A/43/PV.28 General Assembly
9. GENERAL DEBATE Miss CHIEPE (Botswana): Let me join the speaker s who have preceded me and extend a:>tswana's heartfelt congratulations to you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the C~neral Assembly at its forty-third session. Your country and my own enjoy the happiest of relations, and it is with great pleasure that I assure you of my delegation's unstinting support and good wishes as you pilot the deliberations of this session. Your predecessor, the eminently respected Deputy Foreign Minister of the German Denocratic Republic, Mr. Peter Florin, deserves the fullest measure of our gratitude for the very able manner in which he guided the work of the forty-second session. We will miss his unshakeable composure in the face of even the most trying circumstances. Before I turn to the issues before us, let me reiterate on behalf (;)f my country and my delegation our sincere condolences to the peoples of Jamaica and Bangladesh, who have recently fallen victim to natural disasters due to cyclones and monsoons. Precious human and animal lives have been It.l~t, and untold damage to property has been registered. We hope the international community will be generous in its response to those two Member Sta tes' appeal for ass istance. This year, 1988, has been a watershed year for the United Nations despite the intractable financial and other problems the Organization has continued to face. With patience, perseverance and a complete understanding of the workings of world politics and diplomacy, our Secretary-General has demonstrated 1::0 us all that the United Nations is alive and well and capable of responding decisively to the crises of our trol'lbled world, given the acti.ve support of its MenDers. Never before have we witnessed such prevalent and pervasive rUmblings of peace occurring, as they have, in such a torrent, thanks to our secretary-Generalis unyielding tenacity of purpose. We salute him and his team of men and women here at Headquarters and abro:ld, WC.l have given the best of themselves and even risked their very lives in the ser vice of world peace. In this regard, I wish to congratulate the 5ecretary-General and the United Nations peace-keeping forces on the forces I having been awarded the Habel Peace Prize for 1989. Yet we cannot pretend that all is well in our organization. We are all aware of the serious financial crisis the Organization is facing e~en as it is called upon to undertake a multiplicity of missions all over the world. HCM ironical~ Even as the United Nations is daily demonstrating its capacity to fulfil its mission as the instrument of peace in the world, given the necessary wherewithal, we are told it must reform i.tself in order to earn the right to have, or to receive, the financial resources which are due to it in accordance with its Charter. The result is that the Organization has no resources to perform the most central and sacred of its duties~ the maintenance of international peace and security. * The efficient deployment of resources by the United Nations is not the unilateral concern and preoccupation of one Menber or a few Menbers; it is the oonmon concern and preoccupation of all of us. That is why we all supported the tlork of the Group of 18 and its report, and continue to do so. The report of the Group of 18 was, in our view, never intended to transform the United Nations into a plaything of the big contributors. Its purpose was to improve the functioning of the administrative and budgetary management of the United Nations, and not to ItMr. Chagula (United Republic of Tan21ania), Vice-President, took the Chair. Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library (Miss Chiepe, Botswana) introduce weighted voting by stealth. It is in the interest of all of us to live up to our obligations under the Charter by the payment of our financial contributions to the Organization. There has been a marked imprOl7ement in the international situation since tho last session. There is a flowering spirit and atmosphere of r~pprochement between the super-Powers, so happily evidenced by the signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - the first of its kind in this cold-war era, and by the curr~nt negotia~ions on ~~e reduction of strategic nuclear arsenals by 50 per cent. A welcome sense of re&lism about the dangerous folly of the philosophy of peace through nuclear terror seSI'lS to have taken root in both the East and the West. We have not seen the end - or the beginnings of the end - of the cold war) not yet. But there are encouraging signs that at least the Powers that hold the destiny of our world in their hands are prepared to coexist peacefully across the chasm of their mutual suspicions and animosities. The recent rapprochement of the super-Powers should augur well for international peace and co-operation. Co-operation of the super-Powers in the adoption and implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987), on the Iran-Iraq war, for instance, would have been wishful thinking only Cl year ago, not to mention the pleasant novelty that is Moscow's and washington's apparel'it convergence of purpose and interest in the ending of violer.ce and strife in south-western Africa. This is a developnent we must welcome with genuine enthusiasm, because the efficacy of the united Nations in general and of the Security Council in particular rests on the willingness and readiness of the super-Powers, in the first instance, to co-operate in carrying out the vital decis ions of this war Id body. Their urge to wage their ideological war through reckless resort to their veto power in the security Council will recede as they begin to r~ap the benefits of. co-operation and as they realize that the United Nations is in fact the best vehicle for the promotion of their own interests. Though tile stability of our world remains precarious, we have every rp.ason to breathe a sigh of relief that some of the most painful regional conflicts that have often threatened ignition of a global conflagration seem to be ready for resolution. As we meet here, the withdrawal of foreign fo~ces is in progress in Afghanistan, a non-aligned South-West Asian nation that has endured a painful war since the turn of the 1980a'. Thanks to the mediation of the Uni ted Nations and th e unswerving determination of so many of us in this Assembly to stand by the people of Afghanistan in their time of trial and tribulation, a new era has begun in that war-weary country, an era which we pray and hope will be crowned with peace and stability. Even painfully hapless Kampuchea has become the subject of a growing series of consultative encounters among the countries of the region. The Jakarta consultations of 2S to 28 July 1988 are among those encounters., Mlich we hope represeni: the beginning. hacever tentative, of t.he end of the terrible carnage that has been the lot of that tormented country for so long. For our part, here at the United Nations, and at thia session, the message must remain clear, unequivocal and uncompromieing. Kampuchea belongs to its own people and in no circumstances should the United Nations, by silence or indifference, give comfort to' the pr:esence of foreign troops in that country of SOuth-Eastern Asia. The people of Kampuchea, like those of Afghanistan, must ba left alone to regain their inalienable right to self~determinationafter many decades of sUffering. We are sOli.ewhat encouraged by the visible signs of contact batween the two Koreas. OUr great hope is for this development to assume a mor:e meaningful dimension leading to the peacefUl reunification of Rorea~ and this i to our undet'standing, can be foateled only through dialogue among the Korean people themselves" without external interference. The Mittile East remains a hotbed of strife and conflict. Although Iran and Iraq are currently seized of the arduous task of laying the foundations fot' a durable peace, the rest of that part of the world continues to endure turmoil. The tragedy of Lebanon rcnains unmitigated. Its terri tor lal integrity continues to be flouted and violated with reckless abanoon. We insist that Lebanon be left alone to seek its own path toi ts own s~lvation. Keeping th~t tortured country in a permanent state of internecine str ife does no service to the cause of peace in the Middle East. The heertrending scenes that flash almost daily at television screens, depicting what passes for life in the west Bank and Gaza, are horrid indeed. I!br us from southern Africa such scenes are a painful reminder of the horrors of apartheid. No day passes without an innocent: and defenceless Palestinian demonstrator being maimed or shot dead for wanting to be free in the land of his or her ancestors. And we hatestly wonder by what: 109io the senseless carnage on the West Bank and in Gaza and other occupied Arab lands is supposed to enhance the security and survival of the State of Israel, Ol of any other nation in the area. We remain con,yinced that for Israel, as for the rest of the Arab world, including Palestine, there is only one sensible and realistic path to salvation and survival - the path of nut'lal acCOt\\l1Odation and acceptance. We commend to all oountr ies of the region the resolving of their differences through negotiation rather than by the use of force or confrontation. In the South Pacific the people of h"ew Caledon~ continue to invest their hopes in the traditional and mandatory responsiveness of this our United Nations as a vital and crucial complement to their own efforts to achieve self-determination. We take ':he view that New Caledonia is a legitimate candidate for selfcodetermination under General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 1960 and Chapter XI, Article 73, of the Charter. In Central Amer iea peace and stability still remain a distant dream. The peace agreement signed by the five Presidents 'of Central America in Guatemala on .., August 1987 has not served the lofty purpose for which it was intended. The agreement has not been found to be in any way so flawed as to be unimplementable; rather it has become is bate of contention in the debate on how peace and democracy can be achieved in Central America. There are those in the region who hold the view that more aid to keep the flame of the contra re\"olution in Nicaragua will do the trick, that anything else can only prolong the agony of the people of Central America, and Nicaraguans in particular. We beg to differ. we continue to support the Central American peace agreement and urge that it be' implemented without delay. In South America, the Falklands/Malvinas Islands disnlte remains a source of concern and anxiety to us all. There does not seem to be any meaningful effort on the part of the parties concerned to work towards the resolution of the disp.Jte. The bitterness of the 1982 conflict over the islands has lingered on and is clearly serving as an impediment to the resumption of the pre-1982 negotiations en the future of the Islands. Our view is that neither Argentina nor the United Kingdom can esC&pe the fact that the only way for the Falklands/Malvinas dispute to end is for them to negotiate. We therefore appeal to the two countr ies to proceed to the conference table without delay. Allow me now to focus attention on my own region of southern Africa. No changes of major consequence have come about in the political fortunes of ~e region since the last session, even though there has been a lot of talk going on since May this year. This Assed>ly has already been fully briefed on the talks, the quadripartite meetings involving Angola, Cuba, South Africa and the United States, with a view to finding peace for what is called south-western Africa, namely, Angola and Namibia. To the extent that the talks have so far produced some results that we can live with, inasnuch as they have not pre jUdiced any pr inci ples we hol'~ dear in southern Africa, we oartainly welcome them. For us the bottom line, the irreducible minimum demand, is independence for Namibia through the implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978) and respect for the inviolability of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the People's Republic of Angola. Nothing less is acceptable. In South Africa itself nothing less than the total abolition of apartheid is acceptable. Even if the quadripartite talks Buorosed in bringing about peace in Angola and the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) in Namibia, the root cause of the pt'oblems of southern Afr lca as Cl whole will still remain unresolved. Apartheid in South Africa will continue to pose Cl threat to all the people of the region as it seethes with fury, waiting to erupt like a. volcano, unless it is eradicated without further delay. Botswana would like to believe that the South African authorities have realized that the use of military force, such as the invasion and occupation of parts of southern Angola, was El dangerous venture which served no useful purpose &S regards South Africa itself or the region as a wole. For OGr part, we would like to reaffirm our faith in the principle of peaceful resolution of disputes, which we commend to the ISUthodties in Pretor ia. But we are concerned that time is fas t running out. In order to create a climate oonwcive to negotiations, the state af eme;·.;';~fH.Jy must be lifted and all pali tical pr isoners and detainees released. Nelson Ma!,\-;(,1C1 and zephania N:;)thcpeng must be released, not ally because of their age or illness but also because their continued incarceration depr ives South Africa of what may be its only hope for salvation. Nelson Mandela, in particular, is the embodiment of the aspirations of the oppressed majority people in South Africa and there can be no meaningful negotiations while he remains incarcerated. 'l'he violence of apartheid is the issue in South Africa, not the reaction of the Afr lcan National CCXlgress to it. 'l'hat is what is t» be negotiatec!\ the end of the violence of apartheid and the dellDerat1zation of south Africa, so that all its people, black and White, may at lalc; last live in peace in lA just society. Apartheid is the source of destabilization and desuuction in southern Africa. The front-line and other neighbouring States, some more than others, have all suffered as a direct consequence of aparthei.d. My oun country ha$ had continuously to run the gauntlet of SOuth Africa's State terrorism, bomb explosions and murder and maiming of its citizens and SOUth African refugees under its care, all for no other reason than the simple fact that we have become one of Pretor ia 's most readily available scapegoats as the anti-apartheid strife intensifies inside SOuth Africa itself. Look at the destabillzation g the desuut:Uon, thltt has been wreaked upon Angola and Mozani>ique over the years by South Africa and its proxy armies of bandits, all in an attempt by Pretoria to preserve apartheid. Pbr thQ People's Republic of Mozambique, in particular, the United States State Department report iSSUed earlier this year says. it all. Nothing could be more horrifying, more heart-rending, than the revelations of that report, which we hope will awaken the conscience of those who support the objectives of the RENAMO bandits. Of late SOuth Africa has launched a diplomatic offe~sive to conduct dialogue with Afr ican countr iea and thus break out of the prevailing state of diplomatic isolation it has brought upon itself. This offensive will not help solve SOuth Afr ica's internal problem. The solution must be found inside South Afr ica by conducting meaningful dialogue with genuine leaders of the whole spectrum in that country. ElSewhere in our continent we continue to be troubled by lack of progress in the search for a lasting solution to the question of Western Sahara. We continue to Uphold the pc inciple that the people of wastern sahara, like all other colClfiial peoples, are entitled to exercise their right to self-determination. In this regard, we col'llllend the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity COW) The question of the Comorian island of Mayotte will never cease to exercise our minds so 1009 as it remains unresolved. We therefore urge the French Republic and the Islamic Federal ltepublic of the Comoras to negotiate a peaceful settlement of the dispute. Cyprus remains a nagging issue here at the United Nations and in the Non-Aligned Movement: and the Commonwealth. We are adamant in our conviction that the solution to the prc~lems of this divided island lies in the cultivation of mutual confidence between the Greek and Turkish communities. The current bicol1l'llunal talks must therefore be encouraged so that they may succeed. We continue to call for the withdrawal of foreign troops, as that would contribute towards a peaoaful resolution of the dispute. We urge all ooncerned to co-operat.e with the Secretary-General in his untiring efforts to reach some accommdation. The international economic system continues to be a cause of concern. Economic growth decelerated in the Western industri....uzed countdes from 2.9 per cent in 1986 to 2.3 per cent in 1987. Because of their fear of h 19h rates of inflation such as were e~perienced in the early 1980s, those countries ref~ained from prcwiding the stimulus to their economies that would have maintained, or even accelerated, their rates of economic growth. The impact of th is economic sluggishness in the western industr ialized nations was felt in the developing countries, where the rate of economic growth slowed from 4 per cent in 1986 t.o 3.3 per cent in 1987. With the rate of population growth in many of the developing countries still in excess of 3 per cent per annum, this implies stagnation in the standards of living of the people. And even here it should be noted that most of the growth in the developing countries was cecorded in the newly industrializing countries of Asia. GrCAo:Jth in African countries as a group ei ther stagnated or WliS negative. For the developing countries the prices of primary exports rose slightly, for others the pr ices of exports remained depressed. The rapid increases in the pr ices of manufactured imports led to a serious deterioration in the terllB of trade for the developing countr lea and aggravated inflationary pressures within their economies. They experienced considerable strain on their foreign exchange reserves because of the inadequate purchasing power of their export earnings. The debt-service burden, in conjunction with the inadequate levels of export earnings, greatly constrained the resources available for developaent and resulted in less than satisfactory economic performance~ The issue of indebtedness hu attracted considerable attention recently, both at the internaticnal level and vi thin the African region. Some donor countries and financial institutions have undertaken to convert some loans to grants, extend some grace periods and II!ltud ties on outstanding debt and reschedule debt payments. These oonce13sions are expected to prOllide much-needed relief. The programme co-ordinated by the World Bank ie designed to ~cwide concesslonal ass!stcmce, on terms of the International Developnent Association (mA) type, to hellvily indebted lOA-eligible countries in Africa which are implemanting structural adjustment progr8!ll'iles. It is hoped that the benefits accruing from these developaents will not be offset by a further deterioration in the terms of trade or a reduction in Ctlrrent levels of resource trMsfers. As 1988 draws to a close, despite the many favOlJrable outcomes that have been recorded on the African and world economic fronts, there are various disturbing signs of accelerating inflation, rising interest rates, weakening conmodity market prices and graving protectionism in the industr lalized world that threaten to disrupt the modest gains that have been achieved. Last, but not least, my delegation welcomed at the outset the historic signing of the Treaty on the Elimination of Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - INF Treaty - and the ongoing negotiations on the reduction of strategic arsenals. That is concrete progress at the bilateral level. We hope that: the momentum will be maintained so as to yield fruitful results in the general question of disarmament. At the multilateral level, real progress towards disarmament remains elusive. This past May and June a special seasion of our Assembly, which had been expected to push us a little further along the road to disarmament, ended without achieving the desired results.. The failure of the special session to produce the desired results was discouraging, but it cannot and must not in any way signal the end of the disarmament effolt. we must continue to encourage the spirit of multilateraUsm. The scourge of terrorism is still with us - terrorism perpetrated against innocents by individuals, groups of individuals and some States. It is a scourge that no explanation can justi fy, and it must be condemned wlequivocally, regardless of its author. The typical imprint of what terrorism perpetrated by a State can do is there for all to see in the frCQ'lt-l1ne States of southern .Africa p the Middle East, tatin America and elsewhere where whole villages have been reduced to rubble and hundreds upon hundrediJ of graves of innocent victims of midnight co_ando raids and aerial bombardments dot the ravaged landscape like bales of hay. This is terror iSIl in every conceivable sense, and it must be condemned without equivocation. I end my statement as I start9d it, by Plying homage once more to this, ou!." United Nations, for t4h~t it stands for, to our Secl'etary-Gener~l for his 1I''lspiring and productive leadershipJ and to his staff for their selfless devotion to their intern~!'tion&l duty. Cur faith in this vital world institution remains strong and unstinted. It is our determination to preserve it, to strengthen it, to infuse it with a new sense of purpose and mission.* * The President returned to the Chair. Mr. Dante Caputo on his election as President, which is a well-deserved recognition of his personal qualities and record of great distinction in the service of his country and the internatimal community as well as a fitting tribute to the role and stature of Argentina in world aft 11rs. He brings to the presidency a wealth of wisdom and polt tical and diplo11i1 tic exper fence. we are confident he will make a decis ive oon tr ibution to the sucx:ess of our del iberations. I wish also to place on record our sincere appnlciation of Mr .. Peter Florin, who presided over the forty-second session with impartiality and great distinction. I should also like to take this opportunity to express my delegation'S gratitude and admiration to the secretary-General, Hr. Javier Pere:l: de Cuellar. In recent years this Organization has faced many challenges and daunting problems, including a clear retreat from multilateralism, which threatens its very viability. Qlt the secretary-General never wavered from his resolve to ensure that the Organization would play its rightful role. With patience and tenaei ty he prcwided the requisite leadership and successfully reversed this trend and restored the United Nations to the centre of the world stage. The secretary-General took initiatives to involve the United Nations in the resolution of many conflicts ranging from the Iran-Iraq war, to Afghanistan, the western Sahara and southern Africa, to mention just a few. The peace agreements mediated by the United Nations have given a er itical boost to the Organization's capacity to face the multiple challenges facing the world. They have resul ted in tha ren~wal of confidence and indeed of a realization that the United Nations is an irreplaceable multilateral forum 'for harmoniZing international actions to handle the global problems of our time. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping forces last month is testimony to this climate.* * The President returned to the Chair. 'lbday the international scene shows signs of improvement which offer us both challenges and opportunities. The relations between the super-Powers, which often have great impact on the international political environment, have relaxed. Ql the horizon we can see a faint outline of a peaceful world. The scientific and technological developments achieved, if well utilized, could help mankind to tame nature, conquer poverty and promte developnent. Yet amidst these enoouraging developments, the world continues to be plagued by a number of political and multifaceted economic crises. These dismal realities that still plague us and the dangerous anomalies existing in the present international situation serve as a warning to us that all is not yet well in spite of our optimism~ In South Africa, we have an oppressive system and a Government whose callousness and viciousness is unparalleled in human history both in its intensity and the length of time it has endured. The regime poses three major challenges to the international ootm\unity, namely, the independence and freedom of Namibia, apartheid in ,SOuth Africa and the destablization of the neighboaring African countr les. The right of a people to self-determination, sovereignty and independence is a fundamental rion-negotiable humen right and the universal quest of mankind. Regrettably, in Namibia this right contiriues to be trampled on by South Africa in ar,rogant defiance of the international community and the United Nations~ It is now 22 yea~s since South Afr ica 's mandate over Namibia was terminated. The adoption by the Security Council of resolution 435 (1978), which contained the only universally agreed plan for the independence of tlamibia and which was sponsored by the Contact Group of five, gave us hope at the time that the independence of Namibia was il'llllinent. Resolution 435 (1978), hOt/ever, remains unimplemented. Right from the onset, the implementation of the United Nations Plan was unde~minedv frustrated and scuttled by South Africa's intransigence and duplicity. The South African regime batched one pretext after another, as it carried out provocation after provocation against the neighbouring States to create ostensible excuses to remain in Namibia and ignore the obligations it had undertaken to abide by resolution 435 (1978). Successive attempts to finalize arrangements for the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assista.,ce Grouop (UNTAG) in Namibia have since then been blocked by South Africa's oontinuing to hold Namibia's independence hostage to linkage vi th the extraneous issue of the presence of Cuban troops in Angola. The question of Namibia is essentially a decolQ1ization problem, whereas the presence of Cuban troops in Angola is purely a bilateral arrangement, legitimately entered into between Angola and Cuba under Article 51 of the Charter. Angolan and Cuban troops have never crossed O'ler to South Africa. On the contrary, it is South Afr iean forces which invaded the southern part of Angola and for a long time occupied that tsuitory. It was in the first instance due to this invasion and occupation by the South African army that Angola had to seek the assistance of Cuba. It is, therefore, ridiculous to put the victim in the dock, or to equate him with the aggressor, or to demand that the victim must not be entitled to seek assistance in self-defence for its survival. The Gene!:al Assembly, in its numerous decisions, and the seoul'ity Council in resolution 566 (1985), categorically rejected the linkage concept. Yet even at this time, linkage continues to be propagated both expressly and implicitly as a pretext to slow down the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group and deny the Namibian people their independence. In his report the secretary-General struck a note of optimism in regard to the current talks on Angola and Namibia when he stated: "There has been an improvement in prospects for the independence of Namibia. Recent diplomatic activity has made a significant contribution to the peace process in southern Africa, which should facilitate a settlement in Namibia \l1ithout further delay. The date of 1 November 1988 . ')S been recommended fo~ beginning the implementation of security Council resolution 435 (1978). In the light of these develoments, the Secretariat has undertaken a review of its contingency plans in order to hold itself in readiness for the timely emplacement of the United Nations Transition Group in Namibia. It is my hope that current efforts will finally succeed in br ingin9 independence to the people of Nambia." (A/43/l, p. 3) My delegation welcomes the report in the hope that this time the parties involved, in particular South Africa, are taking the secretary-General seriously and are not giving him and, through him, the entire international community, false expectations. Caution here is necessary, given the past conduct of the South African racist regime, which once raised the hopes of the international community only to have them suddenly dashed. This was the case at about this time o~ the year in 1980, when presidential elections in the host country, a member of the Contact Group of Five, were about to take place. As the pre-implementation talks of February 1981 de~nstrated, South Africa's promise to begin the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) turned out to be a hoax. It is our sincere hope that we are not being made the victims of yet another hoax, but that we are about to witness the emplacement of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) as the beginning of the complete and immediate de colon iz a tion 0 f Namib ia • Much as we would like to be optimistic about Namibia's independence, we must realize that the whole South African problem derives from apartheid. We continue to witness the South African regime's hostility towards its neighbours, and to wonder whether the apartheid regime will allow Namibia to be truly independent. It is our view that the international oommunity, the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) and its allies should guard against the challenge in the 1 ikely event that the apartheid regime again pulls the rug from under us. 'lb this end my delegation fully endorses the efforts of the Secretary-General to set a well-manned UNTAG in place in Namibia, and urges the international oornmunity to support all necessary steps aimed at guaranteeing the sovereignty and viability of independen t Namib ia. Namibia is a unique responsibility of the United Nations. It is therefore imperative that any negotiations regarding the implementation of resolution 435 (1978) should be within the framework of the United Nations. It is equally important that SWAPO, as the legitimate representative of the Namibian people, should be directly involved in such talk s. In South Africa itself the people continue to suffer under the inhuman practices of racism, repression, deprivation and State terrorism. Ebr the last three years the South African regime has stepped up terror. South Africa is under a state of emergency which in effect amounts to martial law intended to muzzle the press, escalate arbitrary mass arrests, carry out detentions without trial, torture and the killing of many innocent South Africans, including women and children. However ~ the nuch-tou ted mili tary superiority of the racis t regime is clearly under serious challenge and stress. We have seen for the first time whites revolting against conscription into the south African Defence Force. Draft evasion among whites has reached a level that has begun to worry the Pretor ia regime. R!cently, the leaders of 143 draft evaders declared their determination to stand firm aCjainst compulsory military service and identified the South African Defenca Force as the linchpin of ti~a system of apartheid. They realize that serving in the South Afr iean Defence Force is not the way to oontr ibute to peace in thair country and the region as a tClole. The DJtch Reformed Church which gave apartheid its philosophical underpinning has been forced to disavow the system as being incompatible with Christian beliefs and morality. The increased divisions within the AfrikaneZ' establishment in South Africa are a manifestation of the continued success of the liberation struggle. The racist regime is at war with its own people. Ne are often warned that if the South Africans continue to fight this war of resistance, the South African apartheid regil'Ge "will cootinue its descent into a siege mentality and become a garrisa. state in which all South Africans will be losera". Of course there is a price to pay for freedan. The Charter of the thited Nations was booght for such a pric..:e. People in the whole world, ihcluding those who didn't know exactly what W&S at stake, .ware mobilized to fight the second World war. The lC4S and human suffer ing were great .but the ultimate achievements were worth tha resistance. In South Africa, however, we are told this is different; even m mention sanctions 13 taboo. 'rhe international oonmunity can no latger stand by and let the SOuth Afr iean racist regime, directly or through its surrogates, cootinue to commit acts of aggression and economic sabotage against r'leighbour ing States i with the clear intent of intimidating them into perpetual subordina tialo My delega tiQ'l takes this opportunity to put al reoord Uganda's appreciation of the front-line States for the immense sacrifice they caltinue to make in the struggle against !j?!rtheid. We appeal to the international ootm\unity to increase economic support for the Southern African Development Co-ordination Calference (SADCC). The conflict occasioned by apartheid has given rise to a tragedy of enormous proportions resulting in a massive displacement and exodus of people as refugees. UNICEF in its report entitled, "ChUcken on the Frontline - the impact of apartheid, destabUization and warfare Q1 the chUdren in southern and SOuth Africa" chrCl'licled and portl'ayed this grim reality. This August in Oslo, Norway, an internatialal conference was convened to address this very problem. we are very appreciative of those who have provided relief assistance to the refugees and displaced persons. However, this assistance can Cl'lly be ~ palliative~ as long as apartheid remains, the tragedy will continue to unfold. Our obligation is to [Xlt an end to this crime against humanity. The fortieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is a timely reminder that the apartheid system is the very essence of the practices against which the Declaration was directed. That such a system flourishes in our midst is a strong indictment of all those who, through their actions or omissions, have contr ibuted to its surviva1. It is SO years since that infannus ftmich conference where, in face of the danger posed hy the Naz is to the rest of thr world, a fragile peace agreement was signed in 1936 in order to appease Hitler. It turned out to be a OJstly mistake and the price paid was the Secood Wodd War. The lesson learned then was that it «bes not pay to appease a bully or, more so, a group which bel ieves in the idea of a superior race. It is instructive to note that when the world realized the danger the Hitler regime posed, it took up arms against that sea of troubles and by opposing it, ended it. The apartheid regime in South Afr iea poses a precisely similar danger and calls for concerted action by the international community. We smmit that apartheid cannot be reformed\ it must be dismantled. The conduct of the Pretoria regime wi thin SOUth Africa, as well as in Namibia, and its acts of aggression against the front-line States clearly fall within the purview of Article 39 of the Charter. The imposition of comprehensive mandatory sanctions is clearly an imperative and it may be the only peaceful way left to eradicate apartheid. We welcome the positive develop\ents in another cr is is area in Aft iea, namely, western Sahara. The pE.oace Agreement which both Morocco and POLISARIO have accepted should pave the way to ending a situation which is fraught with mnflict and thus complete the pcocess of the decolooization of Western Sahara. We h!lil the efforts of the Secretary-General and the Organization of Afr ican Unity (OAD) in this regard. We call on the internaticmal community to support the Secretary-General and the OAD in implementing the 1lgreement. We also welmme the accord and normalization of relations between Ethiopia and Somalia, on the ale hand, and between the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Chad g on the other. These are indeed positive developnents in our region. we equally welcome the cease-fire and the silencing of the guns between Iran and Iraq. The war has exacted a hecivy toil on the lives and resources of the two countries. The task of reconciliation is enormous. we urge the parties to ensure that the truce holds and that they move speedily to the implementation of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). Uganda remains concerne:d wi th regard to the si tUlltion in the Middle East. The people of Palestine continue to languish without a homeland of their CMn. In flagrant defiance of the international community, Israel cootinues to consolidate its hold on the occupied Arab territories. The people of Palestine, in the face of oppressive measures by Israel, refuse to be cowed. They have cootinued to fight against and challenge the occupation. The uprising& that have been going on since Decentler 1987 are clear testimony to their resolve to defend their inalienable rights. Instead of heeding the call of the international oonmunity to vacate the occupied Arab territories, Israel has chosen to respond with bruti:tl force. All this constitutes a sad chapter in the seemingly endless tragedy of the Palestinian people. Israel needs no reminder that General Assenbly resolution 181 11, which set up the State of Israel, also set up a Palestinian Arab State. The United Nations has a duty to implement that resolution. As always, Uganda calls for Israel's unoondi tional withdrawal from the Palestinian and Arab territories occupied since 1967, including Jerusalem. The people of Palesti.ne, under the leadership of the Palestine Liberation Organization Q their sole and authentic representative, have an inalienable right to self-determination and to an independent State of Palestine. I wish to stress our cont:lnued support for General Assenbly resolution 38/58 C which calls for the early convening of the International Cooference on the Middle East. we are convinced that such a conference would provide a unique opportunity and platform for the achievement of a just and lasting solution of the crisis. wi th regard to Afghanistan, Uganda welcomes the Geneva Agreements, which offer the Afghan people an opportunity to resolve their problems. All the parties concerned ought scrupulously to abide by the prOV'isions of the Agreements. We are likewise encouraged by developments in Kampuchea, where one can discern a movement towards resolving the conflict by peaceful means. OUr postHen w! th regard to the division of Korea has never changed. we fully support thQ aspirations of the people of that divided country for peaceful remific:ation without outside interference. We have also been encouraged by the Secretary-Ganeral's report 00 the question of ~prus, in which he indiaates that there are good prospecto for success in the interoolllllunal talks. I wish to reiterate Uganda's continued support for the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Cyprus. With regard to Central America, we believe that the Arias plan contained in the Guatemala agreement of la.!Jt year, prcwides a bas is for the resolution of the conflict in that region. The people of the region should be left to negotiate the solution of their problems without outside interference or intimidation. The sovereignty and independence of ead'l country in the region must be respected. Q'le Co" the most pressing issues of our time is the prevention of war, particularly a war involving the use of nuclear weapons. Rlcler weapons pose a danger to all countries since there can be no sanctuary for any State in the case of nuclear fall...out. Therefore the calls for general disarma1llent and for the elimination of nuclear weapons remain issues of great importance to all countries. There have been promising developnent9 over the past year. Perhaps the most significant development in this area is the Treaty between the United States of Amer iea and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles - the INF Treaty. The agreement was reached aftet over a decade of dangerous tension in super-POIIer relations, which had rendered our planet a more dangerous place. we therefore welcome and applaUd th is agr eement. However, we must caution that the IMF Treaty, has only a small quntitative effect on the nuclear threat. The nuni>er of weapons to be eliminated by both sides is less than 5 per cent of the total number of nuclear weBl(X)ns deployed. The main significance of the Treaty is not mili tarY$ rather it represents a substantial concession on t..'le politioal and strategic postures of the two supei:-PcMers. If the Treaty is to fulfil its significant historic meani1l9, it should prO\'ide a spr ingboard for more bilateral and multilateral negotiations and for the iJlprcwement of world secI.arity. It is imperative to pursue negotiations for the gracl1al re&.lction of strategic weCltJ)nB and ensure the ~evention of an arms race in space. asclear disaruNenf: and conventiona1.. weapons disarlll&lIICilnt are oollp!ementary aspects of the ClbjecU.vla of general and CC'JIIplete disarmailent. The global prevalence of conventional weapons, the high incidence of their use since the second Wodd War, coupl.ed wi th the demands they make on the resourcea of developing countries, require ur~!nt action to curb them. At the regional level. we can create the necessary cHlMte for the reduction of conventional WMponS by adopting appropriate confidence-building measures. We had hoped tbat the third spedal session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament would agree on a progfUIDe that would accelerate the linlllentum of the disarmament process. Regrettably, at that session the Assembly was not able to agree on a final document. That should not, however, detEr us from m&king further efforts inasMUch as there was agreemant on many issues. we, in Africa, have opted for a nuclear-free zone Mad most of our countries are States parties to the Treaty Oi\ the Non-Proliferation of I'1clear weapons. But our efforts to that end have been frustrated by the continued nuclear col1J9boration between the racist regille of SOuth Africa, Israel and certain nuclear countrle~. South. Africa has admitted pUblicly that it is now capable of producing nuclear weapons. As I have had the occasion to state before, collaborating with South Africa in this regard is indefensible. We believe that nuclear energy should be used for peaceful purposes only. We therefore continue to hope that the International Atomic Energy Agency and the Economic Commission for Africa will join with th~ Organization of Afr ican Unity in facilitating the holding of the seminar on this subject planned to take place in uganda next year. The manufacture, supply and use of chemical weapons is, in our view, Cl criminal offence and a violation of fundamental human rights, particularly the right to life. Those weapons kill indiscriminately. We urge all the Members of this Organization, indiVidually and collectively, to adopt concrete measures to ban the production, supply and use of those deadly weapons. For a con6iderable period of time, toxic waste, including nuclear wast~. produced in the industrialiZed countries, has been dumped in developing countries. We, in Africa, refuse to accept that our continent be used as a cesspool for this dangerous indlstrial garbage. We support the enactment of a convention to make such dumping an international crime. Those who engage, collaborate or conspire in this practice should be condemned and punished. It should by now be self-evident that disarmament is inextricably linked wi th developmento It is a sad commentary on our times that we live in a world that spends over S1 tr 111100 a year on armaments. That allOunt is equivalent to the total indebtedness of the developing countries with its attendant deprivQtion and misery. That the resources of the world are being used to destroy rather than to improve the welfare of mank ind is an eloquent summary of human folly. It is our hope that the recent re1aQtion of tension will usher in a per iod in which those resources will be diverted to develo[Jllent. The contours of the world political landscape seem to have changed for the better cv,"r the past year in total contrast to the picture "'i th regard to the economic situation. Th!! international economic systell remains inherently iniqui tous 0 (Mr. SselllOgerere, Uganda) The grim reality is that the present world structure preserves and perpetuates the oasis of pr ivilege and affluence in the desert of dearth and depr ivation. It is a situation that causes concern and has grave implications for the future. The developing countr ies continue to be confronted with harsh circumstances. They are faced wi th an astronomical debt burden, the contraction of world trade and deteriorating terms of trade. Most developing countr ies have hitherto relied on the export of pr inuu:y comllOdities for their income. But aJer the last 10 years prices of these products have continued to decline and have now airnost collapsed. Yet the prices of imp:>rts of manufactured goods from industrialized countries, required as production inputs, continue to escalate. The net effect is a scandalous net outflow of resources from the impoverished SOUth to the affluent North resulting in further balanoe-of-payments di fficul ties, unfavour able terms of tr ade and the inescapable resort to borrowing from the North. Those of us from the South should also take s.~riou~ note of the fact that as long as the Nor th continues to fi x the pr ices of our products as well as the prices of their products the sea of poverty, hunger, disease and malnutrition is likely to continue to enlarge. It is therefore incumbent upon us to unite for existence. We can no longer tolerate a situation where the reward for the hard work of our people is hunC]er. To address the problem, developing countries have been asked by the North and its financial institutions to undertake structural adjustment measures. The measures they have been forced to take are severe. They adversely affect their developnent pros~cts. In the face of the harsh economic environment, Governments have to face the social and political tension arising therefrom. These measures have not yielded the desired results. They are, moreover, frustrated by increased protectionism in the developed countries, sharply reduced returns from our export commodity earnings and b~e ever-mounting debt trap. This is a critical economic situation in Africa. When the thirteenth special session of the General Assembly adopted the United Nations Programme of Action for African Economic Recovery and Development 1986-1990, ther~ wer9 great expectations as to the impact of the progr&llllle. But to date the economic situation in Africa continues to deteriorate despite the economic reform efforts that have been undertaken at heavy social and political cost. -. Available financial resources cQntinue to be insufficient to ensure sustained economic recovery and growth in our continent. i' The inappropriately designed and extarnally driven 'short~term stabilization/structural adjustmant progra.'lIIles have become the hallmark of internationally supported reforms in Africa. Meanwhile, net resource outflows from Afr ica have increased due to the interrelated problems of dealing with export earnings, diminishing real resource inflows, and the crippling debt-servicing burden. We are now witnessing the ugly indicators of the scourge of reduced investment in the social sectors, Cl substantial fall in school enrolment, especially at the pr imary level, combined with Cl sharp increase in the brain drain, the highest incidence of infant mortality in the world and countless millions of lives at risk du,e to the re-emergence of diseases 1al9 thought to be extinct. Indeed, in the absence of positive economic growth, adjustment programmes in Africa hwe become politically inexplicable, socially unacceptable and economically unattainable. For Africa or any other developing region, it is inve-rted logic and inadmissible ptactice to sacrifice real long-term development and prosperity to theoretically perceived short-term and short~l!ved macro-balances. While the role of market forces in the efficient allocation of resources is critical, ideologically based policy generalizations distort reality and should never be allowed to influence the direction of economic reforms. We believe that for the long-term structural ~ransformationof Africa the need for viable alternatives to the traditional adjustment must be addressed. !b build viable (~onomies in our continent it is imperative to base such growth on the transfer of science and technology, reliance on favourable trading arrangements, the effective deepening of subregional and regional economic integration, and establishing the supremacy of the human being in economic developnent. At $200 billion, Africa's outstanding debt looks relatively small compared to the estimated 81.2 trillion total debt stock of developing countries. Africa's average debt-service ratio, however, estimated at 60 per cent average, exceeds 100 per cent for a number of countr ies. In December 1987, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) extraordinary summit meeting set out a common position on specific measures and modalities for tackling the Afr iean debt problem, within the framework of an integrated and co-operative development-oriented strategy, based on a dialogue of co-operation and shared responsibilities. We hope that the creditors and the international community as a whole will give the necessary support to the African initiative for a North-South dialogue on all pressing issues. we should carefully restructure our trade and financial linkages so that our own markets can act as a motor for our own development. We are therefore encouraged by the global system of trade preferences scheme which has been adopted by the non-aligned countries and the initiatives being undertaken by the South Commission. In our. own sUbregion of eastern and southern Africa the preferential trade area has deliberately embarked on the path of regional economic co-operation to this end. The United Nations has a vital role to play in the world of tomorrow. It should therefore be strengthened for this purpose. We accept reforms where these a~e intended to achieve the rationalization and better use of resources. Memer States of the Organization should, however, be on guard to see that reform is not used to weaken the Organization, or to challenge and compromise the multilateral role assigned to it by the Charter. In his report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General has eloquently cautioned:, "For a country, large or small, to turn its back, to whatever extent, on the United Nations would be to surrender a good part of its actual or petential infl uence. To fcllcu a two-track policy - a t one level, to owe alleglance to the Charter and, at the other, to seek to marginal ize the Uni ted Nations - would be to act contrary to the goal of harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of their common ends." (A/43/l, p. 8) As we mark the fortieth anniversary of that immutable Universal Declaration of Human Rights, we commend the Secretary-General for his efforts in prollDting human rights through the creation of advisory services which Governments, inclUding that of Uganda, have taken advantage of" It is important to remind ourselves that a cardinal objective of the United Nations spelt out in the Charter is to e~sure the full enjoyment of fundamental human rights, the respect, dignity and worth of the h';1lMn person and the prol1Otion of social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom. The Declaration proclaims in Article 25(1), "Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood f old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control." Article 28 furth~r states: "Everyone is entitled to Cl social and internation&l order in which the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration can be fUlly realized." As we prepare to enter the next milleniwn, the fulfilment of these objecf"ives remains the challenge facing us in the next decade. It is imperative for us to ponder whether we shall bequeath to coming generations an international order that guarantees the total fulfilment of the rights proclaimed, in their entirety. The perpetua tion of underdevelopment leads to lack of job opportuni ties, to poverty, disease and social de pr ivation. That situation becomes a breeding ground for dictators, for conflicts and wars and for violations of human rights. It is at this stage that the international cX)Jmnunity starts to deal with the symptoms - refugees, famine relief, and so on. The whole scene becomes a tragicomedy in which the poor keep chasing the mirage called developnent. The United Na tions is currently formulating Cl development strategy fer the 1990s. It is imperative that that strategy be people-or ient-ed. It should aim at bringing about development with a human face and the international order envisaged by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We maintain that the right to development is a fundamental human right. we should not construct the edifice of the world of tomorrow iI~ such a way that we end up with a fftw people moving tow8J:ds a post-industrial revolution while the OITe~whelming II&jority remain trapped in a state of underdevelopnent and poverty. Such a configuration would be a recipe for perpetual insecurity, for a world without peace. That is the challenge to the U~ited Nations. ADDRESS BY SIR ANEROOD JUQlAUTH, PRIME MINISTER OF ftllWRITnJS
The Assenbly will now hear
an address by the Prime Minister of Mauritius.
Sir Ane"~d Jugnau th, Prime Minis ter of Maud Hus, was escor ted to the ros trUI'll.
I have great pleasure in
welcoming the Prime Minister of Mauritius, Sir Anerood Jugnaut.h, and inviting him
to address the General Assembly.
congratulationa on ~a:iur election ~s President of the forty-third session of the
General Asselllbly. Your outstanding personal qualities and your vast experience in
the field of diplomaCi will be a QUarantee of success in the deliberations of the
Auelllbly's session.
I also wish to express the appreciation of the Government of Mauritius for the
outstanding work performed by Mr. Peter Florin, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs
of ~e GerllM Democratic Republic, the outgoing Presd<tlent of the Assembly.
Ris E1ccellency Mr. Javier Perez de Cuelllilr desorves spec1,,:l1 mention for his
devotion in p.lrsuit of the goals and objectivEC":i of the United NatiOilS. Despite the
runy hurdles in his path, he has succeeded in bringing to the negotiating table
yesterday's antagonists and adYersar ies, and they are now talk ing about finding
eolutions to !ntractable problems. M'ly we assure him of our unstinting support in
th& exacting tasks that confront him.
Mr. President, it is with great pleasure that, on behalf of the people and the
Governraent of Mauritius, I =ongratulate, through you, the United Nations
poace-keeping force on being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. For decades ~ the blue
hel_ts of the peace-keeping forces have been seen throughout tha world, patrolling
the II03t varied of conflicts. As the tbbel Prize citation states~
-The peace-keeping forces of the Uni ted Na tions have, under extremely
diffic.ult corditions, contributed to E'l!&icing tension where an armistice has
been neC)!)tia b!d but a peace treaty hNl yet to be establ ished."
The Peaet Prize is also a tr ibut~.:! to you, Mr. President, to the secretary-General,
~. Peru deCuellar, and to the United Nations family as a whole.
Earlier t."t. year, the third special session of the General AssemDly devoted
to diauMaent tackled the problem facing mankind. Although it was not possible to
.cbllt a docuunt in its final mrm, yet we were unan imous in grasping the major
military, socia1~ economic and other fields should not stand in the way of closer
internaticnal CO-oFeration fol:' peace and security. The entire disarmament process
would be facilitated through a positive approach and greater openness and
tr anspareney in m1Utary 11Bt ters •
Nuclear weapons today consti tute the greatest menace to th~ existenca of man.
Therefore, our nain concern is the avoidance of nuclear holocaust. At the special
session there was a beginning of consensus on pr ior ity issues relating to chemical
weapons, to verification and to the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. We hope
that further progress will be made in future discussions of those vital issues.
The special session welt."Omed the existing nuclear-weapon-free zones and
debated the ereation of new zones.. The Ad Hoc Conmittee on the Indian Cl:ean
concluded its second and last session of 1988 on 22 July. At the conclusion of the
Ad Hoc Conmittee's wor~ Q'l the Indian Ck:ean the Chairman of the Ad Hoc COlmlittee,
Anbassador raya Perera of Sri Lanke, expressed the view that the members would have
the political will to convene the conference at Colombo in 1990 t at the latest. We
whoteheartedly share that view. I am confident that the meni>ers of the Ad Hoc
Conmittee will have meaningful discussions wring the two preparatory meetings
scheduled in 1989 so that the 1C11g-overdue conference is finally convened. My
de,legation will give its full support to the Ad Hoc COlll1littee in its work, as we in
Mauri tius are deeply concerned wi th the demili tar iza tion of the Indian OCean.
We have on previous oooasions spoken on the vast amount of resources being
spent on armaments, especially on conventiooal arms and forces. we are strongly in
favour of the action progral\1'Re charted by the international Conference on the
Rela tionship Between D1sarmament and Development. A global process of disarmament
leading to a substan tial redJetion in mil itary expend! ture is bound to release
moh-needed resources to proilDte the prosper! ty of all na tions. Lasting peace is
expenditure on armaments.
I should also like to say that M:luritius supports the stand of His Excellency
Shri Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Minister of the Republic of India, enunciated in his
address on 9 June 1988 to the th ird special session of the General Asserrbly devoted
to disarmament.
In clear violation of the principles of the United Nations the island of Diego
Garcia, along wi th the Chagos Archipelago, was detached fran Mauri tius by Bri tain
pr ior to our independence in 1968. The island of Diego Garcia was ceded by Br ita in
to the uni ted States of America, which transformed it into a mili t2lr~:' ':»ase. The
inhabitants of the island were sunmar ily relocated to Maur itius. The key strategic
role now assumed by Diego Garcia has brought the nuclear per 11 right into the heart
of the Indian Q:ean. We are determined never to give up our claim over Diego
Garcia. Wi th the support of other Indian Ocean Sta tes, we shall continue to
mobilize international opinion for the restitution of the island to Mauritius. We
are thankful. to the States melTbers of the Organization of African unity and the
Non-Aligned ~vement, as well as other friendly countries, for their continued
support of our just claim.
It grieves me to refer again to the sad plight of our brothers and sisters in
SOuth Africa, who have beer. denied their fundamental rights and have lived far too
long under a regime of murder and terrae. Despi te the effor ts of the Uni ted
Ha tiens, over four decades, to br ing to an end th is abominable form of racism,
apartheid remins in force. Repeated calls have been mde on the South African
Government to (X)mply with the resolutions of the United Nations, but to no avail.
The resolutions calling for the unconditiooal release of Nelsoo Mandela and all
other political prisoners, the elimination of apartheid, and the establishment of a
free, uni ted and del1Dcra tic society in South Africa based on universal suffrage,
continue to be flouted by the racist regime. My Government has systematically
condenned the policy of apartheid. we consider that there can be no peace and
security in SOuth Africa until apartheid has been dismantled. Let it also be said
that the racist regime of South Africa continues, unabated, its policy of external
aggression and the destabUization of neighbour ing froot-lino States, in defiance
of repea ted coodenna tion and the enforcement of sanctions.
The policy of aE!rthei~ has affected not only the oppressad people of South
Africa but also the Namibian PeOple, who continue to suffer through the illegal
occupation of their (X)untry. It is now more than 22 years since the General
Assenbly terminated South Africa's mandate ewer Namibia and created the thited
Nations Council for Namibia to administer the Territory and prepare it for
independence. The SOUth African Gcwernment has used delaying tactics to block the
implementation of the United Nations Plan for the Independence of Namibia,
contained in Security Council resolution 435 (1978).
We have always supported the South west Africa People's Organization (SWAPO)
in its struggle for the 1 ibera tion of its homeland. we shall continue to do so
until the country is ultimately free. we sincerely hope that the positive talks
between South Africa, Angola, Cuba and the Oti ted Statea of Ameriea will yield the
desired results, so that the United Nations will be able, in the very near future,
to welcome to its midst the independent and sovereign State of Namibia.
The lessening of tension in souther.n Africa will enable the international
community to tackle another crucial problem of the region, which concerns some
six million refugees. In this context we colllllend the initiative of the recent
International Conference on the Plight of Refugees, Returnees and Displaced Persons
in South Afr iea (SARRJiD) for its plan of action towards reconstruction and
rehabilitation measures in a region despoiled by 13 years of war.
I wish new to set tho record straigbt regarding the pol icy of Maur i tius
towards the racist regime of South Africa. It is indeed wi th sorrow. and nuch anger
that I have to denounce a systematic campaign of disinfo~mation about Maur itius and
its links with SC:Ji:h Africa. This campaign has been ordlestrated by international
vested interests, "hieb feel threatened by the ecx>nomic success of [-:aur itius, and
by jealous ~ ivals "lable to emula te the Mauri tian miracle~ The aim of the campaign
has been to equate Mauritius's success to her links with South Africa, and to stick
the label ·sanctions buster ll on Mauri tius.
I "lOuld like to take this opportunity to set the picture straight. Under
British c0100ial rule, administrative and eCQ10mic links tied Mauritius with SOUth
Afr iea. Geogr aph ically, SOuth Afr iea is the cloees t mainland to our island.
However, since my Government assumed office in 1983, links with SOUth Africa, which
in any case were limited, have been diminishing as we have actively been seeking
al terna tive sources and markets.
In 1982 Maur itius 's Cbmestic exports and re-exports to South Afr iea amounted
to 0.76 per cent of i t..~ total world exper ts, and by 1987 they had droppad to
0.41 per cent. OUr imports from South Afr lea in 1981 represented 9.6 per cent of
our total. imports world-wide) in 1987 they represented ally 8.3 per cent.
Investment from South Africa in 1987 was 1.27 per cent of total foreign
investment. ~ly 0.7 per cent of total investment in our export processing Zale is
South African, 60 per cent being Mauritian. We have diversified our sources of
tourists so that, from 22.6 per cent in 1984, the South African element fell to
14.7 per cent of total tourist arrivals.
Mauritius has a very fragile econolllY - being a small island State with no
mineral resources, and being distant from markets and IIBin sea routes. Despi te
these constraints, my (bverlUlent, supported by the people of Mauritius, is, I
repeat, actively diversi fying away fran SOU th Africa, in accordance wi th our
collll'llitments to the United Nations, the COll\\\Onwealth and the Organization of African
unity.
The question of Palestine has remained al the agenda of the General Assembly
since the founding of the United Hlltions, and still defie3 at just anC] equitable
solution. Such a solution can only be found within the framework of a
canprehensive settlement of the Middle 1i',lSt situation, based on Israel's total
withdrawal from all tile territories occupied since 1967 and the restoration of all
the rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to return to their
homeland, the r igb t to self-determination and the r i9ht to establish their own
independent and 8011e1'eign State al their national territory. we therefore SUpp01't
the speedy convening of an inbarnational peace conference on the Middle East, with
the participation of all parties calcerned, including the Palestine Liberation
Organization (PLO), the sole and legitimate representative of the Pale13tinian
people.
:-Iy Q)vernment rejoices that both I raq and Iran have agreed to 90 to the
neCJOtiating table, thanks to the persevering efforts and diplommtic finesse
displayed by the Qli ted Hations SecretarY-General and his tireless staff ~ we pray
that the efforts of the SecretarY-General will pave the way for a peaceful
settlement in that war-torn and ravaged area.
We also welco_ the effor ts of the countr ies _lIlber s of the Association of
South-East Asian N!ltions (MEAN) in their qUest for a canprehensive political
settlement to the preble. of KallpUchea. All foreign intervention and military
occupation should be brought to an end wi thout fur ther delay. The incessant flow
of refugees from that country has created tensions and security proble_ in
neighbouring States. The recent Jakarta informal i1leeting, held in the city of
Bogor from 25 to 28 Jely 1988, is no doubt a st&rting-point for a peace 1,X'0000se
that can lead to the restoration of the sovereign, independent, and neutral and non-aligned status of KampuchH.
Ne welcolle the recent Geneva Agreements as a .jor step towards the
restoration of peace in Afghanistan. This is an achievement that must be creelited
to the Qlited NatiOllB and especially to its Secretary-General. I pay a tribute
also to the understanding shown by the United States of America and the Union of
So?iet SOcialist Republics.
The Iorflln people &r~ also eagerly awaiting the peaceful reunification of
their coWltry. We hope that through dialQgue the people of Korea, both North and
South, will soon join the rest of the international oolllllunity in the United Nations.
on the subject of hU!Mn rights, my GoIvernment views wi th great ccncern the
instances of violation of human and democratic rights, the enactment of the
coercive internal security decree, and abcwe all the syst&lIlItic harassment of an
ethnic group in Fiji. We appeal for the immediate restora.tion of the pcocess of
naticnal recClncll laticn. let the GcwernmE.-nt of Fiji show that it is I10tivated by a
sense of fair play and universel justice and by tolerance and harmony.
Similarly, we hope that reason will·pcevaU and that tensions in such troubled
areas as Cyprus, Lebancn and Central America will give way to peace and stability.
For nearly ten years now the wcxld eccnOlDY has stagnated, causing the slowing
down and reversal of develoPllent, high lBlemployment and gruesome poverty. World
trade is dominated by sharp currency fluctuations, trade in~alances between the
major market economies and the debt-burdened developing countr ies. The 1988
.!!2tld Eccnolllic Survey prepared by the United Nations has f~ecast that growth is
expected to fall in 1989. The SUrvey goes on m say that, while economic growth
among developing countries varied greatly last year, affected by foreign debt,
di!creasing overseas earnings and difficulties in orienting policies towards
eccnoraic: stability, gr~th slowed down for the developing countries, IIIClStly in
Afr.ica and Latin A"llerica, where per capita output ia continuing to fall.
~ OCwernlllent supports the call by the Heeds of State or Government of the
seven _jor incl1strial nations and the President of the Corrmission of the. &1ropean
COCIfltDlties at the recent Toronto economic summit, for relief for developing
countr lee whose ec»nomic growth is paralysed by external debt. In 1987, the amount
transferred to f«eign creditors alx'oad in interest and repayments outpaced new
lending and absorbed resources needed for domestic inves.tments. Several countries
baoa accumulated Siignificant arrears to official creditors. The International
Monetary Fund (DIP') alone was owed $2 billion in 1987.
The performance of developing comtries is important to the world ecooomy.
Central to the prospects of the developing countr les are a healthy global
environment and an open trading system, adequate financial flows and also their
co_itment to appropr iate economic reforms. The problems of many heavily indebted
deYeloping countries are a cause of economic and political Calcern and can be a
threat to political stability in the developing countr ie8 themselves. Many
indebted countries have begun the difficult process of macro-economic adjustment
and structural reform necessary for sustained progress. My Government urges an
increase in concessional resource flows to help the poorest developing countries
resume sustained growth, especially in cases where it is extremely difficult for
them to service their debts. Protectionist measures, particularly in large
developed countries, should be remcwed without delay so that a more favourable
environment can be buUt for accelerated growth in international trade.
A large number of States of Africa, Latin Ame: lea and Asia are still burdened
wi th the p:oblem of debt. The recent disorders in the stock exd'lange, ti1ich have
resulted in sudden lCl8ses much IIDre substantial that the total debt ClClCumulated
OI7er the years by African countries, have revealed the vulnerability of even the
most power fu! economies. It is indeed paradoxical and anomalous that Afr ican
States, which are endowed wi th a weal th of human, natural, spiritual and material
resources, should, after two or three decades of independence, have turned into an
exporter of capi tal and human technology, into importers of foreign expertise, of
inappropriate technology or food they can produce, of goods that are meant to
satisfy ai:'tificial needs created from abroad~ in a word, that they should nave
turned into importers of catastrophies and frustration.
The international community has a great responsibility in contributing to the
solution of our debt crisis. The debt-distressed countries that are most severely
handicapped should receive special attention and should be the object of special
measures of a concessional nature, of an increased flCM of resources, and of
reduced interest rates. It is also important that the praiseworthy example of
donor countries which have writt~n off public loans or converted them into grants
should be more widely followed. At the same time, th ere is a need to ens ure tha t
solutions to the debt er isis cb not reinforce the political, economic and
technological dependence of the affected countries.
We support the reoormnendations in the report of the W;)rld COllll'lissior. on
Environment and Development, which was so ably chaired by Gro Harlem Brundtland,
Prime Minister of Norway. Threats to the enviraunent recognize no boundar ies.
International co:-operation among all countries is reqUired if we are to return to Cl
healthy environment. Urgent action is needed to save the world from a global
climatic change, from air, sea and fresh-water pollution, from acid rain, hazardous
SUbstances, deforestation and toxic waste.
Mauritius deplores the actions of several unscrupu~ous companies which have
tr ied to obtain facilities for dumping toxic industr ial wastes in var ious Afr ican
States. The States involved are for the most part western African States whose
Governments have no separate p:>rtfolio for environmental affairs.
It is' a matter of great Ca1cern, and not only 00 humanitarian grounds~ it is
not· a ques tion of a tr ade-off between growth arid developmen t on th e one hand and
environmental issues on the.other. It has to be seen in its true context, that is
to say, as being as urgent as problems of chronic indebtedness and food scarcities,
.i f not more so. The presence of radio-active and other toxic wastes on African
soil is definitely detr imental to future developnent prograll1\les and to the future
use of natural resources.
We unreservedly support the resolution adopted by the Ccmference of t.lle
Organiza tion of African Unity (OAU) held at Addis Ababa, which condemned the use of
Afr ican States as dlmping grounds by the more industr ialized countr ies, under
wha tever financial terms proposed. We call upon the in terna tional community to
take vigorous steps to exercise surveillance in order to prevent the recurrence of
such reprehensible and irresponsible acts and to assist the affected States in the
rehabilitation of their natural environment.
The rich developed countr ies should ShCM greater concern for vulnerable small
island Sta tea which are saddled wi th problems of development. In addi Hon to our
limited resources and capacity for autonomous de'Jelopnent, we are far from
international markets and heaVily dependent upon them. There is therefore an
urgent need to ensure stabil ity in these markets, especially in respect of our
comnodi ties and manufactured goods. We therefore appeal to our trading partners in
the North to remove all trade barriers and to do away with all protectionist
maasurtls which adversely affect the development of our economy.
(Sir Anerood Jugnauth, Mauri Hus)
Mauritius is actively beginning to develop regional co-operation with other
countr ies of the Indian Ocean and member States of the Preferential Trade Area with
a view to achieving greater collective self-reliance through the improvement of our
trade exchanges and the setting up of intra-regional projects. In that context, we
appreciate the generous assistance rapidly mde available by friendly countries and
international organizations so that regional oo-operation may become viable and
meaningft'!l.
The illegal use of and illicit trafficking in drugs threaten the well-being of
mankind. There is an urgent need for improved international co-operation to
counter all facets of the illicit drug problem, in particular production,
trafficking and the financing of the drug trade. My GoI1ernment has adopted tough
laws to confisC&te the proceeds of drug traffickers and to prevent money laundering.
Al though the great eighteenth-century Fnglish Iililosopher Hobbes said in his
Leviathan that man's life is short, nasty and brutish, we, after going through the
catalogue of problems and misfortunes besetting the world, have every reason to see
the light at the end of the tunnel. There is cause for satisfaction and
contentment in the knowledge that recent events in northern Africa, in Afghanistan,
in the Q2lf region r in the field of disarmament, at the Berlin conference of the
International Ma\etary Fund (IMF), and elsewhere have taken the upward path of
sanity. AboYe all, there is the oudden oonsciousness that man's destiny is the
survival of the species.
Our people are peace-loving and are dedicated to the cause. of peace at home
and an enduring peace in the world. Our people Uphold human rights and dignity.
Q.1r people uphold democratic values, principles and practices, and freedom of
associatial, of conscience and of speech. OUIt' people also believe in the sanctity
of human life, in unity at home and in the world, and in the splendour Md richness
(Sir Anerood Jugnauth, Mauri tiu.!)
of diversity. Our people also believe in one world and in man, and believe that we
should constantly search for truth and concentrate on all the common good that
binds all of us on our planet Earth and that should bind all in our common
endeavour to work for a better, safer and happier world. We also believe that we
have come - and that all should come - to the united Nations not to save face but
to save lives.
Armed with that conviction, let me conclude my address on this note of
optimism and good cheer that tomorrow a better world will dawn.
Tbe PRESmmT (interpretation from Spanish), On behalf of t.'le General
Assenbly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Mauritius for the important
statement he has just made.
~Anerood Jugnauth, Prime Minister of Mauritius, was escorted from the
rostrum.
Hr. OONELEW (Fiji), It is a pleasure, Sir, for my delegation to see you
presiding oyer the forty-third session of the General Assembly. we are certain
that with your experience in international affairs and your personal qualities you
will lead and guide our t/ork with skill and diplomacy. We cOi'lgraculate you on your
eleotion and assure you of our fulles t suppor t and co-operatian.
Our thanks go also to His Excellency Mr. Peter Florin, who so ably guided the
work of the forty-second session •
•••• J The year 1988' and the forty-third session of the General Assembly will
probably 90 down as th3 most nomen tous in the his tory of the Uni ted Natiens.
Perhaps never since its founding has the Organization played such Cl dramatic role
in conflict resolution, and that at a time when it faced the most acute financial
er Isis of its life. The secretary<~neral and his staff deserve our highest praise
for their tireless, painstaking efforts. we are confident that they will be
(Sir Anerood Jugnauth, Mauri tius)
rewarded even more for their work before the final gavel falls at the closure of
the fo~ty-third session in september next year.
The cessation of hostilities between Iran and Iraq on 20 August last after one
of the loogest wars of the century - and perhaps the bloodiest - brings relief to
two ellbattled nations and their peoples. My delegation hopes that the peace
process currently under way will lead to a lasting solution to the di fferences
w!C'.h separate those two proud nations. Peace between them will mean so IiUch lesS
turbulence in a region im(X)rtant to the economic and political stability of the
world.
As is evident from the cease-fire between Iran and Iraq brought about through
the patient mediation of the secretary-General, the United Nations can play a major
and positive role in conflict resolution. The cessation of hostilities in the GJlf
war was not the first success of the inl tiatives undertaken by the
Secretary-General within a per ied of a few months. Before that came the accord
that led to the w1 thdrawal of foreign troops from Afghanistan. Those developments
prOlJe that, irrespective of the numerous resolutions the General Assembly might
adopti there can be little hope of resolving conflicts without accompanying
positive steps towards mediation. The intervention and good offices of a third
party vi th no l'IIOtive other than the prollDtion of international peace and security,
appear to constitute an acceptable avenue. The United Nations, through the good
offices of the Secretary-General, is the third p tty which, as has been proved, can
play that vibJl role most effectively.
My delegation is confident that the best of intentions will oontinue to be
displayed by both parties in the Iran-Iraq conflict during the pAce negotiations
and that they will soon establish the bas is for a just and acceptable lcng-term
(Mr. Gonelevu, Fiji)
solution to their differences. Likewise, we also hope that the parties to the
Afghanistan accord will do nothing to jeopardiz.e the withdrawal of foreign troops
from Afghanistan.
Let us hope that progress towards peace in those two areas will impel the
parties involved in conflicts elsewhere to accept the good offices of the
secr etary-General to help r esolve their di ffer ences. The signs are favour able in
Namibia, Ojprus and Western Sahara. we urge all the parties concerned not to allow
the opportunity to pass, but rather, using the Afghanistan and Iran-Iraq
settlements as beacons,. to add momentum to mankind's most cherished hope of a
peaceful world. We are certain that the secretary-General, who has an open mandate
from all MenOer States to ~rollDte internatiQ'lal peace and security, will be ever
willing, ready and available to use his good offices in the cause of peace •
..
For small countries like my own, one way of demonstrating our commitment to
the ideals of the United Nations is to contr ibute to peace-keeping operations. We
are pleased to note that some countries which had wi thheld payments for many years
are now meeting their commitments. Regrettably, a major contributor has bl!come a
defaulter. we u~ge all Memer States not to cripple the Organization at a time
when it is poised to make its most significant contribution to peace cmd security
since its founding. Here I should like to reiterate that my country will continue
to support the United Nations in all its peaoe-making and peace-keeping
endeavours. we shall continue to contribute troops, as we do to the united Nations
Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and the United Nations Good Offices Mission for
Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNOOMAP) and to any other peace missions which might
arise. The award of the Nobel Peace Prize to the United Nations peace-keeping
forces is a fitting tribute to the Organization and the various troop-contIibuting
countries, inclUding my own.
The events in Fiji last year which necesoitated a review of our oonstitutional
basis rerrains a mjor preoccupatioo for us. we are grateful for the support which
many countries have expressed for our efforts to devise a solution relevant to our
circumstances. As those familiar with our part of the world will know, we are
determined to pursue a course of action which will be fair and just to all our
people.
The Interim Government has pursued two major objectives since it took office
on 5 December 1987. Those objectives are the reconstruction of the economy and the
preparation of a new constitution. On 15 September 1988 the Interim Government
released the eagerly awai ted draft consti tution, which contains guarantees for the
protection of fundamental rights a~d freedoms, including protection o~ the right to
life and personal liberty~ protection from slavery and forced labour) protection
from inhuman treatment~ protect1m from deprivation of property; protection for
pr ivacy of homes and other property~ protection of freedom of conscience, freedom
of expressial, freedom of assembly and aseociatio."'l and freedom of movement; and
protection from discrimina.tion on the grounds of race or religion. It is envisaged
that a consensus will emerge al the draft conatitutial, enabling the Interim
Government to fulfil its promise to hold a general election within two years of
taking office - that is before the end of» 1989.
Fiji is a multiracial country, where all ethnic groups live in harmony without
any systematic harassment. we will never institutionalize racism, as was alleged
recently. At the same time it is vital that the needs and fears of the indigenous
community be addressed if long-term peace and stability are to be assured. We need
to take affirmative action as a matter of urgency to ensure that the indigenous
ccmmunity does not become an underprivileged minority in its own country.·
The issue of deoolonization still occupies a prominent place on the Assmnbly's
agenda every year. There are now ally a few colon ial Terri tories left. We rema in
fully comi tted to the pr inciple of self-determination for all the colon ized
peoples. The option of which choice to acoept must be left to the people. once
they have made their decision the administer ing Power and the international
community l'1ust respect their choice and assist in the implementation of their
decision.
Among the few Non-Self-Governing Territories new remaining, none is of greater
interna tional concern than Namibia, which is being ill~gal1y occupied by the
minor ity racist regime of South Afr ica. Security Council resolution 435 (1978)
provides the basis for the just settlement of the Namibian question and we would
• -, Hr. Chagula (United Republic of Tanzania), Vice-President, took the Chair.
like to see it implemented in its totality. The agreement reached last month is a
positive and welcome sign and the international community must now use all its
endeavours to give it momentum, so that the people of Namibia may be granted their
inalienable right to self-determination and independence. The good offices of the
secretary-General may be vital in the pursuance and achievement of that goal.
On the opposite side of the world there is another people yearning for
self-determination. There, too, we now see more hope than was evident a few months
ago. My Government weloomes the positive measures that the new Government of
France has adopted in its policy towards New Caledoni~. The reopening of dialogue
with the people of the Territory has resulted in the formulation of a timetable for
a genuine act of self-determination.
It was with cognizance of those positive developments that my delegation, with
the full support of other South Pacific Forum menners, put forward Cl resolution on
the question of New Caledonia which the Special COJTl1littee on decolonization adopted
by consensus. That same resolution will come before the General Asserrbly. We
believe it reflects the developments now taking place. It is positive and
constructive in language and forward-looking in scope. we are confident that the
General Assembly, taking note of the current situation in the Territory, will also
adopt the resolution by consensus.
The reunification of the two Koreas remains the hope of the people of both
those countries, ardently supported by much of the international community, but it
can become a reality only given the determination of both parties to resolve
outstanding difficulties. Until that happens my Government sees no reason why
either one should be denied its rightful place in this Organization. We support
the admission of both North Korea and South Korea as full Merrbers of the Uni ted
Nations pending reunification. Fbr the present, however, if one is unable or
(Mr. Gonelevu, Fiji)
unwilling to take its seat, the other should not be penalized by being prevented
from joining the Organization.
While some positive developnents give us reason to be hopeful, my Government
CXtce again voices its strong support for the Kampuchean people in their struggle to
restore peace and stability to their war-torn country. The independence and
territorial integrity of Kamp.Jchea must be restored and this can come about only
through the withdrawal of all foreign forces. The people of Kampuchea have a
rightful claim to peace and security.
1I111e probleu and conflicts between countries can be resolved through
mediation, nothing can restore dignity and equality to a people who are oppressed
by a regime which is bigoted in its thinking and dog_tic in its policy. The
minor ity regime in South AfE'iea continues to ay in the fage of international
opinion and persists vi th its policy of apartheid. Regrettably, it is ellboldened
in pursuing its oppressive racist policy because some influential Member States
lack the political will to apply appropriate pressure. If all Mellber States that
strongly condemn and abhor the policy of apartheid had exerted consistent and firm
pl'essure en the a>tha regime, tha oppression of the 1Illjority in SOUth Africa would
not have gone on for 80 loog. If the international colllftunity continues to
vacillate and not take effective measures against the apartheM regime, it must
accept the responsibility when the volcano of suppression erupts. That day does " not appear to be far away. let us therefore act collectively and effectively so
that bloodshed and violence can be avoided.
The easing of tensions and the resolution of regional CX)nfl icts has been given
a greater impetus by the recent improvement of relations between the two
super-PCNers, leading to enhanced prospects IOf a more J.asting peace through arms
reduction. 8Jt mch more rellllins to be achiwed if the world ia to be spared the
scourge of another ter. If the wor Id is to be saved for succeeding generations,
the elimination of nuclear weapons must remain our principal concern and steadfast
goal. Until agreement can be reached on i:his score, hawever, we believe that the
time has come to cease all nuclear tea ting. In this regard, my delega tion condemns
in the strongest possible terms the continued testing of nuclear devices in the
SOuth Pacific region, which~ under the Treaty of Rarotonga, has been declared a
nuclear-weapon-free zone.. We urge France to respect that Treaty and des 1st froll
defiling our part of the world e we would go further and urge the three
nuclear-weapon states - Britain, France and the tl'Iited States - which have not yet
done so to accept and siCJl' the Protocols to the South Paci fie aJclear-Free ZOne
Treaty.
The impact of the continuing international financial turlllOU ha a
particularly devastating effect on the third world, and IICre so on island
developing countr ies such as lily own. The vulnerabU ity of such States means that
tlIhen the world economy is heal thy we are amable to take full advantage of the
boom. But when conditions are difficult we suffer the greatest penalty. The
escalating debt crisis, worsening of the terllS of trade and rising protectionism
will lIlean a gr inller future unless co1llprehei1sive steps are taken to cushion their
impact on the developing wodd. MJch is _de of partnership between developed and
developing, but this has to be reflected In IIDre equitable policies and a greater
willingness to Rhare.
Through its numerous social and economic progranmes the United Nations has
given dignity and self-respect to milUons of people in wery ccxner of the world.
Now it is embarked on a major task - to illprove international peace and security.
Yet the Organization is faced with a wOI:sening financial crisis which today is more
er it!cal than it has ever been in its 43-year history. Every Memer State ha the
right to criticize the Organization, to point out its Shortcomings, to ask for
reforms alld greater cost-effectiveness. But no Helllber State should expect to be
able to exercise that right when it does not hQ'lour its financial obligations.
The Organization continues to face a cr itical financial situation. Repeated
requests by the Seeret&ry-General for timely and full payliVJnt of assessed
O)ntribut!ons continue to go unheeded, taking the Organization nurer to the brink
of bankruptcy. we support &nd join the Secretary-General in his plea to all Menber
States to honour their financial obligations under the Charter •
The 011 ted Nations has lcng been accused of being ineffective. The events of
the last few DOnths prove that when Helllber States show the will to support it the
«kganization can play an important role in helping to build a moE'. peaceful and
better world. x.t us therefore give it the 8upport it deserves. Let us make it an
Organization to be proud of and one lI"lder whose aegis we can build a better world
for our children.
Nr. CENAC (Saint IAlcia) ~ I ask the President to accept rtrf
~ congratulations on his election and elevation to his most illustrious and
profoundly important position. We are not unaware of his formidable credentials,
and I am as confident as we all are that this session will be as fruitful as any.
After several years of being shll'lted into th,e shadows, of having its moral
authority tmdermined, and consequently dr iven into decline, the tl11ted Ha tions is
aga in on the ascendancy, though still threatened by the ultimate modern Damoclean
sword of financial euangulat!al. Qlce again, the phoenix rises from the ashes, ae
it roee some 43 years ago from the burning heat and debr is of conventional and
nuclear calflagraticn, man's greatest folly.
Four and a half decades ago we fought the war to end all wars. But the result
left us angry and bitter, locked in a nev cold war and frightened, because the
result of that war vas the birth of a .lew weapons system that in itself had the
power to end all wars. aat to end all wars - indeed to end it all - we should have
to use the new weapons system, whose use would end everyth In9, would end us all.
aat the solution had itself creattld a new probleJI. So we created the united
Nations to do for us wbat we could not do for ourselves: stop the ridiculous
carnage.
But the Organization quickly got in the way of aabitious lien, mon of power; so
we sidestepped it, elU8culated it, asked it not to interfere, and turned to it only
when convenient to seek maxillulI proP8gancla "alue for our cause. We thus created a
vast dychotomy between what we say wi thin the Organization and what we do wi thout.
That la a fact.
Thirty yetars ago, while still standing in the rubble of the second tbrld war,
we joined, with alacrity, in adopting a G4!tneral Assemly resolution calling for
general and collplete disarmament and char~Jed this Organization to oversee it. Yet,
since that time we have DIOre than quadrupl.ed our military expenditure in real terms
to over SI trillion a year, all the time adopting more resolutions, n~ almost
1,000, calling for serious measures towards disarmament. That is also a fact.
The paramount raison dletre of the United Nations really must be that a
nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. We all share this view.
Nevertheless, we have stockpiled over 13,000 megatons of them, just in case. And
since a nuclear war cannot be won, those whose amition it is to win wars must
fight conventional ones, and so we have had more than 150 in the last 40 years,
killing more people than those that died in the last great war. That is yet
another fact.
Upon the Organization we piled indignity upon indignity, and allowed it to
become nothing more than our best excuse. When we looked into the mirror of the
United Nations we saw not ourselves, but a giant piece of machinery, infused with
energy to do work. So the Uni ted Mations should keep the peace, we said; and our
citizens believed it.
It is no wonder that they began to lose hope not in their Gcwern.nt, but in
the United Nations - faith lIisguided. J: all proud to say that Saint Lucia was not
alllOng those who had lost hope, and we will never lose hope in the importance,
effectiveness, or continued vi.bility of this Organization.
Froll the initial use of the term -united Nations- by the AlAerican
President Pranklin Roosevelt, through the Ban Prancisco Charter, to the official
dawn of this Organization on 24 OCtober 1945, the united Nations as an organization
has been looked in a battle for supremacy ef will over the always paroch tal, often
bellicose, actions and intentions of nation States. Ne are often reminded by our
Secretary-General that the United Nations is not a supranational authorityu It
cannot, without the col'llbined will of all the memers of the security Council,
impose its own w~ Jl. upon its Mel'llbers. It is an Organization made up of independent
and sovereign nations. aJt the Organization has no sovereignty of its own, so it
can only initiate, harmonize and encourage its Menmers to take effective actions
which a~e in keeping with the dpirit of the Charter.
In many respects, then, this remarkable Organization, despite the machinations
of Member States, has proven to be exceedingly resourceful in meeting the
challenges that daily confront it. So, once again, exhausted by the international
tribulations of our own creation, we turn to it in a desperate search for respite.
We have always looked to the Organization in the aocial and economic spheres,
bu t now it seems that we have returned to it in a t te!lpt1~g to solve our poll t i cal
problems.
For the past eight years Saint Loch has been among those countries that have
called for the preservation of the sovereignty, territorial integrity, political
independence and non-~ligned character of Afghanistan. We have also repeatedly
reaffirmed the right of the Afghara PeOple to determine theia.' own form of
govern_nt, and to choose their econe.lc, political and social systea free frOll
outside intervention, subversion, coercion or constraint of any kind whatsoever.
we a180 called for the withdrawal of foreign troops frOll Afghanistan, and urged all
parties concerned to work for the urgent acbieveMnt of a political solution in
accordance with the spirit of the Charter, and the creation of the necessary
conditions that would enable the Afghan refugees to return voluntarily to their
hOlles in safety and honour.
Thanks to the tireless efforts of the secretary-General, and his
representative, Mr. Diego Cordcwez, we witneGsed the conclu~ion of the Genevoll
Accords lollst ~ril as a IIUljor point of departure in the long effort to find oll
peaceful solution to the situolltion in Af9hanistan. we therefore urge all parties
to live up to the letter ollnd spirit of the Geneva Accords so that we may soon
r@alize the outcome which we all desire.
The frolluicidal eight-yeollr-long armed conflict between Ir.aq and Irolln hollS been
ollllOng the bloodiest in this century. Prom the start of the war in 1980, the United
Nations has been active through various channels in trying to get the parties to
compose their differenc~s. saint Lucia is gratified by the cease-fire that was
finolllly secured on 20 August this year. We urge both parties to br ing the
necessary political will and flexibility to the table to assure the effectuation of
a just ollnd lasting peace in the region.
The question of Cyprus, too, has for lalg been a troubling one. We have dealt
wl th th18 que8Uon, in orae aspect or another, for the past 2S years. The decision
by the leaders of the two sides, upon an initiative of the secretaryoaGeneral, to
lIHt without any pre-eonditicns and to attempt to achieve by 1 June 1989 a
negotiated settlement of all aspects of the Cyprus problem is particul&rly welco!fie
at this time.
Also in SOuth-East Asia thera has been positive moveaent. Nine years ago. the
Genera! Assembly called upon all States to refrain from any interference in the
internal affairs of Kampuc:hea and resolved that the peoplli! of I.""puchea should bf'
enabled to choose democratically their Ot1n government without outside interference.
subversion or coercion.
Saint IA.1cia has actively supported this principle every year since then. we are
therefore heartened th~tt en~ulaged by indicat;ons that all parties concerned are
now interested in achieving a political solution to the problem, the
Secretary-General has presented to the parties a number of spec! fie ideas intended
to facilitate the elaboration of a framework for a canprehensive political
settlement. We urge them to consider those ideas seriously.
Since 1946 we have dealt with the question of Namibia at 42 successive
sessions, at three special sessions, and at one emergency special session of the
General Assembly. We have repeatedly demanded that the apartheid regime of SOuth
Africa immediately and unconditionally withdraw its illegal administration,
occupation army and police force from Namibia, but the racist regime has persisted
in its refusal to comply with the resolutions and decisions of the secur ity
Council, thus violatinq the principles of the Charter and defying the authority of
the United Nations.
After more than four decades of intransigence on the part of South Africa,
there are now some signs of movement in the right direction. saint wcia fervently
hopes that the Brazzaville agreenents will be successful.
Tne South African regime h~s thumbed its nose at the international community
for so Img. We hope, however, that these first steps in the right direction are
merely the begiMing of a journey which will lead soon to the release of
Nelson Mandela and the dismantling of the heinous apartheid system.
Saint wcia is encouraged by the atmosphere of conciliation which seems to
surround the peace plan of the secretary-General and the head of the Organization
of African Unity that was submitted to the concerned parties in Western Sahara. We
hope that this spirit of conciliation will lead to a speedy, just and lasting
negotiated solution to th is problem.
(Mr. Cenac, saint Lucia)
The situation in the Middle But ~ell8ins our most intractable probleJl. saint
Lucla wishes to reite~~te its view that the qutlstion of Palestine is at the core of
the conflict in the Mid~le But and that no cc.prehensive, just and lasting peace
in the region can be achieved without the full exercise by the Palestinian people
of ita inalienable national rights and the i_.diate withdrawal of Israel to
internationally reco~ized and secure baunaaries.
In the !Corean peninsula, the problell of a divided Korea is also still wi th us,
and saint fAlcia looks forward to the peaceful reunification of the Republic of
Korea and the Denocratic People's Republic of Korea. saint IAlciora therefore
welcomes the contin~ation of dialogue among all parties ooncerned with a view to
achieving that objective, and we believe that, in the interill, IIlelllbership of the
United Nations for both roreas will not hinder the attainment of that goal.
saint IAlcia is concerned that there seems to be a reduction in lIO_ntulI of the
Esquipulas II agreement of the five Central AIIor iean Presidents signed on 7 August
last year. we continue to support a peaceful, negotiated solution to the conflicts
in Centr 011 Amer iea •
In the Caribbean itself, we have been concerned at the developaents that have
occurred in our sister country of Haiti. OYer the past year, saint tucia has
repeatedly called for a return to the dellOcratic process, for selection by
election, and not by dictation, for the fulfilment of the provisions of the new
Haitian Constitution, and for the creation of an opportunity for the reflQlering
and rebirth of the spirit "f a people whose forefathers pioneered the path to
freedom in this hemisphere. It is not too late. We urge the new leaders in Haiti
to seize the time to launch their country firmly on the path of demctatic proceas,
as so many other dictatorships in the hemisphere have recently done. Those who
(!.r. CHac, S8i!!,t IAlc!a)
first lit the revolutionary torch so 1'IIlmy decades ago should not now be lagging
behind in the wake of change. The region awaits cl new and dellOcratic Haiti. The
people of Haiti desire it. The IIlOlIlent is in their hands.
We approach the end of the third United Nations Developaent Decade with many
of the developing countries poorer nOW' than they were 10 years ago. International
political gains cannot be sustained without concomitant international economic
development.
With decreasing per capita gross national product in fIllny countries,
deteriorating terms of trade in others, and still others staggering under Tolstoyan
debt burdens, the developing cnuntr les face an uncertain future. These problems
are compounded by an alarmingly high level of net transfers of resources from the
developing to the developed countries, and a sharp fall in resource flowB to the
developing countries. In Latin America and the Car ibbelln, chronic poverty still
plagues more than 130 million people, or over me third of the aggregate
population. And the debt burden hovers at $400 bilUQIt.
We need to deal with these problems quickly and effectively. My delegation
therefore strongly supports both the convening of an international conference on
money and finance for develop1lent, with universal participation, and the convening
of a special session of the GE.neral Assembly devoted to the reactivatic)n of
economic growth in the developing countries.
We are all in sympathy with the peoples of Jamaica and Mexico who suffered so
terribly from the devastation of hurricane Gilbert. we in saint tucia consider
ourselves fortunate by comparison, having escaped with atly a few million dollars'
worth of dalllillge, caused by flooding and landslides. we urge the international
collil\unity to support the resolution on emergency &ssistance to Jamaica to be
introduced later this year.
(Hr. Cenac, saint tucia)
In the past 20 years, natural disasters have clai~d the lives of ewer
3 million people and causf\d more than 823 billion in damage.
we in the smll island dweloping comtries are particularly prone since
natural disasters show a marked concentration in tropical and sub-tropical
eliRBtes. Hurricanes, tropical cyclones and typhoons are essentially a feature of
warm oceans and co::astal regions. Over larger land masses and temperate seas their
violence decreases rapidly.
In this oentu1ry alone, in Il¥ own sub-region, hurricanes have strude Barbados,
Cuba, DoIIlinica, the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica and my own country. Many of
these islands hwe been hit several times. Volcanic eruptions have davastated
Guadeloupe, Martinique and saint Vincent and the Grenadines. Earthquakes have
caused damage in Antigua and Barbuda, the Dominican Republic, Jamaica and Puerto
Rico.
The effects of any disaster are more pronouncad for a small island than for a
larger country wi th a wide variety of prodlcts, back-Up faciU tie:o; a."""'d resources
for recovery. We therefore eager Iy lend our support to the adoption of General
Assenbly resolution 42/169. Last year, the 1990s were designated as the
international decade for natural disaster reduction, a decade in which the
international community, under the auspices of the United Nations, will pay special
attention to foster if «1 international co-operation in the field of natural disaster
reduction. we commend the Secretary-General for his efficiency in establishing an
international ad hoc experts group for the international decade.
8Jt, as if natural disasters such as Hurricane Gilbert were not enough trouble
for the island developing countries of the Caribbean, we in this re9ion are being
threatened with man-made catastrolilies, potentially more devastating. OVer the
past year, Caribbean countries have been alarmed at re(X)rts that a number of
(Hr. Cenac, Saint IAlcia)
companies, particularly in the united States, were making arrangements to dump tons
of hazarcbus indls tr ia1 and nuclear was te in the Car ibbean. In fact, in one recent
particularly callous incident, a ship dumped suc:h waste on a beach in Haiti after
Haitian authorities had denied it permission to enter its territory. A few months
later, the Caribbean was placed m the alert for another such ship which seemed
headed for our waters with another shipment of that horrible cargo.
The dangers of toxic waste fot the Caribbean are enormous, even more so than
for those countries of affluence which refuse to accept their own industrial
effluence. Given the pcxous na ture of the soils in the tropical Car ibbean, the
toRi.ns contained in the waste can spread rapidly through the food chaine The
threat therefore is not merely to our tour ism industry from the dall\1ge to our
beaches, but to life itself - to marine life, the environment, to human life. In
the small islands of the Caribbean, life as we know it can therefore easily
disappear.
We call upon those coun tr ies whose compan ies are engaged in th is nefar 10us
activity to take actim to halt th is trend. we are particularly concerned where
secret deals and arrangements are worked out between some companies and <bvernment
officials, where waste is shipped under false labels, and we urge our sister
Caribbean countries to be vigilant in this regard and to preserve the integrity and
purity of our environmente we Me encouraged that the United Nations~ in the
spir it of General Assembly resolution 42/183 (1987) which condemned waste
traffick 1ng, is attempting to regula te the trade, and we hope that the
international oolll1lunity will ac:bpt the proposed global Convention on the control of
trane-boundary movements of hazardous waste Vlen it becomes ready for signature in
1989.
(Mr. Cenac, Saint Lucia)
In general, as we approach a thirteenth-veal' review, as it were, of the
special needs of island developing States, we are pleased that thete is a growing
recogni tion of the special problems and needs of island developing countries as
reflected in the resolutions passed unanimously in the General Assembly over the
past decade on island developing countries, and in the Declaration of the 'l\ielfth
Annual Meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the Group of Seventy-Seven.
Since the early 19708 the work of the tl1ited N&tions Conference on Trade and
Developnent (UNClAD) has CDn tr ibuted to a better Wlder standing of island developing
countries and has been a determining factor in assisting the international
c:olllllunity to recognize their specific problems. 1'lJmerous analytical and
descriptive studies have shown that small island developing countries have
characteristics distinct from those of developing countries in gede~al. As a
result, the type of development strategy regarded as appropriate in general is, in
many respects, inappropriate for thCl6e countries in particular.
As we undertake the loog-overdue review of the question of island developing
countr ies this year, my delegation hopes that we can move from the stage of the
purely academic to ale of putting in place specific medlanisms to assist those
countries in particular and effective ways.
We now have, so to speak, a second chance to make this Organization what it
was supposed to beo In 1969, U Thant, then Secretary-General, warned us that we
had little time left in which to subordinate our: ancient quarrels and launch a
global partnerehip to curb the arms race, to imprO\Ye the human environment, to
defuse the population explosion and to give the 1'6quired momentum to developnent
efforts. And, to be sure, it is a truism, as laid down in the principles of the
Inter-Allied Declaration of 12 June 1941 that~
(Hr. Cenac, Saint ILtcia)
RThe only uue bas is of endur ing peace is the will ing co-opera tion of free
peoples in a world in which, relieved of the menace of aggression, all may
enjoy eCalomic and social security. It is up to us. R
A second dawn has broken and a new opportunity arisen to take a trUly global
approach to solving Wlat, in the final analys is, are all global problems. Let us
not waste this second chance.
The meeting rose at 1 p.m.
(Hr. Cenac, saint IAleia)