentina) towards which all the efforts of the Secretary-General were directed when he visited the region last September. If the hope and confidence placed in a definitive solution are again dashed and we find ourselv"!s alce more facing another ploy of the South African regime, the United Nations must take all necessary measures - including the imposition of sanctions prO'lided for in Chapter VII of the Charter - in- order to attain its inescapable objective of Namibia's independence. Argentina seizes this opportunity to express its support for the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAlO), recognized by repeated General Assembly resolutions as the sole, authentic representative of the Namibian people and to reaffirm the deep solidarity of the people and GovernD!nt of Argen~.ina with the peoples in Namibia and South Africa who. are resolutely seeking to obtain independence • It is precisely at times such as these that we should confirm the legal responsibllity of the United Nations for Namibia and not falter in our efforts until a jwt,democratic and egalitar ian society has been established in an independent Namibia. Mr. 'l'HEBE (Nepal); The annual debate in the General Assembly 011 the question of Namibia prO'lides the internatimal community wi th an opportunity to expcess its full solidarity with the people of Namibia in their struggle for freedom, independence and justice. Indeed, since the termination of South Africa's Mandate over Namibia, in 1966, it has been the unique responsibility of the United Nations to end the illegal occupation and obstruction so that the people of Namibia can regain their freedom and dignity. It is a solemn obligation the fulfilment of which cannot be further delayed or denied. Despi te international protest and pressures, South Afr ica oontinues to maintain its illegal occupation of Namibia. The Pretoria regime is not only mounting a sustained campaign of oppression and intimidation; but also subjecting the people of Namibia to racist policies and prejudices. The numer of people living under dally harassment, threats and repression is increasing. The South African occupati~n army is doing all it can to suppress and subvert the legitimate aspirations of the Namibian people to independence and justice. Thousands of freedom fighters have been impr iSQ'led and tortured, and. countless nullbers have been executed, in total defiance of the opinion of the international oonmunity and against all norms of decency and justice. The list of atrocities committed by South Africa in Namibia seems to be endless. Very often freedom fighters are pursued into neighbouring States by South African death squads. In order to ad',eve its sinister goals, the racist regime has resorted to a massive military build~Jp in Namibia. A large number of military and police units have been deployed to reinforce the illegal occupation. This h~ enabled the racist regime not only to enslave a heroic people but: also b" plunde!:: the natural resources of the Tardtory. The media have been canpletely supprasaed in op:der to block news of the struggle for freedom and of the atrocities coamitted by the illegal regime from readl1ng the outside wodd. SOUth Africa has also baen using Namibian territory to mount acts of aggressi.on and subve~eion against neighbourih9 States, especially Angola. The aim is to destabUize those countries and thus intb\idate them into giving up their support for the heroic struggle of the Namibian people for independence. My delegation unequivocally condemns the propaganda campaign waged b}" the Pretoria regime and designed to deceive international public opinion regarding the so-called internal settlemen~ in Namibia. The SOuth African claim of s~k:ing an enlightened multi-racial Go'lernment in Namibia is a hoax. As the thited Nations is the sole legal Administering Authority over Namibia, any move by the occuA'ing Power in the Territory is invalid ~d illegal. In this context my delegation wishes to place on record its great appreciation of the efforts of the tbited Nations Council for Namibia in keeping ~ith the mandate entrusted to it by the world Organization. The Council haR made invaluable contributions in spreading the message throucjlout the world of the urgent need for Namibian independence. Of special importance is the dissf:m\ination of factual information on the situation in Namibia. The preservation and protection of the natu:al resources of NaIl1.bia is an issue of immense importance. Decree No. 1, proclaimed by the thited Nations Council for Namibia, was the first major legislative act of the Council. My delegation fully supports the initiative taken by the CoamcU to enforce the Decree by instituting legal proceedings in domestic courts of States against their nationals or corporations involved in the exploitation of the natural resources of Namibia. Security Council resolution ~35 (1970) endorses the only internationally accepted plan aimed at the transfer of power to the Namibian people with the assistance of the United Nations. It ia a matter of deep regret that, 10 years after the adoption of resolution 435 (1978), the Namibian people have not exercised their right to self-determination and attained independence. My delegatlCXl shares the optimism generated by developments in the recent past. We have taken note of the efforts of a number of parties to find a solution to the conflict in south-western Africa. I am referring to the joint statement by the Q:)vernmentB of Angola. Cuba, South Africa and the United States of 8 August 1908. My delegation also welcomes the readiness of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAIO), the authentic representative of the Namibian people, to sign and observe a cease-fire with SOUth Africa. This offer paves the way for impl8'llentation of resolution 435 (1978). The recent visit of the secretary-General to South Africa and A"lgola is another development of far-reaching significance. We earnestly hope that these important developnents will mark the beginning of the peaceful transiticra to independence of Namibia. The people of Namibia have waited too lcng for the realization of their fundamental and inalienable rights. The internaticmal community must seize the opportuniLty to translate its promise to the Namibian people into reality. Mr. SALAH (Jordan) (interpretation from Arabic), It is a great honour for me to be participating today in the General Aseembly debate en the question of Namibia on behalf of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Group of Ar.ab States. Twenty-two years have elapsed since the adoption by the General Asseni3ly of resolution 2145 (XXI), by which it ended the Mandate of SOuth Africa O\Per Namibia and made that Territory its Qtln direct responsibility. '!'en years have passed since the adoption of security Council resolution 435 (1978), which endorses the thited Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. The United Nations has adopted numerous resolutions denouncing the occupation by SOuth Africa of the Territory of Namibia, calling upon it to withdraw its forces immediately from that Territory. The thited Nations bears a special responsibility for Namibia until that Territory truly exercises it:! right to self-determination and attains national independence, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the security Council. Those resolutions are being flouted by the Government of South Africa, which cmtinuec its illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia. The independence of that Territory and support for its people in their just cause are a responsibility and a mC%al, historical task entrusted to the international coDmunity in general. That responsibility and involvement "odre evinced during the official commemoration of the Week of SOlidarity wi th the PeOple of Namibia and their Liberation Movement, the SOuth west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), organized here at the U1i ted Nations late last month. The States members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and of the Arab Group persist in their support for and solidarity with the people of Namibia and their just cause. They continuously and persistently call for the exercise by the people of Namibia of their inalienable right to self-determination and (Hr. salah, Jordan) independence, the maintenance of the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia, the complete and illl'llediatQ withdrawal of South African forces and administration from Namibia, and public elections under the control and supervision of the thited Nations. The Arab and Islamic oountr ies, guided by their consistent position of principle regarding the elimination of imperialism, the eradication of racism, and resistance to foreign occup:ltion, endeavour, through their activities during the General Assembly sessions and in other international focums and conferences, as well as through action at the national and international levels, to give 11laterial and moral support to the people of Namibia, to proJlDte all the efforts of the tl'lited Nations and to support the United Nations Council for Namibia to enable it to discharge its responsibilities in its capacity as the legal Administering Authority for Namibia. The Organization of the Islamic COnference reaffirmed its solidarity with ...'ld support for the people of Namibia at the 17th meeting of Foreign Ministers, which my country had the honour to host in Amman in March last year. The valiant people of Namibia are still suffering from the continued occupation of their territory by South African forces. In their steadfastness and resistance and their heroic struggle, under the leadership of their natiooal liberation movement, SWAm, to win freedom and attain national independence they are an excellent example to others. The occupaHen, however long and atrocious it may be, will not stop the march of the people of Namibia towards the ending of the occupation and towards independence. In this connec.tion we call for the stepping up of international efforts and greater pressure Ql the Government of South Africa to impel it to wi thdraw forthwith and unconditionally from the Territory of Namibia. We reject the (Mr. Salah, Jordan) aggressive, military acts carded out by the SOUth African forces against the front-line States with a view to damaging their eoonomic infrastructures and destabilizing them. we appeal for support and assistance to the fra'lt-line states to buttress their economies and promote their defensive capabilities in the face of acts of aggression and destClbilization by the forces of south Africa. It has become clear that there will be no peace or stability in southern Africa U1til the GoYernment of SOuth Africa desists from its intervention and its military acts against the front-line States, and the people of Namibia ilre enabled to exercise their right to self-determination within the framework of full s()Vereignty ewer their territory. We have followed with satisfaction the recent diplomatic meetings and activities designed to break the deadlock, arrive at a just and peaceful settlement of the IX'oblem of Namibia and put an end to the military acts and activities of the Government of SOUth Africa against the Republic of Angola and other neighbouring countr ies. In welcoming those developnents, we pay a tr ibute to the efforts of all the parties concerned to end the tension and create a climate conducive to a settlement and th", establishment of peace, seour it}' and stability in that region. we appreciate the efforts of the Secretary-General of the tbited Nations and his persistent endeavours to ensure the implementation of the relevant resolutions of the security Council and the General AsselTbly, ~ilich represent the internationally accepted basis for a just settlement of the problem of Namibia • Mr. R)Q1EmA-BATlSTA (Brazilh Brazil has always rejected the continuing colCXlial OCCUpst10il of Namibia and, as a consequence, fully supports all efforts of the ~1ted Na tions towards the ach ievement of Namibian independence. In th is sense, we value highly the work and the programmes carried out by the Council for Namibia in fulfilment of its mandated tasks, under the vigorous guidance of its President, Anbassador Zuze of ZaJrb ia. In line with this approach, our country hosted last July a mission of the Council for Namibia, Vlose purpose was to share with the Brazilian GoVernment information and views about the serious situation in Namibia. As expressed in the joint comml.l'l ique issued in Br as 11la on 20 July, Br cmil looks forward to intensifying its co-operation with the Council through, inb!r alia, the holding in Brazil in the near future of an extraordinary plena..} meeting of the Council fer Namibia. In the course of that same month of July, Brazil requested - and was later granted - observer status in the Council for Namibia, a valued opportunity for participating in and closely following the important work of the Council. We once more express our appreciaticn to the Council for Namibia for having accepted o~r request. FUrther to the contacts that were in itiated in 1984, .when a seminar for the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAEO) was held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, on mining and fishing activities, during the current year our country has intensified its co-operation with SWAllO. Early in the manth of OCtober, Mr. Ben .P.mathila, Agr iculture Secretary of SWAIO, headed a technical co-operation fact-finding missiQ1 to Brazil. The mission identified specific sectcxs of agricultural activity in which co-operation could take place, initially in the form of training of Namibians in irrigatioo techniques. we look forward to being able soon to start implementing agricultural technical oo-operation prograrrmes with (Hr. Nogueira-Batista, Brazil) SWAPO, especially given the IftOrphological similarities between certain regions of Brull and Namibia. We trust that these initiatives, as well as our contr ibuttons to the main tbited Nations organs and activities related to NaIIllbia, howwer nodest, _y be useful to the pcocess of the independence of Namibia, especially by strengthening, in the people of that Territory, SOlle of the necessary skills to carry ClUt the tasks of administer ing a free and independent state. The current year of 1989 marks the ten t:b am iversary of the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which established the basis for the independence anC; self-determination of NaJlibia. The date passed sadly, however, for, as we all know, the Namibian people continue to experience the denial of their right to the very independence and self-detemination which the General Asselllbly envisaged for that Territory when it placed it under the direct responsibility of the thited Nations 22 years ago. As we reflect on the current situation in southern Afr iea, we find it appropriate to menticn the talks currently l.I1der way between Angola, Cuba Std SOUth Africa, with the united States of _erica as llediator. Brazil has been following th ia ini tia tive wi th close interest and hopes that it my lead swlftly to the independence of Namibia in accordance with the terms of Secur ity COUncil resolution 435 (1978), which remains the only internationally accepted basis for a pesceful settlement of the Namibian question. WfI regret that the iJaplementation of resolution 435 (1978) vu not begun a'l the first day of MoYellber, as initially envisaged in those talks. We expect its i.pleMntation tn be co.enced soon. Thb' is all the more necessary as it r~present8, inter aliA, a decisive step in a comprehensive peace process in the r~9ione (Mr. Nogueir a-Ba tis ta r Braz il) In this regard i we must not lose sight o.f the fact that the last Securi ty Council resolution adopted on the subject~atter, resolution 601 (1987), affirms thatl lIall outstanding issues relevant to the implementation of its resolution 435 (970) have now been resolved ••• ". It is clear that a peaceful settlement of the Namibian question, as well as peace and stability in the region, are ccntingent upon SOuth Africa complying with the Security Council's resolutions and decisions, particularly resolution 435 (1978), and oo-opetating with the Secretary-General in its immediate, full and definitive implementation, as the President of the security Council strongly urged in his statement on 29 Septenber 1988. Therefore, as the General Assembly once mor~ meets to examine the question of Namibia, my delegation must again express the interest of the Brazilian people and Government in seeing the end of the illegal oocupation of that Territory by South African forces, which defies the terms of the relevant lhited Nations resolutions and the Advisory Opinion of the International Court of Justice, and compl,~tely. disregards the principles of the Charter of this Organization as well as all accepted ,norms of international conduct. Brazil has consistently expressed its 'solidarity with the long and courageous struggle for independence and self-Qetermination waged by the Namibian people, under the legitimate leader ship of ! the South West Africa People's Organizatioo (SWAPO). we note SWAPO's expressed readiness to sign and ~.l'1I~erve a oease--fire agreement, as stated in document S/20129, of 17 August 1988. In this respect, we note wi th satisfaction the existen~A'l of a de facto cease-fire in Namibia at the present time. The feelings of the representatives of the states of the Zone of Peace and Co~peration of the South Atlantic, which includes flf/ country, Brazil, towards the (Hr. Nogueira-Batista, Brazil) situation in southern Africa was expressed during their first meeting, held in Rio de Janeiro last: July. In the Final Document of that meeting, the representatives\ ·Coodelll\ ••• the cootinued illegal occupation and COloo!al danination of Namibia •••• and ·&cpress the hope of welcoming in the near future into the conmunity of SOUth Atlantic States representatives fran an independent Namibia and a SOUth Africa free from apartheid". (!L43(512, annex, paras. 10 and 15) Finally, I should like to state that Brazil will give its full support to the five dr~ft resolutions reoomnended by the United Nations Council for Namibia. The meetinLl'08e at 1.20 p.m.
  1 mtg
• (contillued) lMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECLARATION ON THE <RANTING OF nmEPmDENCE 'ID <DIONIAQL O>UNTRIES AND PEOPLES (a) REIORT OF THE SPECIAL CDMMITTEE ON THE SITUATION WITH REGARD 'ID THE lMPLEMENTATION OF THE DECLllRATION ON THE GUrnTlNG OF INDEPENDENCE 'ID CDIONIAL Q)UNTRIES AND PEOPLES (A/43/23, A/AC.109/934-936, 937 and Corr.l, 938-941, 942 and Corr.l, 943, 944 and Corr.l, 945 and Add.l and 2, 946-950, 952 and Corr.l, 953-957, 959, 963 and 964) (b) REP<RT OF THE SEtRET1IRY-GENERAL (A/43/680) (c) DRAFT RESOWTIONS (A/43/L.23, A/43/L.24, A/43/L.28/Rev.l) (d) RE~T OF THE FIFTH CDMMITl'EE (A/43/843) Mr. 1IRR:>USS (Syrian Arab Republic) <interpretation from Arabic) I In Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations the principle of the equal rights of peoples is affirmed. It also affirms the right of all peoples to self-determination. General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), adopted in 1960, reafUrms the right of peoples to self-determination and independence ~ declaring it to be inalienable. Decolonization continues to eliminate all vestiges of colonialism and many newly independent States have joined the United Nations. While the membership has increased, however, millions of human beings are still awaiting implementation of that Declaration, both in southern Africa and elsewhere. Millions of human beings in South Africa are SUffering under the most abhorrent forms of colonialism and apalctheid" which has been condemned by the international community as a crime against humanity and from the occupation of Namibia, in defiance of United Nations resolutions, in particular Security Council resolution 435 (1978). Those millions of human beings are now hoping that the negotiations under way between Angola, Cuba, the Pretoria regime and the United (Kr. Arnouss, Syrian Arab Republi~) States will lead to results that will enable our Organization to take effective action with a view to implementation of the relevant resolutions, in particular those on the immediate accession of Namibia to independence. My country stated its views on this matter during the debate on the item et few days ago. Other peoples also aspire to independence, for example, the Arab people of occupied Palestine, who are suffering under racist, colonialist practices and occupation by the Tel Aviv regime, which is acting in defiance of all united Nations principles and resolutions. Worse still, that regime is co-operating with the Pretoria regime in many spheres, thus helping it to persist in its occupation of Namibia, its racist and annexaticnist policies and its acts of aggression against neighbouring African countries. These practices could never have continued had noi:: the Pretoria regime been able to rely on the support of certain Western countries. The Special Connittee, of which the Syrian Arab Republic has had the honour of being a member since it was established, has played an important part in bringing this situation to the attention of international public opinion und helping colonial peoples to appreciate the options open to them. The Committee has made a major oontribution to the success of the struggle of peoples for: freedom and independence. The peoples have struggled for a long time to free themselves from the yoke of colonialism and their liberation struggle has been crCJflned by independence. It is alarming, however, that there are still a number of '1l!rritories, called small 'lerritories, deprived of their right to self-determination because they are in the grip of the strategic and military interests of colonialist countries, and this causes us great concern. This situation not only is fraught with danger for those peoples, but also jeopardizes peace, security and stability beyond the regions involved. (Mr. Arnouss, Syrian Arab Republic) The political liberation thae has been the fruit of the struggles by the colonial peoples has enabled them to gain their independence. But colonialist interests are trying to return and ensure their grip on the peoples and their resources by controlling their econa'l1ies. While sane 'n!rrit·)ries are still colonial dependencies, others are used for the ~trategic and military purposes of the colonialist countries. This colonia1ist hold on the peoples is doomed... It is not possible to crush the aspirations of peoples to freedom and independence. Each Territory will see its destiny fulfilled by freedom. The will of the courageous peoples and their dedication to their cause, together with their struggle, are the means by which they have liberated their Territories and will one day free thelllBelves and other colonized Territories from the yoke of colonialism. In keeping with itrs policy of support for all peoples struggling for freedom and independence, my country has always upheld the right of colonized peoples to self-determination and independence. The Syrian Arab Republic supported the draft resolutions adopted by the Special Committee of 24 in August this year, inchtding those concerning the right of the peoples of Puerto Rico, western Sahara and New Caledonia to freedom and independence. The need for implementation of the Declaration requires continued and intensified efforts to accomplish this noble task. That is why my delegation supports the three draft resolutions submitted under this agenda item. Mr. mu (Papua New Guinea) I Papua New Guinea attaches great importance to the agenda item under consideration, for very ohYious reasons. Since the adoption by the General AaseJli)ly of resolutions l5l~ (XV), of 14 December 1960, <Und 1541 (XV), of 15 December the same year, some 75 colonies and dependent Territories, including Papua New Guinea, have become self-governing or independento This is one of the !lOst important success stories of the United Nations system. OUr oo1on1a1 experience had its indignities and its injustices, but we certainly escaped the excesses inflicted upon many others. If the history of colonization can can be expressed in a few words, then I would choose~hese. nations of strength doing things to, and not always for, peoples of relative weakness. Colonization, no matter how benign, is usually carried out against 'the wishes of those being colonized. The point I wish to make is that colonization does not oonfine itself to (..:he exploitation of resources and labour. It can be a rape of the senses, and the coloni.zation of a collective mentality can destroy initiative and breed feelings of inadequacy and inferiority hard to shake off. Papua New Guinea believes that the United Nations must continue to play its vital role in the implementation of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in Africa, the Pacific and elsewhere in the world. Although the number of dependent 'D!rritories has decreased, there are some 19 dependent Territories with a total population of over 3 million still remaining under colonial domination and oppression. The question of Namibia has been on the Onited Nations agenda since its inception, and, as the Secretary-General of the United Nations appropriately put it, ·'The independence of Namibia is loog overdue- (A!ACe13l/PV.520, P. 17) • Papua New Guinea shares the frustration felt by the international community at, not seeing the people of Namibia exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and independence before now. Papua New Guinea wishes to reaffirm its solidarity wi th the people of N&m!bia and hopes that the settlement plan endorsed in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) will be implemented wi thout further delay. Papua New Guinea is pleased to note th&t the efforts of the United Nations are paying dividends in creating a climate conducive to a lasting and just solution of the situation in Western Sahara. We urge all parties concerned to continue their vital support for the peace process leading to a genuine act of self~termination in Western Sahara.. Many of the remaining tbn-Self (bverning and dependent c.lerritories and the only Trust Territory on the United Nations list are found in the Pacific region. WhUe Papua New Guinea has welcomed the Eed9rated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands in achieving their political status, it is our hope that the way will be clear for the people of Palau and the United States Administration to resolve outstanding matters affecting Palau's political future. 'AIo yeai:S ago, on 2 December 1986, the General Assembly voted to reinscdbe New Caledonia on the United Nations list of Non-Self-Governing Territories. Some constructive progress has been niade by the French Government and the leaders of the Territory in re-establishing dialogue and peace. WhUe Papua New Guinea welcomes and supports these efforts, we cannot but sound a note of caution and warning to the international community not to be lulled into complacency. Papua New Guinea notes with apprehension the results of the referenclJm on Caledonia recently held 1n France. It does not augur well for the Melanesian Kanaks of New Caldaonia. There is no guarantee that the Mati\]nOl\ and Oudinot accords would not be changed if a new Goverl'llftent took office. Papua New Guinea believes that the IOaoyeAr time-frame proposed by the French Goverl1lllent is far too long. The Kanaks must be given the opportunity to decide their own future illllediately. Papua Hew Guinea urges the Mministering Authority to consider carefully the wishes and aspirations of the Ranaks and others who are committed to New Caledonla •• The United Nations has full responsibility for l'lOnitoring developments in New Caldeonia and, for that matter, in all dependent Territories. We urge the Administering Authorities to honour their Charter obligations and co-operate fully with the United Nations with Cl view to facilitating the transmission of information to the Secretary-General as required by Article 73 !., of the United Nations Charter, and also to enable the dispatch of tbited Nations visiting missions to New Caledonia and other Territories in the. near future. In draft resolutions A/43/L. 23 and A/43/L. 24 all Member States, especially the administering PoIIIers, are called upon to hmour their commitment to the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. Papua New Guinea has been and will continue to be committed to the full implf!ll1entation of the historic 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The United Na~ions is gaining its rightful place as the centrepiece of the whole world•. If all of us as ~mbera of the Organization honour our obligations as prooided for by the Charter, the United Nations can be an effect!ve instrument for pe~Qef security and progress for all humankind, especially thoee who toil under the yoke of colonial domination, racism and apartheid. ~~, IQS!aUCl (I'o1Md) a In '-ceDer 1.60 the Glneral AIIHfmly adopted the hiatodc DlclAl:aUoft Oft tbe Grating of Independ8ftce to Colonial Countd....41 hopl., • funda_ntAl c1ocu_ftt wbleb ba pla~d 1ft D(Iortant role in helping peopl.. ~.l' co1cftlal doIIlnation in their struggle for fradoa ..41 lndel*loence and in mbiU.alng world public oplnicm in favour of the total ~i.1..,atian cf ':bere bave been _:tor change. in the world since th8 adoptian of the Dlcleratim. Tbe 1 tberated countries now fora a group of their own, effectively participating in the _aping of world policy and in the lIClutiOlt of prabl.s affecting all .ankind. The cSecolaniaation ~ce" that sat nations on the road to indepenc1ence _1'''' as a clarable teatlmnial to one of the great acbiev..nts of the ""lted Hltiens. IJbday we ace a1aoat at the em1 of the journey in abolillhil'l9 oolanlaUs., but there are still about 3 8Ulian people for 1Ithca tile process of aaneitien to independence bas stalled. till' ie it 110 cU.fficult to cloee the ch.er on dIcolcni:lation once and for all? Tbe anever lie. in the .trmg econcaic and strategic inter.ata, .. weU as the amexationl.t policies, of lIC@Ie State•• Ra.ibJa 18 the mat draB"tic ._lIPle of colonial doaination. My delegation bu already had an opportunity to expres. its vie"s on the subject in the debate on that separate agenda ita•• Difficultie. concerning "stern Sabua can be r..olvfN! only through the political will of the parti.s imrolwd... endorse the ••cUation pl'Oce" of the ""itee! Rations and the Organ!aation of African Unity and expr... the bope tb.t the appolntllent of a special reprn.tative will lea4to a .olution acceptable to all partl.. to the eon!liet. We _100_ the recent Inltiatlvu of the Prencb Gover...nt designed to open a dialogue and taetUe tbe pr:CIbl•• of Ht" Caledonia in accordance with the intet'eets (Ill' • FmtiOV1cl:, Poland) There are al.o .. ftWlber of _U '1'erdtori•• wbicb r...1n colonised beca•• of the 1li11tary and ec:onaaic inter.a of the oolanial counte1... Heedl... to say, that .ituation adverallly affect. l:'eglonal Hcudty and .tability. It 18 not for the oolcnial Palter to deter.ine whether or to what extent a '1\!rdtory or a people under ia control ia ()l' ia not aelf""'9cwerning, therefore any att_pts to change unilaterally the status of the Trust 'Iltrdtory of the Pacific Islands constitute a violation of the Charter. Qali' the Security Council is OOIIpetent to decide the question. In the field of dec:olcnizat1on the~e cannot be a co.prQliscu tb.e privileges of the colan1l:erll .uat not be confused with the right. of the colonized. The tbited Nations ahould therefore take all neces.ary atepe for the i_diate and unconaiticnal lapl_ent4tion of the Ditclaration and for the speedy eradication of all reanmts of coloniaUa., and should co--orcSinate offorts to prepare the peoples of the Non-Self-Governing Territories for the responsibilities of independence. The full illPl-.ntation of the Declaration is abllOlutely funda_ntal to the realization of the pU'tpoectll and principle. of the tMitecS Nltions as set out in the Charter. The principles contained tberein serve .s a ':4uidll for all ClOuntrie8 and peoples under colonial rule, regardless of their PQPllation, territorial size, geographical location and eoonaaic possibilitie.. They are entitled to enforce their right to se.1f-deteraination and independence without external influence or presaures. Poland is COIIII1tted to the struggle against coloniali_ and the abolit.ton of raci... We shall support the draft ~.olution8 before us, and we appeal to the a"inistering R:wers to l'e8pect the wishes of the Ass.mly and to co-operate fully in making the decolonization Declaration obsolete as 800n as possible. Mrs. RAWlOaDRATAVY (Madagascar) (interpl'etaticn frolll French): Since the adoption of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Indepandenc:e to Colcnial Countries and Peoples 28 years ago, the thited Nltions has re_ined seized of the prcblea of decolcnizatlon, thus testifying to the importance it attaches to the full achieve.ent of tbe goals of that Declaration. At a time when dlte21te in present-day international relations seems to be furthering the sett1e11lent of certain international conflicts, we feel that this is the moment to draw attention to the fate of the peoples 2I\d countries which for so many years have continued to bear the yoke of colonial and fOl:e1g21 domination. Stepping 'up the process of decolonization in those 'n!rritories by the elimination of all forms of colonialism is in our view one .y to spre9.d the present atmosphere of detente to all parts of the world, for continued occupation is a constant threat to international peace and security. It is iaportant to recognize that the United Nations, which has the responsibility for OU'Jrourlng the total application of resolution 1514 (XV) to colonial 'll!rritories .. has not faUed in its noble task, given the number of Territories that have aCce:ded to independence over recent years. The work done by the Special CoJIIIIlittee of 24 in this regard deserves particular mention. Indeed, tbe Special Co1lllittee continues faithfully to discharge its mandate under the terms of which it is to seek all measure& to step up self-determination and independence for colonial countries and Territoriese This inestimable and commendable contribution deserves the constant support of the international community. We are (Mrs. Ravololondratavx, Madagascar) convinced that the Special caa.ittee will persevere on the s.e course until all funis and manifestations of coloniali81l are CQlIIPlet81y eliminated. Despite the remarkable progress made in decolonization we have to sanit that there are still countries and. peoples deprived of their rights to self-determination and fighting to win t~emc In this regard the question. of Namibia is one of the most crucial cases of decolonization that our Organization has had to resolve. Ten years have gone by since the adoption by the Security Council of lJ.QUoluticn 435 (1978), concerning the Naibian independence plan - 10 years, during which the South African occupation regime has displayed its intransigence in ita refusal to implement the Namibian independence plan and has stepped up its efforts to crush any resistance to its illegal occupation, 10 1IIOre years of suffering for the Hadlibfan people, which, unyielding, pursues its just struggle against the occupatitin t'egime v under the leadership of the South West Africa People's Orga:l!zation (SWAPO). , The s1tuation would have been different if South Africa had not cClrltinuad to enjoy the supPort and connivanc) of certain States which obviously do not want to give up the advantages t.~ley reap froll that illegal occupation. In our eyes, giving in to the demands of South Africa shows total contempt for the legitimate rights of the Namibian people. Ki thout prejudging the results of the negotiations now under way, we maintain that Namibia's accession to ind~pendence should not be the subject of any compromise, and that resolution 435. (1978) is the only internationally viablo basis for the settlement of the problem, and that no other considerations foreign to the question should enter into it. Shared responsibility should be tt.~ choice in decolClbization. ThlJS it is up to all States Members of our Organization without delay to app:ly comprehe:.ive and binding sanctiona agaiut Soutb Africa, so •• to put an end to ita illegal oceupaticn of ...1bla and ita policy of apaTitheid, wbicb it never ce.... to inflict not only on the black _jodty cf Soutb Africa but also Oft the a-ibian people. The 8hared rHponaibUity ... bave just spoken of should 8180 be reflected in greater readine... on tbe part of the colanial lbwors - in accordance with the of 24 c to create all nee.a.ar, conditioftll to enable the people of lbn-8elf-<bverning ·JtrdtDri.a fr.ly to expres. th._lvGS about their future. In thia regard, and BPl/cificaUy on the proble. of W••tern Sahara, we feel that direct negotiaticne, .s proposed In l'Moluticn. AilGlltea.104 (XIX) of the Organisation of African Qlity (OM) and 40/50 of the General Auellbly, are the lIost appropriate _ana for the holding of • juat and peacefUl referonclam on the a.lf-cJetenain.tion of the people of tt_terra Sahara. lie have follawed with particular: interOllt de~elos-ent8 in the situation in Weatern Sahara. Ibwwan:, acceptance by the two parti.s to the conflict of the praposa1. of the Seeretary-General does not 3r.t _an the restoratiClft of pemoe in the regiono Pursuit of the proce•• of good offices being carded out jointly by the current Chalrun of the OlD and the Secr:etary-Gtneral, wbich ha. the unreserved support of .y delegation, would be facilitated by the e.tabli_ent of dia1Dgue between the two parti... We urge the Kingc!oa of Moroc:oo and the IOLISNUO P~CIIlt to begin th08e c!1r*=t negotiations so •• to ••t the legiti_te upirationa of the Sahraoui people. The ... appeal i••• to the United Kingdo. of Great Britain and lbrthern Ireld and the Republic of Argentina, in oreSer that the situation in the Pallcland Isl_ds (Halvinu) not be an obstaole to the .fforta for peaC18 and co-ope~aticn that have been undertakEn in the Sgutb.....t: Atlantic. oth.r -=tivit.i•• by certain fore1gn invMtDi:••4 IIdalnieterlng Pafer. in 8OUt'Jutrn Mdca _ oth.r Hon-8elf-Gcw.rnlng Terdtoc1•• Ht forth 1n the report of the 'J.'bOllle practlc.., _iab have coMtmtly been denoU!lce-.. by cur Orgetlution, will not perait th•••1'0'15. of the inalienable righta of the peepl. of thou TerdtOl'ies to ealf-dat.aaination and acwereignty ov.r th.ir natural r"OURles. lie sbould like to recall that th. blctory o! colClftial18a ill dda in 1eaacn. with ,,_gald to the .xplaltation of colcnial '1'erdtoci.. foe .CGDOIlie, .trategic, ailitary and other purpo.... So leag .a auCb pr.cticea per.l.t in Hon-8elf-Gcwemlng '1'err1torl. w. aamot dMY that the 1'..1 int.rata of the leglti.ate ownere w111 be 4i11l't;9aZ'c1ed by the oolon1al Pare.:., wbee. _in concern 18 to gain the great.at profit8 frca tbe "r1'1tori•• und.r th.ir doIIination. The beeitatian of the ac!ll1nlaterwg 1taIera to carry out legi.lativ., _.inbuat!ve _ other ....ur.. to put an ea4 to tit".. activities 1Ibo_ that th.y want to _intain anc!perpetuatAt th.ir colonial accupatlon. PrOD! the foregoing, we sve that there are still difficulties to be OV'erCOlle if we are to achieve the total el111in8tion of the last vestiges of colonialism in all its lIanifestations, that the peopl.es which are victias of any kind of. domination will not abandon their legitimate rights and sooner or later will show their deteraination to exercise them, olUld that the l!beratiCll'l process is irresist,ible &nd irreversible. Thus, it is in everyQne1s interest that the aims of the Declaration in reaolution 1514 (XV) should be totally attained and that the paoples struggling for their freecbll should receive the full support of the internatiCll'lal co_unity. For its part, the DelDOcratic Republic of Madagascar, having endorsed the cause of all peoples struggling for their self"1!etermination and independence, will continue to give them its unswerving support and will spare no effort until the aims of the Declaration in resolution 1514 (XV) have been achieved. This year we are commemorating the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Since it is stipulated in one of the provisions of the Declaration in resolution 1514 (xV) that -The subjection of peoples to alien subjugation, domination and exploitation constitutes a denial of fundamental human rights, is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is an ~mpedi_nt to the prOllliOtion of world peace and co-operation- (resolution 1514 (XV), para. 1), this commemoration should be a reminder to the entire internati~al community of the obligations entailed by Bupport of those principles. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights would be meaningless if we wero to acquiesce in the colonial situation prevailing in the non-self-goyerning territories. Mr. BYKOV (UniCXl of Soviet Socialist Republics) (interpretation frCllll Russian) I The positive changes occurring today in international relations reflect the growing affirmation in world politics of the principles of the new political (Mr. Bykov, tSSRi thinking, which is based on a recognition of the realities of today's world - so romplex and contradictory but, at the same time, so unified. That new polHical thinking recognizes also the priority of COIIU!on human values and the right of every people to free socio-political choice. It contains within it a tl'uly enorllOus potential. That has been shown very clearly in the events of the past few lIonthS. Thanks to ~i3 new thinking, it has been possible to achieve a qualitative breakthrough in such tmportant areas as nuclear disarmament and to break the deadlock in regiQ1al conflicts and conflict situations. We cannot allow ~is potential to go unused in other areas also where many problems have acculllllated and have been awaiting solutions for decades. That applies fully to the area of decolonization. Free choice is the key link in the new political thinking. It is an absolute, just as our respect for this principle is an absolute. It applies equally to all peoples, large and small. The desire to ensure that peoples have a free choice of their development path is reflected in the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, proclaimed by the General Asse£lbly in this very Hall 28 years a900 The aMual lively consideration of the item on tha implementation of the Declarati~~ bears witness to the great importance attached by the international commUility to the full attairlllent of its goal: the iillllediate and unconditional end of colonialiSM in all its forms and manifestatione. As is noted in the report of the Sacreta:y-General on the work of the Organization: "The United Nations played a decisive role in the process of de~olOll\ization, which has changed the political complexion of the globe and given vast populations control over their destinyll. W43/1, po 6) (Mr. Bykov, tBSR) In4aed, aa a reault of the liberation of Jiany peoples froa colani&l.i., dozens of young independent States bave appeared and have beco_ influential in world affair.. They oaae out actively for peace and freeac,1l and against all fora of aggr••ion, expla1tation and oppression, they take a stand for the dovelcplant of bcoad intemaUoaal co-operation and play an iaportant role in the world. Their vi•• carry weight in the United Nations, in the Organization of African Unity, in the MovoeIlent of Hon-aligned Countries and li1, other international foruas .. The collapse of the colonial ayatell as an acblev8lent of truly historic .ignificlnce for the people. that thereby fr_d the_elves and for the international co_unity ae a whole. Bavever, althoogh it 18 quite clear to the entin world that the prov:;'sions of the Declaration on the Granting of Independelce to Colonial Countries and hopl_ auat be fully illpl_ented, the pr«ee~. of cJecolon1l:ation has not )'et ~ concluded. Despite the d"aands of the peoples, de2!pite the in.istent efforts of the United Nations, today there are still about two dc:en colanial Territories in a situation of colonial cMpendcmce, and their peopl. are still being prevented frca exercising their inalienable right to self-detenamation and independence. The prab1_ of Naaibia is still the focus of attention by the international comaunity. The SOUth African regia" ccntinues to occupy the Territory illegally and to pur.UIt a policy of harsh repr.slan against its people, who are struggling for their: free40a and independence. That regia. continues to use the territory of HI.lbia to c::arcy out acta of aggl'eBsiClft and destab11ization against neighbouring independent African States. The talk. betweeft Angola, Cuba and South Africa, with the .diation of the tllite4 States, on ensuring the security of Ilngo1& and the independence of NMibia, are part of the general trend towards the aClhiev.ent of settl.entB of /regional conflicts by peacefUl political aeana and with re.pect for the social and political (Hr. Bykov, tsSR) choice of the peoples, equal rights and the search for altually acceptable unconditional iIIpleentation of the Security Council resolution on the granting of independence to Ha.iba. The speedy settl_ent of the prcb1_ of Namibia Q\ the basis of the iIIpluentation of the U\ited Nltions plan for Namibia would be an important breakthrough in the eradiclAtion of the vestiges of colonialism frCllll our planet and ....jor step towards the full iapl_enutton of the Declaration on decolanization. Thfl Soviet lhion, guided by its positions of principle, constantly supports the tights of all colonial peoples, large and small, to self""'detemination and independence, in accordance with the Declaration on decolonization• we extend our solidarity to the peoples of all Territories that still carry the burden of colonial dependence wherever they may be - in Africa, the Pacific, the Atlantic or the CariJX)ean - and support their just cause. A desire to do everything possible to promote the swift liberation of colonial peoples permeat9s our work in the COmmittee on dGcolonizatlon and other international forums. A matter of particularly serious concern is the situation in the Trust Territory of the Pacific, Micronesia. 'lhe facts testify to the fact that the policies and aci:ions of the Mminist:ering Authority are designed to dismember \:hat Trust Territory and amex it and establish a military bridgehead and deploy nuclear and other weapons there. The so-called agreements on commonwealth and free-al!l8ociation status concluded with three parts of that Territory were imposed on them through economic and political pressure. Attempts are still being made to impose a situation of subordination on the fourth part of Micronesia, Palau. All these actions are a clear violation of the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, the 1947 Trusteeship Agreement and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. These actions are contrary to the principle of respect for free socio-political choice ana are thus unlawful and cannot be regarded as having any legal force. According to the Charter of the United Nations, only the Security Council, which approved the 1947 Trusteeship Agreement, is entitled to take any decision on changing the status of that Trust Territory of the United Nations. tkltil its people exercise their right to self-determination and true independence the United ~~!1tions oontinuesto bear responsibility for that TerritotY. Many obstacles have accumulated on the path of the peoples in the last colonial Territories as they move towards freedom and these obstacles have to be cleared away. They include exploitation by foreign economic and other interests of (Mr. Bykov, tSSR) the natural resources of the Territories, contrary to the rights and interests of the peoples which have a sovereign right to them. United Nations decisions have described such activities as one of the main hindrances to the implementation of the Declaration on decolonization. Such activities undermine the material foundations for the developcent of the Territories and the future of their peoples and slQl down the BOv_ant towards true independence.. Effective measures are essential to put an end to this plunder by foreign monopolies of colonial 'lerritories.. Such activity creates obstacles to the attainment of true indepl!I'idence by the peoples of those Territories. Another serious obstacle to decolonization and a potential threat to international peace and security is the various kinds of military ~ctivities in the colonial 1erritories. The immediate halting of all military activities in colonial ~rritories, the removal of all military bases and facilities in such Territories and a ban on the establishment of new such bases or facilities would be an important step towards the implementation of the provisions of the n:,claration. Bere I should like to recall that the Soviet Union, guided by its desire to strengthen international peace and security, proposed at the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmmrent the elimination everywhere in the world by the year 2000 of foreign military presence and military bases in the territories of others. A significant date is approaChing - the thirtieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. It is our view that this anniversary could serve to give a new and important impetus to mobilization of the efforts of the int~rn~tional communi~ for the complete and rapid eradication of colonialism. we think that it would be useful for· the General A8eellbly to instruct the Special a-mittee on decolonizatioo to make all necessary '<'t (Mr. Bykcw, tESR) preparations to lIark the amiversalY. Of course, this would require further purposeful efforts by the Special COBIittee on decolonization.. MaXilllUIl use !lUst be _de of existing potential to persuade the adrtinistering lbwers to co-operate lIore broadly and IIOre productively with the Special Coatittee. Consideration should also be given to broadening the activities of the special eo.oittee to cover, perhaps, not mly political matters but also econamic, cultural &!ld inforutional _tters. we support the proposal _de by the non-aligned countries to declare an international decade on the eradication of colonialism, which should help to ensure the end of decolonization. International solidarity with the peoples struggling for the collpltlto eradication of colonialifilfir racism and a,Eartheid and for national independence and sovereignty has been mld remains one of the fundamental principles of the foreign policy of the Soviet thion. we shall continue to work consistently in this direction with other States and peoples .. The Soviet delegation supports the recommendations lIade by the Iburth Co_ittee. We believe that if all States and peopleg work together it will be entirely possible, through our joint actions, to attain by the end of the twentieth century the goal of the Declaration on decolmization - n_ely, the full and final elimination of colonialisll in all its forms and lIanifestations. Affirmation in the world POlltical arena of the concepts of the new polltical think Ing prompt us to work together to take decisioos that will speed up the process of decolmization in the last remaining colmial Territories, on the basis of respect for the principles of free social and political choice. Mr. RAVI (India) I More than 40 years ago, when the 1rlOrld was yoW\ger and this Organization still an infant, a founding father of the tbited Nstions spoke to this Assembly. Be saidl (Mr. Ravi, India) .~ euce... of this newexperw_t in intei:nati<mal r"lations dapencla upon • juet that kind of willingneell to colDPl'ClMi.e an the part of all nattane, nther they are great or ..11.. • (Official _cord. of the Piret Part of the lir.t _eeien of the Ganeral Aell_bly, twelfth plcanarx _et!.., p. 179) the representative of sauth Africa ..id this, and he _lled, and he gUed on ue with ben.volence and there wre liIC8t of UIII who cbeered, for this was a nenr, freab.r "OI:ld, a world that bad beon _de raw by war anci bad ban healed by hope. Thore. wall to be change, we wre prepared to belie"e, and we thought of change in capital letters in our willing ainds. lite! we "ere propared to faebion our drecu fr~ the wisps of their prc.ises. We were young, the flClfer childran of a scarred c.atuq, and tille held us, golden in the heychiy of his eyes, gentle in the .ercy of hie _ans• (Hr. Ravi, India) And the representative of South Africa went. on, and he was smiling stUl, but his lipa were drawn just a little tighter and there was no laughter in his eyes. And be said' -It is scarcely IIOre than fifty years ago since the 8Jropeans began to bring enlightellllent and peace and progress to Africa. '!'hen, the mass of the African population was unknown. Its l:mguages had not been reduced to writing. Native customs and laws were still a",iting study... 'l'h.e electrically rapid development which has taken place during these fifty years is aerely a measure of the accelerated progress which may be expected under civilized gover~nt during the next few decades if wise administration is continued. - (ibid., po 181) His voice was gentle naf, it was like the soughing of the wind in the trees at twilight, and, like the moment of that breeze, we knew darkness would surely fall and, when he finished, some of U8 still applauded, but 001' claps were softer and more uncertain, and as he returned to the place reserved for his delegation even the lectern at which he spoke looked a little limp, as if the weight of what he had Mid, of the intent with which he had so deftly strengthened his song, and the tired, tired burden of time, which its passage has not lightened, had crippled it just as surely as it had the Organization itself. '1bday his successors, the new Boer constrictors, would say the same thing if we were to allow them to speak. we do not, but they are heard still, and the cheering has stopped. tbw they would have us believe that the wrth of their kindness can be lIeasured ill glasses of ch_pagne shared Oi' Geneva's shores - a uniquely contellporary redefinition of Brut force, but the sparkle of the celebration soon dies and the RNer speaks from his own distant shore, and his words turn wine into water, :for his GoverJ1Jllent has not had the opportunity to study and consider the present state of affairs and the latest proposabi8 there are serious and complicated implications at stake and at this stage no conclusion can b6 drawn. We know - just as surely as they know that they cannot draw conclusions - that we shall ourselves be less and less able to draw a conclusion to coloniali_'s callous chronicle. Over the years this debate seems to have acquired in the eyes of many a tinge of the surreptitious or sinister, and the arrogantly assertive, of course. Call it a ritual since, according to their own definition of international concern, it should be limited to those whose resolution matters directly to them and certainly should not touch upon those which would make them uncomfortable or - hor rors - culpable. Why do we begin from this perilous premise? I am a chance visitor to this compelling and exciting word of multilateral discussion. Diplomacy is not my vocation, ana, indeed, many have suggested that it is sanething of a disadvantage when pursued too strenuously in the arena of national political life, with which I am more familiar. I think my country's record and views on the question of decolonization are well enough knoNn to all representatives. When we first articulated these at the tilited Nations we did not lean on abstract academic assessments to finalize formulations. We did not need tM dictionaries of draft.en or the wisdoll of wordsmi ths. In the phrase of our poet 1¥yappa Pannikar, IIIThere was a drq» of blood at the tip of our pen Ill. That we tJIlauld have been compelled to begin polite debate on this question was bad enough, that we should have to continue to do 80 when this century only waits to go - 90 gently into the good night - is badder still. I realize that that is not quite good English but, unfortunately, FIlglish is not the language to which I was born. In a _tieuloua article en C',,)lcnillation Profenor Br..t aU8 writeuI -There can be no doubt that the United Nationll suparviRory aY8tea, articulated by the sajodty of anticolanial nations even when specific reQC_endations of the thited Nation8 were ignored, 8purred steps boward oolenlal 8elf-governMent and independence.- Aa a tr:ibute to this body it 8eem. fairly half-hearted. It .uat De r__berecJ that, de8pite Qlarter provisions on the voluntary placing of Territories mader the Trusteeship Sys-=-, no colonial Power had done this except in the case of poaae..ions oeized fro. another oolanial ibwer as a result of war. This was the stark truth within the first decade of the United Nations, a truth whiob cught to ha". sugge8ted bow lazily liraitless in scope the whole process wculd prcwe to be. If we continue in this lillpid, langorouB fashicn nothing, but nothing, is going to chllnge. Believe ae, friends, you will not allow the UBited Nations to be the instraent of the right of self~eter.ination,you will squander, pauperize and tri"1ialize the values of trUl!St, freecJoa of decision Md opportunity. lbwhere, but nwher., could such inUaately haan and personal attribute8 be perverted to political and strategic end8. And it is all 80 pllWJible, 80 perfectly plausible. It was in the part of India that i. ay ~e that the Engli8h Bast India co.PMY, a8 early as 1723, 8igned one of its earliest treaties with an Indian PCllWer. The Cc.pany and the state cf Trav_core agreed to re_in -in lugue and un!ted in good fdend8bip -. This did not cm.m lInother foreign PCIIWer ClI'l our shores, and the Q1tch .. their displeasure known to the rulers ofQuilan and Kayllllkul., which are princely States, but, with the d.ftnes. of diplcaacy, aade it not their diapleaau;:e but a displ.sur. which the.. rulers w.r. caapelled to f_l. lUng Mart_d. Ver_ of Travancor., wbicb is ay State, or Venad as it wao then known, waM soon told by the ~glish what gullcn, lfayUlkulM and RoJ.1and were plaming. -Portify yourself, - he wall adviHd, _d he built a fort at Colachel for the J!Dglish. 1tl'.ttack,1I he wu advised, and he moved in swiftly and was successful. B:l.e dying words to his successor, Ra.a Varaa Raja, were sDple and brief, llKeep the English happy. 11 8Jt history tells us ~at the hope was betrayed. The parable is familiar GIld will seem at once tangible to all a!lOng us who have shared th4t colonial expel'i6ilce. Where ta'ley did not rule, they befriended~ yet, whether they ruled or made friends, they divided. That venerable pillar of fact, the !b:ylopaedia Britannica - which, incidentally, has not sponsored this text - defines a colony as lIany territory in which the CW'nditions of life - social, economic, politic~l - are defined for the whole population by a minority different frOlD the local majority in culture, history, belief and often race. It Like all historical definitions it c&n be resha!,)ed by perspective and perception, but it bears citing beeaulle of the extraordinarily stark truth that coloniali. does not al._ye end with the termination of external colonial control. South Africa's is the IIOst compelling instance of llUropean colonialisll being replaced by a far aore lethal variant of domestic colonial!., which ls the iJlllOsition upon a coll1mn society of laws and pr!vlleges wbich favour Cl single COIIpcnent uf that society end which, in fact, vigorously disfavour other caDPQnents which f01'1I the ujority. llnother instance of how the colonie.l mind persists and survives as a legacy fraa the metropolitan Powl!r to those in erstwhile colonies who champion the cause of me COIIpcrtant of society to the social disenfranchisement of another is evident in the afterml!th of a coup in a country which was once a tbn-Self-Governing Territor,y. Constitutional changes clearly dlrected as affirming and asserting the supremacy of one particular group are contemplated, denying the very hopes of participative, lII1ltiraaial democracy the thited Nations had nurtured for the people of that 'D!rritory in its colonial era. It is still not too late to heed the warning that such instances of domestic colonialism pose to us. If we choose to remain as a witness only we shall ineVitably find ourselves confrmted by it at our agenda.. Doctrines of professed racial superiority are repugnant wherever they might be pursued. Their aim is colonial, the compelled subservience of a section of society because of ita genes. At a aeminar hosted earlier this month by the O1airman of the Organization of African Unity, the Republic of Mali stated that we Est raise our voice against the practice of apartheid in South Africa and elsewhere.. Racial hegemony over one's own people can never be internalized as a domestic concern. Its implications are international, its dimensions span the breadth of humankind. The persistence of the colonial mind in post-eolonial situations is the mst telling factor pointing to the purpose and intent inherent 1n its very exercise. lJbday the national fabric of post-colmial societies that are physically and geographically vulnerable is threatened by mercenaries from abroad. The democratic structure of post-colmial States is intended to be imperilled by the insinuation and support of terror exported £rom across their borders. History has taught its bitter lesson well.. It is only when the United Nations finally~ without equivocation, and with the authority of the mandate of its Charter, declares that colonialism must e.nd that the illegitimate offspring of er ~Uegitimate process will finally be served notice. Those who have purloined the intellectual property of the doveloping world, shorn its shores of its natural wealth, left it bereft of resources and diverted its human energies and potential to extraterritorial ends now seek to quantifY in matnematical terms the scales of obligation between the possessor and the dispossessed. I ask. 0 Debt, where is thy stins? So when we in the Non-Aligned Movement propose to this Assembly that the ember years of this century be devoted to a decade for the eradication of colonialism, we are not unduly surprised to find hearts that have skipped EA beat. We make this proposal in sincerity and good faith. we seek no IIDre avenues for righteous rhetoric, for we have enough already, nor do we seek to confront where conciliation would be so easy. In our statement in the general debate at this session, we voiced the hope that over the coming year, in time for its forty-fourth session, the world body could set before it a viable, specific agenda for the 1990s that would help render our planet ready for the approaching century. We caMot do so when diverted, distracted, derailed, diminished, distorted, deviated, digressed, deflected, dissuaded, divided by issues that belong to a ('i41ifitUry we abandoned 90 yeara ago. All we ask is that colonialism end in the ~":ne4 which the D!claration embodied in resolution 1514 (XV) has so lucidly defined. Decolonization has not always meant statehood. Colonies once on our &genda h&ve IlDVed b€.>yond it through the free expreSAion of will., We have never prescribed solutions and, indeed, we recognize that ellen our omniscience has limitations. Colonialism will be eradicated when colonies have fulfilled the right to deteaaine their destiny. Have we grown so old as to refuse to the denied the joys we cherished when we were young? This is Thanksgiving week. There is so nu~h for which we should be gr~tefull the wrld we take so 1II1ch for granted, and the rights we no longer cherish for we see them as assured. Custom has r.ade wClnder commonplace. Time once bid us hail and climb, wh~ each uncertain step was an adventure and each exploration a mystery. We had to chart our routes and the only maps we could use were those showing the sun, the st~rs and the seag There was a time when we spoke of relationships and we talked in comfortable, tangible, personal senses, for we knew those with whom we coold relate and those with whom we felt we could not r:'ll.ate. Even then we made an effort, for something within us whispered that the fault may have been our own, and when we sought friendS we did not always d> so unselfishly or for the goodness of being, for need, WCIDt and desire were never easy to conquer or to ignore. 8ltfriendships were forged, and we could give without being diminished, and receive without depriving, secure in the comfort and trust which bind those in a single choir. As the world aged, with its timeless grace and mellOlf youth, our choi~s grew larger, and suddenly there wp-re new choirs to reach out to Md we had the chance of harmony, even where the scngs were unfamiliar. And as history itself aged, weathered but "Ot weakened, we came t.o realize the truths our fathers who had fQunded this world had first discernedt that nothing can happen without trust, fellowship and a community of the heart•. Suddenly we found ourselves nations, shaded in vibrant colours on the map, with borders the contours of which had the power to distance or to draw near, for as the song reminds us "Man's petty nations do not man divide.· And so we began with nations as with man, reaching out, tentatively searching, discovering and finally :1haring. Years ago, our great poet Kabir asked I "Pine, fine cloth, delicately woven . Of wM.t is made the warp, of what the weave? What threads went into its weaving?- The fabric endures. We know the threads that went into its creation. We know how easily they can unravel. We know also where new threads lie, ready to strengthen and enrich us. Will we be able to make that possible or, when the world seeks of us marble, will we here offer only clay? thited Mltions took a historic step by adopting General Assellbly resolution 1514 (XV), containing the famous and universally acclaimed D!claration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. This Declaration is testilDOny to one of the magnificent and distinct achievements of the twentieth century, the process of decolonization. The Charter of th!! United Nations, enshrining the best in principles, dreams and hopes of man's civilization, saw the dawn of the glorious process of the independence and self-determination of a great number of nations previously living under the colonial yoke. The adoption of the Declaration on decolonization gave the necessary momentum to this irreversible process, and as a result we saw the emergence of numerous independent PeOples joining the community of free nations. The emergence of these free nations expanded the ranks of the United Nations, giving it new strength in its struggle to safeguard international peace and security and to attain universalization of the ooncepts of human rights, freedom and dignity. This is indeed a glorious record for our century. Hol'Iever, this glory will be complete only if we see the full emilncipation of each and every people still living under colonial domination before the end of the century. The non-aligned movement has been mtivated by the hope of attaining this magnificent goal, in its decisim taken at its Ministerial Conference in September this year in Nicosia to suggest to the United Nations General Assembly to declare the 1990-2000 ten-year period as the -International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialiso- and to adopt an action plan aimed at inauguarating the twenty-first century with Cl world free fran colonialism. It is the firm conviction of nw delegation that such a measure is a befitting step to mark the thirtieth anniversary of the Declaration on the Granting of three decades ago. Having expressed our hope for a twenty-first century free from colonialism, it is necessary to take stock of what exists now. Unfortunatelyu due to the greed and intransigence of colonial Powers, the situation is far from being desirable., In the regions of South Africa, the Pacific, the Indian and Atlantic Q:eans and the Carribean, people are still denied their right to freeCbm and independence. The peoples of New Caledonia, Micronesia, the Pacific Islands and Puerto Rico are yet to attain those rights. The Chagos Archipelago, the Malagasy Islands, and the Island of t4ayotte have not yet been returned to the sovereignty of Mauritius, Madagascar, and the Comr06, respectively. There is no readiness to solve the question of the Malvinas peacefully. The heroic people of Namibia, after suffering IIDre than one and a half 'century of foreign domination, are still not free. It has been two decades since the United Nations terminated the illegal occupation of Namibia by the apartheid regime of Pretorla. For the sll'Qe period the heroic people of Namibia have been fighting, under the leadership of their sole, legitimate representative, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), for the right to be the masters of their own destiny. We once again reiterate our solidarity with their heroic struggle. Western Sahara is another vestige of colonialism. We express our solidarity and support for the SahraDui people and their sole, legitimate representatives, the lOLlSARIO. we support the initiative of the Organization of African thity and the relevant Security Council resolution which empowers the Secretary-General to prepare the ground for a fair referendum for self"'CJeterm~.:'f\ationof the people of Western Sahara, "'nder thited Nations auspices, with the co-operation of the Organization of African Unity~* Allw me to conclude by expressing our support for the Ccmmittee on the Situation with regard to the l'mplementetion of the D!!claration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, of which the Republic of Afghanistan is a menlber. This Committee has performed a noble task in keepi~ the plight of the peoples still under colonial domination in the limelight. We will continue our constructive contribution to the work of the Committee. Mrs. OGfU (Nigeria) I The Nigerian delegation has already expressed its warm felicitations to Ambassador Dante C8puto of Argentina and to the other officers of the Bureau on their unanimous election to steer the work of the current session of the General Assemly. <:hce again we assure the President of our unflinching support and co-operation in the dischuge of the significant t&sks assigned to him. The Nigerian delegation spoke on the item before us on 19 OCtober 1988 during consideration of some of its aspects in the ibu.rth ComJIittee. Nevertheless, we wish to reiterate our views, as the question of decolonization is of critical importance to our delegation. It is our view that peoples everywhere, without exception, muat be allowed freely to determine the direction and collplexion of their political and socio--economic destiny. We will therefore never tire of raising our voice until the anachronism of colonialism disappears from the surface of the Earth. We believe that the right of a people to self-determination and independence is an inalienable right and therefore must not be abridged, truncated, qualified, or limited in any form. *Mr. Meza (El Salvador), Vice-President, took the Chair• My delegation wishes to place on record its profound appreciation of the impressive tlOrk being done by the Special Committee on the linplementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. Under the dynamic leadership of its Chairman the Special Committee and its 8ub""'COlI!IIlittees have relentlessly kept the issue of &:c:olon1:l:ation to the fore. Nigeria pledgee its continued support and co-operation to the Special Conmittee in its efforts to eliminate the remaining vestiges of colonialism. We must acknowledge the remarkable achievements of the C;Jited Nations in the area of decolonization. From a total of nearly 750 million PeOple suffering under the oppressive yoke of colonialism at the inception of the United Nations, the number of PeOple yet to enjoy the universal fruit of freedom has dwindled to aboUt 3 million today. Even so, the struggle must not be allowed to end until every oppressed and colonized man or woman, young or old, breathes the a ir of freedom and independence• Of the remaining 3 million people in the suffocating grip of colonialism, about 1.5 Million are in Namibia, a Territozy forcibly and illegally oocupied by racbt SOuth Africa in defiance of both the United Nations and the international collU'll.unity. In this regard the racist South African regime and its collaborators owe the United Nations an unreserved apology for delaying implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) for 10 years. They also owe the Namibian people vast end heavy reparations for the illegal and unbridled depletion of the natural resources of tnt's African '!'erritoq. Although the apartheid monster has refused to let go its pernicious grip of Nlmlib!a, we are confident that the freedom and independence of the Namibian PeOple will become a reality. The handwriting is boldly on the wall even though racist South Africa, in its foolhardy blindness, might not see it. What la undeniably reassuring is that world history is replete with evidence of victories won by oppressed peoples everywhere in spite of the formidable array of forces ranged against them. we have heard of an understanding reached recently between parties to the ongoing quadripartite talks, reportedly over the clinking of chanpagne glasses. As we are not aware of the details of the reported Wlderstanding, which, we are told, is to be approved and r~tified by the respective Governments, it is perhaps advisable to watch unfolding events with great caution. Racist South Africa's track-record does not coDlllend itself to any serious"'1ilinded country in any case. While we have re..-at.edly welcomed efforts to settle the Namibian crisis by peacefUl means, we must admonish the international community against complacency. South Africa's prevarications and its duplicitous record of turning risin~ expectations into rising frustration are well known. Ibwever, we find solace in tile fa(~ that in the final analysis it is the Namibian people, led by the South west Africa People's Organization, their vanguard movement, who, with the assistance of all peace-loving peoples, will free themselves from the evil gr:ip of colonialism and aeartheid~ Through various mechanisms, the United Nations, in the 43 years of its existence, has aided and facilitated the struggle of the oppressed peoples of the world for freedom and dignity. The adoption of resolution 1514 (XV) on 14 December 1960 - a resolution that: the ft!:deral Republic of Nigeria enthusiastically supported within three months of its debut Q\ the international scene as 11 sovereign nation - formally codified the guiding prir,ciples for the decolonization work of the Organization. Indeed, it will be recalled that: during the elaboration of re8olutioo 1514 (XV) in 1960 Nigeria called for the year 1970 to be'declared the target date for the elimination of all forma of colonialism. AlthoUlgh this did not came to paaa, it is with pride that we recall our role in the efforts leading to the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colcnial Countries and hoples. In this regard, we enthusia~tica.lly lend our unreserved support for and sponsorship of the draft resolution contained in cbcument A/43/L.28, which calls for the declaration of the period 1990-2000 as the International Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism. Colonialism is truly a political scourge which must be eradicated from the body polltic of the world community in order to free peoples everywhere to order their political and socio-economic lives as they deem ber&t. General Assenrbly resolution 1514 (XV) is unequivocal in stating that neither the size of a population nor the expanse of its territory, n01:, for that matter, the level of social and economic development:. should impair its right to self~etermination. The litmus-test for exercising the right to self-1ietermination and independence must always be the will of the people themselves, as freely and democratically expressed.. It is thus our view that all freedom-loving peoples of the world, including those who at some point. in history arrogantly ass\:iIled the self-appointed and pervertedly MessiBlnic role of ·ci'VUizing" the rest of the world, must !actively support efforts to complete the unfinished task of decolonization. That tragic chapter in the chequered annals of world history - a chapter punctuated by all the traumas, woes and iniquities that were perpetrated in the wake of gun-boat d:;'planacy and the policy of "Might is right· - must now be closed. In this comection, the Nigeri.an delegation joins the Special Committee in urging those administering authorities that have been refusing to co~perate with that ColllDlittee in regard to the Territories within their responsibility to live up to the trust reposed in them by the whole ~rld. we urge them to discharge their obligations Wlder the Q1arter in all their wlti-faceted d1mensions~ AI!i we in the Nigerian delegation scan the variegated landscape occupied by the non-self"'9overning peoples of the world, we notice among them the people of Western sahara, III ~rdtory on the African CX)ntinent. This 'l'erdtory is yet to benefit frOll the &ea-change in the political ClOIftplexion of Africa occasianec:1 by the African people's fight for dignity in the decades of the 1950B and the 1960B. we would 1 ike to expre•• our delight over recent developments relating to Western Sahara. We wish to place on record our co..ndation of the Secretary-General, whase untiring efforts, along with thaee of succQssive Qlaimen of the Organization of African Unity, have contributed illlll8nsely to the recent progress on the issue. By accepting the joint Organization of African thitY/thited Nstions proposals on 30 August 1988 both the Kingdoa of Morocco and the IOLISARm Front have dellOntrated that where there is a will there is always a way. The firll agreealents zeached al the two crucial issues relating to the referendUll - n_ely, the question to be put, and the census and lIinillUllage of the voters - are bound to pave the way for further agreements on the outstanding issues. This will enable the Sahraoui people to express themselves definitively and derlocratlcally. We urge Md appeal to both parties to the dispute to bury the hatchet alce and for all and move ahead 'dth implementing the propoHl for the &etU_ent of the crisis. Africa can Ul afford to continue to lose its sons and daughters in senselea wars. Africa can ill afford to divert already"1lleagre and fast-dwindling resources to fractricidal strife .. The ongoing global surge of peace lIust be allowed to sweep through Africa, resolving conflicts and stopping the lIisery and suffering in their wake. In the true tradition of African brotherhood p both parties should do whatever it takes, including holding face-to-face negotiations, to settle the differences between them so as to avoid giving external do~ooders an opportunity to exploit Africa once again. As the dslegation of the nation that has the largest concentration of black people in today's world, it would be remiss of us to ignore the Buffering and the cries of blaCk people in the diaspora. Fr~ north to south, east to west, the black people in the diaspora are crying out in anguish and exasperation for freedom frCB oppression, penury and disease.. They are crying out for freedom from foreign do1Iinaticn as well as froll the 8Ocio-economic and psychological violence being incessantly perpetrated against th_. We take solace, however, in the certainty that their fl'eedoll is assured, as histotY is for ever on their side. The people of New Caledonia, who have been knocking on locked doors for freedoll ana deliverance, have recently begun to see 80me light at the end of the tunnel. The defeat of the conservative Chirac administretion in France in the last French presidential elections has opened new vistas and possibilities. The use of force and intimidation, electoral m&aipulation and gerrymandering, that characterized Prench policy in New Calendonia under the Chirac administration is now being replaced by a policy that encourages consultations rather than conflict, persuasion rather than intimidation. The Paris agreemtmt, signed on 20 1I1gust 1988 between the aoc:ard Cbverm.nt and KIlnak leaders, offers real proopects of settling the crisis in New Caledonia. My delegation also notes the agreement to have a new referendua on the independence issue in 1990, a date which a significant number of ltanak leadere feel ls too far a.ye None the le88 we caU on Prance, whoae history bas 80 inflwmoed and enriched the global search for the ac:countability and responsibility of Goverllllents to the people, to continue along the path of sanity and fair pley and settle this issue once and for all. A return by France to participation in the work of the Special Committee as it relates to New Caledonia is bound to oomplSllent the current efforts under way in Paris to settle the conflicts. We collllend both parties for setting in mtion the procesa designed to settle the problem of New Caledonia and urge them to continue along the peaceful ~th they have chosen. The Nigerian delegation calls on all administering Powers to give primary consideration as a matter of polioy to the Y$arnings and aspirations of the Local population in whatever they do in those 1erritories that have been placed under their care. The buying of the loyalty of a small Local educated elite whose selfish interests do not always coincide with the common will can be neither synonymous with nor a eUbstitute for the genuine 'loyalty of a people borne out of cs conviction that its intereats are really being protected and prQU)ted. This ia the path to peace and freedom in those Territories. !!£.s. FIORD mmA (Cuba) (interpretation from Spanish) IAs we turn our attention to item 18 of our agenda, the Cuban delegation wishes to expreas its agreement with and full support for the statement made yesterday by the Chairman of the Special CoJlJllittee on the Situation with regard to the Illlplementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries ..,d Peoples. At the close of this centuEY of space travel, 19 territories are stUl under oolCXlial domination. At this time in the history of mankind more than 3 million human beings still live in a situation in which thooccupying lbwers tefuGe to give • • r , th. their rightful place. This is not mere rhetoric.',' Resolution ,1514 (XV) was ' adopted not to be a lIuseum piece, but to enable all human, beiilgs to enjoy the s_e ' , ' , privileges and opportunities in life, on a footing of equality~',without'distinction as to race,1 sex or religion, as stipulated in the Qlartet of the thited NltiOnBo " (Mrs. Plorez Prida, Cuba) From this rostrlD we appeal to the colClllial lbwers once and for all to make their contribution to the liberation of the human race and agree to co_ to the negotiating table to grant independence to all colonial Territories, so that we tray enter the next century all fighting in clme unity against underdevelopment, poverty and sickness and for the well-beinej of mankind. Namibia, as we were saying a few days ago, must accede to independence. This is the law of history and thus the necessary resources must be found for the complete iJIIPIEmentation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), without changes of any kind and with full g~arantees that the whole process will be a genuine one and in accordance with the wUl of the Namibian people. This is the debt that all mankind owes to the heroic freedom fighters of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAIO), and there can be no excuse for not paying it. !et us all make a firm commitment to fight tirelessly to contribute, with the United Nations and its Secretary-General, to the efforts to wipe from the face of the earth this shaneful record of colonialisu. 'Jbday there is in the air a desire to solve conflicts and embark upon paths of detente, peace and oo-operation. we must not forget the 3 million human beings who are still denied ftcceos to freedom and independence. They too have Cl right to life and to work, together with all of us, for a better world. Mr. ~ILYEV (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian) I Positive changes are occurring in the international situation thanks In the joint efforts of States.. The process of establishing comprehensive security equally for all States is gaining groWld. There has been movement towards the settlaaent of regional conflicta, inclUding that: in southern Africa. (Hr. VasUp", !velor_llian SSR) In considering the .ost ~portant issues of world politics, including in particular tha probl. of deeolonizatioo, we believe it is e.sential to be guided by the new political thinking, the kay link in which is the concept of freedoa of choice - in other wrds, recogni:sing in fact that eacb peoplo and State has the right freely to determine its social and political path to d.velDpaent. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countriel!l and Peoples, produced through the collective efforts of lIany States MeJlbe!:s and raising the task of eliminating colooialislll to the level of one ef the raain prClblf8a of world politics, helped to unite the freedom-loving forces of all cootinents and to aobllize them for decisive action to eradicate the ab_ful syst:e. of colonialisa and ensure the right of colonial peoples to self~terainationand genuine independence• 1bday it is generally recognb:ed that the Declaratian acted as a catalyst in Ciecolonization. The activities of this world Organisation, particularly its Special Colllllittee on the iJll)lsentatiexa of the Declaratian, was of significant help in making dozens of new, independent States appear on the up of the world, yet the provisions of the Declaration have nOt been fully !apl_entad today. Colmialisa and its aore sophisticatJtd fom, neo-coloniali., are still poisoning the international Ciltmosphere and are a dangerous source of international ton8i~s _d regional conflicts. The ~ited Nations cannot toJ.l)lt'ate a situation in which the peoples of alnost two dozen colonial and dependent °Du:dtories are still deprived of their legitimate right to freedom and lndt:pendenee • . It was no 1DI!re chance that the General A8s_bly, in ita reaolutian 42/71, reaffimed that the continuation of colan:l.aliam in all i t8 for1'8 and lUIlifestations - including racism, apartheid and those activities of foreign eCOllOll!lic and other interests ccntrary to the Charter of the United Nstion8 and Ue (NI'. Vasilyev, Byelorussian SS.) Daclaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples - .. inco1lPBtible with the Charter, the Qliversal Declaration of Buman ~ghts and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. A matter of ~rticular concern to the international oo-.unity is the situation in ~ibia, which is still illegally occupied by the racist regJ.lle of South Africa. The United Nations Council fo~ Namibill _phasiz" in its report that in the past year South Africa has continued to extend its policy of apartheid to all aspects of the life of the population of the ~rdtory, stepped up tAe process of ailitarization of Namibia ~nd increased its acts of cruelty and oppression against the Nallibian people. Despi te lIlany decisions of the United Nations hWldredS of transnational corporations of South Africa and of some Western countries are continuing to explaLt the hUllan and natural resources of the 'Derritory, which is detrJmental to the interest of its people. Proceeding frClll our position of principle, the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic advocates the swift exercise by the Nmibian people of its inalienable right to true self-deterllination anal independence en the basis of preserving the unity and territorial integrity of 'Naaibia, including Walvis Bay and the offshore islands, an i!lllllediate and complete withdrawal ham Namibia of South African troops and adainistration, the holding of general elections under United Nations suparvisiau and support for the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), which has been recognized by the United Nations Md by the Organization of African ttlity as the sole, legitimate representative of the Namibian people. The Byeloruasian Soviet Socialist Republic supports the quadripartite talks designed to ensure the security and implementation of the plan for the granting of independence to Namibia in accordance with Secudty Co\Ulcil resolution 435 (1978). we hope that the progress achieved in the talke will open the path for (Mr. Vasilyev, !yelorussian SSR) unconditional implementation of that Security Council resolution and the grantin9 of independence to Namibia. The question of the implEmentation of the Declaration on dacolonization in respect of the so-called small colonial Territories scattered throughout the wrld's oceans and a number of adjacent regions is still a matter of current concern. ~he administe~ing authorities not only do not transfer power to the peoples of the 1erritories but also, in a number of cases, try to perpetuate their dominion over them, affirming that, supposedly, the people of the Territories do not wish to put an end to their colonial situation. The doeunents avaUable to this session of the General Assembly testify to the fact that in the colonial and dependent 'n!rritories there is still plundering by foreign economic and other circles of the human and natural resources of. the Territories. The documents rightly emphasize that such activities are one of the main obstacles to the swift and full implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. A matter of particular concern is the military activities of the administering authorities in the colonial and dependent Territories administered by them and their clear desire to use the 1erritories for military and strategic purposes that are contrary to the interests of strengthening peace and international security. In using these 1erritories as military bases and bridgeheads, the last thing in the minds of the administering authoritiea is the future and the aspirations of the indigeneous population. The Byelorussian delegation would like to draw attention to the serious situation in the Trust Territory of the Pacific. Having into separate parts, the Administering Authority has imposed on each part neo-<::olonialist agreements reinforcing its total political, fin~ncial and military control over it. This is a clear violation 'of the United Nations Charter and the (Mr. Vasilyev, Bxelorussian SSR) Trusteeship Agreement and is contra~ to the purposes and principles of the Declaration on decolonization. Such activities are one-sided and arbitrary and accordingly have no legal force. According to the Charter, any change in the status of a strategic Trust 'lerritory - and that is what Microoesia is - can occur - only pursuant to a decision by the Security Cou."1cil. The Byelorussian delegation believes that the fate of the people of Microoesia is an integral part of decolonization. It is essential to do everything possible to ensure that the people of Micronesia, in accordance rdth the Charter and the ~claration oil decolonization; should be able without any hindrance to exercise their legal right to true self-determination and independence. In two years' time the international community will be marking the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The Byelorussian delegation considers that the anniversary. In our view, the establishment of specific time frames for the granting of independence to the ranaining colonial 'lerritories would be a real contribution to "the implementation of the Declaration. The delegation of the ~elorussian Soviet Socialist Republic believes it is the duty of the United Nations and all its Members to take strong action for the swift and full implEmentation of the historic Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. The attai11llent of that goal is what is sought by draft resolutions A/43/L.23 and L. 24, submitted by a large group of States, including the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic. We also support draft resolution A/43/L.28, in which ~~a- G!ineral Assembly would proclaim the 1990s ~e international decade f~r the eraeication of colonialism• Mr. K!WtSY (lao People's Democratic Republic) (interpretation from French): At the dawn of the twentieth centuEY, national liberation movements, albeit not yet well organized, had already begun to shake off the yoke of colonialism in various parts of the world. later, by the second half of the century, the process of decolonization had speeded up considerably and become more orderly. The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, adopted in 1960 by the General Assembly of our Organization, was a powerful catalyst for this and served as a legal, political and moral support to peoples in their struggle to recover their freedom and national independence. (Mr. Khamsy, Lao Peeple's Democratic Bepubllc) This universal, historic Declmration has almost totally transformed the political map of the world, for since its adoption a large number of countries and peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin lmerica formerly under colonial domination have acceded to independence and become f",U Members of our Organization. Ibtever, despite the relevant recommendations in that Declaration and despite the Progr.uae of Action for its full implementation adopted in 1970 by our Assembly, colonialism has not yet completely disappeared from our world. Unfortunately, in our time, in certain parts of the world, particularly southern Africa, the Middle East, the Indian Ocean, the Pacific Ocean, the South Atlantic and in the Caribbean, there are 'J\!rritories under colonial domination and peoples deprived of their right to self-determination. The process of decolonization begun at that time within the framework of our universal Organization and strengthened subsequently by the initiatives and measures adopted by the Ibvement of N::m-Aligned Countries, has not been able wholly to .root out this ancient form of exploitation and violation of hwnan dignity. Obstacles are created in the first place by the military-strategic interests of the colonial Ibwers which persist in hanging on at all costs to the Non-Self-<ioverning or Trust 'J\!rritories still under their control. In certain cases, those administering lOwers not only are not ready to hand ,over power to the indigenous populations, but, worse still, are striving to annex those 'J\!rritories or bind them to the mther countries by all kinds of procedural machinations so as to transform them into strategic air and naval bases, missile testing sites or areas ror the stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction. This is a serious threat to the security of those 'D!rritories and that of neighbouring countries. The most :evealing cases are those of Micronesia and other island Territories. (Mr. Khamsy, lao People's Democratic Republi~) My delegation believes that systems such as union or free association are sillPly devices aimed at linking those islands to the IlDther: country, thus depriving the indigenous population of their right to self-determination and independence. The same is true with regard to certain other islands in the Pacific, most of which, it should be remembered, were used by the administering Q)wer as bases for aggression against the three countries of Indo-China at the end of the 1960s and the begiming of the 1970s. In the case of New Caledonia, my delegation welcomes the liberal and constructive attitude of the socialist Government of France, which has adopted a policy of negotiation with the principal local communities so as to resolve once and for all the question of the status of the TerritolY. The Matignon agreement, which is accepted by all the parties concerned, is the appropriate basis for that settlement. In southern Mrica, we all know that it is the policY of apartheid that leads South Africa illegally to occupy Namibia, an international Territory, to strengthen its military power there, so as to perpetuate its occupation of that 'lerritory, and to use it as a spdngboard for acts of armed invasion, subversion and aggression against the front-line States, in particular Angola. As a result of serious military setback in that country at the begiming of this year and under strong pressure from the international community, the Pretoria regime was compelled to agree to a series of negotiations with the representatives of Cuba and Angola, with the United States as mediator, with th,e aim of finding a lasting political solution to the Angolan-Namibian problem. The international public has enthusiastically welcomed the news of the agreement reached recently in Geneva by the parties concerned. My delegation hopes that the South Afdean Government will comply strictly with its commitment - if Democrati~ Republic) it haa really made one - eo that Namibia may as soon as possible exercise its right to self-determination and, next year, join the international (X)ll1munity as an independent, Bovereign State. In the Middle East, my delegation welcomes the solemn proclamation of the independent State of Palestine, with Jet'uaalem as ita capi t~, by the Pales~ine National Council, meeting in Algiers on 15 November. It requires that Israel, the occupying !bwer, withdraw from all Palestinian territories on the West Bank of the Jordan river and in Gazaq as well aa all other Arab territories, which it has occupied illegally by amed force, so as to restore to that martyred people its fundamental inalienable rights, first and foremost its right to self-determination. With regard to We!!tern Sahara, my delegation fully supports the cmtcmt of the Secretary-General's report (A/43/680), according to which the question of western Saha~a is a question of decolonization to be completed on the basis of the exercise by the people of Western Sahara of its inalienable right to self-determination and independence. In this regard, the Lao Goverrment welcomes the efforts made by the Secret8ry-General in carrying out his mission of good offices with the aim of finding a just and definitive solution to the problem concerning the Sahraoui 'D!rritory with which 1Il'i country, the lao People's Democratic Republic, has formal diplomatic relations. The economic and financial interests of the administering Powers and their aUies, represented byuansnational corporations, constitute another obstacle to deeolonization. Those corporations, having invested capital in the exploitation of the cheap natural and human resources of the colonial territories, are only striving to accumulate and repatriate large profits, to the detriment of the interests of the indigenous populations. The case of Namibia is the IW)st striking. South Africa and certain western Goverlllents continue to collaborate "itb and support the fezeign economic and other interests that are exploiting all the resources of that ~rdtory, disregarding the relevant resolutions of the General Aaaellbly and the prcwisions of Decree lb. 1 for the Protection of the Natural _sources of Namibia. The colonialist policy, in its old and ne" foms, that is still being practised in various parts of our MOrld at the end of the twentieth century r.ains a serious threat to intemational peace ana security and a challenge to world pl!blic opinim and the authority of our OrgaDbation. The international colllllunity has a duty to exert evelY effort to speed up acce_ion to independence by all peoples still subject to that regiMe The lao people, having itself suffered Wlc1e~ the colonial and neo-eolanial yoke in the past and l1a..,in9 been the victi. quite recently of a long war of aggression, attaches pr!mrdlal il!POl'tanee to the process of decolonization. It expre_ea its un.,erving solidarity "ith all peoples fighting for their national independence and freedoll~ Thus, ay delegation ",HIlly velCXlll•• the pertinent initiative by the acwer...ent of Zillbabwe, wbieb, .a current CbairDlIn of the Mov..nt of tbn-Aligned Countries" .,ill aeon, through ita representative bere, present draft resolution A/43/L. 29/aev..l, entitled -International Decade for the Eradication of Coloniali.-. My counta.y ba. enthusiastically beCDIe a oo-.po..or of that draft resolution. We hope that th1e world, wbere we are all auppose4 to live with equal rigbts, can be ClCDpletely freec1 of the evil of coloniali., in all its foras, before 1ft! enter the flext century, at the ftnd of this decade .. Mr. 'mJHB JUAN LARG (V!et ~) I '!'he world is wdergoing far-reaching devel~enta that arouse bopes for the settl.ent of global qullstionfl of peace, security end di....ent a. woU aa regional cenflicts. However, the wind. of chmge have yet to blow en all corners of the earth. AB we approach the thirtieth amiv4tl'sary of the Declaraticn, in resolution 1514 (XV), on the Granting of IncJe(atndence to Colcnul Countri__d hopl., a retroapect!ve look at the !apl__tation of this historic Declaration gives us an averall picture of vivid, illlPr••ive grandeur that is nevertheless still darkened by persistent ch6llenges. The acce.ion to independence of vast nUJiber8 of countries an4 the attai..ent of self-deter.ination by tboua_da of ailU,«Xls of buaan beings are te8ti~ny to the powerfUl awakening of natiONJ .a their unconquerable will to acbieve self-deterDination and independenOlll. While this reaffira8 the significance of the D!claration, it alllO ••rv. as a catalyat for the proceu of its full and speedy illlPl_entation. '1b the present day, a nUMber of '.Qn:dtorie. acattered acrcs8 Asia, Africa and ratin _edca, fr~ the Atl-.Uc to the Indian to the Pacific C)Qeans, 'lb the co_unity of nation. the bistoric .ignificance of the Dlelaration bas btlen _de clear and ha. tiae and again been reaffirmed in the world Organisation. The question that remains now is how to implement fully the sacred principles laid down in it. In fact, many obstacles still lia on the way to oomplete decolonization, thus resolute, concerted action by all States and peoples is required. With that in mind, Viet Nam expresses its appreciation of and full support for the decision taken by the Non-Aligned Movement at its Ministerial Meeting in Nioosia in September this year, in which it suggested th:st the General Assembly declare the decade of 1990 to 2000 the mlnternational Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism- and adopt a programme of action aimed at entering the twenty-first century with a world free from colonialism. We are confident that in so doing the United Nations, together with the am-Aligned Ibvement - this largest assembly of countries that were once victims of colonialism or neo-colonialism - will generate a new, powerful impetus for the cause of complete aecolonization the world over. The Declaration in resolution 1514 (XV) makes it clear that all nations, whether large or small, are entitled to self-determination and independence. In the light of that, the process of decolonization will remain unfulfilled so long as even a single small Territory is yet under colonial rule.. Some 20 small 1erritories still have non-self-govarning or trusteeship status. The question of decolonization therefore deserves W\diminished attention, especially now that the dependent, colonial status of these 'Jl!rritorles is being increasingly strengthened and canselidated. A common overall characteristic of these 'lbrritories is their total dependence on the administering lbwers. Acting in contradiction with their commitments under the United Nations Charter, the administering Pclwers have sought by every means to obstruct the processes towards the exercise by the peoples of th~se Terri~ories of genuine self-determination and independence. Attempts are made to transform their economiea in such a way as further to deepen their economic dependency and beat (!r. '1'rinb Xuan Lang f Viet Ham) lIllintain the prevaUing colonial economic relations. At the SEe time, the administering Powers seek to bring about a balkanization of the depen4'!nt ~rritories and set up soci01POlitical entities and structures that are meant to secure tbeir continued domination there. Indeed, all this aJlM)unts to an imposition of new, dangerous and sophisticated forms of neo-colonialism, aimed at maintaining tbe C01Clnial dependency cf these small ~rritories and perpetuating the status quo. Worse still, many of the small Territories bave been turned into military bases, or sites for the teating and stockpiling of nuclear waapons at the service of geopolitical designs that are contrary to the general trend of the relaxation of tension and confrontation. Tbat not Clnly binders, and creates further complications for, the implementation in these Territories of resolution 1514 (XV), but also poses a threat to botb regional and international. peace and security. In this re9aM, Viet NaIl joins the rest- of the international community in demanding an inmediate end to the use of these 'D!rdtor1es - be it Qlam, Diego Garcia, Bermuda, Micronesia, Puerto Rico or any other - for military purposes. Proceeding from its principled position and its awn experience of arduous and indomitable struggle" Viet Nam reaffirms its strcng, whole-bearted support for the struggle for independence and self-determination of all nations - of the peoples of Namibia, Soutb Africa, Palestine, lew Caledcmia. In line with tbat position, we support tbe just cause of the people of Western Sahara, under the leadership of the POLlSARlD Front. we welcome the recent positive developnents, among them the efforts pursued by tbe Cbairman of the . Organization of African Unity (OAU) Md the tklited Nations Secretary-General, that are conducive to the exercise of self-determination by that people in keeping witb relevant OAU and United Nations resolutions on the question, in particular the OAtJ's AGHl2tesel04(XI}Q. We support the search for a p:)litical solution towards that end, tbrough direct negotiations between the p~rt:1e8 concerned. (Mr. Tdnh XUM Lang, V!et Nam) In the cause of dec:olmiaation, the granting of independence to NIJIibia r.aina today the lIO.t per.lstent Challenge. It has indeed becoae a test of the CCIIIIJIlOn ,,111 and efforts of the international oo_lUlity and the Qlited Nstions. Por 10 yeare nQ1, Security Council l:eBolution 435 (1978) has been recognized by the - whole international co_unity to be the buis for Nulibla's independence. However, South Africa, on the ane hand, persists in its oolcnial occ:upation of Namibia, seeking to turn the 'l'ttrdtor:y into a neo-colony, and, on the other, seeks to evade its oo.itments, delaying the granting of independence to Namibia, especially through the pursuit of the linkage policy. (Mr. Trinh Xuan Lans, Viet Rail) The international couunity should further reiterate that the iaplellentation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) .uat be unconcUtional and cannot be held hostage to extraneous and irrelevant issues. As a' result of the staunch an4 perRvering struggle of the peoples of this region and the general trend of dialogue 1n the world, encouraging develoPllertts are now wa4el' way in southern Africa.. In that evolution, Viet Ha. supports the correct position adopted and the good will shown by Irngola ~d Cuba in promUng the ongoing quadripartite negotiations towards a solution that cx»uld guarantee Angola's independence, sovereignty" security and terdtorial integrity as well as Namibia's genuine indepenJence. At the s_ time, we welcome the good will and efforts undertaken by the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) with the aill of facilitating the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). At this stage, the Wly to Namibia's independence appears to have been opened but one must realize that that road reDains fraught with difficu.lties and complex!ties due to the unchanged nature of the apartheid regime and South Africa's continued intransigent and tmtrustworthy attitude. The international community must therefore _intain ita vigilant attention and continue to e~ert pressure upon South lIlfrica, including through comprehensive, amatory s8'lctiona, so as to ensure South Africa's fulfilment of its comaitment to the iIlplementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). On the other hand, the international oollJllUnity should extend greater assistance and stronger support to the just cause of the Namibian people and SWAPO, especially during the decisive transition stage. In order to secure a world free fl'Olll colcniali., besides eliminatingcolcnial ~ule to win their independence and eelf~eter.ination, the newly independent , countries also have to struggle to preserve and consolidate their newly achieved political and econaaic independlnce, to 40 away with the vestiges of their colcnial past and to prevent a poB8ible return of colon1&11. under new forll8. In that Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library (Hr. Tdnh Xuan Lang, Viet Nam) context, the Declaration in Qmeral AssfJmbly resolution 1514 (XV) reJllllins of enduring relevance to many countries whose independence has been recently achieved. Colonial!., old and new, continues to seek every means tu erode the independence and sovereignty of these nations, especially those who choose paths of developaents not to its liking. Moo in that context there is the need to enhance the struggle for the eradication of unjust, binding, colonial I!COnomic relations, through the establishment of a new international economic order. As we enter the closing years of the twentieth century when the demand for equality in and democratization of international political life has beuome so powerfUl, it is ever more imperative to eliminate colonialism and all its manifestations in keeping with the spirit of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). Current developments towards dialogue and co~peration will facilitate our concerted efforts to achieve that goal. In that context, Viet Nam stands for the General Assembly's adoption of draft resolution A/43/L.28 put forth by the non-aligned countries. Further, Viet Nam, as it has co-sponsored similar draft ;oesolutions in previous years, has co-sponsored draft resolutions A/43/L.23 and Lt 24, and will vote in favour of all draft resolutions WIder this item. In conclusion, the Vietnamese delegation wishes to express its appreciation of the major contribution made by the Special Committee of 24 since its establishment in 1961 to the common efforts of the international community aimed at promoting the speedy and full implementation of the historic Declaration in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). Mr. PETERS (Saint Vincent and the Grenadines) a The wrld today is a very different place from what it was at the start of the decolonization era. For conclusive evidence of this, all we need do is compare the present composition of the General Assembly with what it was in 1945 when the thited Nstions came into decolonization process. In fact it is generally admitted that decolonization is one of the success stories of the United Nations. While decolonization has reached the stage at which the item, hopefully, will be eliminated from the agenda of the General Assembly by the turn of the century, our task will not be complete until the last vestiges of colonization have been eradicated from the face of the Earth. we cannot and must not condone the denial to colonial peoples of their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. And no Jll)re glaring denial of such a right exists than in the case of the Nluibian people. Ever\ though the United Nations revoked South Africa's Mandate over the Territory more than 20 years ago and established the Council for Namibia to administer the '1erritory until independence, South Africa has stubbornly and illegally held on to the Territory and refused to co-operate in t.be implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). The dell!gation of Saint Vincent and the " Grenadines, while welcoming recent developments in southern Africa and the peace plan being worked out for the region, sees the need for renewed international pressure directed at the Pretoria regime to force its compliance with Security Council resolution 435 (1978). My delegation also condemns the ruthless exploitation of Uamibia's national rese. .rces in contravention of Decree lb. 1 of the United Nations Council for Namibia. The international community should avail itself of the existing improved climate of super-Power deten~ to find new initiatives to put an end to some of the more intractable colonial problems on the United Nations agenda. On the delicate question of Western Sahara, my delegation welcomes the efforts of the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity and the SecretalY-General of the United Nations to promote a just and definitive solution to the canflict. The endorsement of the Secretary-General's plan by the Security Council and the appointment of a $Pecial Representative for western Sahara are positive developnents. We appeal to the Kingdom of Morocco and the J:OLmARIO~ as wall as to all parties concerned, to display the political will necessary to implement the Secretary-General's peace plan and put an end to the conflict. My delegation notes with s~tlsfaction the dialogue which has been initiated under the auspices of the French authorities on the status of New Caledonia. We urge the parties involved to continue that dialogue in the interest of all the people of New Caledonia. Size, population, or geographic location must never be used as criteria for the denial of self-determination and independence to subject peoples. This principle is of epecial importance in the case of small colonial 'lerritories. The Fourth Committee, which I had the hcmour of chairing during the current session, unequivocally asserted the right to self-determination and independence of such peoples and reiterated then need to send visiting United Na~lons missions to these 'larritories and the obligation of the administering Powers to permit access to such Missions and to oo~perate with them. (Mr. Peters, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines) The international community should keep under constant review the activities of all those foreign econanic and other interests whlch impede the way to self-determination and independence. However, my deleg~tion believes that we need to be realistic in examining and reporting on these activities in colonial Territories. We should avoid narrow ideological or rhetorical positions. We should strengthen our resolve to terminate all those activities of foreign and other economic interests which impede the decolonization process o~ deplete the natural resources of colonial 'l\!rritories. But, at the same time, we should recognize the positive contribution of some transnational corporations 1n the area of economic and social developnent. In any event, the successor States.. when they accede to independence, will, in all likelihood, have to deal with the very foreign corporatiCXls in their midst today. It would be remiss of me in this statement to the General hlsembly if I failed to pay tribute to the Chairman of the Special Committee of 24, Ambassador 'lesfaye ~desse, and to the members of the COJIIDittee for their wr k in advancing the objectives of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. As in past years, the Special Committee of 24 facilitated the work of the Fourth Committee and its report and draft proposals formed the basis of the Committee's delibei:'ations. I am gratefUl also to llnbassador Qscar Oramas Oliva of Cuba, Vice Chairman of the Special Committee of 24, to Mr. M. Ahmad Farouk Arnouss of the Syrian Arab Bepublic, Rapporteur of the Committee, and to the Chairman of the Special Comittee's Sub-Committee on Small Territories for their contributions to the 1«»rk of the Eburth COlllllittee. I take this oppo~tunity to thank Mr. Thomas Tanaka, Director for Political Affairs, Trusteeship and Decolonization, and Mrs. QBle Rives-Niessel, Secretary of the Committee, for their support during the session. I heartily associate mys~lf (Mr. Peter s, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines) wi th the tribute already paid in this Assembly to Mr. Tanaka and Mrs. Rives-Niessel and wish them both lalg, fruitful and happ./ years of retirement. Aa the representative of a small country which not so long ago became independent, I am in a position, like all Vincentians, to understand the aspirations and struggles of colonial peoples to win freedom for themselves and to ask. cola'lial peoples to exercise patience whUe the international community seeks to implement the most effective modalities for transferring independence. Their lack of freeCbm is to us a burden which becomes increasingly heavier and more insupportable the closer they get to the final status of independence. Yet it is indeed independence that lies at the end of the process, for the tide of decolonization is now irreversible. All freedom-loving Peoples, wherever they are found, must rededicate themselves at this time and redouble their resolve to ensure that all PeOPles enjoy the basic human rights of self-determination and independence • The meeting rose at 12. 54 ~~.
  1 mtg
• (continned) CRITICAL EQ)NCMIC SITUATION IN AFRI~: UNITED NATIONS PROGRFlMME OF ACl'ION EUR AFRICAN ECOQ1IC REQ)VERY AND DEVEIDlMENT 1986-1990 (a) REOORT OF THE .lID mc OOMMITTEE OF THE WIDLE OF THE GENERAL ASS&1BLY ON THE REVIJ:W AND APPRAISAL OF THE UNITED NATIONS PROGRAMME OF ACl'ION EUR AFRICAN SQ)NQUC RECDVERY AND DEVELOEMENT 1986-1990 (A/43/664 and Corr.l) (b) REPORT OF THE SEQmTARY-GENERAL (A/43/S00 and Corr.l and Add.l and Add. 2) (c) DRAFT RmOWTION (A/43/664, chapter IV) Mr. BLANC (France) (interpretation from French): My Government fully subscribes to the views expressed by the President of the European Community in his recent statement on the agenda item under consideration. '!Wo months ago, under the dlairmanship of Mr. Tom Vraalsen, Ambassador of Norway, we completed our mid-term review of the United Nations PrograJmle of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development. TWo years after the launching of the exercise, we had to determine whether we had embarked on the right course. (Mr. Blanc, France) In my Government's view, the mid-term review or stock-t.aking exercise is ve-ry important. France, which remains clceely attached to the Afriean peoples, is their principal donor. We are familiar with the major econanic difficulties besetting Africa, and my country believes it can provide assistance to overcome them. It would be idle to paraphrase the text of the final document, which is especially enlightening. It would be more desirable to recall the broad lines of the Progranme that was drawn up and to form sane ideas on the actions to be W1dertaken in the coming years, during which concrete results should be achieved. Wi th respect to the measures taken by many African countries, we pay tribute to their efforts in the agricultural field in particular. It would be desirable to pursue such endeavours. They are indispensable to redress the situation in that continent. We must of course ensure that we do not lose sight of the human dimension and should give special protection to the most underprivileged groups. It is also desirable to take better advantage of private initiatives by enhancing the value of human resources, encouraging savings and direct investments, and combating the drain of capi tal. In the face of the important decline in the price of colll1lOdities, reduced here and there by the rise in the price of sane canmodities, we also feel it is imperative that there be diversifi~~tion of the African economies and increased processing, marketing and distribution operations. 'lb those efforts to be undartaken by Africans should be added the contribution of the international canmunity. The improvement of economies and market-oriented development cannot in fact be achieved wi thout considerable financial inputs. Without dwelling Oft the details of Q!£.. Blanc, Prance) the fWl document, we should like to emphasize that it recalls the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national product all donor countries shoulio! try to achieve, and the need to il'Iprove the quality of assistance .aich ls its corollary. with respect to pr1llary colllDOdities, it is crucial for that continent, as we have often said, that the international caIIIunity help the African ecCftcmies to achieve a level of proWctivit¥ comparable with that of other producing groups. The seccnd aspect of the CcIma<:Jn Pur.d ay be an effective instrWllent to that effect. Stabilization of export earnings in an unstable economic environment is a useful instr\lllent, more particularly, as stated in the report, through the impltmentation of progrumes such as Stabex and Sysmin. The group of experts to be established by the Secretary-General should take a new lcok at the prospects envisaged in the area. Wi th respect to the debt probl~_, a cCllllilitllen~ was undertaken in 'l'orCllto with respect to the poorer heavily indebted countries which subscribed to certain structural adjustment policies. '!'hat C<.WIitlumt was confirmed by the States members of the International Monetary Fund in Berlin, the Paris Club works to implement the measures. Debt proble_ ccntinue to exist and CCllcern other debtor countries, which is why t.he President of the Prench Republic launched a proposal concerning the private debt of mediua-inCClle countries which was the object of consideration by the cOlll'etent authorities .. In conclusion, I believe that the mid-terra review has been ctMrrled out energetically by the various partnerlll. The States of Africa must resolutely puraue ':heir efforts along the right road, but they cannot do ao vi thout the cantinueCI an'\! evolving support of the international co_unity, which reflects the neceseary and obligatory interdependence of ccnteBporaEY ecanc.leso Kr. LE Wye (China) (interpretation from Chinese) I The fact that the General Assembly has once again included on its agenda an item on the critical economic situation in Africa indicates that the economic sit~ation in Africa relllllins critical and cQ'ltinues to be of serious concern to the international colllllunity. We appreciate the inforMative report of the Secretary-Generc.:l on this item and the official document made available by the Organization of African Unity, which a~e very useful for our consideration of this item. Over the past year the African countries have made strenuous efforts to attain economic recovery and developnent. Throltr.;h economic reform and structural adjustment many Africml countries have taken effective steps to rehabilitate and develop agriculture, promote agro-related industries, combat drought and desertification and ensure effective development and utilization of human resources. They have achieved scme degree of success. At the same time, the developed countries mld the .televant international organizations have also done considerable work. They have taken action and made certain coJ'llllitments in terms of increasing official development assistance and other financial flows to African cowtries and alleviating their debt burden. Despite all this, it is regrettable that the economic situati~n in Africa has yet to take a fundamental turn for the better. Africa's grain output has continued to grow at a slOlfer pace than its population, and its per capita income level is still below that of 1980. Therefore, it remains a pressing task for the international conmunity to step up its efforts for African economic recovery and development. Last September, the Ad Roc Caomittee of the Whole of the General Assembly conducted a mid-term review and appraisal of the thited Nations PrograJllfte of Action for African B::onomic Recovery ~d Development 1986-1990. Presided over by Mr. Tal Eric Vraalsen, the Aaballlsador of Nonay, the Coanlttee adopted the final (Mr:. Lt wye, China) report after two weeks of intensive work. Although it leaves mch room for improvement, the report gives expression to a realistic approach and a spirit of co-operation of all parties and helps to maintain the lOOI'I\entum for implementing the Progranane of Action. It is our hope that t.'tis session of the General Assembly will take action on the report and adopt a corresponding resolution to ensure the implenentation of the report. There are only two years left for the implementation of the Progranme of Action. Whether or not we HhaU achieve succes~ in bringing about African econanic recovery and developnent will depend on what we do during those two years. Time is short, and the task formidable. The African countries have already shown their confidence and determination to overcome the difficulties and revitalize their eCalany. The international canmunity as a whole, and the developed countries in particularf should demonstrate the political will, take effective measures and make still greater efforts, especially in alleviating the debt burden, increasing financial assistance and stabilizing the prices of primary commodities so that a favourable external environment can be created for the benefit of African eCalanic recovery and development. The Chinese Government will, as always, continue to support the African countries in their efforts for eCalanic recovery and development. We shall continue to provide economic and technical assistance to African countries to the best of our ability and engags in economic and technicftl co-operation of various forms with them on the basis of equality, mutual benefit and attainment of cOl'llllOn progress. We hope that with concerted efforts from all sides the economic sitlAation in Africa will have considerably imprwed by the time there is a final review and appraisal of the Programe of Action in 1990. Hr. ABULBASAN (Kuwait) (intet'pretation frOll Arabic) I DeBp!te the sincel'e, tireless efforts by the African Governaenta to reactivate their ecoocmies and resUJle the process of developaent, and chapite the recently heighten~ international CQ'lcern over the African ccmUnent IS econaa!c crisis, Afric& IS overall ea»nOlll!c situation continues to deteriorate. Indeed, in his report to the General Assembly, the Secretary-General states that, in general teru, the African economic performance is still disappointing. we all know of the many ccmtradictory explanations of this situation. Sane have found it easier to put the blame on this or that quarter, regardless of the tremendous complexity and the interrelatedness of the various aspects of the question. But it is only fair and just to put the blame on all those who contribute to the SHtrpetuation or e'Ulcerbation of the problem and pay a tribute to all those who have done all they could and lIade positive contributions. tb cme would claim that we could expect African eCQI'lanic recovery and development overnight, even if all sides had sincerely honoured their col1lllitmen".s. It is, however, clear that ale of the _jar obstacles to African econanic recovery is the lat level of the flQol of finance frClll the developed countries to African development. That is why the geml of progress and sufficient growth remains unattainable. If we review the situation created by trade barriers, financial and monetary systems, indebtedness, canmdity prices and the effects of drought and desertification, we shall find that sometimes the dedicated efforte of the Afr lean countries to "cape th~s vicious circle appear to he futile. This calls for sincere efforts on the P!lrt of the international coiHllunity an the broadest possible scale. Por a long ti.. now the foc.. has b.en on the developing coamtdes i debt and its destructive effect on their cJev~oPl8nt and on the econCllic and social cenditions of their peoples. My coWltry, Kuwait, ha. always been ooi1cerned ewer the situation of friendly African =untries and other developing countries. Thus, a few 'leeks ago, frcn the rostrua of the world Organization, Ri. Highn_s the Blir of the State of Kuwait announced an ill!portant, constructive and generous initiative - n_ely, the three-point prograllllle of action to solve the ~obl_ of indebtedness. In the interest of the world econaay in general IM'ld th~ econaaies of the third world in particular, that initiative should be taken up and put into effoct. That will require the c~certed efforts of all. It will 9reatly benefit thE! African continent, in its lcng, arduous eClOnClllic struggle. All those who heard &is Highness the &lIir of !tU_it agreed that he cJleilOnBtrated a sincere political will - which, unfortunately, is very rare in our tiaes- to find an effective, redical 3olution to a crisis _idl is worsening, v1 th dire consequences for millions of peroons in the developing cowatries. The solution advocated will, of course, require sacrifice and self-denial. Almost all African States emphasize the need for self-reliance in facing up to the pol!tical and econanic challenges of this age. That conviction stems fran the individual and collective experienClll of these countries since the end of the c::olcnial era. That experience has taught them the important lesson that they have to work hard and produce IIlOre in order to achieve self-sufficiency, which is the corner-stme of genuine growth and development. There can be no doubt, lIoreOller, that the African countries are fully convinced that they must act en two levels. Pint, they lIlust deter any attempt to subjugate thell politically or eoonOllically and keep th_ in & continuous stata of need Md depend.cy. ThiB tMy CM do through mclal ateadfatn.... Seccndly, tRley IlUSt incr.... their productilCn and enllure that it ha sound fosmdation8. That The Afd,can and other: developing coWltri.. are now aware that in order for th. to rise to the dlaUflftge Dd r.toxe their fr_dos of action, it ia not enough to uke declarati«Xl1I and fOl'aulaq plan. on paper. They realizfl that wat is nM6td iD actual work - not j..-t plans. In addition, they realize that they have to co-operate with oacb other IIld, gradually, reach for reali8tic integration. 'l'hat i. evident in the curront progr..e. of action of the African Group. Thi8 tendency took concrete forD in the Lago. Plan of Action, which was suppl..nted by the Afdclln Progr_e of Prioritie. for llConc.ic Reccwery end the tili ted Ha tion8 Progr~ of Action for Afriea's BoonCllic Recovery and Developaent. Mben '"' speak of the tragedy of f_ine _1ch threaten8 _iUion8 of live8 atllong the young and tho old, we _t refer to the atrociou8 paradox of our age - nuely, that .-blle hundred. of thou.ut. are dying dally of f_ine, there is a trend towards re4sclng foceS production in sa. parU of the world in order to lighten the burden of food 8urpl._ and buoy up food pdc.... We cannot but join the Mcwement of Non-Aligned Countri.. in calling for the adoption of a special progrUlile of action for: financial and fooc1 auiatlllC8 to .eet .ae.:gencie8 in the developing countries that BuUer frOM chrcnic food lIbortages. There is no doubt that the food cdsis in Africa ha been exacerbated by the persistent drought, creeping cSeaertif1cation, and the recent calnitoua locust infestation. In this regard, ve caU upon the international COIIMuni1::y, MC8 again, to mpl.ent without delay General Asa.bly ruolut'-ons 39/309 and 40/175. We wieh to reiterate that the right to food is ene of the most buic of human rights and thmt it lIuat be upheld. Hence, there should not be any linkage of food assistance to any poll tical cCl1ditions of 1ltlatever kind. Lest sOlleene should claim that this is the ultillate objective, we hasten to affirm, once again, the absolute indispensable need for consolidating North-South co-operation in developing the capabilities of the African and other developing coWltries in their striving towards self-sufficiency in food and agriculture. In this context, we welcome the Qiprus inith.tive against world hunger, and hope that it wll1 gain enough mmentum to translate its tenets into reality. We also urge the Meabers of the Organization fully tc support the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IPA!), in its _jor task. we also urge them to support the establishment of an international system of information Md early warning ",ithin the Food and Agriculture Organization of the U1ited Nations with the objactive of dealing with the crisis in Africa, and particularly the poorer countries, in the area of food and agriculture. It is only natural that speaking of the eecnemic problems of Africa should lead us to call for access to the markets of developed countries, by the products of. the African and other developing countries, the stabilization of their collllllOdity prices, the elimination of the protectionist tendencies of the industrialized countr ies, and ending the unfair competition based on the subsid1zation by the developed c;guntries of their exports, the domination of the world markets by the tranDnation~1 corporations and the practice of pr ice-fixinge (Hr. Abulhas., Ku",all.) 1lben we speak of the critical eCClnOllic 8itlJat1on in Africa, we aust express our concern oVer the large n.."ers of refugees l'ho cross the borders of other countries on the African ccotinent mder the pressure of various factCX's and the resultant social and eoonOllic suains this influx of refugees creates fo.: the .countries of refuge. '!'bis leads us to urge the international COII.unity to reaffirm its co_~taent to the objectives of the Second lll'llf<':)rnational Conference for Msistance to Rlfugees in Africa, which was held in 1984, and the international conferenee of the Organization of African Q'lity on the plight of refugees and displaced persons in Africa. As the international co_unity already knows and as has been delloi1strated by the _jority of its Ilenbers in various resolutions, the policy of destabilizatiOlt pursued by the South African regille has very grave eoonOllio consequences. This makes it illlperative for all of us to support the African countries and the liberation JIOv_ents, whid,) bear the brunt of these aggressive and racist policies. In this regaEd, lily delegation would like to pay tribute to the Southern African Developaent (»-ordination Conference and laud the progress it has a<::hieved in launC1hing important economic programes to lessen the dependency of the front-line States in southern Africa. we call an the mellllbers of the international cam.unity to support those progral" as mch as they possibly can. In conclusioni I should lilee to confirm to all the friendly peoples of Africa from this rostr.. that ay CQUfttry, Kuwait, will ccntinue to honour its c:oM:lt:JIent8 with regard to {:''ie relief and developnent of 1£1'i08, not coly out of its conviction concerning the iJlportance of that cmtinent but also out of an awareness of the importance of the eoonc.ic recovery of that continent 1n regard to the peace, security and stabUity of the world. Mr. BARHBT'I (J_ica) I The er it.ical situation affecting the Afr iean regimwu given full recognition by the intunatianal co_unity .en the General Ae....bly, at its thirteenth .pecial ....im in 1986~ adopted the tmited Ratione Jlrogr_e of Action for African BconOllic Recovery and Developaent. During the pe.t two ye.ra of the Progr.-'Il lIIpl.entation, African countries b.. _cSa significant efforts to adjust Md develop their eccnoaies and societies. Priority bas been given by aany countries in the region to the development of ~9r1culture, the reduction of fi.cal illbelancea, the iaprOl1eaent of _cr01CC1loaic lUlnage_nt, the rationalization of the public .ector, the further encourage.ent of the pdvet.e oeetor, the reduction of populaticn growth, the protection of the environ.nt, and the develes-ent of bWllln capacitie.. In a nWlber of cases these policies are begiming to Ihow results. Juaica wi.ha to pay a tribute to these courageous efforts and achieveMnts of the African people, ....tiJIe. in the face of considerable political and social ri.k and against a backdrop of unfavourable international econOllic environ_nt anc! uny proble••till existing on the cmtinent. We ~lM» note, with appreciation, the efforts Bade by the international cc..unity to support the i.pleaentation of the Progr_e of Action. SoIIe denors have increased their davelor-ent assistance to African countrie.. A nUJlber of international and regional financial inatitutiol'lll have taken positive aeasures to incr:eue flClfB to Af~ica. The aajor developed countries have adopted policies to belp reUeve the external debt problea of the pocxest African countries. The relevant boeJieti 0% the tmited Rations systea bave also responded positively. Q1fort.W\ately, a. the report of the Secretary-G"U~l'al, entitled lIJ4id-tera 1'.,,1_ of the illPl.entationof the tmited Nations Progr~ of Action for African (Hr. Barnett, JuaiCA) BconaBic Raccweq and Developaent- (A/413/S00 m Corr.l and Adc! ..l and 2; highlights, overall econcaic and social conditions in Africa contin. to cJeteri~ate. During the pel'~.~ undtar review, increasea in the gross doIieatic product have been slight, per capita inco. hp fallen. Investaent in the educatiua Md healtit sectOIrS, vital for the long-tem dftgelo~ent of any counuy, has decreased. Drought, flClOds and now a .ajor locust infestation threaten agricultural production. The external debt burden has beClOlle worrieolle. Collmdity prices rellam depressed. Resource flars in relll teras have fallen. (Mr. Barnett, Jamai.£8) The need, therecfore, for further: concerted efforts both by African countries and, equally important, by the international ooDl1lunity is absolutely clear. This, to sorr.e extentt has been reC';"'gnized in the report of the Ad Ibc ConIIlittee of the Mlole on the Review and Appraisal of the United Nations ProgIa1TIIle of AcUon for African Ecooanic Iecovety and Development (A/43/664 and Corr.l), which is before the Assembly today. As the report notes, a number of problems faced by African countries - and this holds true for the developing world as a whole - are related to exogenous factors over which Africa has no control. The international trading system is one of these and, given the heavy c:bpendence of African economies on export earnings and the lack of diversi~ thereof, positive action by the international ccXnmunity in order to improve the adverse terms of trade is a must. The Ad Hoc Committee recognized the situation but fell short of making specific reconmendations. The problem of the external debt burden is another area of major concern reoognized by the Ad tl:K: Colilllit tee, whose reconunendations should be implemented as quickly as possible. E\1rther measures will also need to be taken by the international canmunity to alleviate the debt burden of all affected countries in the continent and thus enable them to utilize scarce resources as far as possible for economic recovery and long-term development. Since the adoption of the United Nations Prograume of Action for African Ec.:onomic Recovery and Development, African countries as a group and indigenous African institutions have intensified their efforts to put forward proposals dealing wi th some of the problems facing Africa, and this would, inter alia, involve action by the international community. In particular, bodies such as the Organization of African uni~ and the African Development Bank have been responding in an extremely constructive manner to a number of issues which African Governments have to confront on a daily basis. The African common position on Africa's external debt crisi~, the Khartoum Declar~tion, and the proposals by the African Developnent. Bank on resource flollS and external debt are all examples. we welcome t.'l!s de"elopment~ f« it is further recognition that the primary lCesponsibility for Africa's economic future lies in the hands of Afrioans. This reaponsibility ~elates not only to the ~plementationof policies and programmes nationally and regionally, but also to the creative and intellectual process of devising implementable solutions which recognize the particul~r circumstances of Africa, and who better to do this than Afr icans themselves? we noted that many of these proposals were present&d to the Ad Ibc CoaInittee for fl..lture consideration by the international ooftlllunity. we were deeply disappointed that sane appeared to be treated with scant regardo Surely this response falls short of the colllt\itment made in the Prcgranme of Action by the international community to "respond positively to the African call for a new era of co-operation based on a spirit of genuine and equal partnership, which is an essential element for harmonious and mutually beneficial economic co-operation in an inte~dependent world.· (resolution S-13/2, annex I, para. 7) We wish to urge that in the various international forums which examine issue:; Eelatil'l9 to Africa's economic recovery, these proposals emanating from the African continent itself are seriously considered with a view to Unplementation. Equally important to the success of development efforts is a peaceful and stable international political environment. In Md.ca we continue to face the long-standing issue of raci9'll and wili te mi.nority domination in Sc'~th Africa. Significant and scarce resources continue to be deployed by the front-line States in order to secure their borders against racist aggression. The relentless campaign of aggression and economic sabotage waged by the Pretoria regime against its neighbours has forced these Seates to spend large sums on armaments for their (Mr. Barnett, Jamaica) security. Resolution of the South African Md Namibia issues, m.d the consequent easing of tension, t10uld enable alternative use of those resources for develoPllent purposes in those coun~ries. We are therefore cautiously encouraged by the ~es"lts of the last romd of negotiations on the independence of South west Africa/Namibia. The international cCiDlmunity IiiUSt ensure that South Africa follows through on its coz:witments. Hewever, we cannot lose sight of the fact that the racist pOlicies of South Africa remain in place and that international pressure on that reg1ule must continue until ap!!rtheid is abolished. The report of the Ad !be CamDittee of the iIlole on the mid-term review and appraisal reoo!1lllands that a fin~l review of the United Nations Progrune of Action for African Econanic Recovery and Developl!lent take place at the forty-sixth session of the General Asse!IIbly. HOIIIever, priority attention by the inter.national community must cootinue beYClCld this period. During the next few years, the ttaited Nations will be elaborating a nEIW development strategy and will be convening a number of international conferences relating to developmental issues. Special attention must be given to Africa in the context of these. Africa is too important to be left behind in economic and social development. The dyntll!lllics of interdependence require that everything be done to redress the plight of that continent, which has contributed so IIllch to mankind's history and is so rich in huwm and natural resources. Its potential must be realized. Mr. POR'l'IER (Canada) (interpretation fram F~ench): tbt so long ago many of us and our Ministers spent two long and difficult weeks discussing the critical econaaic situation in Africa and the progress that has been made - and that which has not been made - in implementing the United Nations Programe of Action for African Economic gecoye~ and Development 1986-1990. The mid-term review was serious and, thanks to the excellent stewardship of the Chairman, (NI:. !brtier, canada) ee-ittee, to .!lch I wish to pay a uibute, a consensus was reacbed. Tbe prcbl_s, the i8sues and the response to the situation in Afriea are colllPlex, huun ana CClCIpelling. We all know that recovery and develoPllent wUl take tille, co_UllIent and courage. We are _eting today to give official approval to the report of the Aa Hoc Co_ittee and to stress the illlportance of using the review as a guide for the r_aining yeags of the Progra-.e" The ~ited Nations Progr5Be of Action for African BccnC8lic ft!covery and Develo18ent ia the road asp for a lmg and difficult journey. The mid-term review vu an iaportant milestone. The review will continue to Berve an eBSential role in fuelling the political wUl needed to continue implementation of the ProgralDe throughout its relll1ining years.. The lIes84ge of the review is hope. Canada attaches great 1IIportance to the United Nations progra.e of Action and to the review. 'l'hat is why our Minister for External Relations and International Davelopaent, Mrs. Monique Iandry, ca_ to Hew York to participate in the opening debate.. eer lIe984ge was that AfriCia is a high priority for Canada and will remain a high priority. She Laid clNrly that Canada is co_itted for the long term. The aid-terM rwie" began by recognizing a distressing factI that despite efforts to date the econClllic situation in Africa has continued to deteriorate. And behind the numerB, behind the statistics, Hes a continuing scene of hUllan misery • (Mr. Fortier, Canada) It is this hUmml reality that has touched the Canadian people, as it has so many others. It is this reality that muat compel both the international co_unity and African Governments to find every means possible to fulfil the commitments set out in the l!lited Nations PrograJlllO to the full and to reverse these downward trends. The consensus that emerged in the review was a recogni tion of this human need and a firm conmitment to continue to join forces for the future of Africa. At the outset it was clear to all concerned that the review was not the time to renegotiate the United Ratione Progrune of Action, to shift its focus from agriculture, or to detract from the principal role that African Governments must play. Any attempt to do so would have undermined the integrity of the Progranme and the momentum it had already gel:lerated internationally and in Africa. It ia an appropria~ Prograllllle. It is broad and balanced in tackling the root causes of the economic crisis, and it highlights such critical issues as the environment, hur..an-resource developnent, women in developnent, and population, which we must all address in our development plans. But, most importantly, underpinning the United Nations Progranme is the concept of sustainable development. Our common goal is to free African countries from dependence on external financial and technical support to sustain their economies. It is for the long term. In our implementation of the Programne, donors and African ooll'\tries should focus together on \:he lmg-term viability of the development strategies and eCCXlomic policies we aCbpt and on the long-term environmental impact of those policies. The key issues of the review were thc:l human impact of structural adjustment, debt, resource flows and trade and commodity issues. It would be naive to suggest that' there was unanimity of view on these issues. There was, however, a frank: exchange which allowed us to understand better the concerns of African Governments and the constraints and limit&tiona they face in responding to the crisis. We also emphasized the critical role the international colllllunity must play to support these efforts. On the basis of this understanding we must do a better job of bnplementing effective structural adjustment programmes, stimulating needed domeatic investment, disbursing funds faster, thinking and acting as constructively as we can about proposals for debt relief, and ensuring that we are all carrying our fa ir burden. Our: expactations in 1986, when the PrograJllile was adopted, were high. We could not have antioipated the worsening of the international eoonanic climate that Il1lltde it so difficult for African Governments to implement the necessary structural reforms. We in the international canmunity had high expectations that we could mobilize verY qUickly the necessary concessional resources. In actu&l fact, many measures have been put in place by both African Governments and the international community. But we have discovered that the problems and obstacles are enormous and that mange occurs only wi th the utmost effort and very slowly. The Progr anme for Afr ican recovery was a landmar k when it was adopted in 1986. The international community drew together with African countries to map out for the first time a jointly agreed, comprehensive plan for individual and co-operative action in order to address the serious econanic problems confronting the region. The United Nations is nCif enjoying a renaissance in the public view. It hu contributed successfully to the resolution of long-standing regional conflicts. The PrograJlllle for African recovery, therefore, is a unique opportunity to demonstrate the effeotiveness of the United Nations in finding solutions to difficult, yet equally important, economic, social and development challenges. It is important that our consensus be sustained. 'Jbgether, in the review, we listened to each other's points of view. On the depth of the crisis in Africa there wu no disagreement. As to the fact that .exe must be dene, there vas no disagr".ent. That we .ust, both Afr ican Governments and the international c:ea.unlty, ccntinue to do our utJloBt to iaplellent the Progr.-e was 8OIM!thing on which there was no disagr...ent. Where there wre divergenceo and differences th.e vere on .t:ters such as debt and trade in cODfllOdities, which for the II08t part must be adaressed in other, more technical, bodies. But there was no disagreement about the fact that all these .tter. need to be addreseed vith urgency. Our role here is to underline the need and the urgency. The review vas an opportunity for us to renew our cc.itllent to iIlpluenting the ProgrUlle to the full in its relusining years. Ibr its part, Canada vill Btay the course with Africa. Hr. PBJIC (Yugoslavia) I Two years have elapsed since the General Asseably adopted the Progr_e of kt!cn for Afdcan BcanCllic Recoyery and DeveloPlllent 1986-1990 as an iJlportant instrUlmnt for the alleviation of the critical eccnOllic situation in Africa. African oounuies and the international co_unity made a mutual colllitment to invest their best efforts to achieve this goal. For African countries this meant, first: and forel108t, that they were to give priority attention to the necessary econc.ic reform and to adjust their eoonoraic policies. Por the international cClllllunity it lIeant undertaking COIBplellentary action through intensified co-operation and substantially increased support. Must has been achieved 80 far? lbw did the eCClftOlllc situation in African ecanOllic situation of th_. countries not only has not iaproved but hes further c::ountri.. evolve? Unfortunately, the picture does not laok rosy at all. The deteriorated, and in 8C11e of th_ it hars U8W1ecS erisis proportions. The extant situation does not require elaboration, it is only too well known. 1IUlt does, however - and very ..ch so - is inadequate implementation of the ProgfaDllle of Action and the consequent absence of the expected results. 'lhe African Q)untries have made enorlllOus sacrifices to implement this Progrume. We cannot but Q)lIIIIend those courageous efforts, particularly since in many Q)untries such measures involve high socilll and politi~l risks. ast the efforts cannot be sustained indefinitely in the face of an adverse external envirolDent and vi thout increased support from the internat10nal COIDmunity, as is rightly stated in the Secreury-.General's report. We cannot be satisfied vi th the response of the international community concerning the implementation of the Prograume of Action, particularly so with financial support from the developed countries and international financi&l institutions as the necessary pre~ondition for ensuring growth and development in Africa. The external constraints, such as lov commodity prices, inadequate foreign rf/al resources flOlS, particularly of concessional aid, deteriorating terms of trade, net transfer of resources and, especially, a significant increase in debt and in the debt-servicing burden, are the major impeditllents to economic recovery and development in the region. Against that background the worthy efforts that have indeed been _de to support African countri4!s, including those made by the Governments of same developed countries, seem insufficient in the light of the extreme difficulties facing the African countries. The impleNentation of the Progrartl'lle of Action is further impeded by the policy of political and economic destabilization and acts of aggression pursued by the racist regime in South Africa against neighbouring front-line States, which not only threatens the countdes concerned but also endangers world stability. We cOllllend the efforts of the Secretary-General in sensitizing the international community to the critical economic situation in Africa in order to ennure the contr!bution of the United Nations system to the implementation of the PrograDllle. There is no doubt that the tbited Nations system has devoted due attention to this problem and included the activities for the implementation of the Progrume among its priorities. Yet the results have not been achieved and that calls for additional measures and further action. The mid-term review and appcaisal of the united Nations Programme of Action for African B::onomic Recovery and Developnent proyided an opportunity for an all....round look at the implementation of the Progullllle and reassessment of the factors that have impeded its implementation. After long and hard negotiations the Ad Hoc Committee of the "'ole adopted by consensus conclusions fram assessment of the responses and measures to accelerate the implementation of the Prograume. Howeo.ler, apart frail some positive effecta, the cwerall reaults fall short of expectations. Regarding the assessment of implementation of the Programa of Action, we must say that it does not duly recognize the exceptional efforts IIlllde by African countries in the implementation of the Prograane, while fulfilment of ccmmitments by donors and international institutions is somewhat overemphasized. We are not, of course, minimizing that but, concerning the measures for accelerating the implementation of ~e Programme of Action, a proper balance should be struck between the obligations of Afr ican countr ies and the cOJl!1litmenta of the international community. Noticeably absent are measures for the improvement of the external ecxmomic environment, which is one of the basic prerequisites for African efforts to bear fruit. Concerted efforts are needed to create an external environment more promotive of and conducive to the resumption of growth and development in African countries. In conclusion, let me say a few words about the efforts made by my country to support African countries. The extensive econanic co~perationof Yugoslavia with African countries is carried out in accordance with the progratmles of economic recovery of those countries. We Il\llintain investment co-operation wi th a large number of Afr ican countries on projects that are of vital importance to their development, particularly in the fields of agriCUlture, processing industries, electrification, transport, irrigation and mining. Although itself constrained by limited resources, Yugoslavia finances those projects mostly by itself exporting equipnent and technology. To its African partners Yugoslavia provides grants and technical assistance, which, coupled with regular and emergency humanitarian assistance, amounts to several million dollars per year. Our contribution to the Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialism and Apartheid (AFRICA) Fund for the triennial period is $12 million. Yugoslavia fully supports the justified requests of Afr iean countries for support for their development and recovery. To that end we have called on the developed countries and international financial institutions to pledge their resources for the development of these countries in an even bolder lad more concerted way. Yugoslavia, too, is prepared to do &0, yet its financial eapacities are modeat. Nevertheless we shall ccntinue to aSBist African countries, which are to be counted as ever DIOre important partners in international economic co-operation and relations. Hr. KA1(X)KAR (India): My delegation wlQ)mes this opportunity to participate in the discussion on the mid-term review and appraisal of the thi ted Nations Progranme of Action for Afr iean &::onomic Recovery and Developaent 1986-1990. It is now widely recognized that the critical economic situation in Africa has worsened since 1986. The continued impact of declining export earnings, increasing debt-service obligations and inadequate resource flows has forced the majority of African countries to redlce investment and import levels, with detrimental effects (ft growth and development. Their capacity to implement fully their own ~itments has been further underlllined by natural disasters, desertification and locust infestation in sale areas. In addition, the countries of southern Africa continue to reilain the victims of act:u of political and economic destabilization by the racist Pretoria regime. Consistent with their colllllitments, African countries have undertaken major reforms in several priority areas at the national level. Despite the political, social and economic difficulties involved, the countries of the region have implemented these measures in the expectation that counterpart measures would be forthcollling. However, the recovery progr8llllD8 is hindered by the substantial shortfalls in external resource flows in relation to needs. The crisis facing African cowltrie8, and developing countries in general, is to a large extent the consequence of external forces beyond their control. In fact the internaticnal eccnal1c environment has becOIIe harsh and unfavourable for all developing cotmtries, including those in 8ub-6aharan Afri~. The collapse of caarmdity prices to histod~l1y low levela, deteriorating teras of trade and rising and new forms of protectionism may be recalled here. Added to these are the high real interest rates, misaligned exchange rates, inad~ate liq\2idity and the non-fulfillltint of internationally agreed official development assistanca targets, a8 well aB the heavy burden of debi:. and debt-servicing obligations. All th_e bave imposed heavy and unbear>lble burdena and accentuated the emnClllic crisis in Africa, as indeed in the developing countries in generlll. Improvement of the external environment and structural reform of the global econClllio system are therefore eBSential for tackling the critical econOllic situation in the African zegion. The Ad Hoc Ca.ittee of the Riole of the General Assembly en the mid-tera review I!Dd appraisal of the African recovery progralllle met here frail 15 to 23 September 1988. The Ad Hoc COI'II!littee, through its two 1tbrking Groups, undertook a th«ough review of the problems and consuaints facing the development efforts of African a:nmuies and the response of the international oo_unity, including the United Nations system, in supporting thOllile &fforts. The opportunity offered by the mid-term review exercise wm9 uti!lzed by all parties to reaffirm their conmit.ent to the PrograJBee They undertook to take further action to ensure the effective implementation of the Prcgrallfle during its raain:lng period. The lIid-tera reviev established that IIOSt African oountries have adopted significant policy reforms, often at severe social cost and political risk. The international CO!Illlunity, in turn, declared its intention to continue to support the efforts of African ClOWltries to iIIplement the ProgrUlle of Action. The United Haticns system ha. attached high priority to Africa. In add! tion to sensitizing the international c)lIIlunity to the eritical economic situation in Afr ica, the O\ited Nations systell has also been monitoring and reporting on the implementation of the PrograMDe of Action. It is important to implement vithout delay the agreements reached at the lIid-ter. review, limited though they were. The developed countries have a special reeponsibility in this regard. The policies and measures agreed in the areas of resource flows, trade, caDJlOdities and external debt should be implemented as soon as possible. This will contribute to the improvement in the external economic envuo..ent and thereby facili tate the long-term recOl1ery and development of the African countrieso In conclusion, I should like to recall the wrds of Prime Minister Rajiv Ganelli in his message to the thirteenth special session of the Geueral Assembly~ -ay working together in 8. spirit of partnership, the inter:national community has a great oppot:tmity and li challenge to contr ibute towards building a modern and prosperous Africa. An economically strong and dynamic Africa will be an important factor for world peace and stability." Hr. TmJIGlJC!!! (Jap~n): My delegation wholehearte&'y and IIOst war.ly welcCI!lfts the adoption by consensus by the Ad Hoc Calnittee of the tIlole of the Jlid-term review and appraisal of the impl_en~ticn of the Unlted Nations ProgrU5le of Action for African Econanio Recovery and Development 1986-1990 and reoolRendations for the acceleration of its implementation. This is a rell8rkable achievement, and is the result of the strenuous and colllbined efforts of all the delegations which took part in the negotiation, bearing in mind the impotunt need for an effective and urgent response to the continuing critical eCOIlaaic situation in Africa. I express my sincere appreciation to the Chairlll1Jn of the Id Hoc CQBlittee of the iIlole, Ambassador Tom Eric Vraalsen, for his able leadership in guiding the work of the Coamittee, and to the other members of the Bureau for their valuable contributions. M!y I also express my profound appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to the former Ambassador of Cana~, "Ir. Stephen Lewis, in his capacity as Personal Adviser to the Secretary-General, and to the Steering Committee for their important contributions. My dele~ation also welcomes and supports the basic thrust of the report of the .Ad Roe COIIIIlittee, which is the result of the hard and conscientious negotiations we CQ'lductech we regard the adoption by consensus of the mf~d-terll review and appraisal by the Ad Hoc COIIIIittee as a great success. This clearly reflects a recognition by all Member States of the urgent need for more concerted action to alleviate and iIIIprove the econanio situation in Africa. The serious negotiations that took place in the course of drafting. the report of the Ad Iba Calmittee of the 1I10le were saDetilles very difficult and, in fmct, it was necessary to postpone their closure by one day.. This is due both to the inherent difficulty of the negotiations and to the genuine desire and aspiration of many delogations to contribute to the achievement of our COi80n objective. It 18 the view of my delegation that the mid-term review and appraisal of the implementation of the PrograJlllle of Action will certainly make a significant contribution to generating new maucntum in the international canmunity to take more effective action. My delegation is basically optimistic that the final assessment of the implementation \)f the Pr('gramme :)£ Action to be cooducted at the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly will be much enhanced by implementation of the newly adopted policies and measures. My delegation believes that all the participants in the Prograllllle of Action, both developed and developing eountdes, particUlarly African countries, the thited Nations system, and other international organizations, have all made their best efforts to implement it to the maximum extent their respective circumstances permit, and that the adoption of the mid-term review and appraisal will certaifily accelerate their continued efforts for the canmon objective of bringing about the speedy and fullest implementation of the Progral'lllle of Action. At the same time, it is the hope of my delegation that the adoption of the mid-term review and appraisal of the Programme of Action will contribute further to strengthening the determination of African countries to pursue their self-reliant development efforts, as well as to generate more vigorous international support for those efforts. My delegation also hopes that the revi-ew and appraisal of tha PrograJlllle of Action will further strengthen national and international co-ordination at various levels, so as to facilitate its implementation. In particular, we hope that the activities of the United Nations system will be further strengthened in this regard. The lesson we have learned from the oM Hoc Conmittee is that it is equally 1mpor\:r.mt to find _ye and means to accelerate implementation of the unfulfilled part of the Progranae of Action and assess positively wi thin its framework the achievements to date of the international community as a whole, including both developed and developing countries, as well as international organizations, encouraging them further to pursue their vigorous efforts. !Or its part, -Japan will continue to strengthen its efforts to help the peoples of Africa overcome their economic difficulties and realize their development objectives on the basis of the mid-term review and appraisal and the recommendations aoopted by the Ad Ibc COIIIDi ttee • In particular, Japan will continue to extend medium- and long-term assistance for African countries in cs broad range of fields. At the same time, by expanding grant. aid, particularly to least developed African countries, and by enhancing technical co-operation, Japan will further improve the quality of its assistance as well. In addition, it will exert its utmost efforts to provide financial contributions to the various international organizations involved in assistance activities in Afr lea. In this connection, may I also inform the Assembly that the necessary arrangements have been made to launch the project entitled "Journalists' Tours to Africa in the Framework of the United Nations Prograllllle of Action for African EcCXlanic Hecovery and Development It, which is to be financed bl' my Government, and that a team of journalists from the world's most influential media will visit Senegal and Ghana this month. It is hoped that the tours will heighten world wide public awareness of the critical economic situtltion in Africa. In concluding I wish to express my earnest hope that the mid-term review and appraisal of the Progralllle of Action will oontribute to the peoples of Africa ~ing a speedy recovery from their sufferings and to mobilizing further international assist1!nce for the efforts of African countries to this end. Japan stands f irlll1y caDlllit ted to doill3 its part in the renewed joint international efforts to achieve the c011lllOn objective set forth in the Progranme of Action. Sir Crispin TICKELL (lhited Kingdom) I We fully endorse what the representative of Greece has already said on behalf of the member States of the European Community. My delegation was able to make its views on the problems of Africa is recovery very clear during the recent mid-term review of the United Nations PrograJlllle of Action for African Economic IecoveEY and Development, and so for that reason I will limit myself to a few, very general remarks. As the British Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary said during the general debate, we weloome the outcome of the mid-term review. The original agreement on the PrograJlllle of Action in 1986 reI1resented a joint caumitment by the African and other members of the international community. The reaffirmation of that conmitment is heartening. The African countries have agreed to continue their efforts to put in place the economic policies necessary for recovery. we salute their courage and determination in sustaining such policies in spite of the difficult political decisions involved. Pbr their part, other countries have agreed on a range of measures in support of the Progranae of Action. None of us believes that African recovery can be completed overnight. There is a unique combination of natural and man-made hazards, in particular civil war. Change will take time, patience, imagination and effort. Aid can and does help, but cannot solve the problems on its own. We need also to create a more open trading environment and we attach great importance to the flbntre6l1 lilid-term meeting of the Uruguay Round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) next month.. aJ.t in the last resort it is for the peoples and Governments of Africa to decide for themselves how best to attempt to solve their complex economic problems. Many have already embarked on far-reaching p~ogrammes.. OYer 20 sub-Saharan African countries have already adopted such progrUllles with support from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and other J'IIJltilateral and bilateral dmors. It is profoundly enCX)uraging that Afr: iean agr iculture has begun to show signs of recoyery in the form of increased food production and higher export earnings.* These are all matters in which Britain will continue to play a prominent role and in many respects to act as a catalyst. We took the lead in converting loans into grants and have encouraged others to do likewise. we have also sought to relieve the burden of debt on those least able to bear it, so we are all the happier that our initiative on debt r3lief, launched over a year ago, has since the conclusion of the mid-term review come to frui Hon. A number of poor, heavily indebted sub-5aharan CX)untries should soon join Mali and Madagascar in benefiting from the arrangements to give effect to the consensus reached in Toronto on debt relief through Paris Club reschedulings, the details of which were endorsed at the autumn meetings of the World Bar.\k and the IMF. For our part we will be reducing interest rates on reschedulGl:d debt by 3.5 per cent. This illustrates the very practical character of our approach. It should be the keynote of what we are all doing today. Mr. SCIAIOJA (Italy) I Let me first of all confirm my full support for the opinions already expressed this morning by the representative of Greece, who spoke on behalf of the &1ropean Community cnd its membar States. Italy, too, shares the positive evaluation of the results achieved during the mid-term review of the thited Nations PrograDllle of Action for African Economic * Mr. Borg Olivier (Malta), Vice-President, took the Chair. Recovery and Developmsnt 1986-1990 conducted last Septenber in two weeks of very interesting and stimulating work. My delegation therefore,is very glad to support the d~aft resolution the General Assemly is going to adopt in order to approve the relevant conclusions and recommendations of the said mid-term review. The exercise canpleted in September has been of paramount importance, having perm!tted all participants to focus properly on the positive results and also the shortcomings that emerged in the first two years of implementation of the Progralb9. The experience of the past is always useful because it makes possible a more positive COIIIllitment for the future. In this connection and as far as my OOW'ltry is concerned, Italian developnent co-operation policy will certainly take into account the conclusions and recommendations agreed upon in September for the tuning-up of our initiatives in Africa. We are sincerely convinced that the great potential resources of Africa will, sooner or later, permit the continent - with the sustained oo-operation of the international colllllunity - to achieve concrete and positive results, which we hope will be properly assessed in the course of the final review of the Programme scheduled for 1991. This favourable result will only be possible if the international cCl1lmunity continues its unflagging support and if the African countries persist along the path, already taken by most of them, with their courageous action and policies of reactivating the development process. Only mutually supportive efforts will allow Africa to overcome the present constraints: the debt burden and a still declining trend in commodity prices. There is no need to mention again the well-known strong comitment of the Italian Government to the African countries. My delegation already quantified this conmitment last September in the context of the work of the Ad Hoc COIIIlittee, and I do not wish to repeat the figures here. The only thing I want to stress hep:e (ME'. Selalo:la« Italy) is that Italy is firmy convinced that emergency Md hUllmitarian aid, on the ene hand, and lQ'lg-term develoPllent, on the othor, are closely connected and that any interventian should be carefully studied with this integrated approach in mind. There are, it is true, still sc.e painful emergency situations in SClle African countrid, and i:he widespread grasshopper and locust infestatiCln hu not yet been put under control, but we think that donors should move progressiv(!ly from a short-term approach to a long-tena dwelopment otrategy aimed at the prfNention of the recurrence of emergencies in the future. The role of the African oountries in this process is of primary importance, and my country stands ready to co-operate fully with them for a IIOc1ern and efficient developaent policy. Mr. DELPECH (Argentina) (interpretation from Spanish): The adoption by consensus of the report of the Id Hoc CcDnittee of the Whole of the General Assembly on the Review and ~praisal of the United Nations Progranme of ktion for African &:onaDic Recovery and Development (A/43/664 and Corr.1) shows the importance that the international ool1llllunity attaches to this question. The Prograume is undoubtedly a fundamental basis for futute co-operation to achieve the economic recovery and developnent of Africa. WhUe mch has been accanplished, it has undoubtedly not been enough to overcome Africa's developnent problems. It has been a lalg, uphill Eltruggle, and the road ahead will be arduous, though full of hope, as the Foreign M:.nister of Mali said in his statement to the Ad Hoc Committee last September. Argentina has fran the outset supported the 1980 Lagos Plan of 1tction and the Progrume of Action for African &::onanic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. we regard these documents as daring and brave. They contain detailed studies of the needs of the African continent and ways Md means of meeting these needs, and th~ will of Africans to be the architects of their own development is strongly highlighted. This African decision is proof of the political will of the peoples of Africa and of their coamitment to their own development. It shows, moreOlTer f that the peoples of the African continent wish to see a world eoonOllfi establish-=d on the basis of equitable conditions that will make possible regional development while reversing the trend of meagre growth we have witnessed during thls decade. We developing countries support Africa's endeavours and fully appreciate the adjustments the African peoples have made to overco_ their social and economic problell1S. Argentina •sunderstanding and solidadty are based on its own expertence and that of our sister republics of Latin _erica, with which we share the difficulties· inherent in the development process and its cQIlplex retinue of (Hr. Delpech, Arqtrlntina) successes and failures. we are als~ familiar with a Whole series of external conditions outside our control, whose impact may either curb or give JIOlllntllll to the development process. The instability of international eoonClllic cycles, the very limited growth of international trade and its barely noticeable impact on IllOSt of our eCOIlCilies, the deterioration in the terms of trade, thE, growing protectionism of the developed countries, the instability of cQ'IlIa')dity prices, Md the overtllhebling external debt burden, aggravated by high interest rates - all have produced a vast transfer of resources from African, Latin American and Caribbean countries towards the indlJstrialized countries. Those resources are thus diverted from mseting the basic needs of their peoples and fran their own development efforts. Those negative international conditions have prejutu'ced the efforts undertaken by African counuies and made it necessary to adopt urgent measures, as was recognized at the last sU1III'Iit meeting of industrialized countries in Toronto. iWo years ago the international ccmmunity convened a special session of the General Assembly to deal with the critical economic situation in Africa. Today we are endeavouring to support the joint efforts of the African cCI'ltinent and the international colllllunity to .unplElllent the United Nations Plan of Action adopted in 1986, when the international community bec.e fu _ .. aware of the desperate situation that prevailed in the African continent and the principal measures that must a,." adopbd ::'f Africa was to cwerCQlle its underdevelopment problems. Blphasis was placed on the need to achieve the long-ter.m structural readjustment of their economies. '!'hat adjustment is vital if we are to break the vicious circle of poverty and underdevelopment and pav~ the way towards sustained ~oonOllic develOPMent. The ProgrSDIDe also includes inaec'Uat.e and less-inmediate measures for increasing agricultural productivity and promoting agriculture and afforestation progr_es, for the avoidance of droughts and desertification and for plannil¥,J the (Mr. Deleech, Arsentina) ... of hUIlM r_ourcelJ. These objectives are all reiterated in document &/43/664. They were also .ntioned by the Pbreign Minister of Mali at the AS Roe CoIlIIaitteeOs review in Septellber, iIlen he eapbasized thfl efforts Wldertaken by Africa 1n the field of agr iculture, husbandry &nd protection of the envircnment. We emphashe these Ilatters bocauae we believe that, in the context of c::o-operation between developing countries, Argentina ean mako a valuable contribution to the fulfilaent of the ~ogr_e of Action. It has assuaed the co.!tzent aBsulQd by the international eo_unity in 1986 vis-la-vis the Afriean continent, we believe that, despite the serious econa.ie difficulties besetting it, it, Argentina must comply with its share of that co_itment, and, to that end, it has initiated a number of programmes with & view to contributing to the objectives of the Qlited Nations ProgrUlle of Action for African B:::onomic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. (Mr8 Delpech, Argentina) In the agricultural Md animal husbandry sectors, where Argentina h~!J extensive experience, we have carried out a number of undElrtakings with various African coWltriese For instance, the National Institute of Agricultural 'lechnology provided technical training in Argentina to experts from Gabon and Zaire, reconnaissance missions were carried out to determine the needs of the following countries: Angola, Botswana, Cape Verde, Ethiopia, Gabcm, COte d'Ivoire, Mozaubique, Nigeria, zaire, Zat'l'bia and Zi1'lt>sb'tfe, in April and May 1987 an Argentine-African seminar for agricultural development took place in Argentina with the partic..ipation of Angola, Botswana, Ethiopia, Kenya, Lesotho, Malawi, Moz4llbique, Nigeria, Sw&ziland, United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe, last October a seminar on agdcultoral technology was held in Argentina wi th the participation of the following countries: Denin, Burkina hso, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, O1ad, Congo, Gabon, Guinea, Cote d'Ivoire, Mali, Nigel', Senegal, 'lbgo and Zair.e, and this month another seminar is under way in Argentina on the use and 1'I8intenance of agricultural machinery with the participation of: Angola, cape Verde, Equatorial Qlin~, (binea-Bissau, Mozarnbique and Sao '!bme and Principee All of these activities can be inscribed in the agricultural sector in general. With regard to public health, the Q)vernment of Argentina granted post-graduate fellowships on paediatrics to the following countries: Angola, Benin, Cape Verde, Gabon, Ghana, COte d'Ivoire, Mozanbique, Nigeria and the United Republic of Tanzanise The object of those seminars is to cCll'ltribute to a joint study by offering such services in Argentina while also resorting to the services of sane of the countries I have mentioned which already have experience that they can convey to use The development and effective use of African human resources is a basic concern of that ccmtinente For that reason the GoV'ernment of Argentina has (Mr. Delpech , Argentina) organized a seminar on population techniques, which is to be held in Buenos Aires at the end of this month, with the participation early in December of officials fran Angola, Mozani>ique and Sao Tome and Principe, among others. Bearing in mind the results of the identification missions which were carried out in 1987, and in the framework of the recent journey of the Foreign Minister of .Argentina to the continent, certain projects in the agricultural sector have been drawn up wi th a number of countries in the region: Angola, on phyto-sanita tion, Ghana, on improvement of pasturesJ Cape Verde, on animal health and the development of an experimental farm, Gabon, on improvement of pasturesJ the Cote d'Ivoire, on improvement ef livestock and the developnent of an experimental farmJ Mozambique, on improvement of cassava and sweet potatoes, Nigeria, on development of the agricultural sector in generalJ Zaire, on selection and enhancement of Rheep breedsJ Zanbia, on development of soya and sunfloweu and Zimbabwe, on improvement of pasture lands. In all such cases our desire was an exchange of experience between Argentina and most of those countries. All of those projects, which were carried out with the co~perationof the Qlited Nations Development Programme, are being undertaken wi ..hin the context of South-South co~peration and demonstrate 11¥ country's firm cOJllllitment to African development wi thin the context of this Sou th-Sou th co"'Operat1on. On the othe~ hand, traditionally Argentina has supported and will continue to support the food aid targets by contributing to the World Food Programme. During the period 1987 to 1988 contributions alllC)unting to more than 20,000 tonnes were made to various C9Untries in the region. Another way in which Argentina supports the economic co-opet;ation machinery established in the African continent is through its participation ss a non-regional member of the African Bank for Developnent since 1985 and '.its participation in the African Fund for Development. (Mr. Delpecb, Argentina) My GoIrernment has sought to enhsnce trade and cultural relations with the African nations, which is a continu;ng and important part of Argentina's foreign policy. In that connection we should mention that in the c'Outse of the past two years economic, scientific and technical co-operation agreements were signed with ~ number of brother African countries, establishing that African-Argentine co-operation should be carded out through trade, comercial, technical and industrial joint enterprises, the exchcmge of experts, official missions and businessmen, and the training of personnel. Similarly, since 1984 Argentina has opened lines of credit for African countries - which are perhaps not very high but within Argentina's possibilities - anounting to about SlSO million for the purchase of Argentine goods. This granting of lines of credit is reflected in the increase in trade relations exceeding $25 million in 1987 alone. Finally, since it came to power the democratic GJvernment of Argentina has sought to establish closer relations with tJle African continent in all fields. Through the 14 existing diplanatic missions, diplomatic ties are maintained with almost all the countries of the cootinent. Atgentina wishes to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the valiant spirit of the African nations, which are prepared never to yield in their struggle aga~nst the heinous policy of !'Partheid. We are in full solidarity with the cause of the African people - which is the cause of civilized mankind. Because for us racial discrimination is inadmissible, and since we have denounced the repeated acts of aggression of the South African Government against the countries of southern Africa, we also broke diplanatic relations with South Africa in 1986. we are also aware of the difficulties of the front-line States resulting from the continued acts of aggression of South Africa and, together with the countries of the Non-Aligned Movement, we have caltributed to the establishment of the AiRIC'A P\.1nd, which was set up at the last summit meeting in Harare in 1986 in response to those attacks. (Hr. Delpech , Argentina) (Mr. Dalpech, Argentina) AB we stated earlier, my country fully supports the aultilateral econClllic .action of the United Nations and therefore endorses its action on this occasion. '!'he African nations expect us all to cClnuibute to lIleeting the challenge of the deep eoonanic crisis. We cannot disappoint theIR, we must strengthen int,ernational co-operation, which is at the very root of our Organization. The PRSSmEN'l', The next speaker, the representative of Zimbabwe, will lUJke his statement on behalf of the Molfement of Non-Aligned Q:nmtdes. Mr. BlMADZIRIPI (Zimbabwe) I I should like to convey our appreciation to Allbassadol' Tom Vculsen, tbairman of the Ad Ho., Ccaalttee, for the able and efficient manner in which he guided the work of that CoIiInittee. Our: appreciation goes also to his colleagues on the Bureau and indeed to all those who participated in the eo.ittee's work. without their dedication, patience and tireless efforts this i_ense task would not have been successfully accaaplished. The report of the Id Hoc CcuBittee constitutes a very important statement· in iJlplementation of the United Nations Progrllllllle of Action for African BcCftCllic Recovery and Development 1986-1990. It is significant not ClIlly in that it provides us wi tb a review and appraisal of what has been done so far and wbat needs to be done in the remaining two Yflars of the Programe, but MOre mpcrtantly in that it above all reaffirms the continuing validity of the nutual ce:-litllent between Africa and the international co_unity that the Progruae conatitutee. The mutuality of this cc.litment ia the central tenet of the lbited Rations Prograae of Action for African &::onOllic Recovery and Developnent. It is In this regard therefore that we welccne the conclusion by the Id Iba ca.ittee that (Mr. Hamadziripi , Zimbabwe) "The continuing gravity of the econanic situation in Africa requires that all partners take urgent and decisive actions to accelerate and ensure the effective implement:at1on of the Programme during its remaining period". (A/43/664, chap. IV, para. 18 (annex, para. 5» As is evident fran the lid Hoc canmittee's report, most African cotlntdes have undertaken many significant policy reforms to improve the performance of their econanies. 'rbey have done so in spite of the severe social and political costs these pol~lcy reforms entailed. Such a courageous display of political will and determination needs to be complemented ~ a proportionately commensurate will and determination by the international community to ensure that the progress made is 6ustained. It is thus regrettable that in spite of the commendable and coutageous efforts of Africa's leaders, the overall performance of their economies remains largely unsatisfactory. It is more apparent to us that this depressing state of affairs has persisted partly because of the fa ilure of the in ternational community to match its SItated cOlllllitments at the required level of resources and policy actions for the effective implementation of the thited Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Developnent. The Ebreign Ministers of the Non-Aligned Countries, at their Conference in Nicosia, C\'prus, from 5 to 10 September 1988, also noted wi th concern that "two years after the adoption of the United Nations .<:,.....qranme of Action for African &::onomic Recovery and Development, the econanic situation of Africa had de~riorated and short-, medium- and long-term prospects remained bleak in spite of the vigorous policy reforms of African countries, which have exacted social and political costs". (A/43/667, annex, Final Document, Ebonomic Part, para. 155) The Ministers concluded that lithe devel.oped countries had not provided sufficient support, particularly financial resources for the implementation of the Progr2llll!le of Action-. (ibid, para. 156) Indeed, the Ad Hoc Ccmnittoe notes in its own report that, in real terms, resource flows to Africa were lower in 1986 and 1987 than in 1985. It is a tragic irony that whiJ.e resource flows to Afr ica from both bilateral and multilateral sources remained stagnant or even decreased in 1986 and 1987, there was a substantial net transfer of resources from Afr ica to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) during the same period. It is in that context that we welcome the Ad Hoc Comittee' s appeal that IlISustained and unfaltering efforts made by African countries must be matched by substantial and urgent efforts by the international conmunity to provide support to them at the required levels and to create an international environment favour~le to the process of reform and restructuring ll • (A/4J/664, chap. IV, para. 18 (annex, para. 10» That message on the need ieor a renewed sense of commitment to and urgency in accomplishing the objectives of the thited Nations Progranme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, particularly by the international community, is most propitious. 'lb ignore it, or to do sanething else, would but constitute et betrayal of the hopes and aspirations and, indeed, the gallant efforts of the African countries themselves in ~dhieving self-sustaining socio-economic growth and development. We are not oblivious of the important initiatives that the international community has taken to ~plement and support the African recovery progranmeo However, we believe that more can be done - indeed, more needs to be done - if the goals of the Programme of Action are to reach frui tion. The Ad !bc Committee rightly notes th~t ·urgent and decisive actions- are required ·to accelerate and ensure the effective implementation of the PrograJllile lll • (A/43/G~4, chap. IV, para. 18, (annex, para. 5)) Besides substantially increasing the level of resource flowo to Africa, the international coll1llunity must urgently and decisively tackle the problems related to the prevaUing external ec:onCDic environment. The adverse external economic environment, over which Africa and indeed many others in the developing world have no control, poses a major constraint and impediment to Africa IS recovery and development efforts. The international oolllllunity has a responsibUity to make that environment more favourable to the achievement of sustainable growth and development in Africa. The need for a comprehensive and durable solution to the interrelated issues of l1IOney, trade, finance, external debt and development cannot be overemphasized. It is equally in the interest of the developed countries that these issues be resolved in the interest of balanced growth of the global econany. Failure to solve the debt problem could be catastrophic to the world co1'llllunity, as the persistence of the crisis could lead to a disruption of the international financial system and certainly to the underminL-'1g of growth ill developing countries - which in turn reduces demand for imports. Consequently, a durable and effective debt strategy should seek to ensure that no developing country should ever have the obligation to meet debt-servicing obligations at the expense of growth. We have studied very carefully the Ad Roc COllllliteees reconmendations on the measures required for accelerating the implementation of the tl1ited t,Jations Progranme of Action for African Phonemic Recovery and Development, in particular those falling within the purview of the international caDmunity. tle believe that, (Mr. Bamad:irifi 11 Zimbabwe) if energetically implemented, tb.se measure. will significantly contribute to and enhance the process of refor., recovery and developnent currently under way in . Africa. We thus call upon the international call1lumity fully to meet its obligations in that respect. As regards Africa's external debt burden, the measures contained in para9""aph 66 in c::bmpter IV of the Calmittee 's report are a step in the right direction and should be pursued with urgency. The debilitating effect of external indebtedness is not unique to Africa. In view of the interdependence of the prevailing world econC!mf, it may also be appropriate to consider extending, where applicable, acme of these measures to other developing countries similarly burdened by heavy debt repayments. That, in our view, would also ensure that the benefits of any favourable developments in the global econany accrued to all its canpcnent parts, in the intereste of balancad growth throughout the system. Peace and security are a sine qua non of sustainable development and growth. In southern Africa the prevalence of acts of aggression and destabil1zation perpetrated by the apartheid regime in South Africa against its neighbours has wrought havoc in these countries' econanies and frustrated their efforts at achieving sustainable growth and development. The non-aligned coWltries have long recognized the dire need to provide increased financial support and assistance to the front-line states to enable them better to withstand the nefarious activities of the apartheid regime. We thus welcome the determination and commitment of the international canmunity to continue and increase its assistance to the Southern African DeveloPllent Co-ordination Conference (SADCC), the Action for Resisting Invasion, Colonialisn and Apartheid (AFRICA) Flmd and other means of supporting the victims of apartheid, and the front-line States. We have reached an important milestate on the long and arduous road towards the recovery of Africa. Much has been done, but much more remains anQ needs to be done. This is not the mcment to despair or falter but indeed the moment to rally to the call for renewed colllllitment to our cause which the Ad Hoc COJIIDittee has issued. We have all made a cQlllllitment, and that cOlllllitment must be fulfilled if we are to be true to ourselves. We in the !bvement of !bn-Aligned Countries reiterate our support for Africa in its determined efforts to achieve self-sustaining socio-economic developnent and growth. Mr. REINO (Portugal) I Early today the representative of Greece spoke on behalf of the European CaDmunity and its member States. Being cne of the Twelve, my cowatry fully endorses what was then!!ta~d. Let me, however, add a few words. For Portugal, history has created a very special relationship with the African continento It should, therefore, not be surprising that Africa has and will have a very high priority in our policies. tklderstandably, of that large continent the (Mr. Reino, Portugal) five countries that use Portuguese as their official language deserve our very particular attention. In 1986 the special session of the General Assembly approved the United Nations Programme of Action for African EccnCl1lic Recovery and Development 1986~1990. The review and appraisal of its implementation was concluded by the NI !be Coamittee of the ~ole of the General Assembly last September. Although we have covered a loog path since the launching of the prograume, it is our assessment that mch still remains to be done by all the partners involved. The African comtr ies will have to continue their efforts in the adjustment process, but the internaticnal community has to sustain and increase its support for these efforts. In spite of the fact that it is going through a period of adjustment of its own economy, my country is involved in a considerable effort in its bilateral co-operation. PUlly aware of the burden of debt and debt service on the African econanies, Portugal is searching for new and innovative solutions for the debt problems of its partners in Africa with a oase-by-case approach. These include rescheduling of debt and, in scme cases, acceptance of payments in local currencies to be used for specific progranmes of co-operation. we should like to call the attention of this Assemb11 to two IIllltters we consider of great importance. One is the very particular attention the least developed countries deserve. Appropriate measures have to be taken to protect those countries from negative consequences resulting from the Uruguay lbund. The other is the specific support that the international community should give to the Southern African Developnent Co-ordination Conference. Through regional co-operation the countries Calcerned can iJIlprove the basis for ecooOlllic development in order to help in the achievement of political stabiUty and peace in the region. The PRJ!SmENT. I have to infor. the AIIs.bly that the Secretary-General has reviewed the draft resolutim ccnt8ined in the report and has indicated that he does not foresee at this tiae any additional buClgetary iIIplications. The AsseZllbly will no", take a decision en the draft resolution in paragraph 18 of the report of the Ad Hoc C~ittee (Al43/664 and Corr.l). May I take it that the Assellbly wishes to adopt ~at draft resolution? The 'draft resolution was adoeted (resolution 43/27). The ·PRJ!SmEHT. I call m the Secretary-General. The SB~E'1'ARY-GENBRAL •. itnI that the General Aaee-bly has concluded its deliberations on the· critical situation in Africa, .y I express ay great satisfaction with the resolution just adopted, together with the report of the Ad Be£ CoIIImittee of the tIlole. Today Africa and the international co_unity have renewed the unique partnership forged in 1986 for the ecmc.ic recovery and develo~ent of the continent. The report of the Ad Hoc ee-ittee constitutes a de.aneting work plan for both partners for the next two years, listing the extra efforts within the PrograJlllle that all have agreed "'ill be necessary to PIt Africa truly back on the road to sustainable development by the end of 1990. I note that there is general agreetaent that -.ore needs to be done by the Governments and peoples of the cmtinent. The report identifies as of special importance the rationalization by Afr tean GoverftlMlnt8 of public investment policies, the development ~ effective iapleaentstion of appropriate hUIIM resource and population policies, industrial develol8ent, iIIprcwelMlnt of international caapetitivenellB, and di"eraification of production. There is also an important call for intensified efforts towards econcm.c cooooPeration and integration in accordance with the objectives of the Lagos Plan of Ae:tion. Moreover, the report lays appropriate emphasis on development progr8llllling that will give due recognition to the factors critical to increased agricultural production, inclUding the needs of African wClI1len farmers for access to extension services, land titles, credit and new technologies. In all of this the United Nations system will make its full contribution.-- (The SecretarY-General) ('!'Ee Secretar~neral) There must also be an energetic rei:lponse to the cllll in the report for increased co~peration with non-governmental organi:ations, to which I attach particular importance in all tllited Nations endeavours. In this regard, I am happy to inform the General Assembly that representatives of nCXl-governmental organizations will now participate in the work of the thited Nations Steering Committee for the Progranme of Action. In many respects, however, it will be the extra effort that the international camnunity must make in the immediate future that will make the crucial difference with r4!9ard to successful implementation of the PrograJlllle of Action. There is no escaping the close connection between external debt, financial flaws and trade if Africa's recovery and developnent is to be placed on a solid footing. With regard to debt, the review has identified a list of urgent steps that the international community should take towards "lasting, durable and growth-oriented solutions that cover the various categories of debt, various creditors and various debtor countries and that respond to Africa'S development needs." (A/43/664 and Corr.l, para. 66) An encouraging list of agreed steps to increase and expedite the delivery of external financial flows has also been presented. These now require concrete action by donor Governments. The amomt of attention paid during the review to Africa's trade problems is quite significant. It is Africa's ability to earn its _y in the world econany in conditions of equity and stability that will underwrite its lQ'lg developnent effort. As I stated in the General AssertOly laot year, the enhancement of the continent's external purchasing power requires well-adapted and competitive products and access to potentiml markets. This constitutes one of the major challenges for the design of lQ'lg-torm developuent strategies. (The Secretary-General) In this context, I have begun preliminary consultations for a special study on African commodities and the scope for export dive~sification. The report calls for the further strengthening of co-operation and co-ordination of the United Nations system's contribution to the implementation of the Progra11l1\e of Action. 'lb follow up on the mid-term review, the Steering Committee and Task Fbrce for the Programme of ~tion are formulating programmes of work for the next two years, in close consul ta tion wi th the Economic Commission for Africa and the Organization of African Unity. In conclusion, I urge resolute action by all c~lcerned Governments on all the measures outlined above. Without such action Africa will not be able to move forward dynamically and wi th assurance of success in its painful reforms. The ultimate test of international co-operation is in translating amply perceived needs and realistically agreed responses into tangible benefit for the peoples concerned. I pledge my best endeavours in the response to this challenge, and I appeal to the unique partnership forged here in the General Assembly to exert the utmost effort in bringing to the peoples of Africa the full benefits of our joint efforts.
  1 mtg
• (continued} GENERAL DmATE Mr. FARAH (Djibouti) (interJ;)retation from Frenchh Since our last session the international situation has clearly changed. Our goal of peace and developnent seems closer. cmnicts and tensions that have aroused our concern in recant years are being resolved, and we h09E! very sincerely that the dialogue that has started between the various belligerents will produce the necessary solutions. Before continuing, Sir, I am pleased to take this opportunity to pay tribute to your eminent qualities and attributes, which made a big contribution to your election as Presideht of the forty-third session of the General Assellbly. I congratulate you most warmly. I also pay tr ibute to the outgoing President of the forty-second session, AJlbassador Florin of the German Denocratic Republic. we are grateful to him for the outstanding way in which he conducted the General Assembly's work. I also wish to express my GoIrernment's gratitude to the secretary-General, .;. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his Q!aseless, praiseworthy efforts for world peace. I wish him well as he continues to persevere in his noble mission. we are gratifiea by i::he recent award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces. As I have just emphasized, this session is of special interest. It is being held at a time when major events are beinq witnessed, such as the cease-fire in the Iraq-Iran conflict .and l?Ositive developnents in the question of Afghanistan. In recent times East-West relations have been marked by the conbined efforts of the two great Powers, the SOviet Union and the United States, to pronote international detente. The RlOSt striking event was the signing of a Treaty to bring about a 50 per cent reduction in s~rategic nuclear weapons. we hope that that positive event will not only lead the parties to respect their COIIIftitments as (Mr. Farab, Dj tbouti) scrupulously as possible, but will also provide a new point of departure to concl ude new agreements leading to comprehensive and complete disarmament.' It is time to envisage building a non-violent world, free of nuclear weapons. The Government of the Republic of Djibouti welcomes the desire for peace sh~n by the two neighbour ing Muslim countries, the Republic of Iraq and the Islamic Republic of Iran, by their acceptance of the cease-fire and 8ecur ity Council resolution 598 (1987). We urge the two countries to abide by their commit;ments to peace and to start direct negotiations, a necessary pre-condition for the establishment of a just and lasting settlement in the region. Furthermore, we hope that this peace will not be limited to the borders of the two neighbours, but that it will be extended throughout the region, because other neighbour ing areas have exper ienced dangerous tensions. For that to be achieved, it is important that all states fully enjoy freedom of navigaUon. With its hundreds of thousands of victims, the Iraq-Iran war has been one of the longest and most deadly conflicts since the end of the 8ecCXld World War. The Republic of Djibouti expresses its full support for the process under way and hopes that it will fully succeed, so that the peoples of Iraq and Iran may finally live in peace. For almost 10 years the situation in Afghanistan has caus~d deep concern. H~ever, after the repeated appeals of the international community, a partial withdrawal of foreign troops recently occurred. We believe that the fraternal people of Afghanistan should recover its independence and freedom by freely choos ing the political system that it considers appropr iate, without any cons tra ints. The question of Palestine remains at the core of the Middle East problem. We support the legitima te popular upr is ing of' the Pchestin lan people in the occupied Palestinian territories and condemn the policy of oppression and aggression (Hr. Farah, Dj ibouti) practised by Israel in those territories. Paced wi th a defenceless population, the army of occupation does not hesitate to fire on children, women and old people. It uses all kinds of weapons, in violatil')n of international law. The massacre of the civilian population continues and the number of victims increases daily. Faced wi th the repressive Israeli machine, the resistance is increasing, at the cost of hundreds of mar tyr s. The Palestinian people must recover its territory and fully exercise its legitimate rights, under the guidance of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), its sole and legitimate representative. Another requirement for the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East is Israel's withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem and southern Lebanon. Wi th regard to Lebanon, we urge all oomponents of the Lebanese people to take part in a frank and sincere dialogue to bring about mutual trust, for the establishment of peace and national unity. Djibouti supports the efforts to convene an international peace conference on the Middle East, in conformity with the prOl1isions of the relevant General Assennly resolutions, a conference in which the PLO would participate as an independent party and on an equal footing with the other parties. In South Afr lea the racist regime is perpetuating its hateful, inhuman system of apartheid, and the situCl.tion gets worse every day, with n~w restrictions imposed on the SOuth Afr iean people, with, in particular ~ continued detention, tor ture and assass ina tion. My countr y supper ts the just s uuggle of the people of SOu th Africa, and appeals to the international conmunity to take appropriate steps to dismantle apartheid. The serious internal situation is coupled with acta of aggression and destab 11 izaHon perpe tra ted by the racist regime agains t nei ghbouring Sta tes. A.just settlement of the question, in conformity with various united Nations resolutions, can be brought about only by imposing comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the Pretoria regime. SUch sanctions remain the most effective way to dismantle apartheid. The international community must also put pressure on the South African regime to obtain the immediate, uncondi tional release of Nelson Marldela and all other political pr isoners. The racist regime of South Afr ica oontinues its illegal occupa tion of Namibia l in contravention of security Council resolution 435 (1978). We hope that the quadr ipartite talks now under way will make it possible to give the Namibian people power on the basis of their own wishes, freely and democratically expressed. Finally, we pay tribute to the South west Africa People's Organization, the sole representative of the Namibian people, for the heroic struggle it is waging. On the Korean peninsula the beginning of dialogue between the two fraternal countries is an encouraging sign and will permit the development of a climate of mutual trust. In Kampuchea we desire the total withdrawal of foreign forces so that Democra tic Kampuchea may regain its independence and enjoy full sovereignty and in tegr ity. Wi th regard to toe question of Western sahara, we welcome the Secretary-General's efforts to resolve the conflict, and support the holding of a referendum on self-determination for the people of western Sahara, organized by the Uni ted Na tions. There can be no world peace and security without prospects of economic prosperity for all mankind. Peace, security and well-being are closely linked, like members of a single body• (Hr. Farall, Dji.bouti) The world is a single entity. Everything that happens in one region has direct repercussions in other regions. All nations need each other, without exception. UnfortWlately international economic relations are structured nowadays in such a way that it is the developing count! ies that suffer from the damaging effects of an obviously Wljust international economic order. In order to remed~· this profound economic and financial crisis, we must find meaningfUl solutions and proceed to the elaboration of principles and instruments to establish a new order in international economic relations. Thus the United Nations, in 1986, adopted the United Nations Prograllllle of Action for the Economic Recovery and Development of Africa, and the Organization of African Unity, in July 1985 adopted the Priority ProgralTlUe for the Economic Recovery of Africa for the years 1986 to 1990. While it is not necessary to speak at length here about the crisis affecting Africa, or to mention thQ price paid by the African countries, we cannot fail to stress the meagre results achieved, particularly after these two years of effort and sacrifice by our continent. TO create the basis for self-sustained economic development, the African coun tr fes decided to take Cl number of steps to attain that goal. More than half of them, in fact, have instituted economic reforms, as devised in the Priority Prograllllle for the Economic Recovery of Afr iea, and they are already at the stage of implementing their structural adjustment programmes, wi th the support of financial groups such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). HCMever, these structural adjustment programmes do not prcwide an answer to economic conditions, particularly at the present stage of developnent of the majority of the developing countries. With regard to the African debt, the international community has acknowledged that it is a major obstacle to development. Accordingly, the Toronto summit in June proposed, some debt relief. Certainly, this ean be viewed as an enoouraging (Mr. Farab, Dj ihouti) sign, but unfortooately it is lilllited in scope, invol""ing only a certain nunber of African countries. But fairly satisfactory results can be obtained if the industrialized countries impl~lIent the resolutions of the General Assellbly and the United Nations Conference on TradA and Developaent (UHcrAD) on debt relIef, and if they prO'lide specific effective support for the recO'lery efforts of Africa, as. included in the United Nations Progranne of Action. Furthermore, we salute the honourable initia tive taken by cert.ain donor countr les which wiped out the debt as ODA - official developnent assistance - or which took similar steps in keeping with resolution 165 (S-IX) of the Trade and Development Board of UNC'l'AD and we hope that that initiative will be followed by other donors. Given the critical economic situation in Africa and the specific nature of the crisis t the responsibility that falls on the international community is basic. The international community has pledged assistance to these countries by taking supplementary steps and prO'liding the necessary resources. However, we hope that the quaUtyand IlDdalities of this assistance and co-operation will be imprO'led ~pon and strengthened. Africa refuses to rely entirely on external action to resolve its problems, and is collll'llitted to making the necessary efforts for its own development. Several initiatives bear witness to this - inter alia, the fact that economic regional and subregional groups have been established or are now being established. wi thout a daubt this type 0 f group will pr0'1ide a basis for the tr ue Afr lcan colIII\un i ty and will thereby help to resolve a certain number of problems. It is within the intergovernmental authority on drought and development that sincere dialogue is now under way in Dj~uti between our two neighbours, Ethiopia and Somalia - dialogue which, as representatives know, has led to the cessation of hostilities and to the restoration of diplomatic relations 4nd an e)lchange of pr laoners. (Mr. Farah, Djibouti) Over the last decade major progress has been made in Djibouti in achieving our development goals - achievements that have helped to build an independent, sovereign, neutral State. These assets have been enhanced by a climate of political stability. Indeed, faithful to its traditions, the Republic of Djibouti has made constant efforts to ensure the full mobilization of its domestic resources to achieve our fundamental goals of socio-economic development and the promotion of human rights. Despite efforts made by the Government of Djibouti, the economic situation remains precarious. The prolonged drought we have experienced in recent years has seriously disrupted the lives of much of O~l nomad population, causing major losses of livestock and imposing on the Djiboutian authorities the additional costs of implementing resettlement programmes and providing se[vices. The Government of my country launched an appeal for international assistance. The problem of refugees has been such a heavy burden on our State that it deserves special attention. The Government of Djibouti has steadily stepped up its efforts to provide an adequate solution, and in 1986 launched a programme, in co-operation with the united Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), for voluntary repatriation. However" voluntary repatriation is the only authentic solution and, therefore, it is urgent to increase assistance to continue this programme. Bearing in mind all the serious problems that hamper to a large extent the process of economic development in Djibouti, members of the group of least developed countries look forward to support and assistance from tile international community - from countries and from international organizations. The challenges of poverty, ignorance and hunger are enormous. Greater solidarity from the international co"~unity is necessary to overcome these scourges. Therefore we must combine our efforts because, together, we can build a better world. Mr. TO~ (Romania): It gives me particular pleasure, on behalf of .the Preside~t of the Socialist Republic of Romania, to convey to you, Mr. President, as well as to the SecretarY-General, cordial greetings 3nd best wishes for success in your highly responsible function: strengthening the role of the United Nations in, and its contribution to, the solution of crucial iasues of our world. It is my great privilege, on the instructions of the President of Romania, Nioolae Ceausescu, to present his thoughts and proposals on the main issues of international life, which are to be found on the agenda of the current session of the Gener al AssentJly. Ro..nia considers that, although in the year which has elapsed since the preceding session SOMe steps have b~n taken 1n the direction of nuclear disaraament and the solution through ne90tiations of international disputes, the situatLon in the world continues to be particularly grave and complex. No radical turn has been achieved towards peace, security an~ co~perAtion, the increase of mutual confidence, respect for equality between States, non-interference in thei~ internal affairs, and respect for the independence and sovereignty of each S~ate. The quantitative and qualitative arms race has continued unabated, stimulated by research and the development ef new nuclear weapons. Grave conflicts are continuing in SOI1le parts of the world, constituting potential threats to worl.d peace and security. The world econOl1lic crisis, which has particularly aggravated the condition of the developing countries, has resulted in deepening the gap between the rich and the poor countries and has become a real obstacle to the progress of all States. In view of the danger that the arms race presents for the present and the future or mankind, Romania submitted to the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament its considerations and proposals on disarmament issues and on the course of action that States should take for their solution. As members know, the special session concluded with no decision, thereby disregarding the wishos and expectations of the great majority of the peoples of the world. Ne~e~theless, it st~ongly demonstrated the almostunanirnous decision of all States an~ ~~ople8 to put an end to the harmful policy of armaments and to proceed resolutely, before it is boo late, with concrete disarmament measures. The interests of world peace and security require the United Nations to make full use of the many proposals and ideas put forward by all States at the special session, in order further to increase its role in multilateral neqotiations. CMr. 'l'otu, Roman 1a) In view of present international conditions and proceedif\9 from the reality that the intensification of the arms race, especially the nuclear arms race, constitutes a grave danger for international peace and security, Romania submits to the attention of this world for~m the following measures which it believes should be taken, the adoption by the United Nations of a comprehensive programme for nuclear and general disarmament, which would take into account the proposals submitted by all States at the recent special session; the adoption by the General Assembly of a call on the Soviet Union and the United States of America to conclude the treaty on the 50 per cent reduction of their strategic weapons at the earliest possible time, the prohibition of nuclear-weapon tests and the curbing of the development of all such weapons, as well as of new military technologies and weapons of mass destruction; the prevent ~ of the extension of the arms race into outer space and the adoption of measures ,:onducive to the renunciation of the militarization of outer space, which should be used exclusively for peaceful purposes; the prohibition and elimination of chemical weapons, along with actions aimed at reducing and eliminating nuclear armaments; the reduction of military budgets, including the adoption of unilateral measures and tbe basis setting of mutual exampl~s; the undertaking of measures conducive to e sizeable reduction in the number of troops and conventional armaments and military expenditures - in this respect, negotiations on conventional disarmament in Europe should start later this year; encouragement by the United Nations of the creation of zones free of nuclear and chemical weapons in the Balkans and in other regions of the world; the strengthening of the role and the c&pacity of the united Nations to act in the field of peace and disarmament, as well as the role of the Geneva Conference on Disarmament. (Mr. 1Otu, Romania) Among the actions to be taken in order to proceed with the implementation of concrete disarmament measures, are the finalization and adoption by the United ;r .••.. ~ Nations of the principles to gover~ the negotiation and conclusion of agreements on the reduction of mili~ry expenditures. Likewise, we propose the adoption of the report on the economic and social consequences of the arms race and military expenditures, prepared by the Secretary-General with the assistance of a group of experts. The report should be brought to the attention of states, negotiating bodies and public opinion. We also believe that, in order to plomote peaceful solutions to disputes and conflicts, the General Assembly should prepare a mandate that would enable it to bring to a successful outcome the initiative submitted by Romania at previous sessions on a procedure to establish a commission of good offices, mediation or conciliation for the peaceful settlement of disputes. At the same time, we believe that work should be continued to identify and clarify the elements which are to constitute the background for an international document on the development and strengthening of good-neighbourly relations among states. The creation of a climate of durable peace and security requires resolute action by all states to educate peoples, including the young generation, in the spirit of mutual confidence and respect, and of the need for co-operation among peoples. It also requires repudiation of any action that would contribute to discord between nations. With this in mind, Romania requested the inclusion of a new item en the egeni I entitled -Responsibility of States to ban in their territory, and to refrain from instigating or supporting in the territory ef other States, chauvinistic, racidt and other manifestations that ay cause discord between peoples and involvement of Governments and the IliaSS media in combating such manifestations and in educating peoples and youth in the spirit of peaceful co-operation and international entente, and e~aluation of the implem~ntation of the Declaration on the Promotion among Youth of the Ideals of Peace, Mutual Respect nnd Understanding between peoples·. Tb this end, Romania submits the following United Nations programmes should provide that GOvernments will not permit such manifestations and activities and will not instigate or Bupport such acts on the territory of other States. At the sane time, United Nations programmes should emphasize the need to promote measures to educate peoples and the young generation in the spirit of the noble ideals of peace, mutual respect and understanding among peoples. The United Nations should address a call to all States for the adoption of concrete measures against those political circles and groupings which promote chauvinism, racism and apartheid and which foster an atmosphere of mistrust between States, discord between paoples and misinf.ormation ~-a-vis international public opinion. WO believe that the Commission for Social Development should be entrusted with the task of reviewing the implementation of such measures and submitting a report thereon to the General Assembly at its next session. Taking into account the fact that the year 1990 wIll mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption, at the initiative of Romania, of the Declaration on the Pro~~ion among Youth of the Ideals of Peace, Mutual Respect and Und~rstanding between Peo~les, it would be useful to evaluate the practical results of this inter~ational docu~at. A dramatic reality of our days, which deeply affects the heal~n and the environment of OUt planet and of its·peoples~ is the continuous proliferation of a'1 sources of pollut-ion of the atmosphere, soil, marine environment and outer space. At the same time, in some countries large quantities of toxic radioactive and polluting substances and wastes continue to accumulate. Lately there has been an increase in attempts to transfer such wastes abroad and deposit them on the territories of other States, usually in less developed countries, or dump them in international waters. In order to eradicate this phenomenon, Romania requested the inclusion on the agenda of a special item entitled: -Responsibility of States for the protection of the environment and prevention of environmental pollution as a result of the accumulation of toxic and radioactive wastes, and strengthening of international co-operation for the purpose of resolving the ~rOblem.- TO this end, we submit the following. A system of universal norms should be established aimed at preventing, by all possible means, such practices and at prosecuting those responsible for such offences. Specific rules should be adopted which would establish the concrete responsibility of states under whose jurisdiction activities resulting in radioactive and toxic wastes are taking place, as well as the responsibility of the producing firms, for the damage caused by fraudulent transboundary movements and the dumpirg of wastes on the territories of ~ther States or in international waters. Nations Environment Progranne, which would consider the question of a:dopting certain guideline5 and mandatory norms to be observed by all States. Preparabory ~rk should be started with a view to convening, in 1992, a second united Nations Confer(!nce on the HUII~n Environment, which would lay the groundwork for broad international co-o&e~atien in the field of environmental protection, taking account of the concerns and proposals of all States. Romania is deeply concerned about the world economic situation, which continues to deteri~ate, and the worsening condition of the developing countries, whose external debt exceeds one ~rillion dollars. The problems of the world economy cannot be resolved by a few countries alone, however developed ta'1ey maay be. It requires the active participation of all States. In this light, we submit the follow 1ng • The United Nations should make a thorough assessment of the way in which the principles and the essential provisions of the Declaration and of the Programme of Action on .;;he Establishment of a New International Econolllic Order, as well as of the Charter of Economic RiC;hts Md Duties of States, have been implemented. SUch an assessment could be done next year, in view Ut the fact that, in 1989, 15 years will have elapsed since their adoption. It should result in the preparation of some guidelifies for United Nations action in the field of the world economy until the year 2000. In this regard, particular attention should be paid to finding ways and mea~s for resolving the external debt crisis of the developing countriesJ to revitalizing the world econom¥ and ensuring conditions for reviving the active role of the developing countries in the gen(!ral process ef economic growth» to restructuring the monetary and financial system and to democratizing interrwtional financial organizations. to aliminating discriminatory practices and barriers from ~orld trade. to refraining f~om th~ imposition of trade embargoes and other measures of economic ~erclon on political grounds. and to en~uring unrestricted access by all States to science and technology. The General Assembly should call upon all states to assume a greater responsibility for the present state of the world economy and to engage fully in genuine negotiations on those issues within the framework of the United Nations. Such negotiations should be attended by all States, both developed and developing, and pursue the objective of reactivatin9 the international economic dialogue. They should be aimed at solving the serious problems of the world economy, eliminating underdevelopment and restructuring international economic relations on a new, more just and more equitable basis. A special body should be established within the United l~ations to deal with the problem of external debt, and a corresponding organizational structure should be set up within the United Nations Secretariat, through redistribution of existing personnel. Such a body would consider the various aspects of the external debt problem and elaborate specific proposals for solving it, in the multilateral framework offered by the united Nations system. In line with its general policy of peace and broad co-operation with all countries, Romania advocates elimination of the use or threat of force in international relations. It upholds the soluti~n of conflicts and disputes in all parts of the world solely by political means, through negotiations, and strict observance of the right of each people to independencp. and free development, without any interference in its internal affairs and with full respect for its vital interests. (Mr. TOtu, Romania) Along these lines, with regard to the situation in the Middle East, it would be of particular importance to convene as soon as possible a conference under the auspices of the United Nations, in which all inte~ested countries should participate, including the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel, as well as the permanent members of the security Council. We welcome the cessation of the war between Iran and Iraq and we hope that, in the framework of the nagotiatlons which started under the auspices of the United Nations, all necesS~ty efforts will be deployed - by e&ch of the two sides - to find mutually acceptable solutions leading to a final settlement of the Gulf conflict. Thus a dangerous hotbed and a threat to peace and security in that region and in the world as a whole would be eliminated. Romania has been actively supporting ~he national liberation struggle of peoples and is firmly in favour of the elimination of any neo-colonial policies and strict observance of the right of every nation to assert itself according to its own aspirations. In this spirit, we support the efforts made, in accordance with security Council resolution 435 (1978), for the accession of Namibia to independence, which would eliminate one more remnant of colonialism. Likewise we support all initiatives for the peaceful settlement of other problems in the south and west of Africa~ as well as in other regiona of the world. we also reiterate our solidarity with and active support for the initiatives of the people's Democratic Republic of Korea and its political and diplomatic efforts and actions aimed at the peaceful~ democratic and independent reunification of Korea. (Mr. ~tu, Romania) The evolution of international events makes it necessary, today more than ever, that the United Na~ions act with all resolve to strengthen its role and its contribution, as well as to increase the efficiency of its decisions, in solving the crucial problems of our world. That would fUlly respond to the aspirations of all peoples for peace, co-operation, independence and social progress. TO attain that goal we support the need to improve and simplify the machinery of the United Nations secretariat and to reduce budgetary expenses. This should be done, however, in such way that the basic political and economic activities of the United Nations are not diminished and its democratic structures not affected. ~ that end we should consider whether a larger part of the United Nations activities could not be organized on a voluntary basis, without financial implications for the bUdget of the Organization. We oelieve that the General Assembly's decisions to cut the staff from 15 to 25 per cent could be implemented at a more speedy pace and that expenses for existing staff be given a mole rational basis. In our view, consideration should also be given to the possibility that a State whoee nationals in the secretariat exceed the quota allotted to it be requested to cover the expenses incurred for ~at part of its personnel above the quota. The final result of the implementation of such measures would be to cut administrative expenses in half. A part of the resources thus saved could be allotted to setting up funds intended for specific activities of the United Nations, mainly for the support of the developing countries, or for other fundamental objectives incumbent upon the United Nations in solving the major issues of international life. While SUbmitting these considerations and proposals, the ~manian delegation is ready to act in close constructive co-operation with all other delegations, in a (Mr. ~tu, Romania) spirit of mutual receptivity, so that the decisions adopted fully respona to the trust placed in the united Nations by peoples all over the world. Our actions should respond to their aspirations for the cessation of the arms race and the elimination of under-development, for a better world. As President Nicolae Ceausescu recently emphasized: "Although the world situation, as a whole, is complex and serious, we share the c~nfidence that the peoples and the progressive political forces, hava the necessary strength to change for the better the course of events, to ensure and impose disarmament, peace and a new economic world order." From this rostrum I would like to reaffirm the unflinching resolve of the SOcialist Republic of Romania to act along with the rest of the international co~~unity, within the framework of the United Nations, for peace, co-operation, disarmament and security in the world. Prince SAUD AL-FAISAL (Saudi Arabia) (interpretation from Arabic): It gives me great pleasure to convey to you, Mr. President, and to the Heads of delegations participating in this forty-third session of the General Assembly, the greetings of the Custodian of the TWo Holy Mosques, King Fahd Bin Abdul-Aziz, and his wishes that God grant you success to accomplish the expectations we all have of this Organization as the appropriate framework for co-operation among nations and peoples, an important forum for dialogue and understanding and an effective tool for the settlement of disputes and handling crises. The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques was keen to participate in this session, which coincides with an important juncture in the course of international relations and in the crucial role of the United Nations, and would have done so had it not been for the present circumstances which required continuous follow-up of the (Prince Saud Al-Faisal, saudi Arabia) issues of peace and security in our region. 1 therefore have tile honour to present the following statement on his behalf: "Mr. President, 1 have the pleasure to congratulate you on your election to the presidency of thi~ session, which reflects the personal esteem you enjoy and is an expression of the important role your friendly country, Argentina, plays in the international arena. We are confident that your competence in conducting the affairs of the General Assembly will provide new possibilities for dealing with international problems, and we are certain that your objectivity and far-sightedness will be reflected in the work of this session. "I wish also to express our thanks to your predecessor, Mr. Peter Florin, President at the forty-second session of the General Assembly, for the objectivity and wisdom with which he conducted the work of the last session, which has appropriately earned him the appreciation of all. "I take this opportunity to express our appreciation for the efforts of the Secretary-General of the united Nations, Mr. Javier Perez de cuellar, for his continuous endeavours to enhance the opportunities for establishing peace and to lessen the sources of tension that prevail in various parts of the world. His personal qualities are without doubt of great influence in this regard. NIt gives me pleasure, on the occasion of the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize for this year to the United Nations peace-keeping forces, to congratulate the United Nations, the secretary-General and the members of these forces and to express our thanks to the countries participating in them. This appreciation reflects the increasing importance of the role of the (Prince S&ud Al-Faisa1, saudi Arabia) United Nations in keeping the peace and maintaining it in different parts of the world. "Our belief in the principles and objectives of the United Nations as an interna tional forum where all the peoples and the Governments of the world gather is firm and has been reinforced over time, despite the complicated problems and entangled crises from whidl the world suffers. Therefore, we return every year to the Organization to consider problems and crises and to co-operate in finding solutions to tham in order to establish an international cOl1lllunity that enjoys stability and progress and in which justice, secur ity and peace prevail. We hope that our Organization can work for the consolidation of the basic objectives for which it was created and for which the Charter was established, objectives to which we are all committed for the establishment and preservation of world peace, namely, laying the foundations of equity in relations among States in the political, economic and social fields • (Prince Saud AI-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) "The ahility of the tJnited Nations to continue to serve as a safety valve, trusted and respected &s regards the preserv~tion and affirmation of these goals, is dependent, to a large degree, upon its ahi1ity to find appropriate solutions f~r the problems that threaten international peace and security. "At past sessions of the united Nations General Assembly we used to review the problems and enumerate the dangers and crises they posed. It seemed to us each time that the world was living under a cloud of ceaseless conflicts and wars with no peacefUl end, and that the trend towards evil and its destructive effects would prevail. But today we are seeing a noticeable breakthrough in many problems and crises and we are seeing thp. distinctive and important role the United Nations can play in this regard. On a number of different occasions in the past, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia expressed the view that the role of this Organization should not be confined to identifying international conflicts and crises, but should also include the formulation of realistic concepts that would enable the international community to face up to the danqers confronting it, and conseauontly to work out solutio"s based on justice and objectivity. Today, as we are witnessing many breakthroughs in which the United Nations has played an effective role, we cannot hut mention the great importance of the work this Organization can do in this respect. We stress that the conti"uation and consecration of this role cannot be realized and accomplished unless the Organization can find ways and means to institutionalize this role throuqh the organs of the United Nations system and at the core of its political activities, and not simply confine itself to the improvements in circumstances that take place in super-Power relations periodically. While we appreciate the importance of the role played hy the members of the Security Council in making it posslhle to achieve such positive (Prince Saud Al-Fai~~l, Saudi Arabia) developments, we wish to mention a180 the special responsibility that the permanent IllElllbers bear in this regard, which should co~le_nt the responsibility of the united Nations, and not, in any event, be an obstacle to it. -The breakthroughs on the international scene which we are witnessing enhances the scope of hope for the accomplish-.nt of increased peace, security and stability for the benefit of all. -Lately, relations between the two super-Powers, th, United States and the Soviet union, have experienced a notiCEable rapprochement, one outcome of which has been the realization of significant steps in the limitation of nuclear arms. However, there ought to be a positive and tangible relationship between the degree of the evolution of relations between the two super-powers and the role of the united Nations in this regard. Since the rapprochement in relations between these two Powers has a definitive bearing upon the opportunities and possibilities for the realization of other positive developaents in the international arena, such a rapprochement should constitute a safety valve exercising its important influence whenever relations between the two super-powers deteriorate so that a direct confrontation or a change in either of th~ir positions ccn be avoided. On the occasion of their meeting in Washington last year, I addressed a message in this regard to the leaders of these two States in which we expressed our hope for the establishment of a new world order, supported hy thell, based on the prlnci'})les of solidarity and co-operation between all nations and peoples, in order to provide security, stability and prosperity to the world.* * Mr~ Branco, (Sao Tome and Principe), Vice-president, took the Chair. (Prince Sa~d Al-Faisal, Saudi Arahia) ·On the other hand, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia considered the breakthrough witnessed in the Iran-Iraa war as a good beginning for putting an end to a painful tragedy that had lasted eight years. As soon as it learned of the decision of tho Secretary-General of the United Nations to fix a definite date for a cease-fire, with the consent of the two neighbouring states of Iraa and Iran, it immediately expressed its deep satisfaction and its great hope that this agreement would he an effective beginning for the establishment of a permanent and co~rehensive peace in which all the States and ~oples of the region would enjoy security, stability and constructive co-operation. -While welcoming the decision for a cease-fire and the initiation of direct negotiations, we express our hope that the negotiators will reach solutions that will help overcome the obstacles by dealing with the points contained in Security Council resolution 598 (1987), stressing the stability of the cease-fire and the strengthening of the foundations of peace. We also hope that the cessation of the fighting between the two parties is a true and sincere beginning towards the accomplishment of the greater aim, which is the achievement of the desired permanent peace on the basis of good-neighbourly and constructive fraternal co-operation. While we appreciate the readiness Iraa has shown from the heginning to accept Security Council resolution 598 (1987) after it was adopted, and its conseauent readiness for an immediate cease-fire, which demonstrates to the world the credibility of the Iraai ~overnment in its auest for peace and its earnestness to achieve it, we hope that the acceptance by Iran of a cease-fire and its participation in direct negotiations indicates a systematic change in its policy in the region, so that it will return to being a source of civilization and a pillar of peace, stability and secu~ity, which are the respoasihilities of all States in the region, thus sharing in the message of goodness, brotherhood and friendship, which are the goals that constitute the essence and the core of the true message of Islamo (!rince Saud AI-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) ·We hope to abille by all this. As the Almighty says: IHelp ye ~~~ another in righteousness ~nd piety But help ye not one anothe~ in sin and rancour l • (The Holy Koran: V:3) ·We also welcomed the Soviet decision to withdraw from Afghanistan and to leave the destiny of the country in its own hands. We hope that thi~ will take place accor~ing to plan, that all the obstacles in the way of the achiever~nt. of full political and economic stability in Afghanistan will disappear and that, aft&r a glorious struggle of nine years during which it gave proof of its strong belief in God and of sacrifice in the defence of its religion and riqhts, a rt;gime which reflects the wishes of its valiant Muslim people will be estahlished. ·We express our hope for the co-operation of all the parties concerned in restoring stahility 3nd tranauillity to Afghanistan, because the emergence of a Government which representa the true Afghan will is the firmest guarantee that Afghanistan will be the source of pea~~ and stability for all its neighbours capable of co-operation on a sound basis of mutual interest. ·Th9 Geneva Accords have paved the way for the finding of a comprehensive solution to the situation in Afghanistan. They confer upon the united Nations a continued responsihility to work in this direction until final implementation of the Accords and until the establishment of the desired transitional Government that will permit the Afghan refugees to return to their country and give the Afghan people the freedom of self-determination. ·At the same time, we deplore the violations of Pakistanis air space by the Kahul regime and express once again our apprec1~tion of the great humanitarian role which the r~vernment and people of Pakistan continue to undertake in hosting 4 million Afghans, who can now look forward to returning to their homes after Pakistan has bortle their hurdens £0-: all these yean. In this critical period, Pa~istan has lost its Pres~~~nt, the late General Mohammad Zia-,ul-Haa, who worked hard in the service of his country, in supporting the rights of the Afghans and in bolstering the causes of the Islamic world. With the passing of the President, the Islamic world lost one of its most zealous and sincere Muslim leaders, one of the most experienced and well verse~ in the affairs of the Islamic world, as evidenced by his stands in international ar~nas and at t~~ Islamic summit conferences. "We are, moreover, following with deep i~terest and appreciation the breakthrough taking place on the problem of Western Sahara, where the wisdom and farsightedness of the leaders of the region ha~e enabled the United Nations to accomplish its constructive role in ending this problem. I had the pleasure of personally conveying my thanks to both His Majesty King Hassan 11 and nis Excellency President Ched!i bin Jedid for their ~operation and their successful efforts in settling the situation and narrowing the differences in the points of ~iew concerning this problem, in the hope of reaching a final formula and of the coming together of the two States and peoples on the basis of trust, amity and common effort, for the welfare of the States of the Great Arab Maghreb. "With regard to the problem of Cyprus, we have always expressed our support for the ongoing negotiationB~ under the auspices of the Secretary-General, to find a solution to this problem which would prot,~t the hasic interests of the Turkish Cypriot brothers. We are encour£ged by the fact that some positive signs have emerged, which will, we hope, result in the desired just solution. One of those signs is the growing underatanding which • •--- has emerged in Greek-Turkish relations and the meetings which have Lecently taken place in Cyprus between the representatives of the two communities. "We are also observing with interpAt the effor.ts currently being undertsken to solve the problem of Namibia and to restore' its rights. It is a problem that threatens stability and peace in Africa and causes great concern. We hope that th~ indications of the breakthrough taking place are genuine and will reach their natural conclusion. we also support every effort approved by the ~rganization in support of the people of South Africa and in deterring aqgression a~ainst its neighbouring ~tates. We stand with the African States in resistin~ the oppression inflicted upon the people of South Africa. We are with them in isolating the apartheid regime and condemning its evil alliance with the Zionist entity in Palestine. It is a regime based on the worst in the human soul of selfish traits, grudge and the abandonment of human values. Its oppressive and tyrannical measures against its hlack citizens and its aggression against the peace and security of neighbouring States should be halted. "It is regrettable that, in this atmosphere of breakthrough on different prohlems confronting the world, the auestion of Palestine and the Middle East, the auestion that was created in the arena of the United Nations itself, remains the most dangerous of problems, undermining the progress of this breakthrough, and the most dangerous of the threats to regional security and world peace. It is unfortunate that this problem has not come close~ to hope of a solution one way or another. "Pe&ce is an indivisible whole. It is a right that should not be the preserve of one qroup or be applied to one cause at the expense of another. Peace does not stand and does not endure unless it is based upon justice. Peace is not the acceptance of the status cuo, nor is it a surrender to force and oppression, which do not create a right or establish peace. Tbe Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has always believed that no real peace can prevail in the Middle East unless a just and permanent solution to the Palestinian problem, which is the core of the struggle taking place in the region, is found. Those who imagine that the passing of time is a guarantee that the status auo will become an ~ccepted fact seem to forget that the rights of peoples in their countries do not fade with the lapse of time and are never forfeited by forgetfulness. The Palestinians, after waiting for ove~ 40 years without any glimmer of hope for a just peace, found only the stones of their land with which to express their rights and their rejection of the Israeli oppression. "Israel thought that by its continuous oppressive actio~s it could separate the Palestinians fLom their roots while they we~e on their own land and erase their history from the memory of their new generations, as well as f~om the annals of history. Then the Intifadah came, a revolution against oppression, a reminder that right never dies, and a daily and unanimous action for their just demands. Through its determination and sacrifices the uprising has been able to create a new reality, proclaiming its identity and vitality on both the local and the international level. With over nine months having passed since its heginning, it is clear that the Israeli violence has only reinforced its determination and that the logical result of the impossibility of things remaining as they are is the need for a movement towards a change. the Intifadah has put an end to the false belief in the permanence of the status auo and killed the illusion that Israel worked to create in regard to the auestion of Palestinian representation, it has at the same time paved the way for concerted action aimed at attaining a just and permanent solution to the Palestinian prOhlem. Th~ blood of the m~rtyrs and the sufferings of the victims are too dear to be sauandered or uselessly lost, therefore there should be a conscious movement for the uprising of the Palestinian people to realize its desired objectives. The Palestinians have given all they can for peace and nothing demonstrates this better than the speech delivered recently by Mr. Yassir Arafat, the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Libe.ration Organization, in Strasbourg. "The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has freauently expressea its full support and continued backing for whatever the Palestine Liberation Organization, as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, considers for the realization of its legitimate rights and the estahlishment of an independent State on its land and the right to self-determination. The Kingdom will continue its efforts in this di~~tion according to what the Palestine Liberation Organization will decide and consider to be a realization of those goals. "As Chairman of the Arab Gulf Co-operation Council during its current session I sent messages to the leaders of the States permanent memhers of the Security Council to draw it to their attention that these developments do reauire of all parties a more realistic re-evaluation of the situ~tion and a better perception of the dimensions of what is taking place in the occupied Arab territories, so that an end may be put to this tragedy in all its dimensions and all it entails in dangers, concerns and threats to security, peace and stahility. A result will not be found except through a ~omprehensive and just solution to the Palestinian problem through the con,'eniog of an international peace conference on the Middle East as the ideal means for realizing such a solution. It is worthy of mention that the two Arab Summit Conferences which took place in Amman and Algiers adopted a clear position towards supporting the convening of an international conference withcut pre-conditions. -If the auestion of Palestine is our primary concern, the problem of Holy Jerusalem cOfistitutes, in our view, the core of the Palestinian problem. In this regard the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia renews its support for the necessity to preserve the Islamic and Arab character of Jerusalem and to restore the Holy City to Arab sovereignty, so that it will return to being, as it always used to be, the gathering place fc,r the faithful of all the divine religions and a sanctuary for forgiveness and creative coexistence between the different religions. "As for Lebanon, we hope ~hat God will guide its people to be able to provide a suitable climate for free and fair elections~ emanating from the will of the Lebanese people and based on the present ,'onstitutional formula, so that a president may be elected who will endeavour to unify and to preserve the independence of the Lebanese territory and people and so that the shadow of the division which threatens Lebanon will fade away, denying continuous Israeli attempts to exploit these circumstances and to persist in perpetrating its aggression and occupying Lebanese territo~y. "While in international relations we are witnessing the beginning of different regional breakthroughs, we notice the conti"ued deterioration of the economic situations of the developing countries, in spite of some positive signs witnessed recently in international economic relations. The industrialized states have been able to realize a greater amount of co-ordination botween their economic policies, a fact whioh has allowed a relative stability in the exchange rate of the major currencies as well as thQ achievement of healthy rates in economic growth, while the economic circum3tanc~s in many developing countries have continued to deterio~ate as a result of a continuous decrease in the prices of their primary commodities and an increase in the price of their imports of manufactured goods, as well as an increase in their debt hurdens in a way which seriously threatens the course of their development. (Prince Saud Al-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) (Prince Baud Al-Faisal, saudi Arabia) "It was hoped, at the commencement of the Uruguay round of multilateral trade negotiations, that the terms of international trade would be corrected, that the protectionist tendencies would be reversed and that the trend towards freeing world trade in a meaningf\ll way would be reaffirmed. But so far no tangible action on the part of the industrialized States has been forthcoming to eliminate the barriers which they have established on their im~rts from developing States. It is clear that some industrialized States are seeking to depr ive the developing countr iee of many of the tr.:1Oe preferences reqUired by their development circumstances. "It was hoped also that the initiatives aimed at easing the international debt burden of many of the poor developing countries would take a positive direction at the meetings of the International Monetary Fund (]MF) and the World Bank currently taking place in Berlin. But in this regard, there have not so far been any tangible results on the part of the industr ialized countries, and this leads to a lose of hope among the developing countries participating in the Berlin meeting. "While we welcome the progress achieved by the industrialized States in co-ordinating their economic policies, we express our apprehension at the continued deterioration of the economic situation in developing countries, many of which are facing heavy indebtedness on the one hand and a weak economic-growth rate on the other. That is a result of the failure to achieve practical measures to reduce the debt burden as well as of the continued custom and administrative barriers imposed on their exports to the industrialized States - which makes it very diffi.cult to attain a reasonable level of growth .1n the developing cot:ntries. Therefoi:eg while we emphasize (Prince Saud Al-Faisal, saudi Arabia) - the importance of expediting debt-relief measures for the developing countries, we also stress the importance of eliminating custom and administrative barriers and of giving developing countries the opportunity of promoting their exports to the inciustr ialized States. We believe that that is the exemplary way to help the developing countries to correct their economic development, and at the same time would benefit the industriali~ed countries themselves, because this means a real contr ibution to the expansion of world trade. -The deterioration in the situations of many of the developing countries has increased as a result of a number of natural disaste~s which have taken the lives of thousands of per sons and left millions of the. j homeless in many regions of t:.'1e world - and the majority of them were women, chilaren and the elderly. We expressed our deep sorrow at the devastation suffered by Sudan and Bangladesh as a result of the destructive floods. We declared our full solidarity with the two fraternal peoples, and we have put at their disposal all that we can offer in emergency humanitarian assistance. The citizens of the Kingdom of saudi Arabia immediately made - and have. continued to make - generous contributions to the relief committees in the different parts of the Kingdom, which have enabled them to carry out their humanitarian duties towards the two fraternal peoples. -Even a cursory glance at the extent of the suffering endured by many developing countries as a result of natural disasters clearly shows the important need for solidarity with them and for helping them to overcome their predicament. At the same time, it demonstrates that the ability to face such catastrophes is linked to the economic strength of these States; and yet we realize that most of the States susceptible to such catastrophes are the (Prince Saud A!-Faisal, .!!!!..di Arabia) weakest economically and the poorest. That truth leads us to an increased awareness of the problems of development and not to neglect of its humanitarian dimension. It also requires us to acknowledge that our solidarity with the afflicted States cannot be confined to alleviating the suffering of the affected peoples, but, rather, should continue so that these States may overcome their predicament and stand on their feet, so that they may prevail on their pa th to development. -The breakthrough witnessed in international relations clearly demonstrates the importance cIf the role of the united Nations in the development of international relations. We are confident that the success achieved by the Organization through that breakthrough entitles it, at the same time, to expect our trust as it deals with the problems 0:: development in a comprehensive and integrated Malnner, without neglecting the humanitarian side of international economic co-operation. liThe Kingdom of saudi Arabia, whose pri".ciples der ive from its compassionate Islamic Shariah and its Hanif faith, which call for peace, justice, equality and brotherhood, has forged for itself the path of peace that originates from these pr~cepts and sublime values and from its belief in the principles and purposes for which the United Nations was created. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is continuing to play its role and to shoulder its responsibilities in every endeavour to achi~ve a just peace and to take a char.itable course. It will continue to ~-ork side by side with all the peace-loving States to eliminate the shadows of war and develop friendly relations and fruitful co-operation between peoples, as well as to establish an international society where justice and peace prevail. (Prince Saud Al-Faisal, saudi Arabia) -From that standpoint, the decision of the Kingdom of saudi Arabia to accede to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear weapons, as a contribution on its part to the consolidation of this peaceful objective, reflects its intention to work within the framework of the efforts being undertaken by the United Nations in this regard. While the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia urges other States to sign the Treaty, it hopes that this action will not be merely voluntary but a basic ~equirement of international dealings. It also wishes to stress in this regard that the possession of nuclear weapons by States which do not respect the rules of international behaviour and international agreements and refuse to sign and adhere to the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty, such as Israel, constitutes in fact a dangerous threat to international peace and security, especially in light of the development of the Israeli nuclear and military capabilities in a manner that is consider.ed to be a source of direct threat to the peace and security of the region. (Prince saud Al-Faisal, Saudi Arabia) "Terrorism is one of the problems posing the greatest danger to the safety, peace and stability of &ocieties. The-spread of this phenomenon throughout the international community has led to the distu~bance of international relations and to increased anxiety, tension and trouble. The Kingdom of saudi Arabia has contributed, with all the means at its disposal, to efforts aimed at combating it and pre~enting its destructive effects. In this regard the decree issued by the Council of the High Ulerna of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia imposing the death penalty upon terrorists, saboteurs and subversives - a decree supported by the Ulema itself and by jurists, Imams and Great Muftis in the Islamic world - is a sign of the Kingdom's determination and underscores our well-known firm stand against a phenomenon that has begun to spread through the world and to pose a threat to the foundations of a stable society. "The position of the Kingdom of saudi Arabia with respect to the phenomenon of terrorism accords with the positions adopted in this regard by the summits of the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the League of Arab States. Moreover, while joining in the call for an international conference under united Nations auspices to define terrorism, we stress the need to draw a distincti~n between terrorism which aims to destroy society by striking at its roots, and the right of peoples to defend their existence and struggle for freedom and sovereignty when they have been subjected to occupation, domination, oppression and persecution in disregard of all international principles and norms. "The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is presiding over the current session of the Arab Gulf Co-operation Council; we are proud to belong to that Council, which (Prince Saud Al-Faisal, saudi Arabia) was established in conformity with the charters and resolutions of the League of Arab States and the Organization of the Islamic Conference as well as in accordance wi th the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement and the Charter of the United Nations. The Council has played an effective and constructive role in promoting political, economic, security, social and cultural co-operation among its member States. While the Gulf Co-operation Council expresses the free will of those States and reflects co-operation among them in the context of a common perception of their national interests, it is not in fact a bloc against anyone, but rather a positive factor for stability in the region. "At the beginning of my statement I referred to the great potential of the United Nations in the context of the breakthroughs we have witnessed in many current international problems, breakthroughs in which the Secretary-General personally has had a significant role in bringing about. The success of the United Nations in achieving further breakthroughs in the international arena will unquestionably be linked to its capacity to consolidate and structure this trend and make it an integral part of the political work of the Organization. "If in the early part of my statement I concentrated on the subject of conflicts and what has been accomplished by way of breakthroughs in the international arena it is because the main concern in our region is the achievement of peace and because we are aware, as others ought to be, that instability anywhere is a threat to security everywhere. "The time has come for all of us to bring our thinking into line with contemporary reality and to recognize that all our efforts for the betterment of the life of mankind will be in vain if. just and lasting peace remains beyond our grasp. (Prince Saud Al-Paisal, Saudi Arabia) -The interests of States have become common and intertwined to such a degree that there are no longer any limited conflicts whose effects can be confined to the parties directly involved. We are all partners in the ebb and flow, in good and evil, in war and peace, in prosperity and adversity and in development and underdevelopment. Let us all work together for peace. "May peace and the blessings of God be bestowed upon you.- Mr. MOCK (Austria): It is with great pleasure that I congratulate Mr. Caputo on his election to the presidency of the General Assemly. That election is a recognition of his own personal status, and also honours his country, Argentina. Let me also convey our sincere thanks to his predecessor, Mr. Peter Plorin, who presided so ably over the General Assembly at its forty-second session. A special tribute must ~lso go to the secretary-General. His untiring efforts to promote peace and international co-operation have been instrumental in the achievement of impressive breakthroughs in a number of regional conflicts. The Secretary-General's unflinching commitment to the principles and purposes of the Organization he has been called upon to lead ought to inspire all of us assembled here. Austri& welcomes the turning-point in the perception of tha united Nations, as it has always favoured the strengthening of the Organization and of the position of the secretary-General as an essential factor not only in securing international peace but also in advancing the progress of mankind. Rarely before have we seen a more lively demonstration of what the United Nations can in fact achieve, as it pursues at an accelerated pace its major goal, namely the establishment and preservation of peace. The merits of this world Organization and, in particular, its Socret4ry-General, have again been universally recognized. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces fills us, as a major troop contributor, with joy, satisfaction and pride. That award is a tangible manifestation of current developments. Member States now expect the United Nations not only to continue but also to expand its peace-keeping and peace-making role. (Hr. Mock, Austr ia) (~r. Mock, Austria) It is therefore of paramount importance that the United Nations rests on a sound financial basis which in turn is sn indispensable pre-eondition for successful operations. A prolongation of the present financial crisis would cr ipple the prospects for new and more significant steps on the long and winding road towards reform and improvement of the Organization's p~ocedures and practices. Reform is an oogoing and continuous process for which the Member States and the managers of the various programmes of the United Nations system are equally responsible. I am pleased to note that various measures taken by the Secretary-General have already perceptibly increased the efficiency and effectiveness of the United Nations. In past years we hesrd a lot about the United Nations crisis. Some voices even went so far as to predict the end of l,ultilateralism. Certainly, we have to admit that United Nations activities still lack the essential financial underpinning. But the political crisis seems to be over. We see tcday a resurgence of multilateral diplomacy undet the auspices of the United Nations. The Secretary-General has skilfully taken advantage of the prevailing new international climate. Within the time-span of a new months agreements on Afghanistan were signed) a truce in the Gulf war was achieved» direct talks and negotiations between Iraq and Iran are under way; agreement was reached between the leaders of the two conununities of Cyprus to reopening their dialogue; a solution of the question of western Sahara was agreed upon in principle by those concerned; and, finally, the United Nations may well be about to play a vital part in the release of Namibia to independence. Let me state this unambiguously: Austria has always believed in the United Nations and its potential for the solution of international crises. My country is proud of the role the United Nations is playing today in peace-making and peace-keeping and will continue fully to support these activities in an internatic,al scenario marked primarily by a new East-West relationship. Peace-keeping operations are among the success stories of the United Nations. I am deeply convinced that Austria's participation in, and commitment to, peace-keeping operations is one of the most effective ways in which a neutral country can make its contribution to the preservation of peace. More than 25,000 Austrians have worn the blue helmet. At present close to a thousand Austrian soldiers are serving in cyprus, on the Galan Heights, at various locations in ~.~h((! Middle East and - since a few mnths ago" also in Afghanistan and Pakistan, as well as in Iran and Iraq. Austria did not hesitate to participate in peace-keeping activities when it was asked to do so. It is our eKperience, however, that in soma cases troop contributors have to shoulder a disproportionately heavy financial burden. This is the case notably vi th the United Nations peace-keeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) 0 The participation in a peace-keeping operation always entails considerable cost for the troop contributors, as the compensation offered by the united Nations never covGrs all the cost the troop contributor incurs. It is simply unfair to continue to discriminate against the cyprus operation merely for historical reasons and one has to accept f in that case, that the reimbursement is cl1ron1cally insufficient. It is high time for a solution to be found to rectify this anomaly. we therefore hope that the Secretary-Gene&:'al's end2avours to have the financing of UNFICYP based on assessed contr ibutions by the ~mbership at large will be successful in the year to come. * Despite continued outrageous violations of human rights in many parts of the world, progress was achieved in the promotion and protection of human rights. Often we restrain ourselves from pinpointing specific situations in order not to jeopardize the maintenance of a dialogue which is a prerequisite for further positive developments in this area. The tenth of December will mark the ~ortieth anniversary of the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of Human r~ghts. The completion of the time-span of four decades since the adoption of that Magna Carta of all mankind is an appropriate moment for reflection on the remarkable achievements that have been made in the human rights field, the serious shortcomings that still persist in many areas and the challenges that lie ahead. Looking back to the origins of the Universal Declaration one must pay tribute to the courage and vision of its drafters, who were motivated by the ardent desire that the appalling disrespect for human life and dignity they had witnessed during thei&:' lifetime should never be repeated. Most regrettably, those rights are still violated to a large extent throughout the world. In Austria's view the aim of the protection of human rights is to ensure the dignity of the human person, to safeguard his social a~d economic well-being and to allow for the free devel.opment of his entire personality. We hold the opinion that all human rights are indivisible and interrelated. The dignity of the human being cannot be guaranteed, if the necessa~y economic, social and cultural pre-conditions *The President returned to the Chaie. do not exist. However, adverse economic and social conditions can never justify the denial of civil and political rights. The Declaration led to the adoption of a new approach concerning human rights whereby the community of nations recognized that respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of the individual was no longer within the exclusive domain of national governments, but was a matter of concern for the international community at large. This conviction is shared by Austria: expressions of concern that human rights are not observed in a certain State cannot be considered as interference in the domestic affairs of that particular state. On the other hand issues of human rights ought not to be brought before united Nations organs to be used exclusively for political purposes. \ Let us now assess some of the major achievements of the United Nations in the human rights field: first, the "common standard~ laid down by the Universal Declaration has been refined and elaborated in an impressive array of international instruments, for which the Declaration provided an inexhaustible source of inspiration. Important mechanisms have been developed within the Organization, or within special treaty bodies, in order to monitor the implementation of international human rights law. Suffice it to mention the International COIIenants on human rights, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Fbrms of Racial Discrimination and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment, which have introduced sophisticated international control mechanisms. I wish to pay a special tribute to the Commission on Human Rights and its subsidiary organs - in particular, its special rapporteurs, who relentlessly endeavour to identi fy various violations of human rights and propose ways to imprOlle particular situations. It is not the fault of the United Nations if the implementation of human rights norms remains imperfect. Let me highlight only a few of the problems confronting us. The question of the human rights of all persons subjected to any form of detention or imprisonment is still of the greatest concern. It is precisely when a person is totally in the power of others that the worst human rights abuses occur: flagrant denial of all human values, ranging from disrespect for the individual's personal dignity through different stages of degrading, inhuman and cruel treatment to the most atrocious and sophisticated means of physical and mental abuse, and finally to the deliberate <::~ctinction of human life. The entry into force of the Convention against torture, to which Austr ia has become a party, is certainly Cl major step forward in combating that particularly serious and, regrettably, widespread violation of human dignity. A convention against torture has been elaborated within the Council of Europe providing for a system of per iodic visi ts by independent experts to places of detention or imprisonment. Since we believe in the universality of human rights, I should like to suggest that such a system of preventive visits be created on a global bas is. Regrettably, intolerance, discrimination and even persecution on the grounds of religion or belief, continue in today's world on a large scale. Freedom of religion and belief is, however, a central element in the freedom of the human being. Where this freedom is denied all other fundamental freedoms are in danger. In this context, we place a high value on and consider important the inter-confessional dialogue, based as it is on recognition of the inherent dignity of the human person, as a means further to strengthen human rights. In order to facilitate concerted action by the international community in this field, the 1981 Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination based on Religion or Belief should be supplemented by a binding international instrument. The freedom of minorities of all kinds - ethnic, religious or linguistic - to preserve their specific heritage is another important human rights issue. Such minorities should be regarded not as elements for friction within a State or between States, but, on the contrary, as an enrichment of the States in which they live, as bridges between nations. To our most sincere regret there are cases - unfortunately, in Europe, too - where policies are put into effect which are designed to stifle the economlc, , social and, in particular, cultural development of persons belonging to minorities, leaving many of them no other choice than to seek refuge in foreign countries. Austria deplores such developments, which in fact are leading to the destruction of centuries-old cultures. Uprooting minorities, apart from the human suffering it entails, will further diminish our common cultural heritage. I wish to express the sincere hope of the Austrian Government that such policies will be reconsidered by those responsible fo~ them, in the spirit of good-neighbourliness. We believe that the Third Committee ought to address this rssue. Rela ted to the issue of human rights is the struggle against drug abuse and illicit drug trafficking. In June of last year a WOrld Conference on the issue was convened in Vienna. The participating States decided upon a comprehensive strategy document and issued a declaration. Work is at present under way on drafting a new convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances. The convention will be finalized at a conference of plenipotentiaries to be held in Vienna in December. Thus, important signals are being given that the international community considers the fight against drugs a priority area of international co-operation. At the same time, h~Jever, we must take care that the United Nations bodies dealing with drug abuse control which have to take on additional responsibilities are adequately staffed. Similar considerations are valid in respect of the crime prevention and social research areas of the Secretariat. We witness a growing awareness of global social dimensions, especially with regard to the interrelationship of economic and social progress. Social policies and social developnent must be at the heart of our concerns in the years to come. The capacity of the United Nations to respond to the increasingly important challenges of social concerns, the advancement of women, youth-related questions and qU,>8tions of the elderly or disabled, mus t be fur ther consolidated and strengthened. A further important topic at each session of the General Assembly is disarmament and arms control, issues which I addressed quite recently in my statement on 2 June this year at the third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. I shall therefore, restrict myself to one particularly urgent question: the conclusion of a chemical weapons convention. The co-operation of the chemical industries in all countries and the readiness of all States possessing chemical weapons to destroy their stocks under appropr iate international verificati"", and renounce their future production or aCXIuisi tion, are essential elements in that endeavour • Austria attaches the highest priority to the comprehensive and verifiable eli~ination of chemical weapons. With a view to contributing to the realization of th41t aim, I recall that Austria is ready and would be pleased to be the host to a new mechanism to be established by the chemical weapons convention. Vienna already hosts the International Atomic Energy Agency (IABA), which has at its disposal highly qualified experts in the field of monitoring and verification. We should take advantage of that. In this context, I wish to refer to the statement I made on 14 Apr 11 at the Conference on Disarmament. I referred to the neea for all States to ptO'lide, at the earliest possible date, detailed infor~ation on their actual arsenals, their ohemical-weapons production facilities, and all other chemical-industry facilities that might fall under the future cnemical weapons convention. The Austr ian delegation, in consultation with other delegations, intends to pursue an initiative in that respect. The Conference on Disarmament, in Geneva, has done essential work in drafting such a convention. Austria is actively following those efforts and is co-operating in the work of the Conference. I remind the Assembly that Austr ia is a candidate for memership of that important body, which, in disarmament matters, acta as the trustee of the international community. Finally, as a signatory to the Geneva Protocol of 1925, my country notes with interest the United States' proposal to convene a meeting of all the signator ies to that document. The third follow-up meeting of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, currently taking place In Vienna, has entered its final phase. By now, there is a realistic chance of consensus, in the coming weeks, among the 35 participating States on a substantial concluding document - consensus based on the important proposals offered by the neutral and non-aligned countries • We hope that this opportunity will be seized. It would reinforce the credibility and dynamism of the Conference by contributing to fuller implementation of past commitments and by providing for a programme of new reforms and areas of co-operation. Concrete new provisions should make possible the removal of more of the barriers between the peoples of East and West. The enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the ability to meet and communicate freely with one another, continue to be vital to the attainment of the Europe we are aiming for. Negotiations on oonfidence- and security-building measures, as well as on conventional forces, are to be part of the outcome of the Vienna meeting. We are conscious of an increasing awareness of the urgent need to address the existing imbalances in conventional forces in Europe. In this respect a rapid conclusion of the Vienna meeting would also be of great importance. Given its specific geopolitical position and its deeply rooted commitment to democracy and to the observance of human rights, Austria's European policy is guided by two priori ties. On the one hand we pursue our traditional policy of good-neighbourliness towards our Eastern European friends, with whom we maintain close and friendly relations. On the other hand, Austria is traditionally deeply involved in the ongoing European integration process. Therefore we are striving for full participation in the emerging unified internal market of the European Communities. Moreover, we do not exclude the option of future membership, while maintaining our sta tus of permanent neutrali ty. Now I would like to say some words on our relations with Italy. OUr bilateral relations also have been deepening continuously during the last year, and their present state can be described as excellent. Following the tradition of past yeaJrs, I would like, however, to state that the political importance of the South-Tyrol question in Austro-Italian I:elations remains unchanged. On the basis of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly adopted in 1960 and 1961, Austria and Italy agreed, in 1969, on a new arrangement for South Tyrol's autonomy. Whereas, in past years, Austria was oompelled to express its concern about the delays in the realization of the so-called "package" of 1969, 1: am now in a position to report impcrtant and substantial progress, which brings this long-lasting dispute closer to solution. On 13 May 1988 the Italian Government approved certain measures to implement the package, including the granting of equal status for the use of the German language before court and police authorities, which is of fundamental importance for the protection of the German-speaking minority. Austria assumes that the relevant decree, and two- other regUlations that still require the approval of the Italian Parliament. will sOQn oome into force. If we succeed in solving the outstanding questions, with a view to completing and safeguarding the auto.nomy of South Tyrol, we will also further enhance the ability of all ethnic groups tj) live toget.ller in a small but sensi tiv.e part of Europe, which has suffered many conflicts throughout its history. The fact that the respective measures are being carried out in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 1497 (XV) and 1661 (XVI) underlines the importance of the United Nations as a peace-generating force. This ia a year of hope. We have witnessed a number of major and quite unexpected breakthroughs as regards the resolution of regional conflicts. I have already mentioned them. The United Nations has thus shown the world that it is not altogether unrealistic to hope for peaceful solutions ~ international conflicts. While there is promising progress in certain areas, the situation in the Middle East has unfortunately not improved since the last session of the General AssenOly.. On the contrary, the events in the occupied territories in recent months and the deplorable behaviour of the occupying Power have once again focused world attention on the urgent need to achieve a just and lasting settlement. The situation remains volatile. Stability in the region is further threatened by the continuous bllild-up and increasing sophistication of armaments. In order to decrease mutual fear and suspicion, all States in the area should accede to the Non-Proli ferstion Treaty (NPT) and should submit all their nuclear facili ties to inspection by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards regime. In the view of my Government, the only way to arrive at a just and lasting solution is by convening an international peace conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the united Nations, taking into account the necessity of withdrawal from occupied territories and the respect for the right of all states to exist within secure and internationally recognized boundaries. The recent developments in the area should bring new momentum into the search for peace and allow the Palestinian people, as represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization, finally to play its legitimate role in this endeavour. Forty years after the establishment of the State of Israel provided for in resolution 181 (11), we might finally witness the Palestinian Arab people create their own State. Ten years after the adoption of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), the people of Namibi.a may well enter a new phase of their history, joining the community of sovereign nations. The independence of Namibia, for which the United Nations has accepted special responsibility, would be a prime aChievement. As far as the United Nations Transition Assistance Group is concerned, Austria is prepared to participate with a police contingent and would consider making additional personnel available fo~ other tasks related to the transition of Namibia to independence. In this connection, it is not necessary to reiterate that Austria remains fully committed to the cause of freedom and dignity for the people of southern Africa. Austria strongly rejects and firmly condemns apartheid. We are convinced that only the eradication of apartheid can lead to a peaceful solution. As far as the situation in Kampuchea is concerned, 1988 brought some progress in the search for a political solution. The Jakarta informal meeting provided for the first time a framework for informal discussions among the parties directly involved and other concerned countries. There seems to be a sincere willingness on all sides to identify areas of common ground, and agreement to solve the Kampuchean problem through negotiations. Notwithstanding the progress made, there is however still a long way to go. Therefore, the International Conference on Kampuchaa, chaired by Leopold Gratz, President of the Austrian Parliament, could be a useful forum for activities designed to assist the parties involved. The situation in Central America has been on our agenda for a number of years. The problems of the area are still far from any agreed comprehensive solution. We all know that only pluralistic democratic societies closely co-operating in the spirit of good-neighbourliness can successfully address the underlying social and economic problems of the region. The United Nations remains the only comprehensive international forum for co-operation on economic and interrelated matters. The effective potential of international economic co-operation has clearly been demonstrated by the success of the seventh session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, where a comprehensive and far-reaching political consensus on guiding economic principles has been achieved. Although much of the work of implementing the principles still remains to be done, the common acceptance of these principles in i tself constitutes important progress • A tangible expression of economic interdependence is international trade. A large part of world trade has been liberalized in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. The changing realities and the impressive gain .0£ importance of new trade flows and sectors, however, continue to pose considerable challenges. The ambitious goal of the Uruguay Round of opening up markets in a series of new fields and of effectively combating all forms of protectionism is highly valued by Austria. Protectionism is nothing less than the unjustifiable refusal to make necessary adjustments in current changes in the world economy, such as technical development, structural in'balances of demcnd and supply and, last but not least, the appea:ance of new competito~s. The mid-term review of the Uruguay-Round will, we hope, enable ministers to spur on negotiations in this spirit. As concerns the continuing debt problem of a large number of countries, Austria commends and further encourages measures such as: impr~ed debt rescheduling with official creditors, innovative debt arrangements with private creditors, and national policies vigorously mobilizing national and international resources by enhancing confidence, creditworthiness, market access and new investment. The recommenc!ations of the Toronto summit meeting in favour of the poorest debtor countries constitute an important act of solidarity. Austria will fUlly support them. The necessary adjustment in a changing world econoMf 8g9ravated by the debt burden requires adequate financing. The international financial institutions are to be given credit for their pace-making role in this context. The c~pital increase of the World Bank and the African Development Bank, ta"1e estatbl;' ',: ""'ut of the Enhanced Structural 1ldjustment Facility and, most recently, the Compensatory and Contingency Financing Facility of the International Monetary pund, provide the needed financial basis for the most urgent remedies. In addition, they are of utmost importance as a signal to private capital markets, encouraging them to join the cOlMOn effor ts • Austria attaches great importance to the success of the United Nations Progra~~ of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development, 1986-1990, which is based on a new and realistic policy consensus. However, as the secretary-General pointed out in his valuable report for the recent session of the Ad Hoc Committee which undertook a mid-term review of the Programme, the continuing gravity of the economic situation in Africa requires further urgenc measures. The successful outcome of tha;; session should provide an important impetus for the future. Its assessment and recommendations reflect the urgent need as well as the willingness of its participants to undertake further efforts to implement the P~ogramme and to assist African States, many of which have instituted commendable and courageous reform measures. The environment has been a top-ranking issue on our agenda for many years. The rapid deterioration of our environment has created a new sense of responsibility for the environmental consequences of our activities. In the past year the report of the Brundtland Commission has been instrumental in raising the level of global consciousness of the interrelation of environment and development and the imperative need for making the transition towards sustainable development. Austria strongly supports an effective follow-up of this report within the global and regional framework of the Uni ted Nations system. We welcome in this context the initiative of the Norwegian Government concerning the holding in 1990, in co-operation with the R-conomic Commission for Europe, of a regional conference at the ministerial level to review the process of the ongoing work in this field. Dramatic changes in our environment - such as the depletion of the ozone layer and the greenhouse effect, to mention only two of the most serious environmental problems of global dimension - may seriously threaten mankind's very existence. Concerted action is called for if we want to maintain or restore the ecological balance of our globe. (Mro Mock, Austria) I am pleased to recall at this point Austria's active contdbution to the elaboration of the Vienna Convention for the Protection of ~lillQ OZone Layer, which we have ratifiQd, and of the Montreal Protocol on Substances that deplete the ozone Layer, which we have signed recently. Austria has also hosted several high-ranking scientific meetings under the auspices of the United Nations Environmental Programme, the World Meteorological Organization and the International Council for Scientific Unions on carbon dioxide emissions, which reflects our grave concern about the climatic changes. We hope that the elaboration of a protocol on the control and reduction of nitrogen oxide emissions will take us another important step fo~ward in ~~e implementation of the Convention on Long-Range Transhoundary Air Pollution. It is our primary task to perform pragmatic and efficient day-to-day work. This should not, however, preclude our having a vision of the !-uture. We must combine our forces in order jointly to master the challenges of ~he future. Therefore I should like to end my statement with some appropriat\! lines by Alfred Lord Tennyson: ~ "We dip into the future, far as human eyes can see, See the vision of the world and all the wonder that shall b~, Hear the war-drum throb no longer, see the battle flags all furled In the parliament of man, the federation of the world.· Mr. van den BROEK (Netherlands); Sir, it gives me particular pleasure to see you in the Chair as President of the forty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations. We know that under your guidance this gathering is in good hands. My deleg&tion looks forward to co-operating wi th you in the mon ths ahead. (Mr. van den Sreek, Netherlands) At the beginning of this week my friend and colleague, Mr. Papoulias, the Foreign Minister of Greece, set out before the Assembly the views of the 12 memer States of the European Community - including the Netherlands - on a wide range of international issues. This enables me to concentrate on two major issues that deserve our common attention: the role of the uni ted Nations in the prolOOtion of peace~ justice and international law and its significance in the field of human rights. On both SUbjects I should like to make a few suggestions. Earlier this lIOilth, in the presence of the secretary-General, a ceremony in coDllllemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Peace Palace, the seat of the International Court of Justice, was held in The Hague. I was intrigued by a Latin phrase on the wall of the large courtroom: "Arm togae c:edant", this is, "May weapons yield to law". One could hardly think of a more appropriate motto for the present Assembly session than Cicerois dictum. The Assembly convenes at a crucial juncture. In different parts of the world, fOT-ce is giving way to negotiations, and more and more voices are calling for the supremacy of the rule of law. The United Nations may well be about to assume the role its founders envisaged. (Mr. van den Sleek, Wetherlands) The united Nations Charter enbodies the bold vision of a world-wide system of collective secur ity, with the secur ity Council as iu pivot. As Dag Rantnarskjold once pointed out, the united Nations reflects at the same time an aspiration and a falling short of that aspiration. But, he added, the persistent struggle to close the gap between aspiration and actual accomplishment makes the difference between civilization and chaos. During these weeks representatives of nations from East and west, North and South, are paying tribute to the secretary-General and his staff M10, quietly but with perseverance, are serving the cause of peace. Like others, we applaud recent achievements in Afghanistan and the Gulf and the new impetuses being given elsewhere. Those developnents have added much to the prestige of the Organization and of the secretary-General. In those developments we recognize vital elements of the reOOJm\endations for improving the effectiveness of the security Council that the secretary-General acNanced in his reports to the General Assenbly in 1983 and 1986. At the time, those ideas did not receive the hearing they deserved. Now, the mood of frustration and impotence is giving way to renewed optimism. There seems to be a new oonfidence in the effectiveness of the multilateral approach in international rela tions. We must seize the opportunities to prol1Dte peace. united Nations peace-keeping is one of them. It is therefore most befitting that the United Nations peace-keeping forces were collectively awarded the Nobel Peace Prize yesterday. On behalf of the Netherlands Gcwernment I most warmly congratulate them on that well-deserved award. The Prize honours all those soldiers who over the years have served in united Nations forces all over the world. The Nether lands has always supper ted the efforts of the United Nations in the field of peace-keeping. We are now actively considering with our partners in the Twelve how we can oonti'ibut:e more effectively. In this context the valuable (Mr. van den Broek, Nether lands) comments on the growing role of peace-keepinlj operations in the Secretary-General's annual report to the Assembly certainly deserve careful attention. Of course, one should not overlook the fact tha there, as elsewhere, th ere is an ob'lious need to make the best possible use of searce resources. This is the more true in the light of the magni tude of some of the peace-keeping operations that are envisaged, for instance in Namibia and in western sahara. For many years the world community has been demanding independence for Namibia. We are encouraged by the progress recently made. I trust that the momentum can be maintained. The process of dialogue and negotiations we see in many parts of the world is also needed in South Africa itself. Apartheid is totally and fundamentally wrong. It has no future. Although change is long overdue, it is not too late to bring it about peacefully. But every new delay will make the task of national reconciliation even more difficult. The artificial separations apar~~~~J h~s created between the various segments of the South African population hale bred deep resentment and fear of the unknown. In our opinion it is high time to replace this by a broad dialogue across all lines of colour. The Kingdom of the Netherlands urges the South Afr iean Government to release Nelson Mandela and all those others deta ined for their poU tical beliefs. That could open the way to negotiations with the genuine representatives of the population. We look not only to the early abolition of apartheid~ we look also to its replacement by a just political order in which all SOut....} Afr ieans ean live in peace and harmony. It is, of course, up to the Sou th African peoples themselves to join hands in order to shape a new constitutional framework. But let me say this on the subject: the ideals of human rights, dellDcracy and the rule of law to which my country, like so many others, is deeply attached, would seem all the more essential in a society as diverse as South Africa's. May I submit that a bill of rights, to (Hr. van den Broek, Nether lands) be negotiated and agreed upon between the authentic representatives of the entire population and safeguarded by an independent judiciary, would do much to guarantee equal rights and allay the fears that some have. WOuld not a pluralistic dellOcracy providing adequate participation by both majority and minority offer the best prospects for lasting recoociliation? And, may I add, would not a SOUth Africa at peace with itself be a tremendous asset for the region as a whole?* The cease-fire in the 8-year-old war between Iraq and Irml was gr~ted with 'great relief. Untold suffering is coming to an end. But there was more to this war. In flagrant violation of international law we saw chemical weaPOns being used on a scale not witnessed since the First WOr ld war. The war endangered yet another principle of international law, namely freedom of navigation, on me of the busiest sea-lanes of the wer ld. It was to uphold that pr inciple that my country, together with a number of other Western European countries, contributed to mine-clearing in the G.1lf. We have noted with interest that the Secretary...(;eneral has suggested look ing into the pass ibiU ties of extending peace-keeping to the mad time environment. We are prepared to study the implications of such a nar dimenElion in United Nations p~ace-keeping tasks. Negotiations between the two belUgerents hvabe now started under the auspices of the secretary-General. The intransigence that has prolonged the war for so many years should not be transferred to the negotiating table. 'lbgether with others, we call upon both parties to co-operate intensively with the Secretary-General in order to achieve a oomprehensive peace settlement in oomplianoe with Security Council resolu tion 598 (1987). Turning to Cambodia, we welcome the intensified diplomatic efforts to reech a settlement and the constructive role played by the countries of the Aescci&tlon *Mr. Treiki (Libyan Arab Jamahir Lya), Vice-President, took the Chair. (Hr. van den Broek, Nether lands) of SOUth-East Asia.'\ Nations (ASEAN). Camodia has had more than its share of sUffering. Our goal must be an independent Cambodia, fr,ee from foreign occupation and invested with dellOcrati~ institutions suoog enough to withstand internal and I external threats. Clearly,1 neither a c.ontinuation of the current foreign occupation nor a return to the universally cCX\delll1ed policies and practices of the late 1970s is acceptable. In a nunber of other l' ional conflicts also, we see how the improved international climate, the, ctivi ties of States in the region and the support given by the United Nations oompl ment each other in working towards peaceful settlements. The common b~' is that was found for direct talks between the Greek and 'l\1rkish col'llnunities in ( pros Is another example of progress to that end. But in another hotbed 0 tension an unjust and painfUl stalemate continues to exist. d to the day when the United Nations can also play an enhanced role in the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict. The status quo there is not sustainable. The tensions in the occupied territories demonstrate the need for a renewed impetus to the peace process. My country fUlly understands the Israeli concerns about secur ity. Israel, indeed, is enti tied to existence in security. But the Palestinian people too have their legitimate rights. Their r igh t to self-determination will have to be accolll1lOdc":ed in the con te~t of a comprehensive and lasting settlement. In recent meetings w1 th the Israeli Government and with Palestinian rep~esentatives in East Jerusalem, the Netherlands Government joined these who urged moderation and a constructive approach by all concerned. (totr. van den Broek, Nether lands) The road to a settlement will no doubt be long. It might have to be cO'\1ered in stages, but then with a clear final perspective. Success will only be ac:hieved if parties are willing to compromise, if parties do not confront each other wi th conditions they kl'lCM beforehand to be unacceptable to the other side. Peace involves mtual concessions. Delaying the inevitable will diminish the opportunities of reaching a solution and will. only increase the tensions. The role of the interna tional community is, as we see it, not merely to me te ou t reprimands. It is to help the peace process along and eventually, once the negotiations have led to results, to guar antee their ou toome. We are concerned about developments in Lebanon and saddened by the continuing suffering of its people. We urge all parties concerned to abstain from any action that would deepen the rifts that have kept Iebanon div ided for so lalg already. It is impera tive that the consti tutional framework of Lebanon be allowed to function so that a new President, elected freely and without interference from outside, can take up the pressing task ef restoring the unity of the Lebanese people. Much is changing in Eastern Europe. we follow the processes of reform with great interest and commend the spirit of greater openness. My country has, together with its allies, consistently pursued a {X)licy aimed at better East-West relations and arms control. we will not be remiss in seizing opportunities to further these aims. Important progress in arms control has already been achieved, and this to an extent that seemed inconceivable only a few years ago. The Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty was indeed a major breakthrough. And the 50-per-cent cut in strategic weapons, which is now being negotiated, would be an even more significant disarmament measure. (Mr. van den Sreek, Nether lands) IlIt however nuch we hope for further results in the field of nuclear disul'Qllment, it is essential that progress should also encompass conventional arms control. The serious conventional ild;)alance we face in Europe is at the core of OUI: secur ity prcblem~ and our aim is to br ing about a stable conventional balanca at lower levels and wi th More transparency. It is alao essential to press ahead with a total ban on chemical weapons. The inuninent danger of proli fsra tion of chemical weaPons under!ines once again the need for such a ban, and that on a wor ld-wide basis. Indeed, the ver i flca tion problems are daunting, but I refuse to believe that they cannot be solved. In the -meantime, while a total ban has not yet been ooncluded, it is tragic to see that the 1925 Geneva Protocol has not prevented the use of these abhorrent weapons. we support President Reagan's pro{X)sal, made last M)nday, to convene a conference to see how together we can remedy the erosion of the Protocol. When addressing the third special session on disarmament I emphasiZed how important it was that the Secretary-General be able to cc:nduct investigations, whenever there were allegations of the use of chemical wea{X)ns. The security Council confirmed this necessity and encouraged him to carry out promptly investigations 'in response to allegations concerning the possible use of chemical weapons. It is therefore disappointing and disturbing to note that recently the 8ecretary-General was not permitted to ascertain the facts when there were strong reasons to do so. It is inde~~ a worrisome development that ·proliferation-, which used to refer exclusively to the danger of nuclear proliferation nowadays is acquiring new c.xUlnota tions, as we see proliferation, not only in the chemical field but also in that of missiles and missile tedtnology. It would be a bitter irony if at a time .. \ when arms conb:ol negotiations are at last beginning to yield long-sought results, we falled to stem the danger of proliferation. A key element of any arms control agreement is verification, and I am happy to note the growing inernational oonsensus on this point.. In my statement at the third special session on disarmament last June I suggested strengthening the general role of the United Nations with regard to ver ification in a practical manner. Our proposal is that a group of qualified governmental experts would study ways to improve the assistance United Nations bodies could render in the v~rlfication of arms control agreements. This would apply in the first place to III1ltilateral agreements and, furthermore, to regional, or even bilateral agreements, if parties so desired. 'lbgether wi th Canada and France, we intend to submit our ideas to the Assembly in greater detail. Maintaininq peace and security is a primary task of the Uni ted Nations, but by no means the only one. All of us should ser iously consider hOA we can increase the relevance of the role of the Organization in the light of constantly changing oonditions, hew we can enhance its efficiency and flexibility, and how we can counteract bureaucratic tendencies and duplication. The Netherlands has participated actively in the special oomnittee on the restructur ing of the economic and social sectors of the United Nations. I must admit that we are rather disappointed with the outcome of these deliberations so far. None the less, we must continue this reform process in order to enable the United Nations to increase its r.elell.l'anoe also in the eoonornic and social fields. One does not have to be a prophet to foresee a major transformation of the international system in the decades ahead. The specta.cular emergence of new economic centres in various parts of the third world is only one indication that we are witnessing a developnent towards greater 1Il11tipolarity. This in itself could enrich the. interaction amongst us, and, it is to be hoped, will increase the effectiveness of the United Nations when new actors assume larger responsibilities f6r the common good. The recent economic recovery in the industrialized countries has not yet led to an improvement of the economic situation in many parts of the developing world. I believe that it is high time to remind ourselves of the target for official development assistance of 0.7 per cent of gross domestic product that has been adopted. In order to assist the economic and social advancement of developing countries, the Netherlands will continue to disburse 1 per CEl'it of its gross domestic product for developnent purposes. The review of the Programme of ktion for Africa has made clear that it is Africa in particular that is facing economic problems of staggering l'Mgnitude. I am convinced, however, that the review has provided important impetus to both the African countries and the international community to redouble our common efforts to reach the goals of the action plan in time. The debate on the strategy for the fourth development decade offers a good opportunity to discuss the interrelationships and mutual dependence of specific development topics such as debts, irwestments, the erwironment, natural resources, coJll1lOdities and trade and cheir implications for sustainable developnent. As a cantr ibution to solving some of the most pressing environmental problems, my Government will host high-level consultations on the ozone layer next month and a conference on the protection of the atmosphere next year in the Netherlands. Regional co-operation has much to offer to people on all oorl:..inents, both as a way to proroote peace and as an instrument for increasing prosperity. Integration amongst European nations has allowed us not only to overcome a bitter legacy of division but also to achieve a cO'lsiderable degree of prosperity for our peoples. OUr endeavours have not led to Eurocentr ism but stimulated even an outward orientation of Western Europe. One large single market instead of 12 separate smaller markets should offer new opportunities, not only for the Community, but for third-world countries as well. We do not see regional co-operation as a substitute for global co-operation. The two complement each other. Interdependence and co-operation are at the heart of the new global reality and the United Nations should be an energetic reflection of that reality. The Olympic games provide us, right at this moment, with a p3werful symbol of brotherhood and friendly competition. Against this background I may say that we hope that the Republic of Korea, now hosting the games, can soon take up its rightful place in this universal Organization. In order to strengthen the basis for global co-operation we must reflect upon the values that bind us together. Article I of the United Nations Charter lists the prorrotion of respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms among the three main purposes of the United Nations. Forty years ago, the General Assenbly, building on this foundation, proclaimed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Since then, the universal applicability of the Declaration has been firmly established. Human rights transcend national borders. Violations of these rights - and they are only too frequent - are a commoo concern of the family of na tions. They are not simply an internal matter within the exclusive domain of national scwereignty. The past 40 years have clearly refuted this argument. The 1948 Declaration was the starting-point of an impressive effor t at international law-making. The two Uni ted Nations Covenants on human rights, of 1966, were milestones in this effort and it is to be hoped that in this year, in which we are celebrating the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, those Member States that have not yet acceded to some of the United Nations instruments on human rights will be able to decide to do so in the near future. Let us be clear - the concept of human rights was not an invention to be used to attack those with whom we find ourselves in disagreement. No, we refer to fundamental standards on which we should all be prepared to be judged. Moreover, we feel that respect for human rights is essential for confidence~buildingbetween States. Enrmal accession by countr ies to the vai: ious conventions is impor tant, but it is only a first step. Implementation must follow - and as we all know, that is where the real problems begin. This underlines the importance of the var ious mcnitoring procedures and mechanisms designed to hold States to their obligations. Signs of erosion of the supervisory system are a cause of concern. We would hope that the meeting of chairpersons of the various united Nations supervisory bodies, scheduled for this autumn, will be able to propose practical remedies to remove the strain on the reporting system. At the same time it is essential that adeauate levels of funding for human rights monitoring mechanisms be s~cured. The Netherlands has circulated some ideas on monitorinq procedures and mechanisms amongst these chairpersons. These suggestions will also be circulated in a document in the course of this session of the General Assembly. As I have said, efforts at the regional level can supplement and reinforce those at the global level. Tn the Helsinki Final Act 35 countries pledged themselves to a broad programme designed to improve mutual relations. This programme includes respect for a cOJ~rehensive range of clearly defined human rights. Here, too, we have been faced too long with a gap between the standards we set and the degree to which they are being complied with. That is why the Netherlands insisted so strongly on the incorporation, within the framework of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (CSCE), of a mechanism to review compliance in the field of human rights and human contacts. I hope that this concept will be reflected in the final document of the CSCE which, as we all hope, the current meeting in Vienna will be able to agree upon soon. There is much to celebrate during the fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration. But celebrations or commemorations should not divert our attention from the more sobering task of stock-taking. We should ask ourselves to what degree the rights proclaimed are actually promoted and enjoyed. Torture, summary executions and unlawful detention are an everyday reality for all too many of our fellow human beings. And yet, there is probably no government that does not profess respect for human rights. Let us not forget .that the scourge of the abuse of human rights is man-made: it can therefore be remedied by man. The international Bill of Human Rights exists; the mechanisms are in place. Our task m in the years ahead should be to proJl'Ote the political will to bring about the effective enjoym~nt of hu~n rights by all mankind. Developments over the past few years are strengthening my bfi. '.,.. . ,a- tide of history is on the side of freedom. People all over the wor ld ~:., i :m ever increasing awareness of their' inalienable fundamental rights. ':1'1'1(: r <~J for democracy and political freedom is heard more than ever before. There 1.S a growing realization that these concepts, while values in themselves, are also basic conditions for shaping a more prosperous and Cl more just society. Freedom and dennoracy, we feel, are not luxuries. On the contrarYr they go hand in hand with developnent and prosperity.. The age of technology ghres an advantage to those societies that allow information to circulate freely m,a give room to the innovative capabilities of the individual. Bu t if we cher ish hUm&n r ighta so much, it is not only for their intr insic value or for their contribution to the prosperi1;y of man. Human rights are, as the Universal Declaration states, -the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world-. Indeed, iwr.lrnal oppression and external' aggression have often gooe tol:jether. It could riot have been phKased more aptly than it was by the Secretary-General dur ing his recent stay in the Netherlands when he said that -respect for human rights and peace are inseparable. Just as the violation of human rights leads to conflict, so conflict and war lead, all too often, to the suppression of human rights.- Kt. ADODO ('lbgo) (interpretation from French) t I should like fir st of all to ex~ess the warmest cCXlgratulations of the delegation of 'lbgo to Mr. Dante Caputo on his election as P~esldeni: of this forty-third session of the General AeseJrbly. That choice is certainly justified by his well-known diplomatic qualities and the firm devotion of his country, Argentina, to the servica of the noble ideals of the United Nations and the values of solidarity among peoples. These ar9 all virtues ~,ld assets that make it possible for us to predict success for the work that will take place under his presidency. Throughout the for ty-se<»ild session of the General Assembly his illustr iOU9 predecesaor, Mr. Peter Florin, Vice-Minister of Foreign Mfairs of the German Democratic Republic, demonsu'ated tact and competence in successfully guiding the work of the Assemly. My delegatior. w011l1d like once again to express to him its war~ appreciation and esteem. My delegation would like also to congratulate very warmly the Secret",ry-Generalof the united Nations, Mr. Javier Peres ae Cuellar, on the pragmatic and efficient way in which he c::ontinues to serve our orgailization. I should like particularly to hail his constant efforts to increase the Organization la c:apaci ty for action and to prOliOte the peaceful settlement of disputes and the appUQ1Uon of the united Nationaprogramme for the Economic Recovery and Developnent of Africac I shCXJld like to assure hiJll once again of the constant support of my country in his work in carrying out his difficult and delicate responsibilities. The lbbel Prize, which has just been awarded to the United Nations Peace-keeping Forces, rightly honours the courage and dwotion of the thousands of men and women mobilized in our collllOn name to assure peace in the trouble spots of the world. This gesture of the Nobel Prize Committe~ honours before w«ld public (Mr. Modo, 'lbgo) opinion the crucial role played by these forces in maintaining peace. Through me, my country, 'lb9O, wishes warmly to congratulate them. The forty-third session of the General Assen'bly is taking place in an international climate characterized by both legitimate ho~ and grave concern. The hope arises from the will of the two greatest Powers to reduce and progressively eliminate the threat of war, particularly nuclear war, and to settle peacefully the conflicts still tearing apart certain regions of the world. Of course there are grave concerns as well as to the ways and means of overcoming the grave crisis tihich caltinues to shake the eCalomies of the countries of the third world. It is time to launch international economic co-operation on a heal thy and more equitable bmsis. We should like to express our sadness at the failure of the third special session of the General Assellbly on disarmament. Here and there rays of light do appear among the storm clouds, which in some areas of the globe seemed to make impossible any hope of peace. The will to undertake a dialogue which has finally been shown in those areas is inCleed a miracle. Certainly there has always been a shorter, less painful way to succeed in bringing men to \fork together on a more equal basis, even if they have not loved each other as brothers. Thus one must ask, is it really necessary that losses of human life and human suffering must lead us to the very brink of exhaustion so that there can be recognition and acceptance, finally, of the basic truth of histr y that force is only dissuasion if it is not re8",·on1 Togo has always proclaimed its faith in the virtues of peace. It appreciates its benefi ts and has done 60 for almost a quarter of a century of pol! tical s~bi1ity. We would like to reaffirm here, in this year of the celebration of the fortieG:h anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Hum11n Rights, that the links between peace and human rights are indissoluble. That peace, which should underlie (Hr. Modo I ~) any development effort, c~nstitutes the corner-stone of equilibr iurn in our respective societies and should be assured on the regional level by the implementation by each State of a policy of good-neighbourliness and peaceful coexistence and thi:ough the abolition of terror ism, particularly that clandestinely engaged in by States for the purpose of destabilizing their neighbours and thus diverting efforts from the only struggle that deserves to be waged - that for the social and economic development of our peoples. The search fex peace should resolutely avoid all temptations of pressure or blackmail by terror ism, which sows grief and imperils progress and security for our populations. In our interdependent world, military victories are only intermediate stages which do not bring any definitive solutions to the problems of relations among States. We have to discuss, negotiate and understand each other. There is no alternative. Thus we hail with relief the establishment of the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq. This is a result of the efforts constantly and tirelessly made by the secretary-General to ensure that the region of the Gulf and its peoples, afflicted by eight years of cruel war, can finally redisQOver the benefits of peace. In Western Sahara peace efforts are being given a great impetus and a better chance, undoUbtedly because of the need for integration that necessar ily br 1n9s together the Maghreb States. This conflict, which has seriously and sorely tested bilateral relations in the region and significantly disturbed the evolution of the Organization of African Unity, will soon find its culmination in the referendum which will make it possible for the sahraoui people freely to express themselves on their future and thus exercise their right to self-determination. (Hr. Modo, '1'022) The tensions which have disturbed relations between Chad and Libya are finally enter1n9 & phase of detente. Toga, which follows with great interest this evolution, is pleased w1 th the l'eaffirmad will of those two countries to seek peaceful lleans to solve their differences. we urge the. to work towards the norulization of their relations so that a new era of good-neighbourliness and ftatern8l co-operation _y open up for their respective populations. As for Nallibia, after decades of hard struggle and intense efforts, it is now moving towards the application of Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which stipulated the ccrditions for the achievement of its independence. It is to be hoped that the dialOCJUe developing within the fraftl!work of negotiations between Angola, SOUth Africa, Cuba and the United States will culminate in a just and true peace in that part of our wntinent. (Hr. Modo, '1'090) The agreements on Afghanistan reached in Geneva last March are a decisive contr ibution to the peace process in that region. Those agreements are based on the Afghan people's 'right - finally reoognized - to choose, wi thout any forei g" interference, the political, ecxmomic !lnd social system they regard as being in conformity wi th their aspirations. The edifice of peace is being built also in Central America. We pay a tribute here to the five Heads of State of the region, who, by reaffirming their commitment to honour all the obligations resulting from the Bsquipulas 11 agreement, have greatly increased the chanc~s for peace in Central Am~rica. The international community should promote and encourage these efforts in order to achieve the hoped-for results. In Kampuc!hea the Kampuchean people should be enabled quickly to exercise the right to self-determination which they have been denied for Cl long tima becausJe of the invasion and occupation of their territory by foreign forces. My country, which has always supported the just liberation struggle of the Kampuchean people has taken note of the Vietnamese Government's intentention to withdraw 50,000 soldiers. Of course, only the withdrawal of all the foreign troops will make it possible to find a final solution to this painful pr,oblem. In the Korean peninsula, the willingness of the two GcN~rnments, of the North and of the South, to engage in dialogue seems bo be gradually taking hold and broadening. Togo supports the idea of the peaceful reunification of the two territorial entities and believes that the implementation of the three-point plan proposed by t!orth Korea should be negotiated in the context of sincere and fraternal harmonization of views, taking due account of the free will of the Korean people as a whole. These harbingers of peace that are springing up here and there go hand in hand, unfortunately, with serious uncertainty, which makes it necessary for us to (Mr. Modo I '1'ogo) marshal our will and focus our efforts on methods th&t are worthy of our times and that can deal with the misery of millicns of men and women who are still excluded from the community of free-and sovereign peoples. That is true of the bl&ck majo~ity in South AfriCftI which endures every day the sUffering and humiliation caused by apartheid. In factI the leaders in Pretorial deaf to all the protests by public opinion, are obstinately perpetuating the practice of apartheid, this socio-political system that is inevitably condemned to disappear. Banning or assassinating anti-~rtheid militants, prolonging the state of emergency without any reason to do so cannot stop the histor ie march of the black people towards their freedom. With regard to the Palestinian tragedy, TOga shares the concern about the situation in the occupied territories. The P~'estinian people's right to a country and respect for the sovereignty of states are principles on which the settlement of this conflict should be based. My country advocates the idea of an international conference under the auspices of the united Nations in which all the parties concerned would participate l includingl of coursel the Palestine Liberation Organ ization. The third special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament should have been a milestone in the long history of the efforts to maintain and strengthen international peace and security. Unfortunately the hopes aroused by the progress achieved since the first special session and by the recent posi tive developments concerning disarmament did not take concrete form in the relaunching of the process of gen~ral and complete disarmament. This special sessionl which adjourned without the slightest consensusl could well have aroused doubts about our Organization's ability to encourage and strengthen the multilateral approach to disarmament. Neverthelessl this failure should not overshadow the rema~kable (Mr. Modo, 'logo) efforts made by the two great Powers, the united States and the Soviet union, gradually to eliminate the threats of war, particularly nuclear war. The ratification of the Treaty en the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles has given concrete form bo the two great Powers' will for peace and true disarmament. Ai: the same time, it has the advantage of openi.ng the path bo more numerous and more audacious initiatives. Hence, it is in everyone's interest that the two great Powers tirelessly pursue their negotiations to reach agreement on a reduction by 50 per cent in their strategic nuclear arsenals and theit conventional forces in Europe. The international economic situation, "hich has for almost two decades been 1n a state of general sta9'lation, remains distuieting. The uncertainty about world economic growth is even greater for the developing countries, and particularly for sub-Saharan Africa. Indeed, accordinq to forecasts, real inoome of the countr ies of that region and the least-developed countries as a whole will increase by 2.5 per cent, and there will be no growth in per capita revenue, or even negative growth, during the period from 1981 to 1995. In addition to being contrary to the basic principles of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), the protectionist measures taken by the developed countries are preventing the developing countries from participating fairly in international ool1lllercial exchanges. Nevertheless, we must hope that the new round of multilateral trade negotiations under way in Uruguay 'Will open the path to a considerable reduction in and the gradual elimination of tariff and non-tariff barriers. It is true that the recovery of the world economy requires both concerted international action and the individual efforts of states. But it is even more true that the Draconian measures of structural adjustment imposed on the developing countr ies have a velry high economic, aocial and poUtical coste They reduce the Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library (Hr. Modo, Togo) rate of development of those countries' economies. Because of the lack of provisions for increasing the pt ices of raw mater ials or reducing the excessive debt burden, our countries' economies are the greatest victims of the infernal process of increasing indebtedness, the continuing deterioration in the terms of trade and the reverse transfer of capital. In those circumstances, the determination of the developing countries to put into effect coherent economic and social policies comes up against external constraints linked to the iniquitous and inioalanced international economic system. The measures for structural adjustment, in their present form, should be reviewed in order to enable our States to keep their foreign conmitment.s and continue internal development. While the global figure for the debt of the developing countries has been constantly increasing - indeed today it amounts to more than $1 trillion - the conbined price index. of the principal non-petroleum " commodities exported by those countries has increased by an average of almost 5 per cent since 1980, and the reversal in the net transfer of resources caused them to lose more than $30 billion in 1986. The constant decrease in the .available financial resources is a major obstacle to the third-world countries' efforts to ensure the recovery of their economies and developnent. We know that more than two thirds of those countr ies receive more than half of their export income from the sale of commodities. Hence, the international community must put into effect measures that can stabilize and fi~ the prices of raw materials at remunerative levels. It must also adopt a new international strategy for development based on greater justice and equity and providing for the harmonious growth of the world economy. That new strategy should envisage urgent and appropriate solutions to the questions of foreign debt and the constant decrease 1n the financial resources of the developing countries, in (Mr. Modo, Togo) particular by a substantial alleviation of the debt, and even the cancellation of entire portions of it. In regard particularly to Africa, it is encouraging to note the increasing incterest of our Organization in the implementation of the Uni ted Nations Programme of Action for African Econolftic Recovery and Deuelop1lent. That interest is clear particularly from two initiatives taken by the General Assenbly at its forty-second session - that is, on the one hand, the decision to establish an Ad Hoc COlll'l\ittee of the Whole of the AssenOly as the I'IlOst appropriate mechanism to prepare the review and the appraisal of the Programme of Action; and, on the other hand, the request made to the secretary-General to submit to the forty-third session of the Assembly concrete recommendations for a speedy and full implementation of that Programme. we must however note with regret that the results hoped for during the meeting of the Conmlttee of the Whole have not been attained• (!II'. Modo, To9o) By establishing an ad'lisory group on financial flows for Africa, the Secretary-General has acted upon his intention to give pr ior ity to that continent's economic pr< blems and to seek ways and means to hasten implementation of the Progral1l!le of Action. In this oonnection, we must see to it that new financial flows are carefully channelled, at both the bilC1teral and the multilateral level. Therefore United Nations bodies ooncerned with developnent should have access to addi tional resources enabl ing them to par ticip&te actively in the implementa tion of the Progral\llle of Action, alllOng other things by devising and putting in place projects specifically design~d for sub-Saharan Africa. In fulfilment of their colll'llitments, African States have undertaken major reforms to secure economic recovery and development, and it is therefore important that the international CDlIII\unity too live up to its agreement to participate in implementing the Programme by providing Africa wi t:h a:i.l the assistance it needs. At a time when Afr iean leaders are tackling with courage and determination the economic and social recovery of their continent, it is especially revolting to see the various wicked attempts by some in the industrial and business circles of the North to turn Africa into a dumping ground ior nuclear and industrial wastes, thus gravely harming the health of our peoples and our environment. These operations are m::>tivated by a cynical desire to exploit the current economic and financial difficulties of our oountries. In the face of this grave threat to African interests, the Heads of State of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) unanimously adopted last May a resolution firmly denouncing and condemning the scandal of toxic wastes and undertaking to take the measures necessary to prevent the dunping of these wastes on Afr ican soil • In that same spirit, the eleventh confe~ence of Heads of State or GoVernment of the &:onomic CoImtunity of West Afr iean States adopted a retiolution by which it was decided to enact laws in all 16 memer countries making it a crime for any perSOfl, group of persons, business or organi~ation to participate in any act inY.olving the stockpiling of nucleu 01' inaustrial wastes. To spare our continent the torment of the irreversible deterioration of its environment, we call upon the international community, and especially the industrialized countries, to ensure that all necessary measures are taken to ~event the eX(X)rt of toxic wastes to our countries. This session mincides with the fortieth anniversm:y of the Universal Declaration of Human Righ~, and we muot therefore vigorously reaffirm our total cOl\lllitment to the humanitarian values ~at are indispensable in containing mankind's destructive impulses and suicidal passions. The favourable developllents that have taken place in regions long torn apart by hatred and violence reassure us of the usefulness of our Organization and 1ts author ity in the sphere of the management and settlement of international affairs. In the light of these developments, WG must not stand idly by, but participate in useful activities to ensure that fraltiers be no longer barriers between peoples but open doors through which they can pass to meet, join together and ensure that the weakness of certain countries, instead of being a pretext for shameful exploitation, becomes an opportunity for eharing and solidarity. Mr. CABRERA HIDALQ) (Q.tatamala) (interpretation from Spanish): On behalf of the delegation of Guatemala, which! have the honour to head, I wish to congratulate Mr. Dante CaputlO on his election to the presidency of the General Assemly at its forty-third session. He enjoys the support of the international community represented here, because of our esteem for his country and his well-known diplomatic skills and personal attributes. I take this opportunity to reaffirm my admiration for the work carried out by the Sec:retaryooGeneral, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. During his term he has set an example of dedication to the Organization, placing his talent, enthusiasm and tenacity at the service of the United Nations and the cause of international peace and security • I wish also to congratulate the United Nations peace-keeping forces on having been awarded the Nobel Peace Pr ize. The international peace and secur ity guaranteed by the United Nations requires that we focus our efforts on the strengthening of our institutions, both within our countries and in our international relations and our gradual adaptation to the demands of the reaU ties of the time. The Uni ted Nations must gradually become an instrument enabUng the pc inciples t)f its founding Charter to be fulfilled in all nations. All countries must str ive towards institutional compliance wi th the obligations set out in the Chartel'. Over the past 32 months my country has shown its belief in compliance with the principles of the United Nations, and we shall not rest but do everything necessary to remain firm in that determination. Obviously, the noble purposes of the United Nations cannot be achieved while a part of mankind continues to live in poverty and ignorance.. All human beings have the right to di9f\ity, progress and intellectual and spiritual development. The priority task of the United Nations, apart from the quest for international peace and seoul' ity, muat unquestionably be to strengthen co-operation in prollOting the all-round development of the poorest countries. (Mr. Cabrera Hi&lgo, Guatemala) We are convinced of the value of dialogue as the most effective way of settling disputes and removing tension, and our foreign policy is based on the basic need for peace. In, our international relations we reject the threat and use of force and spare no effort in the quest for peaceful politica~ sol.utions. We continue to observe these essential values bo'th internally and externally. We condemn human rights violations wherever they occur. That clear and definitive stand has been recognized by the international commWlity. Because of all our efforts in this important task, international personalities and organizations understand that in my country the GoVernment of the Republic guarantees the full enjoyment of human rights and unrestr icted exercise of all freedoms. Our foreign policy is in keeping wi th the purposes and pr inciples of the chat .:ers of the Uni ted Nations and the Organization of American States. We r"ff~.rm our belief in the self-determination of peoples and in non-intervention, in ideological and political pluralism; and in the settlement of disputes throu~h peaceful means. Our international policy at the Central American level is one of solidarity and fraternity, continuously proJW:)ting the values that sustain our convictions. We recognize and promote a Latin Americanist sentiment and we stand in solidarity with the just aspirations of all third-world countries. We too wish for an international order based (4') justice and equity. In this context, I wish to refer to my country's d~~ep concern over the external debt problem, given its cwerriJing importance for our countries. More than five years have elapsed since the first initiatives were taken in this area, but not only does the problem persist but there have been no post tive prospects for a solution. I believe that the time has oome to analyse the problem once again, this time through a more realistic and pragmatic approach. To this end a basic strategy should be established by taking account of the positions and interests of the debtor and creditor countries alike~ not only in financial terms but also through a broader, more comprehensive approach, without underestimating other ~Oblems such as political, social and economic problems which stem from or are the caWle of the debt problem. Our countries ~nnot afford not to grow, sacrificing their economic expansion to honour tbeb: financial commitments. Neither can we forget the impact this is having on the standard of living of:: the majority. On the contrary, Governments are account,'ble to their peopJ.es; that is why my Government has d~cided gradually to take care of the social debt consisting of the accumulation of health, education and ho~sing needs which for years had not been met. Hence my country is in favour of holding a meeting to seek multilateral, COMprehensive solutions to the anguishing problem of foreign debt. The Central American crisis is deeply rooted in past injustices - social injustice, eCX)nomic Injustica and political injustice. OUr recent history is i:eplete with examples of institutional needs - the lack of dellOcratic processes, the absence of pluralism and the denial of democratic participation. There has been mch speculation on the peace process in Cenual America. I wish at this time to state the follOlfing; peace In Central AI'Ierica will not result solely from the political will of Central American ~ernments or peoples; peace in Central America as a fundamental goal will entail a long, diffieult and complex process. The root ~uses of the crisis obtaining today in Central America are authoritarianism, misunderstanding .. intolerance, alienation of certain groupe, poverty and illegitimate government. That lIeans that the peace which is so deeply desired by 25 million Central Americans, and sought by al~st all countries of the world cannot be attained solely through qood will on our part. The goal of peace urgently requires clear and transparent processes of internal democratization in each of our countries, so that every citizen in Central America will enjoy a certain and secure area so that our peoples wll1 become the protagonists of their own destinies, the builders of tteir own future. We require all the inhabitants of centra1 lWer iea. to play a leading role in forming their social model and their historical destiny. 'l\') this end, it is essential and urgent to bring about the basic conditions needed for the comprehensive development of the human person - and that means 60cial justice, economic justice and political justice. If we truly wish for peace for each and everyone of our oountr les, as we stated in the docuctent entitled ·Procedure for the establishment of a firm and J.asting peace in Central America-, we must continually, in the eyes of the world and before history which is our judge, give testimony of our resolve to maintain, above all, a leading role ~r our peopl&s, legitimate government, pluralistic and (Hr. Cabrera Bidalgo, Guatemala) dellOcratic participation, and the unalterable applicability of fundamental human rights and freedoms. It is not enough to speak out and to make promises; we must take action and demonstrate that we are taking action. On 14 January 1986 President Vinicio Cer.ezo of Guatemala initiated and promoted steps at the Central American level with a view to arriving at an instrument for peace. It was in Guatemala that the two histar ic meetings of Esquipulas were held, meetings which gave form and content to the Esquipulas II plan, the Gua~mala procedure to maintain a firm and lasting peace in Central America. It was President Vinicio Cerezo of Guatemala who proposed forming a Central American parliament - an appropriate fbrum and a fitting instrument for discussing the poli tical problems of the area, the economic probl.ems that weigh upon us, and Central American integration as a roodel of unity to which we Central Americans have aspired for so long. President Cerezo, the Government of the Republic and \~he people of Guatemala have spared no effort to prol'OOte t!'9ce in the Central American subregion. We have drawn up prcoedures and proposed actions; we bave accepted advice and cr iter ia; we have done everything wl thin our means; and we will not rest until we attain the goal we have set ourselves. After 32 months of work on, involvement in and commitment to this process, we are able to l3ay to the peoples of the wodd that we in Central America are continually making progress in building this model - a model in which Ceiltral Americans have taken on the leadin'g role that history requires of us, valiantly and resolutely shouldering our own responsibilities~ We are facing up to the complexity of our problems wl th goodwill, ~.magination, resolve [ 1 faith. Today Central America is not the CEn~ral America of two years ago, nor is it the Ctrtntral America we hope to see in a short time; but in Central America today new areas have been opened c;p and we are marching towards the fuwre; above all, we V 1not turn back. We know that the task ahead is difficult, know full well that we C but we will continue to strive to find appropriate, timely and correct solutions. In this process, we require the goodwill, solidarity and co-operation not only of international institutions but also of all the peoples of the world. Here I wish to refer in parenthesis to the valuable and noble solidarity of the Contadora Group and Support Group countr ies. Those brother ClOuntr ies became involved in our problems and opened up for us valuable and wor thwh 11e opportunities, putting us on the path we had to follow. I also wish to express gratitude on behalf of my country, Guatemala - and I am sure that I am reflecting the feelings of the 25 million Central Anter ieans - for the valuable and timely co~peratim given us by the United Nations, which is actively seeking mechanisms to implement a plan for the economic and social development of Central America. We are also grateful for the solidarity and co-operation of the Qlropean Ecmomic Community, which f in many fotums and ins ti tu tione, has joined us in the quest for peace in Central Amer iea. We thank the United States of Amer ica for its constant display of solidarity and co-operation, and all the peoples of the world which ha-~e joined us in pursuing the cause of peace. I am h.:\ppy to take this opportunity to state that the Government of the Republic of Qlatemala has fulfilled, and will continue firmly to fulfil, the commitments entered into wi thin the framework of Esquipulas. We have maintained, and will oontinue to 'maintain, a policy of active neutrality with regard to the Central American <:risls, so that the peace process may result in the establishment of conditions of democracy, freedom, prosperity and respect for the human rights of Central Americans, their tight to the territorial integrity and their right to self~etei:mlnCRtionand to choose their own way of life. We are giving new evidence of that. With President Cerezo, a nunber of us last "eek visited the other (X)untr iea of Central Amer lea to propose new mechanisms to revitalize and reimigcr:ate the procedure for seeking peace in Central Amedc;~. I can tell our fr iends throughout the wor ld that in November there will be another meeting of the Central American Presidents, in the sister Republic of El salvador, (Mr. Cabrera Hidalgo, GuatelUla) to assess - and this _y involve self-criticil!Jlt\ - ~e extent to which we have not been able to comply with Esquipulas II, and to strengthen the will and the commitment to comply with all its prcwisions.. The path that we have followed in Guatemala to achieve a deflOcratic Government that is respectful of its role, the guarantor of freedoJllS and the faithful interpreter of the aspirations of the Q.latemalan people has been lCX\g and difficult. My Government faced a difficUlt task 32 months aog - that of rebuilding a country that was just awakening to the dawn of a deJllOcratic era. It is no easy task to initiate and consolidate a dellDcratic process in such la short time. Its enemies are many, as are misunderstandings and frustrations. In IrJ country the majority were forgotten, only marginally benefiting froll develoPlHl\t and enjoying only minimum respect for their fundamental rights. Today we are learning how to live in a del'lDcracy. Guiding a ~ple with a tradition of lack of mderstanding and intolerance requires moral strength wad a firm oonaitllent. OUr daily struggle is hard, as we wish to build a truly free, truly just and truly ~ited land. Our oomnitment is the result of our unbending will, aur democratic faith and our histodcal experience. However, as W9 str i'Ve to consolidate democracy we face the intransigence of extremist elements using every means available to them to deny us democratic opportunities, slandering and discrediting the process and using international forums and the good will of some representatives to mislead and to distort the truth "f what is happening in fff'J country, presenting pictures of earlier times, not o.f what is now going on in Guatemala. Here I would appeal to the international oolMlunity not to allow itself to be misled by groups that politicize human rights comrr.ittees, thus trying to win outside the oo!,Intry battles that they have lost within it. CCX\demnation and cri ticism of countries that have started on dellOcratic processes are no helpo We (Mr. Cabrera Hidalgo, GuatelUla) have this year worked closely wi th the expert adviser rightly designa ted by the COIIIIission Oil Human Rights, with whom we have prepared a plan of support for national institutions that promote respect .for human rights and monitor compliance with the law and its cor: rect iItlplemen ta tion • This is not the appropr iate forum in which to go in to det.a Us about the progress made in this matter. HaoJever, I would refer to the case of Glatemalan refugees outside the coW\try, who have continued to return. This ye~r there was a 300 per cent increase in the nu~ers of those returning, encouraged by the internal democratic clima t~ and by the suppor t tha t the Sta te, in co-operaHen ",i th the United Nations High CQmmissioneL fot Refugees, is offering them. In this regard, I wish to emphasize the importance of the choice of Guatemala as the host country of the first international conference on Central American refugees, to be held next May. We hope that the secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, will honour us by opening the session. We are determined to maintain and consolidate not only political democracy, but also economic democracy, eliminating the serious inequalities that exist, the alienat.ion of many groups in our population, and extreme poverty, and overcoming the lack of opportuni ties for our young, all wi th the aim of achieving true social justice. We seek to establish a broad-based, non-sectarian Government, and we are achieving that. With social 'and human sensitivity and a sense of tolerance, but modestly, we are establishing a Government based on participatory democracy, with profound respect for every citizen. The policy that we are carryi.ng out is based on the conviction that man (:;IH'l and must play a central part in his own history. The Government is work ing wi th jus ti fiable optimism, aware of the hard, crea tive (!!or. cabrera Hidalep, Qlatellali!) to at5SeS8 - and this _y lmiolve self-eriticism - the extent to which we have not been able to colIPly with F.~quipulas 11, and to strengthen the will and the COIIIIIitlllent to comply with all its prcwisions. The path that we have followed in Guatemala to· achieve a dellOcratic Government that is respectful of its role, the guarantor: of freedoM and tha faithful in~rpreter of the aspirations of the Qlateolan people has been lQ'lg and difficult. My Gcwernllent faced a difficult task 32 1ICX\the ~ - that of rebuilding a country that was just awakening to the dawn of a ~e:;ocratic era. ~t is no easy task to initiate and consolidate a denocratic process in such a short time. Its enemies are many, as are misunderstandings and frustrations. In my country the majority were forgotten, only marginally benefiting fro~ develo~nt and enjoying only minimum respect for their fundamental rights. Today we are learning how to live in a deillOcracy. Guiding a people vi th a tradi tion of lack of moerstanding and intolerance requires moral strength and a firm conmitment. Our daily struggle is hard, as we wish to build a truly free, truly just and truly united land. our conmitment is the result of our unbending will, our democratic faith and our historical experience. However, as \r:e strive to consolidate democracy we face the intransigence of extremist elements using &Yery means GYailable to them to deny us democratic opportunities, slandering and discrediting the ~ocess and using international forums and the good w.111 of some represen ta tives to mislead and to distort the truth of what is happening in my country, presenting pictures of earlier times, not of what is now going on in Guatemala. Here I would appeal to the international colllllunity not to allow itself to be misled by groups that poU tlcize human rights committees, thus trying to win outside the country battles that tht!y have lost within it.o CQ'ldemnatic:)n and criticism of countries that have started on democratic process6s are no help. We (Mr. Cab~Bidalgo, Qlatemala) efforts it must IUke together with all the people of Guatemalc. e who" because of their patriotisJl, their hardllorking spirit, their moral and spiritual stature and their readiness to overcolIe difficulties and adversities, have been called upon to fUlfil a great destiny. I can give an assurance at this world forum that the democratic Government of Guatemala is I'IlCleting the challenge of history wi th unshakeable will and resolve~
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• (continue~) GENERAL DEBATE Hr. FAKIDURY (Lebanon) (interpretation from Arabic) ~ It gives me JAeasure, on behalf of the delegation of L.eba.'lOO, to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-third session. The relations between his country, Argentina, and mine, Lebanon, are firmly established, deeply rooted and characterized by friendship, co-operation and mtual respect. Since his appointment as Foreign Minister of Argentina, Mr. Caputo has oontr ibuted to the oons011& tiOI'l of these relations. We ate fully confident, therefore, that his qualifications, experience and wisdom will make him an exemplary President and will ensure the suocess of the work of this session. The delega tion of Lebanon wishes also to extend its thanks and apprecia tion to Mr. Caputo's ~edecessor, the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the German Denncratic Republic, M!. Peter Florin, whose wise leadership and great efforts enabled the General Assembly to ac:h ieve such good results at its forty-second sEssion. In expressing the thanks of the delega tion of Lebanon I must not forC}2t to thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for his good offices and efforts in the settlement of a number of regional crises and in making the secretariat more efficient, in difficult financial circumstances. Indeed, the Secretary-General's report. on the work of the Organir.ation is clear proof of the success of his sustained efforts. The agenda of the current session of the General Assembly is replete with important items - poli tical, economic, social and legal. Some of these have been on the agenda for years, some for dozens of years, awaiting solution. HOt1Elver, we are still hopeful that just solutions will be found. (Mr. Fakhoury, Lebanon) ~cent delltelopments on the questions of Afghanistan, Namibia, western Sah~ra, the Iran-Iraq conflict, Kampucbea and Cyprus are encour.aging and make us very hopeful that efforts will be intensified to teach genuihe solutions to the question of southern Lebanon, the Israeli occupation of a part of Lebanon, the Middle East question, and, in particular., the question of the Palestinian people. Large numbers of Palestinians have been expelled from their homeland and dispersed in various parts of the world. Others live in camps in Ar.m countries that have taken them in, whUe the remainder oontinue to live under Israeli occuj;Xltion in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Holy Al Quds. The Palestinian people has a legitimate and inalienable right to self-determination, to return to its hQmeland and to establish an independent state on its 0".'11 soil. This people, which has expressed its free national will thtough its blessed uprising inside its homeland, has indica ted at every opportunity its complete rejection of all settlement projects, which have also been categorically rejected by Lebanoo and other sister Arab countries. Despi te the ordeal by which it has been afflicted for approximately 14 years, Lebanon has not failed to meet its meJl'bership obligations to the United Nations. Lebanon has adhered to the Charter, which it signed as a founding ment>er, and is committed to its prO\1isions and to implementa tion of the resolutions of the Organization. Lebanon believes that the United Nations plays an important role in various fields, with the aim of imprO\1ing mcm's condition and protecting peoples against the forces of oppression and tyranny. (Hr. Fakhoury, Lebanon) In return for those duties and obligations, however, Lebanon has rights. It requires of the Organization that it secure its sovereignty and territor tal integrity and ensure the safety of its people. It expecta the world community to lend it full support in its efforts to liberate its land and revitalize its institutions, in order to enable it to resume its role at all levels - regional and international. If I confine my statement to the question of southern Lebanon, it is because I believe that the question is extremely critical, since it threatehs security and peace not only in the Middle East region, but in the whole world. One of the main causes of the continued ordeal afflicting the Lebanese people for about 14 years has been the continued Israeli aggression against Lebanon and the continued OccuPit~on by Israel of parts of our land. This ordeal is today increasing in gravity and complexity, and is reaming alarming dimensions, to the extent that it is now threatening the very unity and existence of Lebanon. Faced with this situation, Lebanon is right to concentrate on a question relating to its very future and existence. But in no way does this mean that Lebanon pays no attention to the other questions on the agenda. Lebanoo's ordeal has not prevented it from participating in and contributing to the discussion of those questions over the years and striving to find the neoessaL"Y solutions to them. Lebanon will not hesi ta te to cootinue to do so. It declar es that it is ready and willing to clO its utmost and to oo"'Operate, within its possibilities, with othe~ menbers of the international community to achieve the desired objectives of the Char tal:', for the b.enefi t of all mank ind. Since the crea tion of Israel in the Middle East region, Lebanoo has suffered from invasions of its territory and from practices cagainst its people. During one five-yuar period alone Lebanon was invaded twice by Israel - in 1978 and in 1982. (~r. Fakhoury, I.ebanon) Previous heads of the Lebanese delegation have spoken at great length about those two invasions and their consequences. Suffice it to mention now that since 1978 Israel has preserved for itself inside Lebanese territory a so-called security zone. fobreover, it has gone much further by continuing to launch repeated acts of aggression and raids against peaceful villages deep inside Lebanese terd tory - from the sea, by land and by air ~ I need not go into the details of this question, because the abundant complaints lodged by Lebanoo, liihich have been distributed as official documents of the General Assembly and the security Council to the menbers of the Organization, ate qui te sufficient. They prOl1e that Israel is continuing to violate the rules of the United Nations Charter and the provisions of international law and agreements, and that it is still challenging General Assenbly and the security Council resolutions, particularly secur ity CQlJncil resolutions 425 (1978) and 426 (1978) and other subsequent resolutions. These resolutions call for the complete and unoonditional withdrl!wal of the Israeli forces from I.ebanese territory, the deployment of the Uni ted Ha tions Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) to the internationally recognized borders, and support for Lebanon in order to restore its sovereignty cmd authority over all its territory. Consequently, Israel's responsibility is clear 1y established. I.ebanon therefore calls on the United Nations and its security Council to take a courageous and decisive stand to check Israel's behaviour and to compel it to respect the Charter and to abide by United Nations resolutions. Only full implementation of those resolutions can save I.ebanon and the Middle East region from r iaks that might in turn jeopardize international peace and security. That is the only way to help Lebanon overcome this crisis, achieve territorial inte9rity, contribute to unifying its population and rega in its cons tructive role wl th in the in terna tlCX1al community • (Hr. Fakhoury, Lebanon) Lebanon is yearning for the return of peace and stability, which will enable it to carry out the reconstruction and rehabilitation programnes that would put it: back on the track to a normal 1i fee The Lebanese cr isis after so many years has created a deter iorating economic and financial situation. Lebanon's needs are estineted to be billions of dollars, and Lebanon expects to receive the necessary support and help from the interna.tional col1l1\unity. This year's initiative by the secretar~'-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, to collect S85 million for immediate urgent aid to Lebanon was crowned with success. AltJ<)ough the anount collected, $76 million, is, compared with the help needed, symbolic, we are all grateful to the secretary-General for that important initiative. The delegation of Lebanon would like to place on record its gratitude to the Secretary-General, to all officials of the United Nations organs, and to all specialized agencies, as well as to the states that contr ibuted to meeting this urgent need. It expresses the hope that the secretary-General will continue his endeavours to previde the necessary aid for J.ebanon's reconstruction and rehabUitation. The delegation of Iebanon would like to add its voice to that of the Secretary-General in calling for the provision of the necessary f\mds for the international peace-keeping forces, particularly the United Nations Inter im Force in Lebanon, t4lic:h is today considered the most important international peace-keeping force. Lebanon is grateful to UNIFIL for the services it has rendered and is still rendering in southern Lebanon. we should like to express our thanks and appreciation to the leadership, the soldiers and the eoun tr ies centr ibuting to UNIFIL. we therefore call upon the Security Council to adopt the necessary measures to enable UNIFIL to earry out the basic task entrusted to it and to help Lebanon tr ans form its sou thern region in to a region of security and peace • (Mr. Fakhour~, Lebanon) l'bile tallcing about peace, we cannot omit to mentim how gratieed we felt upon hearing the news that the Nobel Peace Prize had been awarded this year to the Uni ted Nations peace-keeping forces. Lebanon looks forWQrd to the establishment of a new era following the election of the new President ol the ~public, ~ich we hope will take place soon. Lebanon's national crisi.s, entrenched for over 14 years now, unl!b'J~ted1y has its own deep-seated internal causes. Consequently, it can be solved only through a formula of na.tional entente among the Lebanese people themselves. However, this crisis has most certainly had clear regional and international dimensions. The situation in Lebanon has there£Ore directly and strongly affected, and has in turn been affected by, developments in the situation both inside and outside the Middle East region. For that reason Lebanon will always need positive initiatives on the part of its Arab btethren and of all friendly nations in order to help it overoome the crisis. In oonclusion I should like to convey to the members of the General Assembly the hope of my people that they will do their utmost to help Lebanon liberate its territDry and also to convey their determination to begin reoonstruction and rehabilitation within the framework of a solid national Wlity, Miich has been ahd always will be the best guarantee for a Iebanon of harlOOny, love and tolerance, an oas is of coexistence and a bridge between East and west. The meeting rose at 1.10 p.m.
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• (~9ntinued) ELECl'IOR; 'lO FILL VACANCIES IN SUBSIDIARY ORGAR3 AND OTHER ELECl'IONS (e) ELBC1'JON OF THE UNITED NATIOR:1 HIGH Q)MMISSIONER FOR REFUGEES\ NJTE BY THE SECUTAI\Y-GENERAL (A/43/864) The PRESID!NT (interpretation from Spanishh In his note (A/43/864) under this item the secretary-General proposes that the term of office of Mr. Jean-Pierre Hocke as tbited Nations Hi~ Commissioner for Refugees be extended for a three-year term beginn ing on 1 January 1989 and ending on 31 Decenber 1991. May I take it that the General Assembly apprOlTes that prop:>sal? It was so decided e The PRJ!SIDENT (interF.=etation from Spanishh That concludes our consideration of sub-item (e) of agenda item 16.
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• (Ccntinue~) Report of the Ecdtqtic and Social Cduncil: (A) Observance of the Fortieth Anniversary of the World Health Organization (B) Report of the Secdnd Committee (Part Ii) (A/43/750/Add.L)
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