A/43/PV.22 General Assembly

9.  (£2,ntinued) GENERAL DmATE Mr. KALPOKllS (Vanuatu) \ I have the honour to oonvey to Hr. Dante Caputo of Argentina our congratulacions on his election to the high office of President of the fOrty-third session of the General Assembly. He has our best wishes for success and the assurance of our full co-operation, as he presides oyer what promises to be one of the mosthis tor lc and far- reach ing sessions of the Gener al Aasenbly. He also has our appreciatioo for the very efficient manner in which he has thus far pres ided over our deliberations and otherwise piloted the bus iness of the Assenbly. In this respect, he has given us a great deal to be pleased wi the It is appropriate, we believe, to pay a tribute also to Dame Ruth Nita Barrow, Permanent Representative of Barbados, who was also a candidate for the presidency of the fOrty-third session of the General Assembly. This outstanding daughter of the Car ibbean haB given her c:ountry, her region, and her fr lends nuch to be proud of. It is rare for one region to present two such eminently qualified persoos for the same office at the same time. In so doing this region has once at]ain, as it did five years earlier, enhanced and encouraged the development of democratic processes within the United Nations itself. For this we ...."ommend them both and we thank the Assembly. Mr. Caputo is known as a man who cherishes democracy. His Government is one tmich is committed to demcratic principles and ideals and which has worked hard to nurture and consolidate the restoration of his oountry's democracy. ThuG, under h is presidency, there can never be too many reminders of the importance of foster 1ng and encouraging democracy, particularly in international relations within international organizations. To us in Vanuatu, a small island developing Sbte, the enhancement of international democratic processes is far more than a nice-sounding slogan, an interesting theory, or a renote abstraction. We view this as an essential element of our developnent as an independent State. OUr very survival as a nation depends on universal respect for the most basic and fundamental principles of international law, particularly respect for the sovereignty and territorial integr ity of every country regardless of its size, its location, or the heal th of its economy. Unfortunately, in international relations there have always been a few who occasionally forget to live by these important principles. Like small countries in every region of the world we h~ve in recent year13 become very distressed b~' the rapidly accelerating tendency of some larger States to forsake calm and rational dialogue 8S a solution to international prd>lems. They seem to favour instead an escalating arms race, threts, and the actual uae of military force.* In some instances, economic coercion find intimidation have been substituted for military force, but the results have been the same - international chaos. The ohaos that has resulted may, on the surface, have appeared to be less violent than that which occurred during the two wcrld wars earlier this century. However, to those who have been the victims of the chaos, the consequences have been as severe and a8 tragic as thClGe of the two wexld wars. After all, how large is the wexld of a fr 19btened retl.lgee fleeing his or her home in a desper ate attempt to save his or her life in southern Africa, in SOuth-East Asia, in Central America, or in the Middle Bast? '* Hr. Easy (COte d' Iv01re), Vice-President" took the Chair. (Mr. Kalp'kas, Vanuatu) Therefore, s!Mllar countries, such as our own, often view tfith a sense of urgency the need for the international co_unity to strengthen democratic processes and truly recognize the inherent equality of all huun beings and, by extension, the sove:oeign equality ef all nations - large and SlIall, rich and poor. What we cannot OOIlprebend are those who proclaim that all people are equal, or that all nations are equal, but who then act as if lIight - be it military or economic - IUkes some -more equal- than o.thera. Thus, today, as hopes are being revived for genuin4! political dialogue to be Cl vehicle for resolving so many of the wcxld's problems and as so many dream3 of democratic freedoms are being born in so lIany places, we viEM this &sselllblagft of nations as more relevant and potentillllly IIOre dynamic than at.: any other time in its brief history., Like so 118ny others, we are encou~aged by the possibility that hostilities and tensions ..y be. diminishing in so many parts of the world and that peace -y finally become a reality for 80 ~ny beleaguered and besieged peoples. Military connict between the wacld's two great super-Powerl1J now &ppe~rs less likely) for this the entire world can breathe a collactive sigh of relief. The war between Iran and Iraq may finally be c:nlling to an end. The SO?iet union is demonatrating how great a Power it ia by withdrawing itsfcrces from Afghanisun, as it promised it would. (Mr. Kaleokas, Vanuatu) There are also faint gUmmers of hope that the long and costly conflicts in Kampuc:hea, Western sahara, Chad, Namibia and Central Amer lea may possibly be resolved and the people of those countries left to choose their own future, free from outside interference. P\lrthermore, tentative steps have been taken to lay aside old antagcnisms and differences in qtprus, the Korean peninsula, the Balkans, the Maghreb and the Horn of Africa. Every day former rivals are discovering that there is more that uni tes them than that divides them. However, we must be !'ealistic and understand that the road to peace is still paved ",,1 th a grMt many obstacles. In everyone of the areas where there is new hope, we must understand that there b little that is certain. The process of finding workable solutions and t:hen imp.lementing those solutions remains fragile and extremely delicate in everyone of the previously mentioned situations. Despite 'lhat some might like us to beUeve, dialogue itself is never the sole answer for resolving any confl iet. For dialogue to succeed there must also be a willingness to work tx)gether and to change the past antagonistic relationships and actions which led to existing contradictions and hostilities. In certain instances, circumstances dictate that there will be no rational dialogue until there has been a political struggle. In this respect we are reminded once again of the words of Preder ick OOugla8s, a leader of the anti-slavery movementduril\9 the nineteenth century and a great orator. As he most aptly put it, "Power cxmoedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never: wUl." Had he been alive today he might very well have been examining life in south Africa under the heel of the apartheid regime, or the ntOtivation of the Palestinian resistance, when he said, (Mr. Kalpokas, Vanuatu) "If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Those who profess to favour freedom, yet deprecate agitation, ate men whcI want ••• rain without thWlder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters." We mi9ht do well to recall those words wring our deliberations, particularly our deliberations on those items of our agenda ~ich relate to pleas fot justice from those who have for far too loog been den ied justice. We t:~lieve that rational dialogue is the preferred way of conducting international relations and resolving disputes between nations. However, we also tmderstand that dialogue is only pass ible ~en there is cm apprec!a tion of its basis, and when there is oommon ground on which to meet. There is not likely to be a meaningful dialogue in SOUth Africa until the illegitimate all!rtheid regime reoognizes the humanity of the African majority, frees from prisan all those it should be negatta ting wi th and allows others to return from exile. There is not likely to be a successful dialogue on the question of Palestine until all the interested parties are brought together at an international conference. In our own region ll the question of East Timor will not be resolved until the people of that Territory are part of the process of dialogue and are allowed to choose freely for themselves who they are and what they wish to be. Dialogue is not diatribe. The word carries within its meaning a willingness to listen and at least to understand the perspective of the partner in the dialogue. Perhaps the most difficult notion for some to grasp is the notion that sincere dialogue does not necessar ily entail claims that one party, bu t not the othe~, has seen the error of its ways and is now oonmitted to change and to adopting the values and beliefs of its former adversary. (MI:'. Kalpokas, V~tm~) The largest and seemingly most intractable political problems between modern States can probably best be resolved by a convergence of views and a convergence of values. Ml tual respect is the key, not domina tion or empty claIms of tr iWllph. As we all kllOll, in this nuclear age, this age of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction, there are few instances in which any particular Sta te can cl~im outr ight victory and impose its will on another. New Caledonia is a case in point wi th respect to the effects of reasonableness and dialogue. During the last two General Assembly sessions, few items were as heatedly debated as the colcnial status of our South Pacific neighbour. our own relations with France, and those of our other. Paci fic neighbours, could not help but be affected by what we viewed as insensitivity to the legitimte aspire.tions of the colonized indigenous Kanak population of New Caledonia. We are pleased that today things are calmer in New Caledonia. This is due in part toO the wisdom, the sensitivity and the courage of the current Government of France. It is also due to the courage and vision of New Caledat ia 's people and to the ir des ire not to see their land torn further apart by civil interconmunal strife. There are still many difficult issues to be resolved in New Caledonia, but France deserves credit for changing the emotion-charged atmosphere in the Territory and tak ing measures to bring New Caledonia's PeOple together in peace for a dialogue on the future. No one can predict with certainty what lies ahead. We recall what happened more than 14 years ago when another European country, ldlich was then a colonial Power in Afr iea, underwent a change of Gov€lrnment. It then put forward var ious proposals and options which prompted the leadership of what was then & liberation movement and is now an Afr tean Government to issue a reminder that -there is no such thing as democratic colonialism-. Those words ring as true today as they did in 1974. (t'r. Kalpokas, Vanuatu) The euth Pacific P'exum, the Non-Aligned Movem~t and the Uni ted Nations have all contributed to the current hopeful state of affairs in New Caledonia, through their consistent support for well-established principles of self-determination and decolcmization. However, the candid appr~ch of the French Government and the pstienee and statesmanship of New C.lll:'ldCX\1a 's people have be!!n 1 ike a brea th of fresh air. We believe that no possibility for further dialogue and peCiloeful evolution wi th regard to New Caleda'lia should i.>e left unexplored. Therefore, we were encouraged by the consensus I'eac::hed by the Special COJmlittee on decolonization ",hen it considered the question of New CaleG.%lia in August. We hope that the General Assembly will encourage the parties to continue to work together by reaching the same consensus on the recommendations of the Committee of 24. My Government understands and supports the principled position of the African states on the isst:le of dumping nuclear and industrial waste in Africa. It was not too 1(119 ago that we raised the same issue with respect to our own region. we hope that thet problem will be considered in its true global perspective ra ther than merely on a regional basis, which CDuld lead to other regions' becoming dumping grounds for dangerous waste materials from the industrialized countries. W& alGo hope that the views of the oountr ies of the South Paci fie on nuclear testing in .our erNironment will similarly be understood and supported. -'at is at stake in Africa is also at stake in the SOuth Pacific. !'he n_ of the country doing the testing or shipping the ......te to be dullPOd is irrelevant to us. The stated purpose of the testing is also irrelevant, as is the money paid for the dumping. What matters to us is the harm being done to our waters, to our lands, to our atmosphere, to our sources of food and sustenance and to our unborn d1ildren. Please try to understand our oonoerna. It is ironic that many of the world's industrial countries became developed eoun tr les a t the expense of what is now called the developing war Id. We, the now less-developed c01mtr f.es, were once forced to export cheap raw ma t:er ials - and in some cases even our people, a13ainst their will - to help fuel the developnent of other countries. In return we were forced to accept certain manufactured goods, and ag(.'in, in some cases even people, in a reverse migration that was, again, against our will, against our own political and e~onomic interests and ultinately against our own sovereignty. Now, we are still exporting raw 11laterials. 'lbday, they are called commdities, and we have little more to say about their prices than we did yesterday. Developing countries still export people as well. Some, of course, are refugees who have been made homeless and socially marginal. Others are not refugees but instead tend to be the most capable and best trained, with skills that are in great demand in developed countries and that are in short supply in developing countr ies. However, owing to adver se economic conditions, those sk illed individuals usually cannot be as highly compensa ted or recognized in our developing oountr ies. Often, therefore, developing countr ies wind up with smaller long-term returns on expenditures for higher education and adYanced training. Paradoxically, we sometimes find ourselves in a sense subsidizing developed countries, which, on a proportional basis, might actually spend less on education but which are able to offer far greater financial rewards to those trained by other societies. Developing countries also export something else, namely, capi tal, in the form of debt-servicing. That phenomenon has now appreciably widened the gap between have and have-not nations and created extremely dangerous social conditions in many debtor nations. It is almost incomprehensible that there is not a greater apprecia tion of the potential danger among the foremost decision-makers in the creditor States ant3 financial institutions. It is also irmi~ tha~, while some were encouraged to borrow excessively, others found it almost impossible to borrow at all. The manner in which some countr ies were encouraged to burden themselves with excessive debt is somewhat similar to the manni!r in ·.«tich individuals were enrouraged to acquire other well-known addictions. The habit is proving to be just as difficult to break, and the social co:nsequences just as severe. We offer those observations without bitterness, rancour or recr imination. We do not know of any easy solutions. However, we beliel1e that we cannot adequately face thA. future without an understanding of the past. We cannot work together in finding answers until we know what questions we want answered. The recent natural disasters that have brought death, destruction and new hardships to the peoples of Jal1Bica, r.t!xico, Bangladesh and India have shocked the \IlOrld. Humanitarian assistance has been mObilized to help speed recovery. However, we ask once again: why does the world always wait for disaster to strike before! 90ing to the aid of those who are most vulnerable? The specialized agencies of the united Nations system, particularly the United Nations Developnent Progratmle (UNDP), the United Nations Children Os Fund (UNICEF), the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Food and Agricmture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) do an excellent job with the resources they have at their command. Many private social and Plilanthropic organizations are also deeply colll1litted and involved in the developnent process. However, adverse environmental and climatic conditions, as well as the follies of mankind, are strong and persistent adversaries. They will not easily cease their assaults on the efforts to bring a better life to every ccener of the globe. eMr. Kalpokas, Vanu&tu) Thus, my Government joins with those who appeal '-r greater international co~peration in United Nations development activities &nd disaster-relief efforts. we join with those who appeal for an end to the arms race and arms trafficking. We join with those who work relentlessly to end drug traffick ing and the social dev&Station it br ing8 in its wake • (Hr. Kalpokas, Vanuatu) we applaud initiatives to study and address the serious threat posed to life on ~ia planet by the destruction of the Earth's protective ozone layer. It appears that in ;:he years to come no issue will be more vital to mankind's survival. The gravity of this issue is reflected in the fact that even as we meet h.ere today more c::hlodne &ld other.:' chemicals are being released into our atmosphere. These will cause ev~"1 mo:e depletion of the ozone shield well into the next century. Mankind has been bll'!ssed, we believe, with a high form of intelligence and a wide ~ange of enntions. OCcasionally we utilize this blessing as if it were a curse on our fellow human beings. We have created horrible weapons of mass destruction, ranging from large stockpiies of conventional arms to chemical and bacteriological agents and nuclear devices. Unfor tunab!l y, those who have such weapons are seldom satisfied with the it mere crea Uon and possession. The use of these instruments of dsath has always been among the saddest chapters of the human experience. 'lbday more than ever before the international corrmunity should speak with one loud and clear voice against the manufacture, swc!cpUing and use of all these instruments of unholy te:ror. Our failure to do so can only result in greater human tragedy and irreparably rupture the thread that binds us all together. During last year's general debate we expressed our sadness that interool'llllunal strife was plaguing every corner of the globe. Unfortunately, the plague seems to have worsened during the past year. Once again, it is not necessary to recite names, dates or places~ we are all painfully familiar with them. Nor do we wish to single out any particular O)untry or region. The problem is universal. (Hr. Kalpokas, Vanuab1) once again we note that ooch of this intetcanmunal ex ethnic strife has its roots in colonial history, during which colonialist practices often appeared to favour ooe ethnic group over another. However, some of today's intercommunal or ethnic conflicts either pre-date or are not at all related to colonialism. These are, rather, the result: of ancient antagooisms and rivalries that all Governments should find unacceptable in the contemporary world. \flUe we are concerned at the growth and pt'oliferation of these conflicts~ we firmly adhere to the well-founded principles of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States and respect for the territorial integrity of every internationally recognized State. We are aware that from time to time internal and external opponents of particular Governments have incited or helped fan the flames of intercommunal or ethnic sb: ife. HCMever, that does not mean that we should close our eyes o~ our ears and pretend that the problem does not exist. Th is is a najor problem which is likely to become worse unless the nations of the world exercise strong moral leader ship. Many people in the world look to the United Nations for such leadership. Generally speaking, we do not fail to exercise this leadership in a responsible fashion. The general subject of interootm\unal or ethnic relations is one on which we believe that the international community should exercise its mexal leadership by its example. We despair when we note that no region of the wor ld and no countr.y anywhere is completely immune from th is problem. Even the largest and weal thiest countries in the developed world have had to face this difficult issue, and still face it today. Those that face the issue with the greatest candour will make the greatest advances in stemming ethnic fears and better in9 human relations. (Mt. Kalpokas, Vanuatu) For developing countries, our failure to recognize that the problem exists can only have disastrool:3 O)nsequences. we wish to see no society torn asunder, no comtry dismenbered, no people displaced or disenfranchised and no Government embarrassed. we wish, rather, to encourage peoples everywhere to respect the cultures, customs and history of others. we wish to encourage grea ter understanding of what has divided people in the past and what can unite them in the future. Ne wish to see a br:oad international consensus appealing for an end to intsrco11l1lunal str 1£e, better inter-ethnic l'elat1.ons, and social progress and ectcnomic development for all peoples in every corner of the world. Pet'haps this vision of ours is a dream. However, it is a dream we are proud to possess and be possessed by. we pray that others share this dream and will be willing to join in making it a reality. What could possibly be more consistent with the ideals that have brought us together? What could possibly be more consistent with our own pronouncements on the evils of apartheid and other forms of institutiQnalzed racism? ""at better way to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights? I conclude by cOnYeying our appreciation of the efforts of the President of the last session, Mr. Peter Flor in of the German Democratic RePlblic, and those of our secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. Their dedication, their patience and their successes on our behalf have in many ways helped to make the future far brighter than it was one year ago. 'l'hereoent award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations for its peace-keeping opera tions is very appropr iate recogni tion of the fact that, through his tireless efforts and with the able assistance of a Secretariat of which we should all be pE'oud, the secretary-General has at last f;lucceeded in narrowly opening the door to the very long corrioor to peace, justice and harmony• (Mr. Kalpoka!.L Vanuatu) Now we, the nations of the world, must do our best to play our part by opening the door further and,taking the .next important step. It rests with us to cross the threshold of that door and begin the long walk down that corridor together, hand in hand. Let us draw strength from our unity. Let us draw courage from the realization of our common fa te should we fa 11 or should we fal ter• II!t us be na tions thatare, in purpose ~Ad ,objectives, truly united. Mr. KRAVE'l'S (Ukrainian Sovi~t Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): I should like, through you, Sir, to extend to Mr. Dante C&PUto our congratulations on his electio.n to the important post of President of the General Assel'llblyat its forty-third session and our sincere wisheSl for all possible success in carrying out his responsible and difficult duties. I wish to pay a tribute to the representative of the German Dl!ROcratic Rapublic, Mr. Peter Florin, for his able guidance of the work of the General Asse~ly during the past year. The general debate has been going on for nearly two weeks. The diverse and varied conclusions and assessments expressed by delegations in their statements describing present~ay international relations share one conmon feature; the presetnt state of these relations is character ized as encouraging for the achievement of new, real and positive results. Joint effo:t'ts have fulfilled the first prerequisi tee for Um! ting the arms race, reducing the threat· of nuclear war and settling protracted regional conflicts. The will and readiness of the USSR and the Uni ted States to begin actual nuclear: disarmament are of paramount importance. Progress in nuclear disarmament has undoubtedly given. an impetus to the working out of specific measures for the limitation and elimination of other means of warfare. It is impossible to deny the relationship between disarmament and the (Mr. Kalpokas, Vanuatu) strengthening of international security. New poli tical thinking is increasingly beC»Hling the dominant reality of today's world and steadily making headway throogh the barriers of enmity and suspicion. In his address to the session of the USSR Supreme Soviet on 1 OCtober 1988, the General Sacretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the SOViet Union, Chairman of the Presidium of the SUpreme Soviet of the USSR, Mikha11 Gorbac::hev, said: "Our policy in international affairs is clear. It is aimed at eliminating the threa~' of nuclear catastrophe, normalizinq international relations, establishing equal and mutually beneficial relations among countries and peoples of the world, achieving broad-based co-operation in var ious areas and ensur ing each people the right to !l free choice of its future ••• we shall continue to follow this policy unswervingly.· While emphasizing the significance of peaceful ooexistence as the highest universal principle ensuring mankind's progress in security, we believe that the internationalization of the efforts of States faced with global challenges and the joining of their forces for the ptotection of common hurnen values constitute another pillar of universal security. To act from positions of reason and realism and to strioqe persistently to find generally acceptable solutions, no matter how difficult that may seem - that is the imperative of our time. Pluralism of interests, the principle of freedom of choice, the priority of shared hUlMn values. and the primacy of international law cannot be ignored in international affairs. In this sense, the importance of the United Nations can hardly be overestimated. Throughout the existence of the Organization, the Ukrainian SSR has consistently supported the most effective implementation of its function of maintaining peace and security, as enshrined in the United Nations Charter. (Mr. ICravets, Ukrain!an SSR) Our delegation believes that the enhanced role snd authority of the United Nations will make it possible to move succesefully towards a comprehensive system of international security, thus providing for a gradual process of demilitarization, democratization and humanization of international relations and the achievement of the security of states on the basis of political interaction and unconditional compliance with international ohligations in all spheres - military, political, economic, ecological and humanitarian. A comprehensive system of international security should be worked out on the basis of the Charter and in strict compliance with its principles. ~he extensive discussion of these prohlems in the United Nations tc~tifies to their urgency and importance. The concept proposed by the socialist countrie$ is not a dogma. We are open to all construct:;ve proposals Ofl the subject: from any State. The Ukrainian delegation believes that the forty-third session of the General Assembly can make a substantive contrihution to a businesslike discussion of the concept of comprehensive security. We hope that this session will step-up the search for common approaches hy states to specific aspects of world security. The ohjective is to increase the effectiveness of the United Nations and its principal bodies, to enhance the role of the Secretary-General, inter alia in the settlement of conflicts between states through negotiations, good offices and mediation, and to make better use of military observers and united Nations peace-keeping forces. United Nations actions in this area should he developed and expanded. It was with great satisfaction that we learned of the award of the Robel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces. We believe that these forces will continue to be worthy of this trust and this honour. (Mr. Kravets, Ukrainian SSR) We are firmly convinced that the United Nations should play a decisive role in mankind's progress towards a nuclear-weapon-free and non-violent world. It is important to ensure in practice that the tJnited Nations and its bodies are effective in implementing their function of maintaining peace and security. It is our view that the political conditions now exist for the full realization of the peace-making potential of the united Nations in acco~dance with its Charter. The main road to comprehensi~e security lies through disarmament. We note as a very posit!ve sign the emerging underata~)ing of the need to adopt a comprehensive approach to di~armament issues, combining a strengthening of confidence and the establishment of an affective verification mechanism with the preparation of realistic programmes for the reduction and elimination of specific types of armaments, based on a balance of interests rather than a balance of fo~c~s. RIclear dis:lrllllllent is the meet important part of the disarfllllment process. An early agreement on a 50 per cent cut in the strategic offensive arms of the SOviet tl'\ion and the tbited States is amcng the urgently necessary measures leading to this goal. Unquestionably, this problem is not a simple one. It is probably the II08t COtIpl1cated IXoblem in the post-war world politics. However, given the necessary political will on both sides, a treaty could be concluded in the near future. The world colllllunity should concentrate 01\ making nuclear disarmament a caltinuous, wer-growing and deePening process. Q11y through joint efforts by all States will it be possible to eliminate nuclear weapons completely and guarantee that they will nwer reappear. We believe that to this end the p'tential of the United Nations, especially of the security Council, should be used to the maximuill extent, and that better use should be I'lIllde of all existing negotiating mechanisms, inclUdil'iC] that l1IOst important body, the Cmference on Disarmament. In practical terms, it is necessary to Calcenua te on implementing Uni ted Nations decisions on key pr<mlems associated with curbing the arms race - partiCUlarly these measures adopted by consensus. The delegation of the Ukrainian ssa shares many of the ideas contained in the report of the Secretary-General en the work of the Organization in 1988 and considers particular: ly per tinenthis m_ent that ft ••• the great Powers need to show a sensitivity to the expressed wishes of the IIBjority of Hemer States.· (A/43/l, p. 8) ThCll ncble goal of ridding mankind of weapons of mass destruction will remain an _pty dreara if weapons are not effectiVely barred from outer space. Therefoce, no attellpts to establish a need for the strategic defence initiative can be acoepted, frOll either the macal point of view or that of suengthaning security. ItJch has been said, at this rostrum and elsewhere, about its non-defensive and destabilizing nature and its serious dangers for all mankind. The Ukrainian SSR beliwes that compliance with the Treaty on the Limita tion of Anti-Ballistic MissUe Systems (ABM), signed in 1972, 'and the QOlllftitment not to wi thdraw from it for a specified period guarantee wor:ld stability, the successful solution of the problems of strategic offensive weapons and greater international security. It is important that this be renected in the agreement currently being negotiated in Geneva between the Soviet Union and the United States, in str ict conformity wi th the Washington understanding of 10 Decenber 1987. We also favour supplementing the bilateral negotiations between the USSR and the united States with effective multilateral efforts, in the framework of the Cmference on Disarmament, to ~event an arms race in outer space. 'lbday the interests of common security dictate that we work actively on agreements to ban all anti-satellite weaponsr ensure the immunity of artificial earth satellites, and institute an international system to verify that no arms of any kind are placed in outer space. At the same time', international mechanisms should be established within the framow«k of the United H?ltions t41ich o')uld specifically adaress the issue of multilateral co-operation in outer space. A nullber of initiatives have been advanced in this regard, the task now is to implement thenl. The proposal to set up a centre for international co-operation on the peaceful uses' of outer space on the basis of the Krasnoyarsk radar station deserves special attention. A ban on nuclear testing is a key aspect of nuclear disarmament. It is necessary to take one mor:e decisive step to achie\!e an agreement on Cl comprehensive and total test ban. If the ongoing negotiations between the USSR and the United States are supplemented by appr:opriate multilateral efforts in the framework of the Cooference on Disarmament, this could bring us very close to completi~n of an agreement in the interest of all oountries. The delegation of th~ Uk~ainian SSR believes that a conbinatlon of bilateral and multilateral efforts in this manner will lead to an early, successful solution to this important question. The atom must be used ooly for peaceful purposes. The socialist countries, rejecting nuclear intimidation, have proposed the conoapt of using nuclear energy for the benefit of mankind. That Calcept,in its most Calcentra ted form, is expounded in the pcogramme for the estabiishment of an international regime for the safe development of nuclear power put forward by the SCNiet Union. 1i1lplementation of this progi:anme would promote closer international co-operation in the area of the peaceful uses of nuclear energy' and lMke the worJe .more systematic and . . purEOseful. In this context, the Ukrcdnian delegation believes that it. is important to strengthen further the existing relevant internatimtll instruments, while strictly enforcing non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. The internatim8l community has come close to resolving the viul question of the conclusion of a universal oonvention on the complete and comprehensive prohibition and elimina·tion of chemical weapons. This is one of the priority. objectives in the field of disarmament. The elimination olchemical weapons would be a real contribution to ensuring genuine and equal security for states•. The . delegation of the Ukrainian SSR hopes that the General Assenbly, at ita fortY-ti.1rd sessial, will direct the efforts of the negot~tCX's towards the ear1,.y conclusion of the drafting of the convention, and will prOJlbte opposition to chemical weapons and their use. In our view, the process of disarmament becomes pointless :i~, at the same time as certain types of arms are eliminated, steps are taken to' buile;t, up mUi tary ~er or intro&Joe so-called compensation measures. This rune.. col.lnter tD basic 1091c: That is why, while giving lI'lderstandable priority to the elimination of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, we favour significant cuts in conventimal arms and armad forces. On the basis of pr inciple, the position of the socialist countr ies on the issue was formulated as far back as 1986, in llJdapest. It w'as supplemented and made more specific at a recent meeting in warsaw of the Political Cmsultative CCIIIlI1littee of the memer States of the Warsaw Treaty organization. The cbcuments of that meeting stress that the interests of &lropean and colmlon seour ity make it imperative to MO'Ie towards significant rots in armed forces and conventimal armaments in &lrope, from the Atlantic to the Urals. Negotiations on this could get under way this year. Their primary objective must be radically to redlce the military potential of both alliances, and to create in the continent a situation in which the countries of both the North Atlantic Treat!: Organization (NA'lU) and the wars., Treaty Organization would retain the forces and means necessary for defence, but inaufficient for launching a surprise attack or conducting offensive operations. The more real the disarmament process becomes, the greater the importance that must be given to verification mechanislll8, as Cl vital means of ensuring security. At the third special session of the General Assemly devoted to disarmament a numer of socialist countries put forward specific proposals for the establishment of broad international ver ification procewres, under the auspices of the United Nations, to meni tor compliance wi th agreements, reduce internatimal tensions, limit arms and review the military situation in areas of conflict. In our view, we should proceed immediately to develop the min parameters of the future ver ification mechanism. Confidence and openness are mjor factcxs in establishing security in the military sphere. It is necassary to prollOte a transition from individual confidence-buUding measures and openness to Moad-scale polit."y in this area. The Ukrainian SS:1 supports the appeal of the General Assenbly to ensure the widest POSS ible dissemina tion of objective infor. tion on mili tary questions.. It is time to begin to work out, in the framework of the United Nations, objective criteria and parameters to ensure openness and thus facUitate the process of real disarmament. we actively support disarmament and we believe that demiUtari~ationwill have tangible results for mankind as a whole. Among other things i.t will help to release vast material and intellectual resources for the purposes of social and economic development. Finding solutions to regional conflicts is a matter of the highest priority and immediate concern for our Organization. we are pleased to note that in recent months there has been a positive movement in some of these areas. A genuine breakthrough has been achieved in resolving the Afghan problem. A precedent has been set that goes far beyond the framework of that question. The prestige of the Uni,ted Nations has been considerably enhanced and its effectiveness and great potential fOr settling regional conflicts have been demonstrated. The provisions of the Geneva Agreements elaborated under the auspices of the United Nations mst be strictly observed by all parties. As is well known, the Soviet Union fully complies wi th those Agreements. We expect others to do likewise. The United Nations, and in particular the present session of the General AsseDbly, is called upon to play an important role in securing a comprehensive and all-round solution to the Afghan ptoblem. The eight-year-loog tragic and destructive war between Iran and Iraq he been halted. Thanks to the efforts of the Uni ted Nations, its secretary-General and the members of the secur ity Council, it has been p:»ssible to begin to implement security Council resolution 598 (1987). It is our hope that the people of Baghdad i'!nd 'l'ehran will never again have to look up to the sky with fear or to hear the sound of artillery fire. We hope that tankers will no longer be going up in flames and that fishermen and innocen t passengers will no longer be v ictims of the coneentra tion of naval forces in the waters of the Pers ian Gulf. The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic welcomes the readiness of the five permanent men'bers of the security Council to oonuibute to settling the conflict, with the mediation of the secretary-General of the United Nations. Serious progress has been made in resolving the situation around Kampuchea. It is based on realistic, specific proposals made by the Governments of the People's Republic of Kampuchea, the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the Lao People's Denocratic Republic and Indonesia and other menbers of the Association of South-East Asian Nations, proposals that are aimed at a political settlement of the conflict in the spirit of national reconciliation. In this context, recognition of the Kampuchean people's right to a free social and political choice is of fundamental ~i~\'9flificance. It is incunbent on all States to pronote a favourable political climate for the continuation and fruitful completion of the negotiating proc~'ss on this issue. There have been certain changes in the situation in southern Africa. The Ukrainian SSR looks for the successful and early completion of the quadripartite negotiations with a view to settling the situation in the region. The international community should exert pressure on the SOuth African racist regime and ensure the implementa tion of appropr: iate United Na tions resolutions, particularly security Council resolution 435 (1973). The Ukrainian SSR firmly supports the speedy eradication of the shaw~ful system of apartheid. The transi tion from confr ontation to the pal! tical settlement of conflicts with the active participation of the United Nations oould and must; become an important feature of the late 1980s. We believe that during this session of the General Asse 11 the adoption by consensus of a declaration on the prevention and elimination of disputes and situations that might threaten international peace and security, and on the role of the United Nations 1n this area, could become a landmark for progress in this direction. At the same time we must note that some regional conflicts have not yet reached the stage of practical settlement and continue seriously to threaten international peace and security. We are particularly concerned about the situation in the Middle East. The conflict in that region can be resolved only through political means. The International Peace Conference on the Middle East could become an effective instrument for a Middle East settlement and, within its framework, a solution to the key Palestinian problem. The Conference should be attended by all parties concerned~ including the sole, legitinete representative of the Palestinian people, the PLO, and the permanent membe:s of the security Council. We call on b~e world community to speak out unambiguously, in the course of the present session of the General Assembly, in favour of the prompt convening of that Conference. The situation in Central l'.mer iea remains a complex one. Interference in the affa irs of the Seatea of the region obstructs posi tive trends towards a peaceful settlement on the basis of the efforts of the Contadora Group. The validity of this conclusion is widely re~~gnized throughout the world, including the United States. The main responsibility for tensions in the region rests \,'fith the United Sta tes Administration. It 2hould indeed give serious thought to this fact, rather than lecturing others on hew and which God to worship. The Nicaraguan people must be given the opportunity to exercise their right to a free es'loice of their pa th of development. (Mr. Kravets t Ukrsinian SSR) As in the past, we support the peace-loving ini tia Uves of the Korean People's Democratic Ibpublic. The realization of the Republic's proposals with regard to turning the Korean peninsula into a nuclear-weapon-free zone and wi th regard to seeking large-scale, stage-by-stage reductions in armed forces and withdrawing United States troops from South Korea would make a tangible contribution to strengthening peace on the Korean peninsula. we strongly oppose intentions of perpetuating the division of Korea. Today there is no need to prove that the elimination of existing cr isis situations and the prevention of new ones is the highest priority task of the world ootl1l\unity. Another imperative of our time is the prevention of irreversible changes in the environment and the preservation of the planet's natural resources for succeeding generations. This has become an urgent matter both for the international co.llmunity aa a whole and for each of its individual menbers. The Farth, together with Nature and its resources, is a oomnon heritage. That is why it is essential immediately to change ways of thinking and cooduct at national and international levels ill order to p~otect the environment. Those objectives could be served by the concept of international ecological security set forth by the socialist countries, which has a clear and practical orientation; to utilize the mechanism of the United Nations and begin the elaboration of the norms of ecological behaviour of States and basic guide1inea for co-operation in the area. We hope that the United Nations will play a decisive . role in mobilizing the efforts of the international oonmunity to resolve the task . of preserving the environment • The expanding political dialogue on numerous vital problems of concern to mankind creates a rather encouraging background for the development of international ecooomic relations. The sta~ of the world economy continues to be 'extremely unstable. Of particular ex>noerl'l is the worsening ecxmomic t;ituation of the developing countries, which suffer both from their unequal status in the world economic system and from the ever growing volume of foreign debt. The existence of difficulties in international economic relations, which are being further exacerbated, is indicative of the need to democratize the entire system of world eCQ'lomlc ties, to establish a new international economic order and to ensure the international eex>nomic security of States. In the context of the growing internationalization of world economic ties and the interdependence of national economies, there is a need for joint action by all countries and peoples to develop stable and prediotable intei:national economic exchanges, as well as broad co-operation on an equitable and just basis, in order to ensure for all countries a way of 11 fe wor thy of man. The Ukrainian Soviet SOcialist Republic is in favour of intensifying universal dialogue on international economic policies in the United Nations. The Ukrainian SSR is prepared to co-operate actively wi th all those who are atr iving to contr ibute to the democratization of international relations and to the stren9~ening of comprehensive security. The profound processes of perestroika, now unde~ way in the Ukraine, as in the entire Soviet Union, envisage intensification of our fo~eign policy activi ties on the basis of realism and take ird:o account the diversity of inte,rests and priorities of values comon to all mankind. According ,to First secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Ukraine, Vladimir V. Shcherbitsky, "perestroika ••• is exerting an ever-growing influence on developments in the modern wor ld and, pr imar ily, is ereating a favour able situation for the strengthening of international security". We hope that efforts to create a world founded on reasonable and civilized relations between States and peoples will be supported by all delegations. We believe that the forty-third session of the General Assembly will give a fresh impetus to mankind's progress towards a safer future and will help transform the . ' United Nations into an effective instrument of peace. Mr. JOHNSON (Liber iah On behalf of the President, the Government and the people of Liber ia, I warmly congratulate the Pres iden t on his election to preside over this forty-third session of the General Assellbly. His wide experience and well-known diplomatic skills fullY..c:'ss:ure us that this session, under his I :,~ ,,:;.:' leadership, will achieve very pasi tive 'reaults. He can count on the usual co-operation and su~rt of the delegation of Liber ia in the months ahead e Permit me also to extend well-deserved thanks and appreciation to the President's predecessor, AmbassadOr Peter Florin of the German Democratic RePlblic, who conducted the affairs of the forty-second session with great aplonO and dis tinction. Special commendation is likewise due our illusu ious 8ecretary-General for the skill and courage with which he has been serving the international community. My Government will continue to do everything to assist him in upholding the credibility of the United Nations and ensuring that its mandates are fulfilled. Finally, allow ms to take special note of the opportunities which the annual sessions of the General Assembly offer us for fruitful bilateral and multilateral consultations on issues of mutual interest. The tragic 'exper lences of two world wars and the imminent danger of nuclear catastrophe have made the search for peace and development the paramount concern of our time. The pr inciples and ideals by which peace is to be achieved and development attained have been fully set out in the Charter of the Uni ted Na tions and the resolutions of the Assembly. For 43 y&...rs, guided by those principles and ideals, we h~ve come here with various problems, disputes and ideas. Here we have debated the issues, grappled with the problems and their possible solutions, and expressed both our frustrations and our aspira tions. 'In spite of our varying dispositions and I,)ur cultural, eClOnomic and ideological differences, we have always acknowledged and professed the continuing relevance of the United Nations in the search for peace, security and development. It is against this background that my delegation, in addressing the specific issues before the Assembly, will give renewed emphasis to the need for strengthening the role of dialogue and solidarity for the betterment of the hulWl condition. ' (Hr. Jdmson, Mber ia) My delegation welcomes the stirrings of peace that have greeted this forty-third session and given the international colll1lunity new hope for the efficacy of multilateralism in the resolution of conflict. In this connEction, we note with satisfaction the Peace Accords with regard to Afghanistan, signed last Apr U, which are facilitating the .wi thckawal of foreign troops from that country. We also applaUd the acceptance by Iran of the provisions of security Council resolution 598 (1987), '!hich has bcought about the cessation of hostilities in the Persian Gulf and made (Ossibl.e the on-going peace talks between Iraq and Iran under the auspices of the United t~tions. we are also pleased that, through the mediation of .the Secretary-Genera1 and the current Chairman of the Organization of African Unity, Morocco and the PQLISARIO Front have consented to the holding of a referEndum, which constitutes an important step towardo resolving the question of Western Sahara.. Moreover, we note that negotiations between the two col1lDunities in Cyprus are progressing satisfactor 11y, also under the auspices of the Uni ted Hations. It is in this cxmtext that we must highly col'llllend the tbbel Prize COJllllittee for being so thoughtful as to award its 1988 Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces. And we congratulate the Secretary-General on this achievement. At the same time, lIy delegation appeals to all the parties involved to continue to work co-operatively for the final resolution of these iXobleu. &1t we l'I\\I8t resist every temptation to be lulled into a state of complacency by these recent successes, as our present agenda still contains a number of unresolved issues which must claim the Assembly's urgent attention. Despite th.e best efforts of the countries members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), a just and lasting settleaent to the KMpuchea dispute has remained elusive. We therefore support the Jakarta Informal Meeting, which seeks to bring togGther all the parties concerned in an effort to resolve the problell of KallpUchea. A comprehensive settlement of the dispute must take into account the exercise by the Kampuchean people of their inalienable right to self-determination, free from foreign interference. With regard to the Korean question, ray delegation urges acceleration of efforts to bring &bout a constructive and fruitful dialogue in the peninsula. The sp&cial &'claration by President Roh Tae WOo of Jwy 1988, in the interest of national self-esteem and prosperity, constitutes a positlve step towards easing tensiO:l and leading to the PWtceful lIlification of the two Koreasc We congratulate the Governments and peoples of the Republic of rorea and the Denocratic People's Republic of Korea on the commemoration of their' fortieth anniversary of nationhood. We wish them Cl prosperous and br ight future and the attainment of unity, peace and stability as SOOi'l as possiblec In Central America, various peace plans proposed by the countries of the region have not yielded the desired results. My delegation would therefore hope that the people of Central America could be left alone to chart their own course on the path of restor ing peace, foster ing democracy and strengthening regional unity and eccnomic co-operaticn. A sad episode in the Middle East crisis is the tragedy of Lebanon, a country wi th which Liber ia has enjoyed close ties of' friendship over the years. Once a prosperous )'lation, Lebanon is today ravaged by years of incessant civil strife, aggravated by unwarranted external interference. we therefore urge respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Lebanon, the safeguarding of its independence, an end to violence, and the withdrawal of all foreign troops from its territory. Since the last session of the General Assennly a year ago the crisis in the Middle East has escalated significantly despite the various peace initiatives undertaken. In this connection, we call on Israel to exercise restraint in its enforcement of law and order in the occupied terri tories. It ccntinues to be the view of my <bvernment that a just and lasting settlement of the Middle East conflict must take into account the right of self-determination of the Palestinian people, as well as the right of all States in the region, including Israel, to exist wi thin secure and interna tionally recognized boundaries. In this regard we reiterate the call for the convening of an international conference on the Middle East, with the participation on a basis of equality of all the parties concerned, inclUding the Palestine Liberation Organization, the authentic representative of the Palestinian people. SUch a conference should cer ta inly enhance the peace process in the region • A few days ago, General M;)ussa Traore, President of Mdi and current Cha irman of the Organization of Afr iean Unity, eloquently outlined to the Assembly Afr iea 's posi tion on a nunt>er of important issues, including the vexed question of sou thern Afr iea. My delegation therefore wishes only to stress Liber ia 's grave concern that the racist minority regime in Pretoria, aided and abetted by its collaborators, has continued to defy with impunity the collective will of the international 60nmunity by i tos flagrant disregard of the f~damental rights of the black majority in their . own land. E\1rthermore, there can be no denying the fact that the extremity of the cruel and degrading treatment meted out to black SOUth Africans bears a disturbing and chilling resemblance to Nazi practices. '1'0 date, the brutal and remorseless Pretoria regime has kept hundreds, if not th'ousands, of children in detention, subjecting them to systematic tor:bire and' even gen~cide. Reports of such horror s perpetra ted by the:' regim~, leave iny GoV'~rnment in no doubt that the in terna tional conmunity has not done'enough ·to destroy apartheid. " So en trenched is the racist minor!ty reqime's policy of afar theid tha t no , , . other peaceful mean~:'short of comprehensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter can eradioate that system and save the country from an eventual bloodbath. Those who argue that sanctions will only bring hardships to the blacks of South Africa and to the front-line States are either simply against the aspirations of black people or interested only in their investments and profits. '"For the persistent rejection of apartheid by the black south Africans themselves has. surely, de~nstrated that they at least would prefer hardship in freedom to prosperity under apar,thei<? My delegation holds the view that, if the racist regime in South Africa truly desires genuine peace, it must, in good faith and without pre-eonditions, (Mr. Johnson, Libel la) immediately release Nelson Mandela and all other political prisooers as a first step towards reoonciliation and the institution of a non-racial democratic society based on universal franchise. In this cmtext, Liberia wishes to associate itself with those delegations that have called for the convening of a special session of the General Asserrbly in 1989 to consider the OI7erall situation in southern Africa, including the ques tion of Namibia. A clear demonstration of SOuth Africa's arrogance is its illegal occupation of Namibia, in utter cattempt of the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, and its oontinued use of that Territory, to launch subversive, aggressive and destabilizing policies against neighbouring States. While we take note of the recant quadr iparti te discussions on the Namibian question, there is nothing in the negotiating recordf:\ of the racist regime to justify any reliance on its ooJmlitments. The Secur ity Council should therefore proceed to take such measures as may be necessary to carry out i tsmanda te, as set forth in its resolution 435 (1978). As we observe the tenth anniversary of that resolutioo, we reaffirm Namibia's right to self-determination and independence within a united territory, including Walvis Bay, the Penguin Islands .and all other of fshore islands, and under the leader ship of the Sou th West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO), the sole and legi timate representative of the Namibian people. It is our ferven't hope that, when the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly convenes, a free and independent Namibia will be able to take its rightful place as a full l4ember of the Uni t.ed Na tions. I wish to turn new to the question of disarmament, which for my delegation at least has real impli<:a tions not only for peace and security but foravelopment as well. Liber ia mailntains its p)sition that if peace and developnent are to be fully achieved the int.ernational community simply cannot continue to spend so many (Mr. JohnsQ'l, Liber ia) billions of dollars each year on armaments and related activities. In seeking to " ensure security we have somehow unleashed a costly arms race, which has diverted resources from development needs, thereby exacerbating social problems in developing countries. This point was well articulated by a number of speakers at' the International Conference on the Relationship between Disarmament and Developnent, held last year. The recent ratification of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - by the thited States and the Soviet union marks a new and encouraging beginning in bilateral disarmament efforts. On the other hand, the failure of the third special session devoted to disarmament to arrive at a consensus represents a serious setback to multilateral disarmament , initiatives. HI} GoITernment cOt1tinues to believe that bilateral and mUltilateral efforts oomplement each other and that the United Nations remains the central forum for disarmament issues. Liber ia considers the Non-Proliferation Treaty an important international instrument and its ratification a vital first step towards nuclear d'isarmament. In this connection, we are particularly concerned that SOuth Africa's nuclear capability has continued to frustrate the attainment of the objective of the 'Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa, to make it a zone of peace. (~r. Johnson, Liber ia) Indeed, the credibility of the Treaty w11l remain doubtful as long as measures are not taken to ensure the subjection of the nuclear capability of South Africa and other countries to safeguards and inspection under the control of the I nter national Atomic Qaergy Agency. Thus we favour the convening of the Fourth Review Conference of states Parties to the Non-Proliferation Treaty in 1990 to consider such matters, among others. My delegation joins previous speakers who have condemned the use of chemical weapons in contravention of the 1925 Geneva Treaty banning the use of such weapons. Similarly, we are gravely concerned about the dumping of toxic and other hazardous waste on African soil, an act tfhich is tantamount to a declaration of chemical war on our people. This multifarious environmental abuse endangers the well-being and lives of all our peoples. &lch waste not only poisons the air we breathe but also pollutes our water resources and contaminates the very soil upon which we depend for the cul tiva tion of food. 8Jt is there not an ethical quesUon al~o? At the close of the twentieth century, should Afr ica still be facing such a threat to its survival? Was slavery not enough? was coloo ial exploi ta tion not enough? Is the present critical eoonomic situation made worse by various natural disasters not enough? ~iust we now be exposed also to poisooous and radioactive substances that threaten our very survival as a people? So serious is this problem of toxic waste disposal that we must urge the Economic and Social Council to expedite the adoption and implemen ta tion of its draft convention on the control of transboundary moyements of hazardous wastes. we also weloome the call for: the Conferenea On Disarmament to draft a convention on the prohibi tion of the dumping of radioactive and toxic wastes for hostile purposes. Unlike the political envirQ1ment in which significant progress towards the relaxa tion of tension has been observed, it is regrettable that no comparable devalopnent in the eoonomicsphere was attained dUl: ing the year. (Hr. Johnson, Liber ia) Since the last session of this Assermly, the international economic environment experienced further decline and disequilibrium. The fall in conmodity prices, the decrease in the flow of official development assistance and the crushing debt burden have continued to be the most ser ious factors responsible for the net outflow of cap! tal from developing to developed countries. It was this very serious predicament that led to the convening of the thirteenth special session of the General Assermly, on the critical economic situation in Africa, a little over two years ago. In this connection, the mid-term review and appraisal exercise unde~taken last mooth has confirmed that the international conmunity has not fulfilled its commitment under the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development. In the meantime, African countries themselves, in spite of the unfavoulable international economic climate, have endeavoured to pursue structural adjustment progranmes, institutionalized or otherwise. Liberia, for instance, has undertak~ certain measures within its own capabilities, to establish conditions for economic recovery. I refer "to attempts being _de, t~ough a green reVOlution programme, to expand agricultural production with a view to attaining food self-SUfficiency. Moreover, steps have been taken, not only towards efficient management of the lJublic sector, but also towards the encouragement and prolOOtion of private initiative and enterprise in economic growth and development. In view of the foregoing, m}' delegation joins previous speakers who have called on the international community to live up to its commitment under the United Rations Progr amme of Action for Afr lean Economic Recovery and Development, and in particular to accelerate the flow of resources to the continent. (Nr. Johnson, Liberia) Our com~.lon hed ta,ge and in terdepcndence demand the concer ted effort of all for the attainment of the conditions that will ensure a higher standard of living for the peoples of the developing coun tries. This planet on which we live nlay have its imperfections, but until scientific explora tiat can confirm otherwise, it rennins the only home we have. It is therefore our sacred obligation to create in it a wholesol'M environmen't for ourselves and for posterity. In this oonnection, we must strive for a political environment free frem conflicts and war; we must strive for an economic enviro~lment that proyides for a just, equitable and efficient production and cUstribution of goods and services, and we must pursue sustainable development poHcies that will ensure the protection of our eea-sys tem. When we pollute the oceans, the rivers and streams, when we denude our forests, when we violate the human rights of our fellow man, and engage in various forms of warfare with our neighbours, when we exploit the poor and the weak, \'le do grea t harm to the human env ironment and thereby undermine the peace and secur!ty of our \\'Orld. The task of facing the future and safeguarding the interest of succeeding genera tions requ ires our collective moral cormnitment and oo-ordina ted poli tieal will and action. In the view of my Government, the United Nations is still the best instrument at our disposal for the attainment of that wholesome environment er.visaged and desired by all, and we thus reaffirm our mwavering. cOlllllitment to the prl.nciples and purposes enshrined in ita Charter. (Mr 0 Joonson, Liber ia) ~r. CHNOUPEK (CzechOSlovakia) ':. I should like to congratulate Mr. Dante Caputo on his election to the high office of President of the forty-third session of the United Nations General Assembly. I wish him great success. I am convinced that: under his experienced leadership the work of the present session will lead to a growth of confidence in our Organization. I assure him of the readiness of Czechoslcwakia to cootinue to oe-..relop its friendly ties with his oountry which~ through its acti'le r;x:>licy, is playing such an important role in today's world. I should also like to express our deep gratitude for the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. to diminish ten~ions throughout the world and to resolve regional conflicts through negotiation. we especially appreciate the fact that thanks to his initiatives and efforts our Organization has achieved new and significant successes and is thus living up to the noble role it has been given, for, as the Latin adage states~ Pacis donum est omnibus bCXlum - the gift of peace is a blessing for all. In international relations we are witnessing events of truly unique siCJlificance. They demonstrate new political thinking. Militancy is being rejected~ there is greater opennessJ we observe a gr001ng readiness to engage in negotiations i.n a civilized and businesslike manner. These very promising events are leading to the building of relations among states on the basis of a balance of interests, a strengthening of the role of international law, and a a humanizing of international relations - thus leading to a more comprehensive solution to problems of the survival of ciVilization as a universal human challenge. HCMever. this cannot be done though destructive confrontation. The way to a solution lies in active co-operation. This is tne philosophy of the end of the present and the beginning of the next century. It mllst open the way to the emergence of qualitatively new relations both on thl::- global and regional scale. Of course, this requires that new phenomena. must be analysed from new points of view. Problems that seemed unresolvable must now be resolved. The unthinkable must become the thinkable. What was impossible yesterday must be made possible. The viability of this approach has been demonstrated by the four Soviat-Uni ted Sta tes summi t meetings which have made the war Id safer i' prospects for peace stronger and the future more hopeful. A landmark of fundamental importance was the r ati fiea tion of the Trea ty on the El imination of Intermedia te-Range and (Mr. Chnoupek, Czechoslovak ia) Shorter-Range Missiles, the first step of an era of real cUsCin"·,ment. we were one of the ei9ht States involved in the process of its realization. we have done everything that was required of us. we agreoi!c'1 wi th the concilcting of verification measures on our territory. Soviet operational-tactical missiles with increased radius, which had been stationed in my country since the end of 1983, were remoyed even before the Treaty's entry into force. 'lbday we must all jointly ask ourselves a question: how do we proceed further? How can we develop now what sober-minded politicians have agreed upon? The answer is unequ ivocal: let us compe te in human ism. Let us make the cornerstone that unites us the survival and continuation of mankind. Let us hold a competition wich, despi te all of our differences in policy, ideology, wocld view, and other spheres, assures both nations and indivicilals of their future existence. let us demili tar ize international relations and prevent both social and ecological disasters, thus arriving at new hor izons of mutually beneficial co-operation. It is ptecisely in this spirit that our OrganizatiOtl today must have a decisive say in the fl."ndamental strengthening of multilateralism, which has prOl7ed to be better able to create confidence and achieve results than any other options. As pointed out by the Secretary-General in his annual report, when global problems require global solutions the value of the United Nations for its Menbers is obl7ious to all. If its influence is not strengthened, we shall be constantly confronted wi th evergrowing instability throughout the world. This is also the basis of the concept for comprehensive seour ity which encompasses all as~cts of internatiooal relations. It meets the need to make universal human interests a major element of international p:>licy. It serves as an (Mr. Chnoupek, Czechoslovak ia) impulse for broad constructive dialogue on wat can be dcne to enhance substantially the role of the United Nations in the present world. Positive developments in the world are creating favourable conditions for implementing the goals of res tructur ing all spheres of life in our country. By following that path we a~e endeavouring to build on the significant results achieved in our social and economic developnent and to strengthen the progressive and democratic traditions of our people. This year we are colllllemorating some important anniversaries, both glorious and tragic, the seventieth anniversary of an independent _JchoslQ'lakia, but also the fl ftieth anniversary of the "Munich Agreement-, which was concluded behind our backs. This remains an abiding lesson. security was, and continues to be, shared and indivisible. we recall the historical experience of two world wars and four decades of socialist development. This obliges us to pursue an active and constr uctive policy of pe3cefu! oo-operation. we see as a manifestation of this policy the proposal for the creation of a zone of confldence~ co-operation and good-neighbourly relations along the line of contact between the states Parties to the Warsaw Treaty and the memers of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization put forward by the General secretary of the Czechoslovak Communist Party, Milos Jakes. We believe that it is precisely the States adjacent to that line which bear a special responsibility. In fact, this where the concentration of military power is greatest, and therefore misunderstandings are fraught with the most dangerous oonsequenees and confrontation is most hazardous. Hence, we are proposing a plan for the peaceful strengthening of security guarantees in this zone, without confrontation, through both military and non-military measures. We intend to act in this arE!8 on the basis of the all-European ptocess, and in so doing to create in that zone stimulus for its further intensification. To do this, of course, we must jointly throw off thl! burden of the past. we must abandon outdated IlDdela of bloc-der ived thinking, reject the concept of enemies, measure the boldness of human deeds not by their degree of militancy but by their abili.ty to overcome one-sided and deceptive military afli)itions. (Hr. Chnoupek, Czechoslovak la) Our proposal subordinates military relations to the principle of reasonable sUfficiency. We want to enhance confidence-building measures and fulfil and further develop the conclusions of the stockholm Conference on Confidence and Secur ity Building Measures and Disarmament in &srope with respect to mU itary exercises, including notification of such exercises, limiting the nurrber of participating troops, inviting observers and the right of inspection. we favour a joint oompar ison of mill tary ooctrines woi th a view to giving them a purely defensive character. Together with our allies, in the context of an all-European reduction of armed forces and conven tiooal weapons on the bas is of joint el imination of imbalances and assymetr ies in the vat ious types of wea(X)nry, we propose the removal of the most dangerous offens ive weapons from the zone along 'the line of contact between the Warsaw Treaty and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NA~). we listened with special interest to the.valuable proposals along those same lines made by President Fran~is Mitterand. These stren9then our conviction that intense dialogue will cOntinue. At the same time we must seek the developnent of the non-military factors of security. Therefore our proposal also encompasses the political, economic, eoological and humanitar ian spheres. In the zone of confidence, measures in those spheres could eifen go beyond t:.e parameters agreed upon in the all-European framework. T"e possible opportunities for peaceful co-operation are practi~aUy inexhaustible. We are think 1ng of joint ventures, the erea tion of free-trade zones, an improvement of the tcanspor t and energy infrastruct!.ue, a simpl !fiea tion of customs and visa pcactices, environmental protectJ.on, relief assistance in cases of natural disaster, a broadening of relations between twin cities and prtwinces, the establishment of rlirect contacts between schools, scientific institutIons, (Mr. Chnoupek, Czechoslovak ia) cultural e~t~)liShments and youth organi~ations, reciprocal medical assi~tance in border areas, and so forth. In that way we aim at the establishment of a machinery for regular political dialogue among the Stdtea 0 f bo th par ts of Europ!, a di&logue built on a broad, solid basis. This follows upon other proposals made by socialist countries and on the constructive approaches and views of our Western partnereJ. we are open to any constructive comments and considerations. We are in favour of the speediest possible radical mutual reductions in armed forces and conventional weapons on our continent. Wi thout this the d&nger of military confrontation will oontinue. The July session of the Political Consulta tive Committee of the States parties to the Warsaw Treaty, held at Warsaw, put forward new and far-!eaching proposals~ to eliminate assymetry in weapons and armed forces and subsequently to reduce them by approximately 25 per cent .. or by 500,000 servicemen on either side, then to continue this process until the military potential of both sides takes on an exclusively defensive characterQ This would take place in three carefully balanced stages. In that way our oountr iea have taken a constructive step in an effort to meet the posi tion of the NATO countries, proposing a realistic scheme for reductions. We are work ing towards a speedy and successful ccnclus ion of the Vienna meeting, which should adopt. a substantive and wen-balanced document and agree on the manda te for negotiations on corwentional disarmament. we agree wi t.'" the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany, Mr. Hans-Dietdch Genscher, that this shoul" take place as soon as during this month. It is true that a 9reat: deal of resp:>nsible work has already been done at that meeting. Foundations have been laid for the adoption of good documents 1iJ~~)ng (r-ll:. Chnoup!k, Czechoslovak ia) ,. " poss ible broad development of all...European oo-opera tion. A cons tructive approach . now requires political determination to complete the agreements now being prepared Md poll tical will wi th respect to all questions under discussion. We propose that one of the subsequent events be the holding of an economic forum. It could discuss the entire question of co-operation in that sphere. We are ready to act 8S host to that forum. In short, we wish jointly to raise the all-European process to a qualitatively higher level commensurate with the realities of our times in order to reaffirm the viability of the concept of a oonmon :&Iropean home based Qn the "la!' ious social choices I'IIIlde by the peoples. We must base it on solid ground, build it boldly and ensure that Europe speaks to the world in a single language of peaca. we face no greater challenge today than that of making the disarmament proces & irreversible. That was our basic approach to the third special seosion of the General Assenbly devoted to disarmament. Unfortunately, that session ended wi thout a final document. Yet it was a useful experience and a lesson for the future. The proposals _de at the session rellBina rich source of inspiration. For our part~ we set out our proposals in a joint melllOrandum from the warsaw Treaty States on J I/security through disarmament, and in a nUIIDer of .other cbcuments. I would mention, !./ " . ~i:~'st of all, the joint proposal of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, the .:t»eople Gs Republic of Bulgaria and the union of Soviet Socialist Republics to 1< . ., ,:: estabU~'hinter:nationalliachinery for verification of compliance with agreements .' ~ . ,'. alntad at; redtlcing tension and Hmi ting weapons, and to mCll'li tor the llliU tary situati6t. in regions of conflict. This machinery would function under United Na~ions auspices. we are pleased that th is has attracted numerous interesting proposals from other CDuntries~ Let us do all in our ·power to prevent our ever·. havlng to say that the settleMent of a given issue is no looger veri fiable • .-:-' \ tet the humanistic triad of confidence, security and co-operation light the way towards qualitatively new international relations. Freeing the world from the nuclear-arms race remains the pivotal global task. To continue that race amounts bo running consciously towards an abyss. A basic step in the right direction would be the early conclusion of work on a SOviet-Uni ted States treaty on a 50 per cent recilction in strategic offensive weap:lns, to be accompanied by str let compl iance with the anti-ballistic missile Treaty, since the link between these matters is a deep and organic one. we favour the ii1lllediate cessation of nuclear-weapon testing. That would give us time for polt tical solutions and for formulating a treaty on the complete I universal prohibition of such testing. We also support the development of international co-operation in the use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes exclusively•. We desire the strengthening of the author ity of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of tllclear Weapons, with consistent application of the safeguards system of the International Atomic Energy Agency (!AEA). (Hr. Chnoup!k, Czec:hoslOl7ak ia) An im~rtant addition to the efforts to avert the nuclear threat has been the concrete proposal p.1t forward by the (bvernmentB of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic and the German Del'lDcratic Republic to establisl1 a nuclear-weapon-free corric:br in Central ~rope. we support the setting up of similar zone in other parts of the world as well, particularly in the Balkans and in Scandinavia. It is high time that all Gbstacles to the completion of the conven tion on the complete probibi tion and elimination of chemical weapons be set aside. We are prepared to be alMng its first signatori~s. we neither produce nor possess such weapons. Further delays in the preparation of the convention serve ooly to prollDte the spread of such weapons and increase the risk of their use. In that connection we have noted a change in the atU tude of France that, we hope, will facilitate agreement. Like other countries, we are ooncerned about the start of prodlction of binary warfare agents and about their possible &!ployment in Europe. 'lbgether wi th the German Democratic Republic, we propose the establishment of a cbemic:al-weapon"free zone in Central Europe. As a Contracting Party to the 192": Geneva Protocol, we favour the proposal to convene a conference of the signatory States. we share the view that it is necessary to enhance the Organization's role in limi ting conventiooal armaments. We believe that the proposal to create wi thin the United Nations a register of trade in weapons wilt contribute to that end. we are in favour of an expansion of internatiooal co-operation in the peaceful uses of outer space, which the United Nations has proclaimed to be the canmon hedQge of mankindo It wouh. ':>e.:!unforgivable were we to display indifference to the thr.!at of the misuse of space for military purposes. we are in favour of anenhanoed effectiveness of the disarmament mechaniSlll, primarily of th.Catference on Disarmament 'at Geneva. In this spirit, it should gradually become a permanent ...,iversal body for disarmament negotiations, as we proposed last February. That is in keeping wi th the logic of current global changes and integration processes. An essential condition for the attainmellt of over-all security is the peaceful settlement of in terna tional dispu tea ati~ regional confiiets. Here, the fruit fu1 dialogue between the SOviet Union and the United States has had a beneficial effect. An improvement in East-West relations prO'lides that calm that is necessary to the process of seeking and finding equitable solutions toO long-standing and dangerous hotbeds of tension. we must take full advantage of it. Thus, an active role (-or the United Nations is now indispensable. What body other than the United Nations can make such a significant contribution to the protection of legitilMte rights and co-ordinate the interests of the parties involved? What other body can better implement the machinery for the peaceful settlement of disputes, stimulate the adoptior of internatina1 guarantees to prevent the recurrence of a confl let? Olly the Uni ted Na ti008 can do so. We therefore welcome the growing importance of the role of the "blue berets" in vaC'lous world trouble-spots. They are a syll'bol of one of the most important area~ of United Nations activities, namely, peace-keeping. They can"De even IOOra effective in helping to stabilize the si tua tiol1 in troubled areas, ensuce oonditions for negotiated settlements and prevent the outbreak of new conflicts. 'ltlgether with world public opinion, we have reacted with hope to the signing of the Geneva Agreements on Afghanistan worked out with the participation of the Uni ted Na tions Secretary-General and jointly guaranteed by the two greate::;t Powers. The well-known steps taken by the Soviet Union and Afghanistan represertt a responsible and scrupulous honour 11\9 of the obliga Hons undertaken. Ira th i::; oonnection we woul<i emphasize the fundamental significance of unswerving compl~c1nce on the part 0 f all signatories. Olly in tha t way will it be poss ible to ens ur. e (Mr. Chnoueek, Czechoslovak la)